Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 3

The hearts of majestic rulers and just throne occupants, whose speech and action as well as the pure temple of their souls are illuminated by the glory of truth, are cups^638a which display the world. Especially is this the case with our world's lord, whom, on account of his right intentions, good deeds, ample intellect and wide toleration, the illustrious ones of the spiritual world as well as the chosen ones of the outer world serve with gladness. Whatever he desires is, as it were, the interpretation of destiny, and things which do not show themselves to the vision of the acute, easily come into existence for ⁴²⁸ him. The circumstances of this turbulent evildoer are a fresh proof of this, and are a charm to awake the somnolent. After that burnt-out star had taken the road of flight, and the^638b departure of the Shāhinshāh had enlightened mankind, he could have been seized if a little pursuit had occurred, and that thorn would have been pulled up from the root. But in the joy of victory they did not attend to this, and the foolish talk of the wicked and crooked in their ways was an additional obstacle. After the lapse of one^638c day, Qulīj K., Sharīf K., Naurang K., Tūlak K. and others arrived, and there was an active discussion. Meanwhile that wretch righted himself by the might of gold-scattering. He went to Cambay and seized much property from the traders. The slaves of gold gathered round him, and the peasantry, thinking him to be the child of their former Sulṭāns, showed him loyalty. The assemblage of men, and the drawing rein by the victorious army, made more courageous him who had lost heart, and he renewed the war. He gave out that the foot of his courage had slipt, at the report of the coming of the august retinue. The imperial servants, on account of the soldiers' complaining that they were destitute, and of the foolish talk of ignorant cowards, did not set their face to fighting, and begged for the august advent. They were too pressing in their wishes and became unduly apprehensive. The world's lord heartened them by excellent counsels. He said that the strifemonger would soon be reduced to ashes, and that the imperial army would be successful. No long time elapsed before the dust of turbulence was laid, and the Shāhinshāh's knowledge of secrets became impressed on mankind. The officers got courage and took up again the idea of fighting. Many were of opinion that all should unite and endeavour to drive away Moẓaffar. But some thought that as the first army had endured hardships it might now repose, and that Qulīj K., Naurang K. and the Mālwa army might apply themselves to this work, and that M. Khān and the other strenuous ones might go to Ahmadabad and exert themselves in civilizing the country. At^639a last they agreed to act together, and addressed themselves to the putting down of Moẓaffar. They went on one or two stages, and then proceeded to spend their time. M. Khān, relying on the fortune of the Shāhinshāh, could not bring himself to remain (behind) and left Saiyid Qāsim, who was wounded, Muḥammad Ḥusain S., Shādmān, Khwāja Abu-l-qāsim dīwān and others with 2000 men to protect the city, and he and the other officers joined the army that had gone on, and proceeded to Cambay which was the seat of Moẓaffar's turbulence. The latter sent Saiyid Daulat with some troops towards Dūlqa, and the sons of Ikhtiyar-al-mulk, and Musṭafā Shīrwānī to M'amūrābād, and prepared in his presumption and shortsightedness, for war. When the victorious troops had reached the distance of ten kos (from him), Moẓaffar lost courage and went off to the town of Bāshad¹,^640a which is the residence of Acal Harpār,^640b landowner. The imperial troops went on to Baroda. Tūlak K. was sent off to punish Saiyid Daulat and to return. The rest of the army addressed themselves to the chastisement of Moẓaffar. On 19 Isfandārmaẕ (about 1 March 1584) they came to heights and valleys. They traversed difficult routes and had some fighting with a large body of rebels. By the Divine aid they gained the victory, but on account of the excessive heat they did not pursue them. Moẓaffar crossed the Narbadda and withdraw to the town of Nadot.^640c From there he went to the Koh-i-Cāmpa(?)^640d That is a village sixty kos from Aḥmadābād. The world is eloquent about its strength. There are lofty hills E., W. and N. of it. S. is the river Taptī.^641a When the imperialists encamped at Nādot, a council of war was held. Every one gave his opinion according to the extent of his wisdom, about advancing, or halting, or returning. The first idea was adopted, and the foolish talkers were put to silence. At this time came Tūlak Fīrūzmand, and those acquainted with secrets took an augury of victory. Also at this time the death of Simak^641b produced joy. Whoever from an evil fate turns away from the dominion which is conjoined with eternity soon has the dust of failure poured upon his head by the celestial managers, and is sent down to annihilation. This wretch was the source of the disturbance, and had few equals in wickedness. When the noise of the approach of the world-conquering troops came near, Moẓaffar left Naṣīrā,^641c Carkas, and that wretch (Simak) in Broach. Inasmuch as the double-faced and ten-hearted adorn the lips with the words of friendship, but have not internal knowledge thereof, he was continually sending letters of concord to Payanda K. Moghul. Some of these fell into Naṣīra's hands, and he was lying in wait to kill him. He played a trick and represented himself as ill. The evildoer came to sympathize with him, and was put to death. Three hundred Tūrānīs, who were his comrades, accompanied him to the abyss of annihilation. The defeat of Saiyid Daulat was also a joyful news. When Tūlak^641d K. had turned him out he returned and again took possession of Cambay, and turned his attention to plundering Petlād. Khwājam Bardī the thānadār fought with him, and was victorious. At this time Atālīq Bahādur fled. During this campaign this shameless Uzbeg left the enemy and joined the imperialists. Miyān^641e Bahādur represented his loyalty and took him into his charge. Both of them from wickedness and crooked thoughts spoke idle words and confused simple men. One ⁴³⁰ day, when the camp came to Nādot, that wicked tyrant (qābūcī, lit. janitor) went off with some men on a roadless road (i.e. were put to death). The other was sent to prison, and the vogue of folly was destroyed. There came eagerness for battle.^642a M. Khān, Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad K. and others were in the centre. Sharīf K. Naurang K. and others adorned the right wing. Qulīj K., Tūlak K. and the jāgīrdārs of Mālwa were in the left wing. Payinda K., Rai Durgā and others were in the vanguard. Khwāja Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad, Mīr M'aṣūm Bhakkarī and others were in the reserve. On the 29th (about 10 March) they marched from Nādot. Moẓaffar was terrified and went off to a high hill. Many audacions men came forward and prepared for battle. The imperial left wing made a fine attack, and several times each side repulsed the other. The brave on both sides contended on foot. During this contest, a party of brave men belonging to the right wing got to the top of a high hill, and by cannon and musketry disconcerted the presumptuous foe. Then the reserve attacked them. Then the brave men who were alongside of the imperial left wing made a general attack. Many of the enemy were killed, but most of them fled, covered with dust and blood.

The hearts were arrows,^642b and the brains cleft,
Their clothes were bloody, and their steps^642c dust.
One, with cuirass on breast, had his head laid low by the mace,
Another fell on his head with the dagger in his hand.

The leader of the rebels lost heart, and took to flight. When things came to a hand-to-hand fight the rebels vainly strove. As the daily-increasing fortune was in the ascendant they lost the power of struggling, and they were disgraced and took the road of failure. The brave men hastened to hunt for lives, and, in a short time, nearly 2000 persons were killed. Five hundred were made prisoners and went to their last sleep. The enlightened Khedive offered fresh thanksgiving for this great victory, and he exalted the loyal servants by various favours. M. Khān was raised to the rank of a panchazāri (5000) and got the title of Khān-Khānān. In him good intentions were allied with skill, and wide capacity went shoulder to shoulder with benevolence and so fortune unveiled her face to him, and made him the executant of good deeds.

At the time when the news of the Gujarat disturbances arrived, H.M. inquired from Amīr Fatḥ Ullah of Shīrāz—who was an astronomer ⁴³¹ acquainted with the^643a minutest details of the science—about the circumstances of friend and foe, and about the final result The Mīr made researches in the heavens, and reported that it appeared that in this year two battles would be fought, and that the imperial servants would be victorious. As he reported, so did it turn out, and there was a fresh currency of the recognition (of Akbar's and Fatḥ Ullah's merits).

In this commencement of fortune there arrived the New Year with fresh achievements of Fortune conjoined with eternity, and another joy was imparted to the new generation of mankind. The leafless ones of creation had a novel glory.

You complained of the coming of leaf-shedding Bahman.
Look up and behold the garden for Bahman^644a is in flight.
Hark to the thunder, verily 'tis the sound of the tabor.
The world holds a bridal, and the garden comes in bridal dress.

The imperial artificers gave profound attention to the adornment of the palace, and made the preparations for the festival in an excellent manner. The feast of joy was prepared on 25 Isfandārmaẕ in the garden which had been made by H.H. Miriam-Makānī four kos from Fatḥpūr. Many secluded ladies were received in that pleasure-house. When four minutes of the night of Wednesday, 8 Rabī'-al-awwal 992, 10 or 11 March 1584, had passed, the world-illuminating sun bestowed a fresh glory on the Sign of Aries, and the rosy hue of uniformity decked the face of day and night (the equinox). The fifth year of the third cycle began, and the world had new splendour. Also on this day the Khān 'Ā'aẓim M. Koka arrived from Ḥājīpūr and did homage, and increased the joy. On the 15th (Farwardīn) there was a great feast in the special garden (Bāgh Khāṣa) and crowds of men attained their desires. From the time of entry (of the sun) to that of exaltation (19 Farwardīn) there was a great festival every day, and the Shāhinshāh gratified the wishes of high and low. In the beginning of this year the Divine Era was introduced, and produced joy among mankind, as has already been related.

One of the occurrences was the arrival of M. Beg Qāqshāl and other men from Bengal. When it had been conquered for the third time, M. Beg, Wazīr Jamīl, Khāldīn, Farrukh Īrghalīq and others took the road of loyalty by the help of skilful and right-thinking men. They were however always alarmed and confused on account ⁴³² of their own bad conduct. When Shahbāz K. was victorious, and Ṣādiq K. was proceeding to court, the persons above mentioned joined him. They regarded this opportunity as a boon. When news of this was received, Mohan Dās was sent by relays of horses to turn back Ṣādiq K. and to send him to the army of Wazīr K. who was confronting Qutlū. He was also to make the Qāqshāls hopeful of princely favours, and to bring them to court. That swift messenger joined them in Tānda. Ṣādiq K. obeyed the orders and went off in that direction (i.e. to Wazir K.). In order to soothe the apprehensive Qāqshāls, his eldest son Zāhid was sent along with them. They arrived at this time and reaped bliss by doing homage. The Shāhinshāh exalted them by various favours, and joy seized thousands whose hopes had been broken.

One of the occurrences was the death of Tarsūn^645a K. When Shahbāz K. had defeated M'aṣūm K., he went off to the country of Bhātī, and did not heed the typhoon-like violence of the rivers. His idea was to test 'Īsā^645b K. the ruler of that country, who was always expressing his loyalty. If he delivered up M'aṣūm K. and the other rebels, his lips and his heart would accord. Otherwise the veil over his conduct would be removed, and his wickedness would have its retribution. Bhātī^645c is a low country and has received this name because Bengal is higher. It is nearly 400 kos in length from east to west and about 300 kos from north to south. East of this country are the ocean and the country of Ḥabṣha(?).^646a West is the hill country where are the houses of the Kahīn(?)^646b tribe. South is Tānda. North also the ocean^647a and the terminations of the hill-country of Tibet. The father of this chief (būmi) belonged to the Bais^647b tribe of Rajputs. In that fluviatile region he continually displayed presumption and refractoriness. In the time of Selīm K., Tāj K.^647c and Daryā K. went to that country with large forces, and after many contests he came in and surrendered. In a short while he again rebelled. They managed by a trick to get hold of him and sent him to the abode of annihilation, and sold his two sons 'Īsā and Ishmael to merchants. When the cup of Selīm K.'s life was full, and Tāj K. became predominant in Bengal,^648a Quṭbu-d dīn, the paternal uncle of 'Īsā, obtained glory by good service, and by making diligent search brought back both brothers from Turān. 'Īsā acquired fame by his ripe judgment and deliberateness, and made the twelve zamindārs^648b of Bengal subject to himself. Out of foresight and cautiousness he refrained from waiting upon the rulers of Bengal, though he rendered service to them and sent them presents. From a distance he made use of submissive language.

When the bank of the river Ganges near Khiẓrpūr^3648c became an imperial camp, there were strong forts on the two sides of the river owing to the spot's being a thoroughfare. In a short time both of these were taken with severe fighting, and Sonargaon came into the possession of the imperial servants. They also reached Karābūh?^648d which was his ('Īsā's) home. That populous city was plundered. A force was sent against Bārā Sindar,^649a which is a large town, and much plunder was obtained. From there they came^649b to the Brahmaputra. This is a great river which comes from Assam.^649c After a little fight, which took place with the scouts (qarāwalān), Ma'ṣūm lost firmness and took refuge in an island.^649d He was nearly made prisoner. At this time 'Īsā, who had gone to Koc (Cooch Bihār) arrived with a large and well-equipped army. The imperial servants took post at Totak on the bank of the said river and opposite the city of Kināra1^650a Sindār and established a fort there. On both sides there were hot engagements by land and water. The imperialists were continually successful. They sent to Ṭarsūn K. and directed that he should make a demonstration at Bajasrāpur^650b and so distract the enemy (lit. make them of two minds or hearts). Two roads led from the town of Bhawāl^650c (i.e. Nagarī). One was far away from the enemy and the other was by the river bank, and this was very near them. By heaven's decree Ṭarsūn K. took the latter route. Ma'ṣūm K. heard of this and marched rapidly with a large force. Shahbāz K. sent Muḥibb Ālī K., Rajah Gopāl, Khangār and others. He also sent a swift courier to warn him and to bid him take up a strong position until the reinforcements arrived. He (Ṭarsūn) did not believe^650d the message and grieved for Shahbāz K., thinking (or saying) that the rebels had committed a fraud, and had by this contrivance separated a body of troops from Shahbāz. As the courier was very urgent and his companions represented the advantages of caution and the evils of carelessness, he set about looking for a shelter and found a suitable place. But as he in no way believed what the courier said he did not halt there but went on towards the camp (of Shahbāz). Just then news came that an enemy was approaching. He cast away the thread of farsightedness and concluded that it was the reinforcement, and was preparing to receive it with hospitality. He had gone some steps when the tumult of the foe filled with dust the field of his security. Though his well-wishers urged him to hasten to the shelter until the men should come from the camp (of Shahbāz) and urged that possibly the officers of the reinforcement might come up, it was of no avail. He set himself with a strong heart and a tranquil mind to engage in combat. Some went off, alleging that they were going for arms. Though not more than fifteen men remained with him, he boldly took the field. Farīdūn Ḥusain, ⁴³⁴ and 'Alī Yār, who was related to him, were favoured by fortune and bought eternal fame with the money of life. Ṭarsūn K. was wounded and made prisoner. Ma'ṣūm K. spoke lovingly to him and wanted him to join him. As he was of a loyal disposition, he reproached and censured him, and gave him lofty counsels. The shameless one of narrow capacity put him to death, and Ṭarsūn gathered in his old age an everlasting good name.

One of the occurrences was the death of the painter Daswanth.^651a He was the son of a Kahār (pālkī-bearer caste). The acuteness and appreciativeness of the world's lord brought his great artistic talents to notice. His paintings were not behind those of Bihzād^651b and the painters of China. All at once melancholy took possession of him, and he wounded himself with a dagger. After two days he paid back the loan of life, and grief came to the hearts of connoisseurs.

Another occurrence was the wounding of Sānwal^651c Dās; he was Rajah Gopāl Jādūn's brother's son, and was one of the personal attendants. At the end of the day he was hurrying to go on guard. Bīcā^652a Bhāthī from his enmity towards him thought that in this rapid movement Sānwal had the evil intention of killing him. He therefore attacked him with a sword and struck^652b him such a blow that experienced physicians thought he would not recover. The world's Khedive visited him and cast the shadow of his graciousness over him. By his breathings, Sānwal recovered from his mortal injury, and after three years became quite well.

Among the occurrences were the disturbance in Badakhshān, and the apologies of M. Ḥakīm. Evil-minded strife-mongers stirred up the dust of dissension between MM. Sulaiman and Shāhrukh. From carelessness and love of flattery these two could not distinguish friend from foe. They fell out with one another and did not attend to the administration of the kingdom. The soldiers were discontented, the subjects suffered injustice, the country was uncultivated, the forts unprovisioned. Whoever attends to his own comfort and neglects the helpless will soon strike his foot against the stone of failure. And whoever does not regard the winning of hearts as a great blessing will soon become a wanderer in the desert of ruin. While indulging in such evil conduct they turned away from supplicating Shāhanshāh, and (at the same time) spent their days in pride and conceit. 'Abdullāh K. Uzbak, the ruler of Turān, got his opportunity and came to Badakhshān, and got possession of ⁴³⁵ that strong country without a battle. The Mīrzās fell into the desert of helplessness. M. Ḥakīm awoke from the heavy slumber of self-conceit, and sent skilful ambassadors, and made a thousand entreaties. The world's lord granted the envoys' wishes and dismissed them. The gist of the reply was “The Mīrzās of Badakhshān are receiving the retribution of their ingratitude. Make yourself glorious, outwardly and inwardly, by the splendour of sincerity so that far and near it may be perceived. Assuredly in that case others will be afraid of you. If before this be recognized, any one make an attempt on your country we shall, in the first place, send skilful and faithful men to administer good advice (to 'Abdullāh). If this be not effective, we shall send warriors who are grippers of victory, rank-breaking elephants, vast treasures, and a large part of artillery under the command of one of our fortunate sons.” The envoys had not come out of the kingdom when a second petition arrived to the effect that “The Mīrzās of Badakhshān have, with repentant hearts and ashamed countenances, taken shelter at this eternal dominion (i.e. Kābul). What is the order?” M. Ḥakīm also represented his own state of confusion. The order was “At our court, repentance is purchased at a high price (i.e. much is given for it). Give the Mīrzās news of joy, and send them off after making them hopeful of the Shahanshāh's favour. And do you yourself rely upon our daily-increasing fortune, and stand firm, and be under no apprehensions.” The language now used is the same as that in the previous rescript.

One of the occurrences was the submission of Qutlū Kararānī. It has been mentioned that part of the victorious army of Bengal had marched to the Bhāti country with Shahbāz K. and that another portion was with Wazīr K. in Bardwān and was stationed there to repress Qutlū. This army was spending its time there on account of the ill-timed moderation of Wazīr K. When Ṣādiq K. joined, real work was done, and the face of fortune assumed fresh glory. That presumptuous one (Qutlú) lost endurance, broke up his camp, and went off with shame to Orissa. The officers pursued him and arrived at Tukarōī.^653a His condition became desperate and he took refuge in the forest of Dharmpūr.^653b With craft he mixed gold with entreaty (zar bazārī, “gold and greeting”). The officers, from cupidity, and the hardships of campaigning, did not attend to the circumstances, and made use of a former order which was to the effect that if the dweller in the ravine of ruin should bind himself to the saddle-straps of eternal dominion, they were not to take his past into account, and were to make over Orissa to him. He out of gratitude sent his brother's son to court, and also sent sixty choice elephants and other presents. On 1 Tīr, 11 June 1584 S., Ibrāhīm Fatḥpūrī was exalted by doing homage, and brought the envoys to the court. When the assembly of peace had been held, ⁴³⁶ Wazīr K. was sent back to Tānda, and Ṣādiq K. to Patna. Every one rejoiced in getting his fief. On the 13th the lunar weighing of the world's lord took place and a delightful feast rejoiced far and near.

One of the occurrences was Rajah Bīrbar's having a renewal of life. The caugān-ground had been fitted up and there was an elephant fight going on. Suddenly the elephant Cācar, which was unique for violence, and for the killing of men, rushed to kill a foot passenger, but then passed him by and turned towards the Rajah. He was nearly killing him with his proboscis. The Shāhanshāh from his general benevolence and especial kindness (for Bīrbar), and great courage, urged on his horse and came between the monster and the Rājah. The enraged brute rushed at the cavalier of the arena of courage and a cry went up from mankind, and the livers of iron-hearted men became like water. All at once, it stood still, overcome by the majestic “Avaunt” (Dūrbāsh). Amazement seized the beholders.

Among the occurrences were the deaths of Ghāzī^654a K. Badakhshī and Sulṭān Khwāja^654b Naqshbandī. The first was a hero elightened by wisdom. To the sword he added the high dignity of the pen. Though stupid in conventional learning, yet by the blessing of his discipleship of the world's lord he in company with the illuminate-sages (dānishwarān-i.'Ishq) and the pure Ṯūfīs, performed his devotions (to Akbar). Thus, though tied by external circumstances, he gathered a share of deliverance. He always had a weeping eye (chashm-i-giryān) and a burning heart. He made the final journey (i.e. died) in the city of Awadh on 4th Amardād (about 15th July 1584). Apparently, an act of sexual intercourse and improper food conducted him to the abode of annihilation.

Though the second (Sulṭān Khwāja) had not garnered much knowledge, and had never ascended the heights or sounded the depths of learning, yet many of the heartfelt words of Ṣūfism had polished his nature, and he became cognisant of the spirit of the age by the virtue of the Shāhanshāh's glance. By a genuine discipleship he pressed on towards the pleasant abode of Freedom (īṭlāq). On the 5th (Amardād—25th July 1584) he died at Fatḥpūr from weakness of the stomach and heart. The loving sovereign was grieved at the departure of those two wise men, and by lofty counsels administered comfort to their children and other mourners. He took upon himself the charge of providing for them.

One of the occurrences was the sending of the Khān Āẓim M. Koka to Mālwa. It has been mentioned that when he was in Allahabad he became disgusted with holding jāgirs in Bengal and Bihar. Accordingly Raisīn and Garha were assigned to him. On the 17th he set out for those places after being loaded with counsels. On 25th Shahrīwar, about 4th September 1584, Bāqī^655a K., the brother of Adham K., died. His surviving family was cared for by the sympathetic Shāhanshāh.

One of the occurrences was the disgrace of Saiyid Daulat.^655b When there was some disturbance in Gujarat, this impure one again prevailed over Cambay. The Mota Rājah, Medinī Rāi, Rājah Mukat Man, Rām Sāh, Udai Singh, Rām Cand Bāgha Rathor, ⁴³⁷ Tulsī Dās, Jādūn Rahādur, Atūl Ghakkar, Abūl fatḥ Mughal, Qarā Baḥrī, Daulat K. Lūdī and others were appointed to chastise him. Before they arrived, he had cast his eye upon plundering Petlād. Khwājam Bardī and a body of brave men gave him battle, and he was wounded and had to fly. Also at this time 'Ābid, Mīrak Yūsuf, Mīrak Afẓal, 'Abdullāh and Timar Ḥusain came out of the hill-country of Rājpīpla and stirred up strife near the town of Mūnda,^656a and oppressed the peasantry. The Khān-Khānān sent from near the Mahindrī Khwājah Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad. Mīr Abūl Moẓaffar, Khwājr Rafī, Mīr Ma'ṯūm Bhakkarī, Sulṭān Rāthor, the son of Saiyid Hāshim,^656b and other brave men.^656c When they came to Dhūlqa (Dholka of I.G.) the rebels had dispersed, and so they returned.

Also at this time Bahar^656d K. Ghakkar stirred up strife in Badhnagar.^656e Qābil K.^656f Gujarātī, Rādhan K. and other fief-holders of that quarter gave him battle, and many of the strife mongers were slain. That turbulent one had to sit in the corner of failure.

One of the occurrences was the sending of an army against Sulṭān Muẓaffar Gujarātī. On 25 Ardībihisht the Khān-Khānān arrived at Aḥmadābād and applied himself to the improvement of the country and the soothing of the weak. The distracted state of the country became somewhat lessened. At this time the evil-disposed one came out of the defiles of the hill-country of Rājpīpla and set off towards Pattan. Maqṣūd Ākā and many brave men were appointed, under the command of Shādmān Beg, and on hearing of this, Moẓaffar went off hastily towards Idar,^656g and took refuge in Kathīwāra. From there he crept off to the port of Ghogha.^656h Every one of his companions withdrew into retirement. Sher K. Fūlādī went to Baglāna. The ruler of that country sought to seize him. He left his property behind him, and by wiles got off to the Deccan. A few had the good fortune to go over to the victorious army, such as Mahdī^657a Sultan, the brother of Khiẓr Khwāja K., and the son of M. Muqīm Naqshbandī. Though some pursuit took place, yet if there had been celerity, that one of slumbrous fortune (Sher Fūlādī) would have been seized.

One of the occurrences was the taking of the fort of Broach. When, by the wondrous fortune of Shāhinshāh Sulṭan Moẓaffar had had to fly for the second time, Qulīj K., Naurang K., Sharīf, Tolak ⁴³⁸ K. and other fief-holders in Mālwa went off to take Broach. On 1 Farwardīn they invested the fort. As they were slow about it, and the taking of it was spun out, the Khān-Khānān sent a number of strenuous men to their assistance, under the command of Shihābu d-dīn K., and that Sarkār was given to him in tiyūl. The officers took up the work anew, and prosecuted it vigorously. On 10 Mihr the leader of the musketeers came out, and reported about the distressed and wearied condition of the besieged. He said that if the imperialists came to the gate, his comrades would open the door to them, and a difficult task would become easy. As his statements bore the marks of truth, they immediately set their minds on carrying out the plan, and words became deeds. There was the apparition of victory.^657b Naṣīra by craft came out of the battery of Sharīf K., but Carkis and many others were killed.

On the 21st Mihr the house of Rajah Bīrbar was made glorious by the feet of the Shāhinshāh. His wishes were gratified, and there was a great feast.

One^657c of the occurrences was that Shāhbāz K. returned unsuccessful from Bhātī, and that steps were taken to retrieve matters. When he went there, he encamped on the bank of the Panār^658a which is a branch of the Brahmaputra. He occupied himself in sending messages and in giving counsels. The suggestion was that he ('Īsā) should deliver up the rebels, or drive them away from his presence. 'Īsā had recourse to coaxing expressions, and for a time indulged in plausible speeches. When it appeared that his tongue and his heart were not in accord, there arose the turbulence of battle. For seven months there were victories from time to time, and the evil-doers were put to shame and suffered failure. It was a time when both parties^658b should have lighted the lamp of discernment, and have practised conciliatory measures. But from somnolences of intellect, there was an increase of blindness, and arrogance rose high. From self-conceit Shahbāz K. vexed people, and his officers snapped the thread of moderation and behaved in a silly manner. The evil-doings of the enemy increased. Death^658c made his appearance and the stock of life became dear. The enemy relied upon the circumstances that the rainy season was at hand, and that the victorious troops would be compelled to return. Fortunately the rainfall was less than usual, and so they had to wait in a shameful^658d condition for the dark days. They collected a number of diggers (bīldār) and cut the (bank of) river Brahmaputra in fifteen places. The water rushed upon the camp and the batteries were submerged. The enemy brought large war-boats, which had very high and long bows, and in the country-language are called pitāra,^658e and took them close to Shahbāz K.'s fort. On both sides there was firing of artillery and muskets. The warriors were somewhat disconcerted, but by heaven's aid the enemy's leader was struck by a bullet and killed, and some boats were broken to pieces, and all at once the waters decreased, and the enemy had to fly. A large amount of booty was obtained, and many of the enemy were drowned. There was a hot contest in every ⁴³⁹ battery, and the Fortune of the Shahinshāh had fresh lustre. But the foe prevailed against Saiyid Ḥusain, the thānadār of Dacca, and he was made prisoner. 'Īsā awoke from his heavy sleep of ignorance and set afoot negotiations for peace through the instrumentality of his prisoner. Shahbāz K. accepted them. 'Īsā bound up the waist of obedience, and thought that by service he would obtain deliverance. He agreed that a royal daroghah should be appointed in the port of Sonargāon, and that M'aṣūm should be sent to the Ḥijāz. He also sent presents and peshkash and won over the hearts of the officers by large gifts, and the victorious army retired. When Shahbāz K. had crossed the rivers and reached Bhawāl, and was looking for the fulfilment of 'Īsā's promises (lit. for words to be converted into deeds), wicked men in the army^659a in improper language made 'Īsā doubtful in his mind. He changed his language, and brought forward conditions. The commander of the army was indignant, and said that to make confusions on every occasion and to introduce new clauses was not the rule with right-minded persons. He became stern and spoke harshly. Preparations were made for battle, and on 19 Mihr, divine month, 30 September 1584, that crooked-minded one ('Īsā) came forward to fight. The officers from short-sightedness saw their gain in what was their loss, and thought that the defeat of Shahbāz K. would be an advantage to themselves. The first to go off without fighting was Muḥibb 'Alī K. Every one left his place and went a roadless road. Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram made some stand and fought, but from being unsupported and from being wounded he left Bhawāl. Shahbāz K. awoke from his sleep of haughtiness and made some effort to win the affections of his officers, but misplaced repentance is of no avail. He was obliged to march for Tānda. All his collections were lost, and the sons of Mīr 'Ādila and others were made prisoners. S. Muḥammad Ghaznavī and others were killed. During the retreat Khangār Saiyid 'Abdullah K., Rajah Gopāl, Mīrzādas 'Ali K. and others fell in with Tarkhān Dīwāna, M. Muḥammd and Nauruz 'Alī Qāqshāl as they were returning from plundering. Owing to their evil fortune^660a (az bakht teragī) the rebels took the band of imperialists to be their own men and joined them. There was a hot engagement and the days of Nauruz^660b (naurūz rā rūzgār) came to an end and the others came off half-alive by dint of running. Victory displayed the face of joy, and abundant plunder was obtained. The officers after eight days obtained repose at Sherpūr-Murca.^660c Shahbāz K. tried to make preparation in this place and then to return and exact vengeance, but his companions were disgusted with his bad manners ⁴⁴⁰ and did not incline to accompany him. When they arrived at Tānda, Wazīr K. came forward with an open brow and a warm welcome. Shahbāz K. brought forward his former proposition, but opinions were not unanimous, and hearts did not emerge from double-mindedness. They were obliged to make reference to the holy threshold. When the news came, strenuous sazāwals were sent to turn back the officers, and suitable censures were conveyed to each of them, and counsels were also given. An order was issued to S'aīd K. and other fief-holders of Bengal and Bihar to act in unity and to exert themselves to punish the landholder ('Īsā). First, Peshrau K. and Khwājagī Fatḥ Ullah were sent on this service, and afterwards Rām Dās Kacwāha and Mujāhid Kambū. They were by sharp words to produce a beneficial effect and make them keener for service.

On 16 Āẕar, divine month, the house of Rajah Todar Mal was illuminated by the advent of the Shāhinshāh. The Rajah had for a long time cherished this desire, and he preferred his request in an excellent manner. At this time he gained his object and in thanksgiving had a great feast.

One of the occurrences was the sending of Jagannāth to Ajmīr. News came that the Rānā had come out of the defiles of the mountains, and was creating a disturbance, and was oppressing the weak. As the chastisement of the wicked is Divine worship, an army was appointed under his command. J'afar Beg was made paymaster (bakhshī). It set off on 24 Āẕar, after Jagannāth had received valuable counsels. In a short time they arrived there, and the landowner retreated, and men got their repose. After some days, Saiyīd Rājū was left in Mandalgarh with some men, and an expedition was undertaken against the Rānā's residence. He did not find himself able to oppose, but came out by another ravine and stirred up strife in the country that was submissive. Saiyid Rājū marched against him to give battle, and the Rãnā returned towards Citūr. The Saiyid returned from the stage which the Rānā had left. Though there was no victory, yet the oppressed were delivered. Jagannāth attacked his residence, and joined Saiyid Rājū.

One of the occurrences was the birth of Ārām Bānū Begam.^661a On 12 Dai, 22 December 1584, divine month, and the 19th degree of Sagittarius, and according to the calculation of the Indians, one degree and 54 minutes, that night-gleaming jewel of fortune appeared, and glorified the harem of the Shāhinshāh. Astrologers announced the joyful news, and the world's lord conferred on her that great name. It is to be hoped that the advent of this lady of the family of chastity will be the means of increased life and will be an adornment to the kingdom.

(This chapter begins with about twelve lines of reflections on the evils of flattery, etc. as illustrated by the history of the Badakhshān Mīrzās. It then proceeds as follows):—

When M. Ḥakīm returned to Kabul from Badakhshān, M. ⁴⁴¹ Shahrukh brought himself to the resolution of paying his respects to M. Sulaimān, and of living in harmony. M. Sulaimān, on account of suspicions, and his observation of the conduct of faithless persons, would not agree to this. After much talk, it was arranged that Uzbeg Suḷtān, the ruler of Hiṣār—who kept alive the rules of relationship and friendship—should send a party of men as sureties (bayāwarī) and that the Mīrzās should see one another in the midst of the river Āmūī (the Oxus), at a place^662a where there are nine channels, and that they should there enter into engagements of concord. It was also arranged that M. Sulaimān should cross four channels, and M. Shāhrukh five. When M. Sulaimān^662b arrived at the river-bank, he crossed one channel and then got frightened and turned his rein. Makers of difficulties were nearly putting a stumbling-block in M. Shāhrukh's path, but from his good disposition and intentions he crossed eight channels, and after waiting upon M. Sulaimān expressed his desires for amity. He took his leave after having visited the Mīrzā's (Sulaimān's) quarters. The latter went off to Kūlāb and shortly afterwards he—under pressure from wicked men who regard evil as good and good as evil—enlarged his wishes and raised a disturbance. He sent a message that Mīhr 'Alī, Cūcak and ⁴⁴² Mīr 'Imād should be delivered up to him, or if M. Shāhrukh could not agree to this, that he should dismiss them from his presence. M. Shāhrukh swallowed the bitter draught, and agreed to the last proposition. They went off to Kabul with the thorns of failure in their feet, and Mīr 'Imād went into retirement. Meanwhile Muḥammad Qulī Shighālī, who was the sword and the intellect of the country, left M.Shāhrukh and joined M. Sulaimān. This increased the bad feeling, and it was not long before Mihr 'Ali returned from Kabul (text Zabūlistān) to M. Shāhrukh. As M. Sulaimān had suffered much opposition^663a from him formerly he sent a message to say that the surrender of Mihr 'Alī would be a proof of M. Shāhrukh's submission. The Mīrzā sent him along with Ḥājī Taman,^663b and M. Sulaimān made the latter his servant, and imprisoned Mihr 'Ali. He also sent S. Bābāī Wālī^663c —who under the disguise of a medicant's dress, was spinning snares—and represented that at the time of the agreement and the division of the country, Muḥammad Quli, Ḥājī Taman and Mihr 'Alī were of his (Shāhrukh's) party. It was proper now that his share (Sulaimān's) should be increased by Tālīqān and some territory (in order to support the retainers). M. Shāhrukh replied that the rules of humanity and graciousness required that the pleasant abode of unity should not be stained by the dust of the shameless and strife-mongering, and that M. Sulaimān should send back the set which had left him (Shāhrukh). M. Sulaimān did not agree to this and resolved on fighting. Shāhrukh too, from the intoxication of youth, and from not having any wise companion, went off. In Rustāq he halted, and made his petition, and had recourse to entreaties. He begged that no dust of conflict should be raised, and that they should not give their enemies cause to rejoice. M. Sulaiman was nearly coming to terms, but strife-mongers did not allow him to do so, and there was a battle. Inasmuch as the breaking of compacts, and the non-acceptance of apologies are not auspicious, M. Sulaimān was defeated without a severe contest, and took refuge with the people of Ḥiṣār. M. Shāhrukh did not pursue and applied himself in some measure to the work of administration. He made over Kūlāb to his eldest son Muḥammad Zamān, and made Mihr Alī^664a his atālīq. He himself came to Qandūz. M. Sulaimān took help from Uzbeg Sulṭān, the ruler of Ḥiṯār, and proceeded towards Badakhshān. M. Shāhrukh also formed the design of fighting. He sent some active men ahead under the leadership of Qanghar, and gave battle with the assistance of the Kūlābīs. M. Sulaimān was defeated on this occasion also, and returned to Ḥiṣār. At this time the ambassadors of the Shāhinshāh arrived, and M. Shāhrukh's position became very strong. At the time when the august retinue had cast the shadow of justice over Zābulistān (Kabul) and M. Ḥakīm had been disgraced in the battle with the Prince (Murād), adroit and bold ambassadors were sent to M. Shāhrukh, who was agitating the chain of loyalty, to enquire after his health, and to tell him to come and do homage, or to send his mother, the Khānim. The Mīrzā expressed himself in submissive ⁴⁴³ language, and his affairs assumed a brighter aspect. The people of Ḥiṣār withdrew from supporting M. Sulaimān. But M. Shāhrukh did not, on account of the wickedness of his advisers, bring himself to wait upon H. M. But he was arranging to send his mother to make excuses when news came that H. M. was returning. Also his mother fell ill at this time. M. Sulaimān, having come to despair of the Ḥiṣārīāns, wished to do the work of an enemy under the guise of a friend, and came with some Uzbegs to Badakhshān. He brought forward proposals of peace. M. Shāhrukh accepted them, and it was agreed that each would pass over channels of the river to the place of the former compact, and that they would have a banquet of friendship, and make fresh treaties. M. Shāhrukh acted as he had said, M. Sulaimān did not cross, and sent a message that M. Shāhrukh should come over to his side of the river, and remove the dust of doubleness (as apposed to unity). M. Shāhrukh understood his idea and turned his rein. At this time Mīrzā Shāhrukh's mother died, and all at once good counsels ceased. He fell into conceit and self-will. The condition of the army became bad. There was sport and play, and the peasantry fell into distress. M. Sulaimān went off to 'Abdullah K. Uzbeg, the ruler of Tūrān, in hopes that he might gain his ends. He had taken an army to Tāshkend, but his father Sikandar K.^665a received M. Sulaimān, and welcomed him with kindness. 'Abdullah K. on hearing this news had other thoughts and wrote that Sulaimān should be kept under surveillance until his arrival. The Mīrzā understood the matter and on a dark night took the road to Ḥīṯār. Some active men went with him, and by dint of courage he got away from that dangerous place. When 'Abdullah K. returned, he sent Qul Bābā,^665b his vakīl and general, to Uzbeg Sulṭān with the request that he would deliver up the Mīrzā. He observed the rights of kindness and sent off the Mīrzā to Badakhshān before Qul Bābā arrived. Sulaimān came, after failure, to Kūlāb via Qarātagīn. M. Shāhrukh came forward with submissive language and proposed to divide the country according to the former arrangement. M. Sulaimān had the dexterity (pakhtakārī) to refuse, and accepted Kishm as a fief. M. Shāhrukh, owing to the wine of conceit and a love of praise, only paid attention to the words, and did not try to read the lines of the forehead, nor did he distinguish friend from foe. In a short time the word-sellers had a daily market, and the right-thinking had to sit in a corner. Mīr 'Imād, Mīr Kalān, and Cūcak Beg took charge of the administration, and the office of Bakhshī (army payments) fell again to Yār Beg. Avarice and envy made these men foolish, and they were continually squabbling with one another. On account of the neglect of the lord of the country (or perhaps of the village-headmen) the avarice of his ministers, and the ignorance of his servants, there was great confusion in men's fiefs, and there was a brisk market for the sale^665c of villages, and the rank of folly became great. Kūlāb ⁴⁴⁴ was given anew to Qādir Qulī Koka, Qundūz to Qūrcī Beg, Tālqān to 'Abdu-r-Raḥmān, Ghori to Mīr Niẓam, Kahmard to Khanjar 'Ali, Andarāb to Laṭfī Koka, Rustāq to Mast 'Alī and Baqlān to Sherbal. At such an inauspicious time 'Abdullah K. saw his opportunity and came to Badakhshān, and conquered that strong country without a battle. He always had had an eye on the Mīrzās of Badakhshān, and when he learnt that they had not gone to the Shāhinshāh, and that they were quarrelling with one another, and neglecting the administration, he had recourse to violence. He sent a message that they should make over to him Ghorī and Kahmard, and should send the Aimāqs of Turān—who for a long time had lived in that country (Badakhshān)—to him. M. Shāhrukh made no reply, nor did he become more active. An idle report had been spread that the ruler of Tūrān was dead and that Qul Bābā was preferring these requests. M. Shāhrukh remained on this account in the profound slumber of indifference. In this state of affairs, while the hearts of the Mīrzās were bad, the forts unsupplied, the soldiers distressed, friends in obscurity, and enemies in the enjoyment of success, the active foe arrived. The Mīrzās fled to the defiles. Qūrcī Beg joined the enemy, and Qundūz, which is the pillar of the country, was lost without a battle. Similarly Sherbal and some other Badakhshān officers took the road of disloyalty, while many remained with their families, and restrained their people from service. The Kūlābīāns attached themselves to Muḥammad Zamān and stood firm. Whoever spends his time in sloth and in looking after his own comfort, and defers the good treatment of men to the day of calamity, will be left alone in the world of social life, and shall not receive help. The knitting together of hearts is produced by abundant attention in the time of prosperity. Those who are infatuated with the world do not open the door of warmth of affection until they have fallen into difficulty. Till then they keep the shops of gentleness closed! When the Mīrzās had brought things to such a pass, every one to whom they applied turned away. Being helpless they abandoned the defiles of Badakhshān and came to Bahārak,^667a which is a rugged place and difficult of access. They thought their old servants would be eager to help them, but most of them did not come forward. On account of the excessive ice and snow, and the turning away of old friends, they could not remain there, and came to Panjshir,^667b which is a dependency of Kabul. Their idea was that if M. Ḥakīm helped them, they would try to recover their home. Otherwise they would seek protection at the court of the Shāhinshāh. From the time that M. Sulaimān had been exalted by doing homage at the holy threshold, and had sold the desire of conquering Badakhshān for a pilgrimage to the Hijāz, he had felt ashamed, and would not turn his face to the august court. M. Shāhrukh's wish was that he might unite himself to eternal dominion, and as in the time of his pros- ⁴⁴⁵ perity he had not behaved well to the Kābulīs, he wished to go to India by the hill-route and without seeing M. Ḥakīm. M. Ḥakīm sent for M. Sulaīman, and after treating him with respect sent him to the Lamghānāt, and assigned some villages to him there. Shāh Muḥammad M., the son^667c of Shahrukh, was with M. Sulaimān. M. Shāhrukh was arrested and made over to Shādmān Hazāra. He was to keep count of him (awāra sāzad) and not let him go to India. The Mīrzā with his three sons, the twins Ḥasan and Ḥusain, and Badī-z-zamān, their mother, and some servants, in all about thirty persons, remained in those hilly defiles of the Hazārjāt with a thousand^667d inconveniences and disgusts, and thought every day would be his last. By the wonders of destiny a report arose that Ābdullah K. had been defeated, and that the Kūlābians had been successful against him. The Hazāra (Shādmān), who had had other thoughts, took the road of hope and sent off the Mīrzā towards Badakhshān. Fearing lest that savage should change his mind, he, after marching some distance, went off to a pathless place, and after fighting his way through ravines rested in Kahmard. The rural population there gathered round him, and in a short time it appeared that the above report (of 'Abdullah's death) was not true, and that the Kūlābīañs were shut up in the defiles. The Mīrzā went off to attack Tālqañ.^668a Meanwhile news came that Kūlāb had been taken and that an army had been sent to drive^668b forward the Aimāqs. His companions scattered and his condition became worse than before. He could not remain where he was, nor could he turn his face to go back. He was nearly falling into the hands of the enemy. With a thousand efforts he proceeded towards Kabul (the country, not the city) and he met M. Sulaimān in Sāl Aulang.^668c M. Ḥakīm had, on the strength of the same report (of the success of the Kūlābīāns), given him leave to go to Badakhshān. He was now waiting at this station for reinforcements. They now came to recognize one another's quality somewhat, and consulted about remedying^668d matters. Suddenly some Uzbegs raised the dust of commotion. About this time the birth of a son had caused M. Shāhrukh's countenance to shine. They left it with a country woman and went off in haste. Mihr Ālī, Qādir Bardī, Jahāngīr, Ulugh Beg and others were coming close behind them.^668e At dawn the Uzbegs arrived and dispersed to plunder the baggage. As fortune would have it, M. Sulaimān's steed^668f stumbled and he was thrown. M. Shāhrūkh dismounted and tendered his horse. That too ran off. One of the companions got off his horse and gave it and mounted M. Sulaimān, and M. Shāhrukh cleverly caught the runaway. As they were galloping, two roads appeared, and they separated. The enemy went after M. Shāhrukh. A river was in ⁴⁴⁶ front, and the Mīrzā crossed it and then broke down the bridge. He now breathed safely. His young son Ḥasan got separated during this hurry-scurry (ravārav) and thus Time inflicted a new wound. Just then the news came that M. Sūlaimān was in Alsai^669a and Najrāo. The Mīrzā joyfully went there and paid his respects. In this time of happiness, Siyūndak K. came from M. Ḥakīm and conveyed a message of friendship. As they were aware of his evil disposition, this was a new grief to them. They did not know that he had been rebuked by the sublime court for his conduct, and that he was sorry for what he had done. They did not believe his friendly message, and sent some persons along with the messenger in order to find out what was the upshot of the affair, and ascertain if the promises were valid. At this time a courier of Kuar Mān Singh made them hopeful of royal favours. M. Sulaimān, who was ashamed to go to court, and whose hopes were fixed on M. Ḥakīm, stayed where he was. M. Shahrūkh proceeded to the court. He left the mother of the twins and one son and some old followers (bāb-urīān) near Cārīkārān to search for the child who had been lost. He himself went off by the Dāman-i-Koh to Daka. A large caravan was waiting there and was in a state of alarm on account of the brigands. He chose their companionship. In the caravan were his aunt Khānzāda Khānim and Shāh Muhammad M. (his son). M. Ḥakīm had given them leave to go to India. The Mīrzā (Shāhrukh) by the connivance of Shāṭī Afghan proceeded by that difficult pass. In every bit they traversed, the narrow parts were closed with stones by the wicked people of the rāvine. In the more difficult places the Tārīkīāns (the Raushānīs) blocked the path. Shāṭī out of craft sent Qanghar Bāī, Jahāngīr, Khanjar Āli, Yār Beg and Abdāl, each one of whom was the Rustum of the age, to that evil crew on pretence of giving a message, and had them treacherously slain. His idea was that night would throw its dark shadow, and then a difficult business would become easy. When a watch of day remained, something of the state of things became known, and they turned back from Āli Masjid. The Tārīkīān were emboldened and came out to fight. The consternation of the traders affected the soldiers and they lost courage. Life and property were plundered. M. Shāhrukh fought bravely. He fell from his horse, but by his efforts and the help of Khadang Beg he mounted again and once more performed masterpieces of bravery. His son Badī'u-zamān^670a fell from his horse, but by the help of Jān 'Āli got to the station. By dint of fighting he (Shāhrukh) got out of the ravine, and at the end of the night rested in Daka. In the morning he considered what he should do, and saw no protection except in the hills of ⁴⁴⁷ Badakhshān. At this time he learnt that M. Sulaimān was in the neighbourhood. He got some comfort by seeing him, but was grieved by the death of his newly-born son. The Aimāqs had loyally concealed him and cherished him. On the first occasion, when they (Shāhrukh and Sulaimān) were staying together in the Langhānāt he had sent for him, and had left him in the kind guardianship of M. Sulaimān. “A flower passed away from life, without fruiting.”^670b M. Ḥakīm had sent M. Sulaimān to the Lamghānāt according to the former arrangement. At this time an army of M. Ḥakīm's arrived, and represented that an order had come from the Shāhinshāh's court to the effect that M. Shāhrukh should be escorted in a suitable manner, and that it had been nominated for this service. Though he was somewhat rejoiced at this good news, yet he did not believe in it much until they turned back after having traversed the Khaibar, and the officers, who were in the neighbourhood of the Indus, came forward with all respect. Kuar Mān Singh^671a regarded his coming as a great honour, and showed him fitting hospitality. From there he went forward with a tranquil mind and a glad heart. The news of the safety of the son who had been separated from him, also rejoiced him. He had fallen into the hands of an Uzbeg during the scrimmage (dūa dū) and on the occasion of the hurry-scurry (ravārav) the Uzbeg's eyes had fallen upon the baggage. He had left the child and gone hastily after the baggage. A slave was on the watch, and he took up the child and brought it to Sāl Aulang, and made it over to the mother whose heart had long been consumed with sorrow. When M. Shāhrukh crossed the Indus this good news was a happy presage to him. The fief-holders everywhere gave him a warm welcome, and when he came to Lahore, Rajah Bhagwant Dās held a great feast. He also accompanied^671b him on his journey. Prince Daniel was sent to receive him one stage from Fatḥpūr, and he was accompanied by many grandees. On 23 Dai,^671c 3 January 1585, he was exalted by doing homage, and there was a daily market of hospitality. As the world's lord reads the roll of the heart from the lines on the forehead, he perceived the characters of nobleness in the Mīrzā, and taking him by the hand of kindness, he showed him favour. The star of his fortune which had sunk rose again. Everyone of the faithful exiles, who had quaffed the bitter cup of adversity, gathered the bliss of prosperity.

If a profound glance^671d be given to all the Badakhshis it will appear that the pearl of pure intelligence has been removed from that troubled land of indiscretion, and if a comparison be made with the far-sighted ones of the sublime court it will appear that simplicity has been transferred to the school of the acquisition of wisdom. Hail to the glorious fortune which at the time exerts itself in testing piety and in the knowledge of mankind! The raw material of the simple-minded here acquires a refined soul, and their countenances ⁴⁴⁸ are brightened by varied knowledge. The Mīrzā by the action of Fortune, which is the awakener of the slumbrous but well-intentioned, awoke from sleep and became possessed of auspiciousness, for by this lucky circumstance he obtained exaltation.

One of the occurrences was the defeat of M'aṣūm K. Kābuli. It has been related what happened to the army in Bhātī on account of selfishness and envy. Shahbāz K. spoke in a lofty manner and decided to go to court, and the Bihar officers, with the exception of Muḥibb Ālī K., abode in their estates. From prudential^672a motives 'Isā did not leave his home, but M'aṣūm, at his instigation, came to Sherpūr^672b and some rebels took possession of the country up to Māldah, twelve kos from Tānda. Though Wazīr K. had not the courage to rely upon the daily-increasing fortune and to resolve upon fighting, yet he stood firm and guarded that great city and many other places. The sazāwals by right behaviour and bitter speeches turned back Shahbāz K. and made the fief-holders of Bihar accompany him and act in unison. An order was issued to Shahbāz K. to the effect that if he wanted more troops, Rajah Todar Mal, Maṭṭālib K., S. Jamāl Bakhtiyār and many other able and zealous servants would be sent to him. He replied that he had plenty of troops and that his whole soul was set upon accomplishing the task. On 18 Dai, 28 December 1584, he entered Bengal and applied himself to the conquest of Bhātī. On the banks of the Jamuna^673a he learnt that M'aṣūm K. had halted in Sherpūr,^673b and that he did not imagine that the imperialists would cross the river. Bewilderment^673c seized the brave men among the rebels and they fled without fighting. Shahbāz K. set himself to cross and to advance. The officers had no heart for this, but Rām Dās and Khwājagī Fatḥ Ullah by skill and energy left no room for pretexts and sloth. Willing or unwilling, they had to cross the great river. When they came near the rebel, he fled in distress. Some prisoners were made and much booty obtained. Success unveiled her countenance. As it was not proper to leave the country unprotected and that all should follow the fugitives, and as most officers were not single-hearted, Shāhbāz K. wished to leava Sādiq K. and some others midway, and to advance in person with the rest of the troops. Men did not agree to this. At last, Shahbāz, Shāh Qūlī K., Maḥram and others stayed there, and Sāīd K., Wazir K., Ṣādiq K., Muḥibb Ālī K., Saiyid 'Ābdullah K. and others sent off on 8 Bahman. Rām Dās and Khwājagī Fatḥ Ullah accompanied^673d them. They made such a march that when the enemy heard of their approach they evacuated the country, and the territory which had been lost was again taken possession of. Some booty was obtained and then the officers returned to Sherpūr.^673e By celestial aid the dust of dissension and the tumult of ⁴⁴⁹ rebellion were dispersed, and victory declared itself. The enemy was discomfited.

One of the occurrences was the defeat of Dastam Qāqshāl.^674a He was one of the ringleaders among the rebels. From men's want of courage and the concourse of base people he became powerful. At the time when the victorious army collected in Sherpūr,^674b M'aṣūm hurried off towards Fatḥābād^674c in the direction of Orissa. That vain-imagining^674d one remained in this neighbourhood (that of Sherpur). His idea was that in this way the imperialists would be split up into two forces, and that he might thus be successful. Before news came about M'aṣūm, Dastam increased his commotion at a distance of twelve kos from the imperial camp. Shāh Qūlī K. Maḥram, Muḥibb 'Alī K., Rajah Gopāl Dās, Mīrzāda 'Alī K., Khwāja Baqār^674e and other brave men went off to give him battle. Khwāja Muqīm^674f who had come there as a wāq'a-navīs (intelligencer or recorder) joined them as an^674g Āmīn. The news of coming of the battle-lovers robbed the enemy of firmness, and the officers pursued him to Shāhzādpūr^674h and then returned.

One of the occurrences was that the victorious troops were divided into two bodies. Inasmuch as evil thoughts and selfish views turn wisdom into foolishness, and fill the ear of the understanding with the quicksilver of insouciance, the holy counsels (of Akbar) were of no avail. Shāhbāz K. was made furious by the evil thoughts of his companions, and lost moderation. Ṣādiq K. got disgusted with the work and gave vent to his feelings by his language. Though the officers had life-sacrificing courage, they did not possess along with it practical wisdom, so that they might carry on their king and master's work and lay aside selfish views, and regulate the feast of friendship. As they could not carry out their own designs, they indulged in wrath and destructive desires. They left the highroad of justice on one side and went on a pathless course. Though they used to bring the word “loyalty” on their lips, how shall^675a I write that they had no share of honesty? Apparently they had taken the usual share (of this quality) in this rose-garden of joy!

In the books of instruction composed by those who have chaunted the lay of loyalty, two classes are reckoned. First, there are those who choose singleheartedness (or Unity) when combined with their own advantage, and in this way raise higher the rank of their self-will. But though this class is separated somewhat from traffickers, yet the discerning do not give the name of singleheartedness to such slaves of selfishness, and do not attach value to their adhesion. The second class is that of the noble truth-seekers who keep their altruistic hearts filled with the light of love, and are pre-eminent among the chosen ones of the Creator. More wonderful still, the capital of ⁴⁵⁰ success comes in heaps to this class, as fodder for cattle comes^675b to the husbandman! Enough of many words and little substance! Those men (the officers) seized upon harsh language and severity at a time when gentleness was befitting.

At this time the commotion of M'aṣūm K. was discussed, and it was resolved that as the enemy was in two places, so the victorious soldiers should be divided into two armies, and address themselves to service. On 20 Bahman, about 1 March 1585, Wazīr K. Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram, Ṣādiq K., Muḥibb 'Alī K., Rajah Gopāl Dās, Kīcak^676a Khwājah and others took upon themselves the task of defeating M'aṣūm K., and so separated. S'aīd K., Shahbāz K. Bahādur K., Saiyid 'Abdullah K., Mīrzāda 'Alī K. Bābūī Manklī, and Abā Bikr, and Ormaz the brothers of Tarson K., Timar Badakhshī, Shāh Qāsim and others remained where they were, and occupied themselves in putting down the evildoers in that quarter. The private disputes which occurred every day were at an end, and each body went off to do service.

One of the occurrences was that the ruler of Kashmīr sent his son to court. When Yūsuf K. saw himself cherished and exalted at court, he sent his eldest son Y'aqūb thither with the rarities of the country in order that he might gather bliss in the service of H.M., and also might be a reminder of himself in the august assemblage. On 29 Bahman, 9 February 1585, he arrived and performed the kornish, and became the^676b subject of favours.

Those who are awakened of heart and profoundly intelligent, never neglect five points, but regard them as the great methods of doing the will of God. The first is to regard man's corporeal frame as a Divine building and so to watch over it. They reform the wicked by severe language, and severe action, and by exiling and imprisoning them. Secondly, they guard the camp of wisdom from the strong gale of self-indulgence, and do not drop from their hands the proper measuring rod for the edification of their outer and inner nature. Thirdly, they control their desires—with which the issues of things in matters spiritual and temporal are bound up— and keep them in their proper place. Fourthly, they subject lust and wrath to wisdom, and do not prey upon men's honour. They treat high and low with respect, and so keep the garden of dominion verdant. Fifthly, in arranging marriages they are especially careful about race on both sides,^677a so that there may be good offspring. The effect of putting (good) seed into a saline soil illustrates the value of this precaution. God be praised. The sovereign of our ⁴⁵¹ time has succeeded in every thing and has raised aloft the standard of achievement, especially in the matter of marriages! If, as in the case of those who have chosen celibacy, there be no marriages, then the great fountain-head of humanity shall become choked, and the stream of Divine benevolence shall sink into the sand. And if the jewel of equality be obscured, the limpid waters of life will soon become brackish. Hence it occurred to the holy heart that he ought to bring a jewel of chastity into the grasp of that star of the mansion of sovereignty—Prince Sulṭān Selīm—so that by this present there might be a fresh illumination of the hall of fortune. At this time it was represented to H.M. that Rajah Bhagwān Dās Kacwāha, who held high office, and who had lofty lineage and abilities, had a daughter whose purity adorned her high extraction, and was endowed with beauty and graces; and that it was the wish of her family that she should be united to the prince. H.M. accepted their wish, and made a number of persons joyful. Experienced persons were appointed to make the arrangements, and in a short time the private and public hall (daulatkhāna) was decorated. There were glorious feasts and assemblies, and there was a daily market of gifts. There were marriage presents and scattering of largesse according to the usages of the great. On 5 Isfandārmaẕ (about 16 Febuary 1584) H.M. and the principal men of the kingdom visited the Rajah's abode, and the marriage took place. On the same day the pure form was conveyed to the chamber of fortune, and the bridal night of joy was celebrated.

Hail to State and Church, for this glorious wedding
Has taken place and given form to realm and religion.
In dominion's palace they have, for the light of the Shāh's eyes (Selīm),
Decked a bridal alcove like beauteous eyelashes.

My spiritually and physically elder brother S. Abū Faiẓ Faiẓī produced an ode, each line of which gave the date of this great event.

Hail to the pearl-scattering marriage of Sulṭan Selīm
Which gives glory to the year of hope,
By the fostering care of the sun^678b of Aquarius
There has come a conjunction of the moon^678c and Venus.

At this season, when the Age was in the flash of joy, and mortals were embracing delight, happy-footed couriers came from the province of Gujarat and conveyed the tidings of fresh victories. They raised a high tent for thanksgivings to God, and the tongue of the ruler^679a of the world uttered marriage-blessings. A wise man, who makes the increase of glory the adornment of supplication to God, and whose prudence increases from time to time in this season of the slipping of the foot of discretion, will assuredly be assisted by the celestial superintendents of affairs. The fortune of the Shāhinshāh tells of this, and this noble volume rehearses somewhat of it.

It has been mentioned that base and wicked men made the worthless Moẓaffar an instrument of turbulence, and now, in spite of abundance of men and money, he, time after time, failed and was struck with shame. It was now time that the hare-brained one should awake from his careless slumbers, but as selfishness deprived him of vision, and he considered what was his loss to be his gain, and as fortune had given him some worldly goods and had raised him up in order that he might become intoxicated and fall into the pit of disgrace, he foolishly imagined that these things were the materials of greatness. Many wished-for things come together also in the houses of tradesmen, but they are not the materials of power and grandeur. That is a ray from the Divine halo, and it comes not into the hands by striving.

In the garden, the gourd lifts its head beside the cypress.
Such exaltation is but brief.
Between the cypress and the gourd the heavens know
Which head is worthy of sublimity.

Many laudable qualities must unite in a son of man before he be fit for the diadem of ruler and be a suitable throne-occupant. I with my stammering tongue cannot enumerate them. But something may be said, and a sketch may be made. 1st, He must have sublime intelligence in order that he may understand the degrees of noble deeds, and may bring forth the Truth. 2nd, At the time of administering justice he must make no difference between relatives and strangers, between friends and foes, so that the oppressed who have neither force nor gold, may obtain redress, and that evildoers and oppressors may sit in the byelane of failure. 3rd, He must have God-given courage in order that the might of tyrants may not withhold him from doing justice, and that he may not be agitated in time of commotion. 4th, Laboriousness. In ruling the world he must not separate the night from the day, and not prefer ease to toil. 5th, Magnanimity. Silver and gold must have no weight in his heart's antechamber, and he must by liberality and largesse subdue to himself a mercenary world. 6th, A wide tolerance, so that he endure the disagreeables of fortune with an open brow, and he not led by failure into the narrownesses of grief. 7th, Differences in religion must not withhold him from his duty of watching, and all classes of men must have repose, so ⁴⁵³ that the shadow of God may confer glory. 8th, Increasing Love. He must be grieved by men's distresses, and endeavour by kindness to remove them, so that the refractory and crooked in their ways may bind the burden of obedience upon their shoulders, and that the dust of doubleness may be swept from the pleasant hall of his dominions. 9th, He must bring choice deliberation to bear upon his work and do well what is proper for the time, so that the thornbrake of evil may be rooted out, and the troubled house of the world have repose. 10th, Little passion. He must cast away unfitting desires, and not depart from wisdom, so that wrath may not prevail, and daily-increasing Fortune may show her countenance. 11th, He must take opinions, and not rely on his own knowledge and perception. He must inquire of the able. He must not disclose his secrets to every one, and let him not incur^680a the reprobation of the acute and right thinking, so that loss of Fortune may not accrue to him, but happiness be always conspicuous. 12th, Hatred of sequacity (taqlīd). Let the love of inquiry always precede his actions, and the cult of proof be his method, so that he may not be moved from his course by perceiving the view of a multitude, and may not by altercation be made impatient of research.

In fine, as Moẓaffar had no part or lot in these qualities, and abundance of desires had made him silly, he did not turn his rein, though his brainless head had twice struck against the stone of ruin, but increased in turbulence. He opened out the collections of treasure, and made a great show. Fly-like slaves of gold gathered round him and he went to the town of Gondal^681a fifteen kos from Jūnagarh and stirred up strife. He made friendship with Amīn K.^681b Ghorī and the Jām. The landowners took money on pretences, and were always meditating some other purpose. That wicked man (Moẓaffar) had seated himself in the ambush of opportunity. When the victorious troops returned, and the receipts^681c of the fief-holders became less on account of the disturbances, and there was some disorganization, the turbulent fellow saw that his time had come and stirred up the dust of dissension. The Khān-khānān left Qulīj K. along with some able servants in charge of Aḥmadābād, and appointed two armies, each to go in a different direction. Medinī Rai, Beg Muḥammad Toqbāī, Saiyid Lād, Saiyid Bahādur, Kāmrān Beg, Rām Cand, Udai Singh, Khwājam Bardi, and others were left in the village of Hadāla^681d seven kos from Dandūqa-Mīyān^681e Bahādur; Maḥmūd Sabzawārī, S. Muḥammad Haravī, Mīr Muḥibb Ullah, Mīr Sharafu-d-dīn, Bunyād Beg, Bhūpati Rai, were left in Parāntī,^681f eight kos from the city; and Saiyid Qāsim and the Saiyids of Bārha were left in Pattan. He himself set off on 12 Āẕar, 22 November, 1584, in company with Naurang K., Khwāja Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad and other brave men to chastise Moẓaffar. He was in Morbī, and was waiting for the landholders (lit. was keeping his eye on the road ⁴⁵⁴ of the zamindārs). He was sending evil men in every direction to collect funds, and he caused Rādhanpūr^682a to be plundered.

At this time Moẓaffar became distracted by the news of the approach of the imperial army. He went off to Kharārī^682b (?) and Rājūt^682c Kot, which is a large city in Kāthīwār. The Khān-khānān left his camp behind him and went on rapidly. From Bīramgāon^682d to Kharārī there was no cultivation for sixty kos, and the warriors had to carry their provisions with them. Moẓaffar was unable to make a stand anywhere, and went off to the mountains of Barda.^682e These are high mountains near the ocean. They are thirty kos long and ten broad, are well-watered, and produce abundance of wild fruits. Dwārka^682f lies twenty kos to the north of them. The imperialists established themselves in that country. On perceiving this, the landholders came forward in a supplicating manner. They represented that the ill-fated one had come there of his own accord, that they were not in league with him, and that they were loyal. Amīn K. Ghorī agreed that he would send his own son to serve. Mīr Abū Turāb went and brought the son, and the nursling of his (Amīn Ghori's) wishes was fostered. The agents of the Jām represented that Moẓaffar was behaving presumptuously forty kos away, and that if some active men were appointed, he would assuredly be captured. The Khān-khānān set out rapidly in pursuit of him, but no trace of him could be found. It was stated that he had gone from that quarter to the hill-country of Bardā. The Khān-khānān divided the army into four^683a bands. One was put under Naurang K., another under Niẓāmu-d dīn Aḥmad, another was under Daulat K. Lodī. Each band entered a corner of the country. The Rājputs there fought stubbornly and played away their lives. That fertile country was plundered, and abundance of booty was obtained. Though no trace could be found of the wretch, yet the fraud^683b and tricks of the Jām were discovered. It appeared that Moẓaffar had gone to the Jām's country, had left his son with him, and gone off towards Aḥmadābad. The Khān-khānān paid no regard to this move, and addressed himself to the chastisement of the Jām. He too, thinking that the imperial army would be confused on hearing of the departure of Moẓaffar, collected daring men and advanced. After proceeding four kos he awoke from the heavy slumber of self-conceit, and came forward with protestations and fawnings. By the intervention of Rai Durgā and Kalyān Rai his wishes were accepted. He sent his son Jaisā, the elephant Sherza, and other presents, and entered into the shelter of good service. The Khān-khānān returned from within ten kos of Nawānagar,^683c which was his (the Jām's) residence, and hastened to Aḥmadā- ⁴⁵⁵ bäd. There were rejoicings in Morbī on account of the report of the victory of the imperialists and the flight of the rebel. The latter by the help of the collusion of the landholders came to Aḥmadabād, and a number of wicked mercenaries were collected. The troops which were in Hadāla^683d united with those in Parānti.^683e The other fief-holders also prepared for war. The presumptuous one, from apprehension^683f that the forces would unite and make his position difficult, came near Parāntī. The imperial servants drew up their forces. Madan Cohān, Rām Cand, Udai Singh, Saiyid Lād, Saiyid Bahādur, Saiyid Shah 'Alī, Bhupat Deccanī, Gīsū Dās Rāthor, Bāgha Rāthor, and others of the vanguard performed masterpieces of valour. Khwajam Bardī and other brave men of the centre joined in the fighting. Moẓaffar fled, and though many of the victorious troops were wounded, yet the leaders of the enemy, such as Qurbān 'Alī Bihāragī, S. 'Abdullah, Ṣāliḥ Mīānā, Tamtam Ḥusain, and Gadā Beg, were killed. By the daily increasing fortune of the Shāhinshāh a great victory^684a was gained. Some of the rebels were killed, and some sent into obscurity, the commotion subsided, and the world's lord on receiving the joyful news increased his devotion and his justice, and added another good omen^684b to the glory of the marriage (Selĩm's).

At this time of joy when the nuptial banquet was full of delights, the variegated spring illuminated the countenance of the age. The garden of dominion acquired new freshness.

'Tis the glorious feast of Farwardīn,
The market-day of the rose and the nasrīn (wild-rose).
What lacks the world for the nuptials?
The soul is light and the dower is heavy.

After the lapse of six hours and fifty-seven minutes the light-increaser of the nine heavens cast his rays on the mansion of Aries on the night of Thursday, 19 Rabī'-al-awwal 993, 10 or 11 March 1585. Piety was made brilliant by the embroidery of joy, and there was a new palace of liberality. At the beginning of this august feast the officers of Berār were exalted by doing homage, and obtained princely favours. Berār is one of the southern countries. ⁴⁵⁶ An account of it has been given in the final volume (the Āīn). It was in the possession of Martaẓā Naẓāmu-l-Mulk. From lust^685a and bad companionship he departed from his proper work, and applied himself to the holy service of the spirits. This is a fearful task, and one hardly to be executed by the emancipated ones of purity under the guidance of those who have made the journey. How then can it be accomplished by those whose feet are caught in the skirts of wickedness? In a short time the shining jewel of wisdom fell into the dark ravine of madness, and realm and religion were endamaged. He became disgusted with external things and confined himself to communications by writing. Mercenary men took advantage of him and made him an ensample of madness. Ṣalābat K. Carkas (Circassian) obtained sway over his insane disposition, and ruled the kingdom. He set about ruining the fief-holders of Berār. Mīr Martaẓa^686a Sabzawārī, who was the head of that body of men, together with Khudāwand^686b K. Mashhadī, Jamshed K. Shīrāzī, Canda K. Deccanī, Sher K. Nohānī and others, collected troops and hastened to Aḥmadnagar. He (Ṣalābat), under the leadership of Niẓāmu-l-Mulk's son, did battle with them. Many fell on both sides, but at last the Berārīāns were defeated, and Jamshed K. was made prisoner. They lost much property, and had no more the power to remain in the country and so turned the face of entreaty to this eternal dominion (Akbar's). The officers of the borders kept them back and represented the case to the august court. An order was issued to the effect that “our court is open to mankind, whoever is helpless and takes refuge there will obtain his desires.” At this auspicious time they arrived, and brightened the blackness of their fate. They received various favours, and obtained high office and fertile jagīrs. Every day there was a fresh feast, and the records of the Age were filled with eulogy. One of the great officers begged that the daily^686c increasing fortune would deign to adorn the feast. The sovereign, the granter of desires,—who is the joy-giver of the spiritual spring, —filled the place with light by his advent.

The Shāh sits on the throne and indulges in pleasantry,
His heart seeks wisdom, and listens to cleverness.

On the day of Farwardīn (19th Farwardīn) the world's lord celebrated the feast of the sun's exaltation (sharf), and implored blessings from the incomparable God.

May his name abide for ever.
May his glory be always like Jupiter (?).
From him I got a good name in the world.
May there be a good fulfilment to him from the world.

During this great festival good servants were exalted by the increase of their rank. Shīhābu-d-dīn Aḥmad K. obtained the government of Mālwa. Rajah Bhagwant Dās was made a Panjhazārī ⁴⁵⁷ (5000), Rajah Todar Mal a Cārhazārī (4000), Zain K. Koka and Mīr Yūsuf K. 2500, 'Abdul Maṭṭālib K. 1500, Rajah Askaran 1000, Ḥakīm Abu l-fatḥ 800, S. Farīd 700, Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn 600, Burhān-al-mulk 500. The writer of the noble volume was, without his having given any proof of service, exalted to the rank of a Hazārī (1000). I hope that good service will show itself and vindicate the discernment of the world's lord! All the commanders were distinguished by great favours. Also at this time Amīr Fatḥ Ullah Shīrāzī was made Āmīn-al-Mulk, and an order was issued that Rajah Todar Mal should conduct the financial and administrative officers of the empire according to the Mīr's counsels, and that he (the Mīr) should bring to a conclusion the old transactions which had not been examined since the days of Moẓaffar K. He was to report to H.M. what occurred to his far-reaching intellect. The Mīr addressed himself to this important duty with an open mind, and in order to facilitate his proceedings, he submitted certain propositions (faṣle), and made the exquisite replies thereto his guide. For the sake of information I have given them textually.

Firstly.—The accountants have not rendered clear statements, and have not observed the sacred regulations. They have based this business—which rests upon inquiry and investigation—on conjecture and approximations. In the year when the whole empire became crown-land (khālṣa), the officers, on account of excessive work, could not go to the bottom^687a of the business and wrote down large sums as arrears. They decided the matter upon the fifth^688a or sixth share of the produce. The cunning got the joy of their hearts, while the honest fell into soul-exhausting trouble. Those who had gone a little astray were kept back from paying by the enormity of the demand. If accounting were done according to knowledge, the former inconveniences would cease. Secondly.—It was a regulation that the collectors of revenue should give receipts (yāfta) to the ryots and that they should make a list, and that the clerks should base their accounts thereon. Now, that arrangement (serishta) has been given up (lit. has gone from the hand), and whatever the khālṣa-collectors write in the names of the cultivators, and which they make the cloak of their embezzlements, is accepted. It is right that in future the two documents^688b above named should be used. Thirdly.—The accounts are made up according to a perfect year (sāl^688c -i-kāmal) or according to krorbandī^688d papers which have been written by hasty and inconsiderate persons. In consequence of this many have been imprisoned. The just course would be to base the demand, simply and honestly, on a series of years (paiwasta^689a sāl). Fourthly.—Owing to the somnolence of the collectors, the agents (gomāstagān) have been powerful and have robbed^689b the cultivator.

The Patwārī rejects from his accounts (qarār wāq'a) private^689c documents and vouchers—commonly known as “crude papers” (kāghaz^689d -i-khām). The proper course is that whatever appears in them should be entered in his name and he should be responsible for the contents. If he (the patwārī, or perhaps the collector) does not produce what his agents have taken, he should be obliged to refund it. Otherwise the oppressor will escape from his obligations. Whatever stands in the names of extortionate persons, such as qānūngoes,^690a maqaddams^690b and pākārs,^690c should be accounted for by ⁴⁵⁸ such individuals. Fifthly.—Any over-plus which in this way is brought to light should be credited to the arrears due by the ryot, name by name, or should be carried to account in the next year, and there should be no second demand for it, nor should it be again demanded from the collector. And as the computers of the current revenue (siyāq navīsān-i-ḥāl) demand village expenses (malba)^690d which in clerical phraseology are termed istiṣwābī^690e and akhrājāt, this also should be deducted from the demand. Sixthly.—The fluctuations of cultivation are apparent to every one. If in a village some land fall out of cultivation, one endeavours to increase cultivation elsewhere. Similarly, if a crop be lost or damaged, compensation for this should be sought elsewhere. The accountants^690f (ahl-sīyāq) look only to the diminution and tighten^690g the load of the demand. If they would look to the total assessment, the ryots would be relieved. Seventhly.—The mastaufi (auditor) holds in deposit one-fourth of the collectors (salary) for the purpose of clearing off arrears. If the arrears result from desertion or contumacy of tenants, and the efforts of the collector are without avail, or if they are the result of his having been untimely removed,^690h they are not due to his fault. If there have been remissness in making demands that reason^691a should be entered on the arrears, on condition that the arrear appear in the revenue-roll.^691b Eighthly.—Some persons are occasionally appointed to assist^691c the collector, and their pay is allowed to them for a fixed time. Sometimes, they remain longer and draw their pay for that time, but no such allowance is made to the collector. If their being kept on be necessary, he should be allowed the expense thereof, and the circumstance be reported.

Ninthly.—It would also be just if the (cost of) calling^691d for the accounts of the former collector and his subordinates were allowed among his expenses.

Tenthly.—After the collectors have been removed, they remain in the pargana for the purpose of collecting the arrears. If their pay for that time and for the period before the notification of dismissal has reached them and for the period of travelling (to court) be allowed among their expenses, it would be just. Eleventhly.—If the collector's pay, and that of the branding officers, be allowed, after they have been removed, for the period that they are on duty at court, and be included in the amount credited to them under the countersignature of the record-keepers of the attendances (caukīnavīsān), this would be a relief to them. Twelfthly.—Sometimes the pay of the auxiliaries (kumākīān)^691e has been entered as payable from the arrears left by a former incumbent; and on account of the ryots being non-existent, or not acknowledging the debt, or of their contumacy, these arrears have not been realized. If the collector shall, owing to the contrivance (kārsāzī) of that set (the auxiliaries), have paid the wages, he should get credit for them. Thirteenthly.—Officers are arrested because they have not submitted reports. They reply that they did submit reports to the court and got no answer. If the registrars (wāq'anavīsān) would look after this department and would make over the replies to the collectors' agents, such defences would be impossible. Fourteenthly.—It would be a comfort to the collector if he got half his pay^692a by assignment.

Fifteenthly.—For the purpose of the work of collection footmen (piādas) should be given, equal in number to the troopers, or to the half thereof. If it is indispensable that the former collector be kept under surveillance, respectable men should be appointed to guard him(?). Sixteenthly.—Great profit accrues to the Qānūngoes. If a man^692b from each pargana remain at court, assuredly there will be more enlightenment on this subject.

Seventeenthly.—The pargana treasurers have to make large advances.^3692c Some able and upright men should be appointed to carry on this work. Eighteenthly.—The statements of arrears made by former collectors should not be acquiesced in without scrutiny.^692d Nineteenthly.—Whoever^692e keeps his fief in a good state by attending to the distribution of corn at a time when other estates are suffering loss and are in a bad condition, should, when there is a question of increasing^693a the revenue, have such increase applied to the augmentation of his rank and allowances.

Twentiethly.—A soldier's horse dies, and he immediately buys another, and produces a correct descriptive roll of it; or sometimes he gets a new horse after two years and more. In the first case the soldier suffers loss, and in the second the king's property is injured. Also on account of the distance he cannot^693b bring the animal to be branded. If his pay be deducted from the date when he ceased to have a horse it will be hard. If they transfer the aznās^693c to the new horse, and so do not make a deduction from his pay, he will be relieved.

As these remarks had been written with a good intention and from right-thinking, they were accepted. The old accounts were put into order, and by the labours of this wise man the tribunal of the vizier become a house of delight for the public.

One of the occurrences was the discomfiture of M'aṣūm K. Kabulī. Though, owing to evil ideas and selfish motives, there had been dissension among the imperial officers, and for a time the rebels had been successful, yet as there was the aid of heaven, and there was daily-increasing fortune, the rebels fell into dismay. M'aṣūm hastened off to the place which has been mentioned,^693d and on account of confusion of plans and the tidings of the approach of the victorious army, he was unable to achieve any success. He chose a strong position and proceeded to build forts. At the place Tirmohinī,^693e where the Ganges, Jumna and Sāknī join, he laid the foundations of two forts.^694a He left there Beg Muḥammad, Ulugh Beg and some evildoers as also some Zamīndārs. He designed that they should be his bulwark (band), and he himself took a lower place (pastarak) The officers prepared for battle. 'Īsā sent able men and made supplications. As he did not show signs of penitence, they did not give ear to his overtures and addressed themselves to the taking on the forts. There were severe engagements, and every time the enemy ran away in large numbers. On 21 Farwardīn the victorious army arranged a naval battle. In a short time one of the forts was taken, and at dawn they broke down the other and proceeded against M'aṣūm. He could not resist them and took to the river. From the tumult of the rebels and the force of the river his boat was sunk, and a few escaped, half-dead, to land. A second time was he discomfited, and the imperial servants offered up thanksgivings.

One of the occurrences was the punishment of Tarkhān dīwāna and of Ṭāhir Īlāncaq. They were in obscurity on account of former defeats, and were waiting their opportunity. At a time when the officers were in the sleep of negligence, Ṭāhir went to Tājpūr and stirred up the dust of strife. Timur Badakhshī fought ⁴⁶⁰ a rash battle and was defeated. This made Ṭāhir presumptuous. Tarkhān dīwāna came to Tānda, the capital, and increased sedition. He sent fireladen reeds into some houses. Shahbāz K. sent Qāsim K. Muḥ. Niyāzī^695a and some brave men to punish him. He was soon a wanderer in the desert of destruction and died in the Morang.^695b The dust of failure was also scattered on the heads of the others.

One occurrence was the death of Ḥabīb 'Alī s. Muḥibb 'Alī (Rohtāsī). When the Bihar officers went to serve in Bengal, Yūsuf Matī Afghan collected few men and committed outrages. Ḥabīb 'A. boiled over on account of his youth, and engaged in fight without due preparation. He performed wonders of valour and played away the coin of his life. Muḥibb 'Alī was wild on hearing of this, but the other officers would not allow him to go off. Shāh Qulī— who had long been desirous of approaching the holy threshold—was sent to punish the wretch. In short time the rebels met with their deserts, and the dust of dissension was laid.

One occurrence was the assignment of Bengal to Ṣādiq K. It has been mentioned that the Bengal officers out of conceit and selfishness severed the thread of singleness of heart. Ṣādiq went off with some men in one direction, and Shahbāz went off in another. As ignorance was in the ascendant, the separation was not advantageous. They withdrew their hands from work and indulged in mutual animosity. Khwāja Salaimān^695c was sent to them from court to give them advice, and an order was given that it was not right to do one work in two divisions. Acute and well-meaning men should hold a meeting, and the subject should be fully considered among the leaders. Whoever should assume the management of Bengal should surrender Bihar to the other officer. The Khwāja first went to Ṣādiq, who hastily took Bengal without there having been any meeting of the two men. Shahbāz, S'aīd and others were angry and left without putting the province into order.

One occurrence was that Shahbāz became annoyed with Sangrām. Though the latter had not had the bliss of appearing at court, he never failed to serve the Bihar officers, and such was his good conduct that Rajah Todar Mal had called him his son. When Shahbāz was returning from Bengal, he, from interested motives, set about ruining Sangrām. The latter went into the ravines and prepared for wars. When the affair was somewhat protracted, ⁴⁶¹ S'aīd chose separation and came to Bihar. Shahbāz caressed Pūran Mal of Gīdhaur, who was Sangrām's enemy, and encouraged him to injure Sangrām. A short time afterwards he imprisoned him (Pūran Mal).^696a A Rajpūt, who had formerly been in his (Pūran Mal's service, left him and joined Sangrām. He lay in wait to kill Shahbāz, and one day when a man was conversing with Pūran Mal in Shahbāz's parlour, that confused one took the man for Shahbāz and attacked him with his sword. Puran M. acted quickly, seized the Rājpūt and killed him. Shahbāz acted without consideration and put the innocent man (Pūran Mal) in chains.

One of the occurrences was the submissiou of 'Īsā K. From the time that a disaster^696b had happened to the imperial forces, of which some account has already been given, he had been greatly alarmed. He had been bewildered by the arrival of the troops, but when motives of self-interest and factiousness had disorganized the leaders of the army, and they in a short-sighted manner had fallen out with one another, this landholder become somewhat confident and reassured. He out of foresight sent envoys to Ṣādiq K. and the other leaders, and used soothing words. He agreed that he would send M'aṣūm Kābulī to the Ḥijāz, and that he himself would behave like a good servant. Also that he would send one of his relations to court to serve there, and that he would send there valuable presents. He would also send back what he had taken from the army at the time of the confusion. He was arranging to do all this when suddenly Shahbāz K., S'aīd K. and the other officers came away, as has been said. Thereupon that evilly constituted one gave up submissiveness and indulged in extensive desires. The officers out of ignorance left him some territory, and he showed some obedience. He sent off to court the elephants, guns etc. which had fallen into his hands. Though he did not dismiss M'aṣūm K., yet he restrained him in some measure from strife-mongering. The farsighted sovereign accepted these things, but he did not approve of the officers coming away in the manner described. Khwāja Sulaimān reported that however much he spoke to Shahbāz K. about staying some days, he in his wrath would not agree to do so. H.M. sent him (Sulaimān) again to that country along with Nāẓir Daulat in order to obtain information about his (Shahbāz's) doings, and to rebuke the officers.

One of the occurrences was the quelling of the disturbances caused by the officers^697a of (Sulaimān) Kararānī. At the time when that country had been a little quieted, and the imperialists, in consequence of 'Īsā K.'s being bound by his agreements, were watching the course of events in the neighbourhood of Orissa, that turbulent one ('Isā) stirred up the dust of strife with the help of Sulaimān Sarbānī. A number of Afghans gathered together, and set about plundering. An attack was made upon Ṣāliḥ s. Wazīr K. and there was a battle in the district of Bardwan. Ṣāliḥ fought well and then took refuge in a fort in Bardwan. The imperialists ⁴⁶² on hearing of this sent a force, and also marched there themselves. When the troops arrived within six kos of the enemy, the latter withdrew from the siege, and addressed themselves to fighting. The imperialists took post on the bank of Mangalkot^697b river. Just then the (main body of the) army arrived. They were rejoiced to find that the river was fordable by elephants. Meanwhile Khwāja Sulaimān and Nāẓir Daulat arrived from the court, and brought the news of victory. In a short time they erected two earthen forts over against the camps, so that the enemy might not give trouble at the crossing. On 30 Khurdād (about 10th June, 1585) the officers obtained a victory and had a joyful time. It rained the whole of the night. At dawn the troops proceeded to cross during the rain, and some men and horses were swept away. The enemy formed into battle-array. Ṣādiq drew up his forces, and entered the fort, and himself went to sleep (!). He left capable men to see that the troops did not disperse. When midday passed, the rebels returned to their quarters, thinking there would be no battle that day. At this time Ṣādiq resolved on battle. He sent a message to the officers that “The sole thought of the enemy was to turn back, let us now apply ourselves to battle.” The brave men accepted this message, and came forward to fight. The enemy was thoroughly confused, and formed into two bodies. One body attacked Wazīr and another assailed Ṣādiq and Muḥibb 'Alī. Nāẓir Daulat and others distinguished themselves. Ṣādiq drove off his opponents. At this time it appeared that Wazīr was nearly being defeated. Muḥibb 'Al and others went to his assistance, and in a short time the enemy was defeated, and a great victory was gained. Nearly 300 of the enemy were slain, and about 100 of the imperialists. 1000 of the foe were slain in their flight. The thorn of sedition was uprooted, and the oppressed offered up thanksgivings.

One occurrence was the death of Dastam Qāqshāl. Who can estimate the marvels of the Shahinshah's fortune, or reckon up his great deeds. S'aīd, Shahbāz, Bahār and other strenuous servants had ⁴⁶³ tried to put down that evil-doer and had failed. Now, a few men of moderate capacity erased the writing of his existence. When the officers, from defect of understanding, failed to put that country in order, and went off to Behar, that turbulent fellow (Dastam Q.) invested the fort of Ghorāghāt with a large force. Ṭāhir, Saifu-l-Mulk and Khwājah Muqīm brought the jewel of skill and courage into play, and made a proper defence. Meanwhile Bābūī Manklī came from Sherpūr Murca, and it was reported that Muḥibb 'Alī had arrived. The enemy left the siege and retired to a distance. The auspicious servants came out and fought. Inasmuch as crapulousness soon besets those who have been intoxicated by presumption, and the shameless and turbulent are not long-lived, that shortsighted one fled and was killed, along with many others. Victory adorned the men of clear vision. The elephant Son Kadūh (Golden Pumpkin) and other spoils were taken, and Dastam's son Kḥūsh Fāl was taken. It would appear as if the officers had departed in order that Fortune might show herself without the help of service-sellers, and that a lesson should be given to the ungrateful!

Also, at this time, there was a great gift from the Caliphate (Akbar's court), and many households obtained relief. Owing to the right-thinking of the world's lord, things became cheap,^699a and on this account the government^699b share pressed rather hardly on the cultivators. H.M. remitted in the provinces of Allahābād, Oudh and Delhi one in 5 1/2 shares of the spring crop, and one-fifth share in the hawālī^699c of Allahābād. For the autumn crop he remitted one-sixth in the provinces of Allahabad and Oudh. In the khālṣa lands this amounted to 7 krors, 7 lakhs, 47,062 dāms. From this some estimate may be made of the condition of the fief-holders. This bounty relieved the agriculturists, and much gratitude was expressed.

On 16 Tīṛ the lunar weighment took place, and H.M. was weighed against eight articles. The needy were satisfied and thanksgivings were rendered. On this day Shah Qulī Maḥram came from Bengal, and did homage. On the 12th Amardād, Ṣādiq K. came post from Bengal, but as he came without being summoned, he was rejected.

An occurrence was the arrival at court of the Khān-khānān. A message had been sent to him that he should come as soon as he was satisfied with the condition of affairs in Gujarat. As by the might of daily-increasing dominion sedition had been put down, and great and small were in tranquillity, he left Aḥmadābād on the 8th (Tīr) and did homage on the 24th id.

Rai Singh Jhāla had the bliss of performing the kornish. His adventures are somewhat remarkable. He was one of the land- ⁴⁶⁴ holders in Gujarat, and was related to the Jām and to Khangār. He was distinguished for his bravery. One day he was marching about, and holding a musical procession on account of a marriage-feast. On approaching the house of Jasā (or Jaisā) the cousin of Khangār, he received a message that he must either retire, or stop his music, or fight. Though he had few materials for battle, he set his heart on combat, and by great exertions was victorious. Jasā was slain, and his younger brother Ṣāḥib came forth to take vengeance. He too played away the coin of his life. But though Rai Singh was victorious, and though his enemies were killed, he by the jugglery of heaven disappeared. It is the custom of the Rājpūts that at the time of battle they dismount from their horses and fight at a distance from them. This is lest the horse become unmanageable and carry the rider out of the field, and so distract his comrades, or lest courage for the combat should not remain, and one should use his horse to withdraw himself from the field. After his victory Rai Singh went up to the horses, and Ṣāḥib's Rajputs, who had been left in charge of them, resisted him, and were killed. He too fell, severely wounded, and being half-dead he was reckoned among the slain. At night a jogī saw him, took him to his cell, and tended him. When he recovered, he travelled about in the wilds with the jogī. His clan were certain that he was dead, though some thought that as the body was not found, he was still alive. His wives all burnt themselves, except his favourite spouse, who would not yield herself to the flames. She lived on with a melting soul. In the end of the previous year, he, after nineteen years, took leave of the jogī, and came to his own house. He took again upon his shoulder the burden of social life. Those who had known him recognized him, especially that burnt-hearted sharer of his bed. By the help of the Khān-khānān he regained the chieftainship of his district.^700a

One of the occurrences was the sending of the Khān Ā'ẓim to the south country. Garha^701a and Raisīn were assigned to him as fiefs, and he was sent off after receiving weighty counsels. H.M.'s sole idea was to give tranquillity to the feeble ones of the Deccan, and to improve the rulers thereof. If they would not administer justice and cherish their people they were to be properly punished, and the case of the inhabitants was to be entrusted to sympathetic persons. 'Abdu-l-muṭṭalib K., Rajah Askaran, Shīrazī K.; Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain Anjū, Burhān-al-mulk Deccanī, 'Abdu-Raḥmān the son of Mūyīd Beg, Ḥājī 'Abdullah Kashgharī, Subḥān Qulī Turk, 'Alī Murād, Sher Muḥammad, 'Alī Qulī and other brave men were dispatched from the presence. An order was given that every one should go to his tuyūl (fief), and arrange for the expedition to the ⁴⁶⁵ Deccan. Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad, Sharīf and others of the province (of Mālwa) were ordered to join the army. An order was also given that Āṣaf K. should go from Ajmere with some leaders of that province. Khwājah Fatḥ Ullah was made bakhshī and Mukhtār Beg the Diwān of the army. That wise man of the age, Fatḥ Ullah Shīrazī, received the title of 'Aẓdu-daulah (Arm of the empire), and was sent to guide Rajah 'Alī the ruler of Khāndes. Some other able men were sent with him in order that if it were fitting, they should give advice to the other rulers of the Deccan.

One of the events was the sending of Shahbāz from Bihar to Bengal. At this time news came that he was objecting to go there and was coming to court to make a representation. Karm Ullah his brother was sent to stay him from this evil idea, and to make him obedient. An order was also given that M. Yūsuf should go from Oudh and take charge of Bihar.

Whoever receives^702a a ray from the world-lighting sun, and who reads the inscription on his heart's portico, does not, without some heartfelt cause, abide in one place, but every now and then takes his pleasure in a new spot of delight. Especially is this so with wise enthroned ones, for the repose of the different tribes of mankind is impledged to such right-thinking and just personalities, and the irrigation of the four-square garden of the world depends upon their justice. In the first place the abode of empire is cleansed from the weeds and rubbish of disturbance by perambulations among the provinces, and direct knowledge is thereby obtained of the condition of things. Evil-doers sink into the abyss of failure, and good men acquire distinction. In the second place remote districts become swept and garnished as well as the home-farm of sovereignty, and are enlightened by the glory of justice. The world-traversing steed conveys the sovereign to those places, and knowledge is thereby increased, the country developed, and diversity changed into unity. The glory of the shadow of God envelopes mankind. Hence the acute sovereign every now and then makes some tract his abode, and constructs there delightsome palaces, enchanting gardens, ear-rejoicing fountains, noble temples of worship, and beneficent harbourages. Every one who cannot withdraw his regard from ⁴⁶⁶ superficialities is astonished to behold the sovereign abandoning those lordly dwellings and traversing fields and deserts. At this time when Fatḥpūr—that glorious diadem of God—was the envy of the age, able and observant men perceived that in spite of H. M.'s great affection for that place, the thought of hunting in the Punjab had flashed upon his clear soul. From time to time this thought developed more and more. Men were surprised because they did not see the cause of this, and the far-seeing and experienced were watching for the reason. At this time news came that M. Ḥakīm the ruler of Kabul had packed^703a up the materials of existence (i.e. had died) on 16 Amardād (12 Shabān 993 or 30th July 1585) and that the dust of disturbance had arisen in Qābulistān (Afghanistan). The soldiers of that country were wickedly thinking that they would become wanderers in the desert of failure and would go to Tūrān. This^703b news was a fresh instance of the far-seeingness of the world's lord, and relieved many from their bewilderment. Seekers after wisdom, both in old and in recent times, are agreed that the hearts of just rulers are an iron fortress and a celestial armour for the right-minded and sincere, and for honest traders, and that for the double-faced, seditious, and wicked they are a life-slaying sword and a heart-piercing dagger. The fortunate who take up their quarters in that city^703c of God, or who occasionally enter there, are freed from the powerful arm of Time and sit joyfully on the summit of a happy day, and the foolish who meditate contending against this body of men who hold fast to the Divine, or have evil thought concerning them, spike themselves on the edge of a sword, and by their own insistence settle themselves in ruin.

'Tis the fate of all who resign themselves to dreams
That they draw^703d the sword against the sun.

Those who opened far-seeing eyes perceived that the Divine assistance was attached to H.M. and he only felt an increase of affection for them as he considered them to have been labouring under the disease of ignorance. From the beginning of the Shāhinshāh's reign, every one who from an evil disposition, or from associating with the wicked has cherished evil thoughts, or has gone into opposition, has received proper punishment, and has trod the path of failure without the efforts of the managers of empire. Readers of this book of fortune do not require to search for proofs of this. The death of this young man is a fresh instance of it. In his former acts of ingratitude he was young and ignorant, and so he did not suffer so much loss, but a crew of wicked men, who made him a tool for disturbance, brought him to condign punishment. There was a time when he took a lesson, and had recourse to supplication. From ill fortune his evil thoughts increased, and India was again filled with dust. He retired discomfited, and his honour was lost on the field of battle. The gracious sovereign again forgave him and allowed him Afghanistan, as has been related. He ought not to have been able to lift up his head for shame, but in his evil ⁴⁶⁷ nature, kindness produced badness, and favours made him go further astray. The superintendents of fate made him a wine-bibber and this was a source of diseases for him.

After much madness he fell into pains difficult of treatment, and the cup of his life was over. In spite of his high birth and noble lineage he by association with the base and with flatterers gathered no flower from the tree of existence, nor did he catch any fragrance from the spring-time of dominion. When he died, the bazaar of the seditious became flat and the double-faced turned to unity. H.M. was seized with sorrow at this time of joy, but he recognized the power of fate and sought for a remedy, and wended his way to the abode of resignation. He engaged in comforting the children, and gave attention to the consoling of high and low in that country. As some Afghans were from foolishness in terror, and thought of taking refuge in Tūrān, and were making the Mīrzā's children the instrument of their own ends, an order was rapidly sent by the hands of Walī Beg Ẕu-alqadar and Fatḥ Ullah that the timid should be encouraged, and be restrained from such evil ideas. He also instructed them to say that the deeds of the past had been erased from his heart and that nothing flowed from it except forgiveness. An order was also given that Kuar Mān Singh should proceed rapidly to Kabul with some troops and should tell all, high and low, of H.M.'s justice and love. He was also to comfort the Mīrzā's survivors and all other men whether Turks or Tājiks. In accordance with his former thoughts about comforting the Kābulīs, H.M. beheld, after the manner of the heavens, that the repose of others depended upon his own activity, and like a star, perceived that their tranquillity must result from his movement. (Accordingly) on 11 Shahriyār (22 August 1585), after one watch and two gharīs of the night had passed, H.M. set off for the Panjab and reached the camp near Daulatābād. He sent off S. Ibrāhīm and some others to guard the capital, and on the 22nd took some repose near Sarai Abād on the bank of a tank which Rajah Todar Mal had made. The Rajah scattered largesse and presented gifts, and offered up thanksgivings. At this stage the Khān-khānān took leave to return to Gujarat. On the 31st H.M. halted at Delhi and visited the tombs of the saints. He spent most of the day in distributing benefactions at the tomb of Jinnat Āshayānī (Humāyūn). On that day M. Yūsuf K. did homage. When Shahbāz K. was sent from ⁴⁶⁸ Bīhār to the eastern districts, the Mīrzā received a fief in Bihār. When an order reached him, he sent off men to that country, and came himself post to H.M. After arranging the business, he took leave. At dawn the house of S. Farīd Bakhshī Begī was glorified by the Shāhinshāh's visit, and he attained his long-cherished wish. The royal standards proceeded by Sonpat and Pānīpat and on 13 Mihr reached Thānessar. As the evil designs of the Kabulīs now became bruited abroad, H.M. in his abundant kindness dispatched Mīr^705a Sadr Jahān Muftī and Banda 'Alī Maidānī to that quarter in order that they might go quickly and soothe the people. The august cortége proceeded by Shāhābād and Ambāla and halted on the 18th at Sirhīnd. He enjoyed the delightful gardens there, which are famed for their beauty. A noble assemblage took place there. On this day news was received that the Rānā was nearly caught, but that on account of supineness he had managed to escape. On the 4th Jagannāth, J'afar Beg, Sayid Rājū, Wazīr Jamīl, S. Saīf Ullah, Muḥammad K., Jān Muḥammad, Sher Bihārī and some others proceeded rapidly and at the end of the day reached his house. Apparently one of the companions of the Rānā gave him information and he took refuge with his family in the defiles. His house and household were plundered. From foresight they did not judge it proper to return by the same way, and so proceeded towards Gujarāt. When they had gone some way they turned towards Dūngarpūr. They came thoroughly to understand the Rai of that country, and who was a double-faced person by profession. They took from him a large sum of money and much cattle by way of present (sāwarī, i.e. tribute etc.) and then turned back. The Rānā wanted to come out of the hills and to stir up strife in the country, but as the army suddenly arrived, he had to retreat with failure.

Also at this time Daudā the son of Surjan ended his days, and the world became cleansed of a stain. Also S. Ism'aīl died. He was the grandson of S. Selīm Fatḥpūrī, and propriety shone from his countenance. From bad companionship he fell from pure ways into habits of drinking, and so madness took possession of his soul; and he had grievous ailments.

Let not the wise man be sunk in wine,
For this flood ruins wisdom's palace.
They drink wine to produce^706a death:
They do not drink for pleasure and intoxication.

⁴⁶⁹ On account of his being grevously afflicted they left him behind at Thanessar, and he died^706b in much pain on the 16th. He left a warning to the wise.

Also at this time the news came that Kuar Mān Singh had crossed the Indus with an army and that a body of his troops had come to Peshawar. Shāhbeg was terrified and took to flight, and the Afghans came in tribes to make their submission. On the 24th H.M. crossed the Sutlej at Mācīwāra by a bridge, and halted his army near Dihakdār. He went on by Hādīābād, Jālandhar, and Sulṭānpūr. On 1 Ābān he made a bridge over the Bīāh at Jalālābād and crossed his troops. He himself crossed on an elephant. On this day the solar weighment took place, and high and low rejoiced. Congratulatory writings enlivened the eye and heart, and on the territories of Bīrwāl (?) and Ambāla he partook of the sport of hunting. On the 6th he reached Kalānūr and enjoyed himself in the garden which is known to the world as the scene of the Accession. There was daily worship of God. On this day he sent Ḥakīm Ālī and Bahāū-d-dīn Kambū to Kashmīr. Yūsuf K. the ruler of that country always considered himself as one of those who had been elevated by the Shāhinshāh, and continually kept himself in remembrance by sending presents. He represented the distance as a reason for his not coming in person. Now that H.M. had come to the Panjab, it occurred to him that he should send one of his servants to summon him (Yūsuf), as some of his letters expressed a desire to come and do homage. Y'aqūb his son got other thoughts on account of his father's having been sent for (i.e. he became suspicious). He fled^707a from the camp and went to his home. Accordingly, the envoys^707b were sent to give good counsels to Yūsuf and to rebuke and waken up the fugitive. If Yūsuf could not come himself, he was to send Y'aqūb.

One of the occurrences was the death of S. Jamāl.^707c He was of a noble Indian family, and his sister was in H.M.'s harem. He was distinguished for courage and politeness. On account of his good qualities he was made an Amīr. He fell into bad company, and his good qualities became tarnished. He stained his character by drunkenness and follies. As his condition grew daily worse, he was left behind at Lūdīāna, and on the 8th (Ābān, i.e. October 1585), ⁴⁷⁰ he departed from this evil world. He was a warning to others.

It is indispensable that a man should choose a wise, far-seeing and loving friend, and make his walk and conversation his model. Some able men of former ages, who had become addicted to drink, observed seasons and moderation, and used wine as a medicine They did not give themselves up to the indulgence; nor made it a source of brain-disorder and infatuation.

On the 14th H.M. crossed the Cenāb by a bridge in the territory of Parsarūr (the Pasrūr of I.G.), and encamped near Sīālkot.

One of the occurrences was the insanity of S. 'Abdu-r-Raḥmān of Lucknow. From bad companionship he took to drink, and for a long time displayed folly. In these days the veil was lifted from his actions, and he talked foolishly in the quarters of Ḥakīm Abu-l fatḥ. In an access of madness he struck himself with the Ḥakīm's dagger. Men gathered round him and took it from him. His wound was sewn up in the courtyard, and he was taken care of. Though physicians declared that the Shaikhzāda's wound was mortal, H.M., from his secret knowledge, pronounced that he would recover. Superficial observers thought that this was only soothing words, but the far-sighted knew that this meant that he would recover. Though for two months and fourteen^708a days he took (only) two or three spoonfuls of soup, there was no change in his condition. The pulse-knowers and the examiners of urine gave him up. The Shāhinshāh continued to give the good news of a recovery, and prescribed pālūsh-i kharbūza.^708b As soon as he ate this, there was an improvement, and he recovered daily, so that in a short time he became well.

On the 24th the army encamped near Rasulpūr. Ṣādiq received Multan and Bhakkar and took leave from this station. On the 27th he crossed the Bihat (Jhelum) by a bridge, and on this day he left the army to hunt deer. The deer of this neighbourhood are superior to all others for size and courage. He enjoyed the sport for a week and then returned. On 7 Āẕar he encamped at Rohtās, and on this day he climbed the hill of Bālnāth and interviewed some of the ascetics. From here Qāsim was sent on to level the roads up to the Indus. Afterwards he was to make the Khaibar and the ⁴⁷¹ road to Kabul passable for carriages. In a short time he accomplished this. In this place Fatḥ Ullah and Walī Beg arrived from Kabul, and it appeared that the Kabulīs had been tranquillised by the graciousness of the Shāhinshāh, and that those who had been terrified had applied their hearts to obedience.

One of the occurrences was the arrival of H.H. Miriam-makānī. On account of her great love for H.M., she could not remain (niyārastand) in the capital (Delhi?). H.M. was delighted at this news; he received her on the 11th Aẕar = 23 November and brought her with all respect to her lodging. Many were of opinion that the august standards should not go beyond Rohtās. But as H. M.'s design was to settle Zābulistān (Kabul) and to chastise the Afghans (i.e. the Raushānīs etc.), he went on, and on the 25th (7 December 1585) encamped at Rawalpindi.^709a

One of the occurrences was the subsidence of the disturbance caused by Moẓaffar Gujrātī. When the Khān-khānān went off to pay his respects to H.M., that wretch thought the field was open to him, and raised the head of sedition. He thought that he might plunder Aḥmadābād. The Jām advised him, saying that he could not go there quickly, and that he should not imagine so great an enterprise to be easy. He should first set his mind at rest about Amīn K. Ghorī, and punish him if he would not co-operate with him. After that he should attack Jūnāgarh. He (the Jām) would join him with a choice force, and so Gujarat would easily fall into his possession. By these idle speeches he got him to attack the town of Ambarīlī,^709b and Moẓaffar obtained some successes in the territory of Amīn K. The latter represented to the officers of Gujarat that he had not the strength to fight with Moẓaffar, but that if he received some help, the insurrection could be easily put down.

On the 2nd, Qulij and some strenuous men prepared in Aḥmadabad for battle. Saiyid Qāsim and Khwājah Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad and others were sent to that quarter. Beg Muḥ. Toqbai Amīr, Maḥibb Ullah, Saiyid Salīm and others were sent in advance. When they had gone thirty kos, Moẓaffar lost confidence and hastened off to Kāthīwāra. When the men sent in advance joined Amīn K., he acquired courage and new strength. He represented that if he had one thousand more horse, he could come from behind, and the imperial army from another direction, and pursue Moẓaffar. Accordingly, Qulīj K. and others were sent, other leaders were sent by another route. Amīn K. came to the town of Rājkot, which was Moẓaffar's asylum, and plundered it. The ill-fated one went off to the Ran^710a (Runn). That is a saline tract, where there is continually the ebb and flow of the tide. It is 200 kos long and 30 to 50 kos ⁴⁷² wide. It dries up at the end of the hot weather. When fresh water passes away from that country, it becomes saline.

The officers halted near the shrine of Dāwaru-l-mulk.^710b There Amīn K. joined them, and the Jām came forward and made protestations (of loyalty). Both landholders were soothed and allowed to depart to their homes. They left their sons to serve in the army. The commotions ceased all at once. After the completion of the business, the Khān-khānān arrived. He had, on the way, arranged somewhat the affairs of Sirohī and Jālor. The Rai of Sīrohī soon came and paid his respects, but Ghaznī^710c of Jālor remained aloof. But when he saw that the foot of resolution was firmly planted, and that escape was difficult, he submitted. As he did this because he could not help himself, he was not allowed to enjoy^711a his lands, and was taken along (with the Khān-khānān). Jālor was given to others.

By the help of God he (the Khān-khānān)^711b was delivered from a great danger. Near Sirohī it occurred to him that he would enjoy the pleasure of hunting, in company with his ladies. In the eagerness of youth he became somewhat separated from the army, while pursuing the sport. Having ridden much, and it being very hot, he took a rest under a tree. One of his huntsmen opened the hand of oppression and laid hold of a cow. The Rajputs of the neighbourhood came forward to fight, and the Khān-khānān got up to take part in the melee. Some servants who were near at hand joined him. A great contest ensued, and things were nearly coming to a crisis. But in that hopeless position they got the victory, and the Rajputs were punished.

At this time Khangār the ruler of Cutch died, and was succeeded by his son Bihārā.^711c Though the Jām has more men and lands, Kḥangār is regarded as the chief ruler, and permission is taken from him on the occasion of successions, etc.

The reports of the Shāhinshāh's justice, of his search for truth, and of his appreciativeness broke the chain which made lovers of their native land apprehensive of exile. Not a day passed without a set of remote foreigners gathering the bliss of homage (kornish), and of having their various wishes gratified. For this reason it was the wish of the high and low among the inhabitants of Kabul that they might come to court and obtain the desire of their souls from the everlasting dominion. But fidelity and loyalty held the foremost place. When the Mīrzā died, there was some disturbance, and every one was trying to save himself. Farīdūn K. restrained the Mīrzā's sons, and the simple-minded Turks, from going to court. He was always saying that H.M. knew from the Kabulis of the seditiousness of the Mīrzā, and would punish it. He considered his own bad behaviour, and so his idea was to ally himself with the ruler ⁴⁷³ of Tūrān. By his cajolery he misled many short-sighted persons, and the majority were nearly being persuaded to adopt this course. At this time holy firmans arrived, one after the other, and the projects of the wicked were broken up. Farīdūn was meditating to take the Mīrzā's children with him and to fly to Transoxiana. Far-sighted and right-thinking persons took to keeping a watch over him. At this time the sound of the approach of the victorious army rose high. Farīdūn too turned from his former thoughts, and had recourse to supplications. But, from shortsightedness and topsy-turvyness of ideas, he could not abide in one mind. At last Kuar Mān Singh arrived, and the thoughts of concord took possession of him. Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn and some brave men crossed the Indus, and marched forward, and Shah^712a Beg went from Peshawar to Kabul. The peasantry submitted, and when the victorious army halted at Bikrām, Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn, Muhammad 'Ālī, Hamza Beg and other brave men pushed forward. The Khaibar route, which had been closed by the turmoil of the Tārīkīs (the Raushānīs), was reopened, and the turbulent banditti crept into the corner of failure. The party reached Jalālābād, and produced tranquillity by acting justly. 'Alī Muh. Asp and all the well-affected Kabulis became adherents. Bakht Nisā^713a Begam was there, and was delighted on hearing the news. The Mirzā had sent that chaste lady with his beloved son Afrāsīāb to court in order that she might make intercession and apologize for his deficiencies. He also sent with her Ḥasan^713b and Ḥusain the twin sons of Shahrukh M. Upon the unavoidable event (M. Ḥakīm's death) Afrāsīāb turned back as he was near at hand (had not gone far?). Farīdūn, in his evil thought, tried to turn back the Begam also. At this time the imperial officers arrived, and the picture of evil intentions was obliterated. On 29th Ābān Mān Singh hastened to Būtkhāk, and M. Kaiqubād, who was 15^713c years old and Afrasīāb who was 14, joined him with many of the soldiers. Their faces were illuminated by the hope of the Shāhinshah's graciousness. At dawn they came to Kabul, and by open-handedness and sweet words the hearts of men were won. On 4 Āẕar, Kuar Mān Singh made the charge of the country over to his son Jagat Singh and to Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn. He himself proceeded with the Mīrza's belongings and the country-leaders to the sublime threshold. On the 25th he did homage at Rāwalpindī. The rewcomers were treated with suitable respect. First, Afrāsīab. Kaiqubād, and Walī,^713d the Mīrzā's sister's son, were admitted to an audience, and then Farīdūn, Āli Muḥ. Asp, Shāh Beg, Gadā Beg, Tāsh Beg Qūcīn, Takhta Beg, Qāsīm Parwāna, Moẓaffar Koka, Jānish Bahādur, Tātār Beg, Ghaiūr Beg, Ulugh Beg, Nūr Muḥ., Khwāja Khiẓrī, Dost Muḥ. Turnabi, Khākī Galabān ⁴⁷⁴ Atālīq, Qāsim Koka, Khwāja Yāqūt (an eunuch), Ātam Bahādur, Khwasham Bahādur, Ḥaīdar 'Alī 'Arab, Qāẓī 'Izzat Ullah, Farrukh^714a Beg Maṣawwir (painter) and others received suitable robes and horses, and trays of muhrs and rupīs. Various favours were conferred on them. Farīdūn, who was of an ungrateful nature, and whose trade was turbulence and disloyalty, was made over to Zain Koka in order that his disposition might be studied.

On 2 Dai H.M. encamped at Ḥasan Abdāl and near there held a qamar gāh hunt. Here Ḥakīm 'Alī and Bahāu-d-din arrived from Kashmīr. The ruler thereof, from pressure of flatterers, and the strength of his country, did not take the road of good service. Though after the manner of double-faced persons, he indulged in protestations, he neither showed an intention of coming to kiss the threshold nor of sending his son Y'aqūb. His ignorance increased. The royal wrath—never inappropriate—was aroused, and an order was issued that the victorious army should awake him from his slumbers.

The sole idea of wise kings is day by day to refresh the garden of the world by the streams of justice, and assuredly this design is accomplished whenever extensive countries come into the hands of one who is just and of wide capacity. And when an empire has been civilized by an enlightened and just ruler, and the people thereof—small as well as great—sit in the shade of tranquillity, it is unavoidable that such a prince should cast a profound glance on the deeds of neighbours who have taken the path of dissimulation. He must look closely in order to perceive if their former conduct can be brought into line with love and order, and if they can be induced to treat their subjects properly. If they do not, then justice requires that they should be punished, and their land taken from them. Especially, if they, after having been treated with various kindnesses, take the path of presumption, and turn away from cherishing their people, and sit down in self-indulgence. Accordingly when the envoys returned from Kashmir, and represented the arrogance and wickedness of the Ruler, H.M., on 9 Dai, 20 December 1585, dispatched M. Shāhrukh Bahādur,^715a Rajah Bhāgwant Dās, Shāh Quli Maḥram, Mādhū Singh, Mubārak K. and many Aḥadīs, under the charge of M. Ālī Akbarshahī, Shaikh Y'aqūb Kashmīrī, Ḥaidar Cak and other strenuous and brave men. Amīnu-d dīn^715b was made bakhshī. Also on this day, Zain K. Koka was sent off to guide aright the Yūsufzais, and to conquer Swād (Swāt) and Bajaur. ⁴⁷⁵ This large tribe formerly lived in Qandahar and Qarābāgh. From there they came to (the district of) Kabul, and became powerful. M. Ulugh Beg Kābulī massacred^715c them by a stratagem. Those who remained took refuge in the Lamghānat. Afterwards they settled at Hashtnagar.^716a It is nearly one hundred years since they settled in Swād and Bajaur, and lived there in the practice of robbery and turbulence. In this land there was a tribe that had the title of Sultānī, and claimed to be descended from a daughter of Sultan Sikandar.^716b The Yūsufzais for some time zealously served them, and then became ungrateful, and took possession of the choice lands. Up to the present day some of the former inhabitants spend their days in distress in the defiles, and from love for their native land are unable to leave.

During the Kabul commotion the heads of the Yūsufzai submitted and had recourse to fawning. They expressed shame for their former wickedness and made promises of service. One of them, Kālū by name, was treated very graciously. In a short time however, they returned to their former ways, and applied themselves to robbery and oppression. Kālū himself fled from Court. Khwāja Shamsu-d-din caught him near Attock and sent him back. The gracious sovereign treated him kindly. Inasmuch as kindness is of no benefit to an evil nature, he again absconded, and took refuge in his former dwelling, and led astray other landholders. H.M. dispatched Ḥasan K. Patni, Rajah Mukat Man, Jānish Bahādur, Askaran Pancānan, Hīra Pradhān, Rām Cand, S. Kabīr, Faulād and others,^716c under the command of the Kokaltāsh. 'Arab Khānjahāni was made bakhshī. The whole idea was that the crooked tribe might be guided aright, and that the black-hearted ones who did not accept counsel should be punished. Farīdun K. was made over to the author.

Also, during this year^716d Ism'aīl Qulī K. was sent off to Balūcistān. When the news came that this people had gone the way of disobedience, and did not perform service, he was nominated for this important task. Rai Rai Singh, Abu-l-Qāsim Tumkīn (Namakīn) and many other brave men accompanied him. Ḥāshim was appointed bakhshī. Also, on this day Kuar Mān Singh was sent off to ⁴⁷⁶ Kabul, in order that he might civilize that country by justice. Saiyid Ḥāmid Bokhārī, Bakhtiyār Beg, Muḥ Quli Beg, Ḥamza Beg and many men of note accompanied him. An order was given to him that when he came near the Khaibar he should halt for some days and chastise the Tārīkīs, and make the road safe, so that pedestrians (pawindagān) might feel at ease. The sovereign arrived at Atak-Benares on 12 Dai, 23 December, after travelling 305 kos and a little more in 4 months and 1 day and in sixty-five marches. At dawn of the following day he reached the quarters of Zaīn K. Koka and Kuar Mān Singh, who were in the neighbourhood, and renewed his valuable counsels. On the 15th he sent Farīdūn K. to the Ḥijāz as, mayhap, the stain of his misconduct might be washed out there, and he might gather the materials of bliss. He embarked on the Bihat in a boat and was taken to Bhakkar. From there Ṣādiq K. sent him off by river, and had him conveyed to that place of pilgrimage. Though the farsighted among the courtiers represented that if he did not relieve such a rebel from the burden of existence, he should put him in prison and read him a lesson there, H.M. adhered to the tenour of his summons and did not listen to this suggestion.

Ḥājī Siyandak, Aḥmad Beg and others kept an eye on those who had gone first. When they learnt how kindly they had been received, they left Kabul for the holy threshold, and on the 20th had the bliss of a reception, and were treated with princely favours.

One of the occurrences was the sending of soldiers to attack the Yūsufzai. The homes of this rebellious crew are in the hill-country of Swād (Swāt) and Bajaur. Many of them live in the plains. The Indus surrounds them on two sides. On the two other sides they have the Kābul river, and the northern hill-country. The length of their territory is 30 kos, and its breadth 15-20. There are delightful valleys and beautiful tracts.

As the Kokaltāsh went on to Bajaur without paying any attention to the plains, H.M. dispatched on the 25th (Dai) Qarā Beg, Ẓīā-al-mulk and some others under the command of S. Farīd bakhshī. Tḥey made a good attack and then returned. They reported that there was a great deal of work to be done in the plain, and that another army should be appointed in order to root out the thorn of rebellion. After that it should enter the hills from another side and join the Kokaltāsh. Accordingly, on 4 Bahman S'aīd^718a K., S. Faiẓī, the poet laureate, Sher Khwāja, 'Alī Muḥ, Alif, Qāẓī 'Alī, Ṣāliḥ diwāna, Fatḥ Ullah Sharbatdār, Ayūb Beg, Y'aqūb Beg, 'Abdu-r-Raḥmān Beg^2718b , S. Abu-l-Barkāt^718c and others, together with 300 horse belonging to the author, were sent off.

At the first stage, to which this humble one had gone to take leave of his brothers, H.M., from his favour to the humble, cast the shadow of his graciousness upon him, and exalted him by various kindnesses. A qūrkhāṣa^718d (special collection of ensigns) was assigned to the force, in order that by doing homage (kornish) thereto, it might be fortunate. The troops were to march behind this. The rendezvous was at Nardān.^718e

On the 7th (Bahman) Mīr Sharīf Āmulī^718f was sent to Zābulistān as amīn and ṣadr of that province (Kabul). On the same day Qāsim Beg Tabrīzī was raised to the post of Mīr 'Adlī (Judge-advocate) of the camp. H.M. said, “Always implore God, and seek to do His will, and unite recognition (of God) with prayer, and keep free from cupidity and cowardice, which cause the wise to waver, for many pure souls are turned from the recognition of the truth by the deceitfulness of the world, and the prosperity of oppressors. Nor should you in the administration of justice (dāwarī) decide matters by witnesses^718g and oaths, but should make inquiry with profound discrimination, and study the lines of the forehead. If difficult questions be too hard for you, report them to me. Regard self-indulgence as wrong, and attend to duty, in season and out of season.”

One of the occurrences was the sending of Rajah Bīrbar to Swād. When it became known that if the work were left to those first sent, it would take long to finish as there were many recalcitrants, and it was difficult to get through the mountain defiles, it was resolved that another army should be sent under the charge of an experienced servant. Inasmuch as the head of this confused and ambitious one (himself) was filled with thoughts of battle, he represented to H.M. that although his serving in his presence was the elixir of fortune, yet he wished to make trial of foreign service— which was the testing place of loyalty. I too, who had been raised by H.M. from the lane of contempt to a conspicuous post in the world, wished to lighten my shoulder somewhat. I was strengthened in this desire by thinking that I might be able to do good service, and also shut the mouths of those envious persons which were gates of impropriety. Should I lose my brief life, I would acquire an eternal good name. H.M. perceived in my demeanour the marks of sincerity, and accepted my prayer. This gave me new vigour. He said that he would send with me some experienced soldiers, whose opinions I should follow in the matters of camping and engaging. At the end of the day when it was the time for taking leave, H.M. said it had occurred to him that lots should be ⁴⁷⁸ cast between me and Rajah Bīrbar, so that without reference to either's wishes the Divine decree might be elicited. Inasmuch^719a as there were divers wishes the big throw failed, and all at once the little throw came out in his name. Both of us entered upon a prolonged sorrow. As there was no help for it, I left the broken thorn of grief in my heart, and seated myself in the caravanseray of meditation. That man who was fitted for battle or for banquet (babazm u razm) went off by heaven's decree on 12 Bahman, 21 January 1586. Qāsim Khwāja, Gadā Beg, Ḥājī Siyandūk, Aḥmad Beg, Tāsh Beg, Khwāja Hisāmu-d-dīn and other distinguished persons went with him. Next morning at dawn, H.M. on returning from hunting visited the Rajah's camp and exalted him by various favours.

In a short time they swept the plain. Whoever was refractory was punished, and whoever submitted had his honour and property preserved and the troops went off elsewhere (?). The victorious army then addressed itself to the conquest of Banīr (Buner) and proceeded by the ravines. When they had passed through some defiles they came to Dūk.^720a Here the Afghans proceeded to offer battle, and there was a hot engagement. A large number were made prisoners, and many also were killed. Sher Khwāja and others displayed much valour. As it was evening, and the road was not clear, they turned back and came to the staging-place. When they learned that there was no road that way (the one by which they were advancing when they were attacked by the Afghans), they returned to the plain in order to march by another route.

At this time Ḥakīm Abul Fatḥ was sent off to Swād with a force. Zain K. Kokaltāsh had represented that by God's favour he had crossed through difficult defiles, and had got possession of Bajaur, and of the most of Swād, but that the troops had been harassed by the continual forced marches (takādū). The Afghans were assembled in the Karākar (?) pass between Swād and Bunēr. If some brave men were sent to him, the enemy would soon have his deserts, and the whole country would come into possession in an excellent manner. Accordingly on the 19th, Ḥasan Beg, S. 'Umrī, Aḥmad Qāsim, Ṭūfān Beg, Mullā Ghiyūrī, Mohan Dās, were sent along with Cerūs^721a and shamshērbāzān^721b (swordsmen) under the command of the Ḥakīm. He ordered that if the soldiers previously^721c sent were in the plains they should quickly join the Kokaltāsh, and hasten by the Malakand^721d pass, which was the nearest way. At the end of the day H.M. visited the Ḥakīm's tents, and gave him excellent counsels.

In a short time the forces gathered together and hastened on ⁴⁷⁹ by the prescribed route. Also at this time news came that the ambassador of 'Abdullah K. the ruler of Tūrān, and Naẓar Bé, who had long held Balkh in fief, had nearly arrived with a large caravan. On account of the Tārīkīs they had trouble in coming through the Khaibar, and so Mubārak Nohānī, Ghāzī K. and other brave men were dispatched under the command of S. Farīd Bakhshī Begī to conduct the visitors.

One^721e of the occurrences was the pacification of Bengal. When the idea of the expedition to the Panjab occurred to H.M., the news came that Wazīr K. was unable to carry out the duties there alone, and that the rebels of that quarter were bestirring themselves. Accordingly Shahbāz K.'s younger brother was sent to bid him go from Behar to that country. When H.M. arrived at the bank of the Bihat, it was represented to him that Shahbāz K. was possessed by a great desire to come to Court, and that he was on his way thither. H.M. sent off sezāwals to turn him back nolens volens, and to send him on the above service. They met him near Jaunpūr and withheld him from carrying out his wish. On 20 Bahman he sat down to guard Bengal, and won hearts by soothing words and by the open hand. In a short time the Afghans had recourse to supplication, and the dust of dissension was laid, and the weak comforted. He sent off troops to Bhātī to punish 'Isā K. Owing to the wondrous fortune of H.M., 'Īsā had not the courage to fight, and the territory which Ṣādiq had surrendered according to the peace, came into possession. The conquests extended up to the port of Chittagong, and things were satisfactorily arranged. 'Īsā sent rare presents, and used conciliatory language. He represented that as Ma'ṣūm had, from ill-fatedness taken the path of ingratitude, he (Ma'ṣūm, apparently) trembled for himself, and wished to do good service at a distance (ghaibānī, i.e. without waiting on Akbar, or Shahbāz). He was now sending his son to Court. The answer was given that it would be good if he (Ma'ṣūm) would go to the Ḥijaz, and come from there to Court. Many Afghans also abandoned Qutlū. He too used cajoleries, and Shahbāz, in his simplicity, accepted these, and gave him back Orissa.

Also, at this time a force was sent to the country of Kokra.^722a This is a tract between Orissa and the Deccan. Mādhū Singh the zamindar there was behaving presumptuously, in reliance on the difficulty of crossing an intervening mountain. The imperialists hastened thither and proceeded to plunder. Much booty was obtained. He had the good fortune to offer tribute, and to obtain repose under the shadow of unequalled dominion.

Also the Magh ruler—which is near Pegu—sent large presents, including elephants, and made propositions of concord. This was one of the marvels of good fortune, for there was no great officer ⁴⁸⁰ except Wazīr K. Neither was there a fleet, which is the chief means of making war in that country, whereas the enemy had a large supply of war-boats.

One of the occurrences was the coming to Court of Yūsuf K. the ruler of Kashmīr. When the army marched to conquer Kashmīr, the idea of the leaders was that they would go by Bhimbar, as large armies could march by that route with ease and celerity, and also as some of the landholders there used amicable language. The idea was that when the roads were cleared of snow, and the winter had come to an end they would advance through the passes. As the retribution of the wicked is a thing that does not endure delay, an order was given that during (the season of) the fall of snow and when the enemy were off their guard, they should proceed by the Paklī^723a route, where less snow falls. They were obliged to give their minds to this. On this news, Yūsuf K. resolved to give battle, and sent off many experienced men in order that they might construct a fort near the river Nain Sukh^723b (the delight of the eyes). In every defile they were to establish a strength and to prepare for war. The force that was sent had passed Bārahmūla by six kos when the daily-increasing fortune (of Akbar) became conspicuous. The ruler of Kashmīr erased from his mind the idea of that plan, and he recalled the men he had sent! Under the influence of the talk of short-sighted advisers and of slaves of gold he fell into the heavy slumber of neglect. The difficulty of crossing the passes, the arrival of snow and rain, and the fact of the victorious army's belonging to a hot country made him still more somnolent. Self-indulgence and miserliness stained him with the dust of neglect. When the opportunity had gone out of his hands, he learnt that the strenuous servants had set themselves to conquer the country and had arrived near Paklī. The dust of commotion rose high, and various opinions were brought forward. Whoever casts away far-sightedness, and who in times of prosperity has no thoughts about adversity, shall assuredly arrive at the evil day of the success of the enemy, and the foot of his desires shall strike against the stone of despair. After a little while he in much giddiness again thought of fighting. From time to time, topsyturviness of thought made him still more silly. When the troops aided by Providence had traversed heights and hollows and had come near Būlyās,^723c Yūsuf K. awoke from his presumptuous slumbers, and tried to amend his insubordination. As there was no way of preserving his kingdom except submission and going to do homage, he emerged from the pass of Kuārmast,^724a under pretext of wishing to examine the (intended) battle-field with a few men, and sent a skilled envoy to lay open his secret intention. The officers had been exceedingly harassed by the severe cold, the dearness of provisions, the difficult roads and the rain and snow. They received the envoy and then sent him back, and Yūsuf came with a few confidants of the army on 4 Isfandārmaẕ (about 14th February 1586). They treated him with respect, and had a conference. They then formed the design of returning.

⁴⁸¹ When the news came to court, an order was issued that Yūsuf's coming was approved of, and that he would be welcomed with princely favours, but that the idea of the officers about returning was not right. If Yūsuf were not meditating any fraud and was treading the highway of truth, the right thing was that the army should enter the delightful country (of Kashmīr), and, after having taken it, should make it over again to Yūsuf. The officers, willing or unwilling, had to advance. The Kashmīr leaders in their perverted fashion, and from somnolence of intellect, appointed Ḥusain K. Chak as their head, near Kuārmast, and set about fortifying the defile. Just then Ya'qūb, s. Yūsuf, joined them, and they left their new chief, and clove to him. There was daily fighting in the Pass. Madhū Singh, Amīn-ud-dīn and others cleared it, and Ḥasan Beg Ahadī and some Rājputs acquired deathless fame by sacrificing their lives. Forty men of distinction among the enemy were killed. The foe was dismayed and scattered.

At this time the landholders of Karnā^725a were induced by the address of Shaikh Ya'qūb, Kashmīrī, to come forward and make submission. It was agreed that a force should enter Kashmīr through their villages. Upon this the Kashmīrīs came forward with entreaties and proposed a peace. They represented that their ruler had gone to court, and that so it was right that the dust of dissension should be laid. They proposed that the pulpits and coins should make mention of the Shāhinshāh, and that the mint, the saffron, the silk,^725b and the game should be imperial. A superintendent (dārogha) should be appointed for each department, and then the army should return. As the army had been harassed, these proposals were accepted by the endeavours of Yūsuf, the ruler of Kashmīr. The charge of the saffron and silk was made over to Qalandar Beg, that of the mint to Khwājah Mīrakī, and that of the game to Multā Moẓaharī. Though H. M. did not approve of the settlement, he had regard to the circumstances of the army and of the Kashmīrīs and accepted^725c the agreement.

One of the occurrences was the injury to the good service of Zain K. Kokaltāsh. When he was sent off to conquer Swād and Bajaur, he began by addressing himself to the conquest of Bajaur. There were 3,000 house-holders of the Yūsufzai there, and they were haughty on account of the difficulties of the passes. The army entered by the way of Dānishkol,^726a and the army had not time to see the routes. Jānesh Bahādur and some other brave takers of cities (Shahrgīrān)^726b made an attack, and punished a great number. When the fortunes of the Yūsufzai became bad, Ghāzī K, Mīrzā 'Alī, Ṭā'ūs K, Nazir and other leaders wished to submit, and all over, the thorn of turbulence was uprooted. From there he proceeded to ⁴⁸² Swād. 40,000 householders lived there. When the army reached the river-bank, the daring ones of the country rose up to fight, the vanguard gave way a little, but the brave altamsh came forward, and on seeing this, the vanguard reformed. A hot engagement ensued, and the enemy was defeated and put to flight. The Kokaltāsh laid the foundations of a fort in Chakdara^727a , which is the centre of the country, and set himself to chastise the other inhabitants. He was victorious 23 times, and destroyed seven stockades.^727b With the exception of the Karākar defile and the district of Buner, the whole country had been subdued by him. But the soldiers were somewhat worn out by the hill-marches and the frequent conflicts. The Kokaltāsh asked for reinforcements, and H. M. nominated Rajah Bīrbar, Ḥakīm Abūl Fatḥ and others. When they joined, the dust of dissension and double mindedness (durangē, lit. two colours) rose up. Previously, there had been hot words between the Kokaltāsh and the Rajah, and the latter and the Ḥakīm were also not on good terms. By the jugglery of fortune they, in spite of their lofty natures, entered the narrows of envy. They could not brook any partnership in the royal favour—which embraces far and near. They could not comprehend this. The adoption of such feelings, besides leading one into the depths of enduring pain, and producing lasting sorrow, is a contending with the incomparable Deity; and results in making oneself the reproach of high and low. From the time when the armies of the plain set off to assist the Kokaltāsh, the Rajah's head and heart were disfigured by wrinkles, and he indulged in such remarks as these to his confidants: “It looks as if my fortune had been inverted that I should have to traverse hill and plain with the Ḥakīm, for the support of the Kokah. When shall the things end?” On the march there were daily, improper expressions used to one another. When they reached Malakand, the Kokaltāsh received them and behaved with cordiality. He set himself to cross the army and the baggage over the Pass. The night wore^727c on to day there. Ḥakīm Abūl Fatḥ went off with some followers to the fort of Chakdara. The Rajah was angry at this departure and fell into evil thoughts. At dawn they assembled at the fort. The Kokaltāsh arranged a feast, and invited the newcomers. The Rajah ventilated his resentment and would not go. He said that all the able men should gather round the royal Qūr^728a and hold confidential talk there. The Kokaltāsh suppressed his anger and came to the Rajah. Other leaders came there too. The proper thing was to have made over the Qūr to the Kokaltāsh and to have assembled in his quarters and held a council. In that meeting the Rajah and the Ḥakīm came from hard language to mutual abuse. By the forbearance of the Koka, things quieted down somewhat. After some unfitting altercation, the Kokaltāsh said: ⁴⁸³ “The hill-work is nearly finished, and the rebels of Karākar and Buner have come forward in a submissive manner. But they have not advanced from words to deeds. I have asked for reinforcements in order that I might leave a body of men in the fort, and then march to punish the malcontents. The fresh army should undertake this task. I and the old army will remain in the centre of the country on guard. Or they might elect to remain at Chakdara and he would go and punish the hillmen.” The Rajah and the Ḥakīm replied that they would accept neither proposition. The orders were to attack the country, not to guard it. They should all combine to chastise the enemy and then hasten by that road together to court. The Kokaltāsh replied: “Why should we leave disorganised a country which has come into our hands after so much fighting? Nor is it advisable to go by that route which is so full of heights and hollows. If you don't accept either of my propositions and are resolved to march, it is far better to go back by the way we came. On that side there are troops stationed, and the enemy will have no power to interfere with us. They would not listen to this, and stuck to their first idea. The Kokaltāsh, from an ill-timed submissiveness, put the rules of command on one side. He was afraid lest those eloquent courtiers should make disagreeable remarks (about himself) and that the much-occupied Shāhinshāh would be displeased with him for a time. They were afraid lest they should not be able to accomplish the work by themselves, and that they should be disgraced. By the jugglery of fate it was determined to make an unsuitable march, and a discussion arose about arranging the troops. The Rāja and the Ḥakīm declined, from the apprehension already mentioned (of failure) to take the command of the right and left wings. The command of the right wing was given to Ḥasan^729a Patanī and of the left to Qāẓī^729b 'Alī. The van was put in charge of Ḥasan Beg Gurd. After much talk the Ḥakīm took his place in the altamsh (the reserve of the advanced guard). On 2 Isfandārmuẕ (12th February 1586) they set off for Chakdara towards Karākar,^729c and when they had marched five kos they encamped at the village of Kāndāk (?). Next day, as the road was full of defiles (purtang) they left the right wing as a rear-guard, and encamped half a kos from the defile. The plan was that on this day the guard should make a slight attack and then retire. At dawn when that body (the main army) came to the pass (kotal) a battle began. From time to time victory showed her face, and in a short space the defiles were traversed and much booty was obtained. Thousands of prisoners were made. When the altamsh, which was chiefly composed of Kabulis, heard the news of plunder, they rushed forward, and they were followed by many others of the troops. The Kokaltāsh, who had taken up his stand, was helpless and had also to advance. There was a confused conflict. The Afghāns came from behind and plundered. Ḥasan K. Patanī made a stout fight, but was wounded, and had to retire. The work of the advancing troops became arduous. On perceiving this the Kokaltāsh turned his rein,^729d and planting his foot firmly took part in the conflict. That day and night and the most of the following day there was hard fighting. The Kokaltāsh himself shot down four chiefs, and the Afghāns gave way a little. Although the end ⁴⁸⁴ of the day brought the joy of victory, yet the loads of the camels and bullocks were plundered; what was on the elephants and mules was brought into camp. Next day they advanced six kos and halted near Khānpūr (Raverty's Notes, 262). The Koka took charge of the rear-guard, and after fighting all the way reached the station. He went to the Rāja's tent and had a consultation. He recited in eloquent language the previous discussions, blamed the haste that had been shown, and spoke of his own better judgment. The question was what should be done now. As little of the road remained to be traversed, his audience did not take into account the heights and hollows. So they all replied that the proper course was to get through the defile and then to halt for some days and then renew the punishment of the rebels. The Kokaltāsh represented that the defiles in front of them were the worst of all, and that to go by such a route would be to cast away their honour. The proper course was to build a wall at the station where they were, for it was fairly spacious. There was no danger of their being attacked from the heights,^730a and there was abundance of water and grass, and plenty of food. Here they should stand firm and afterwards inflict punishment on the presumptuous rebels who had taken possession of all the heights. Another course was that as they had in their hands the enemy's families and much of their property, they might write soothingly to them, and take from them promises of obedience. They might return the prisoners, keeping some as hostages. If this proposition also be not approved, they could halt for a time and send news to court. An army would come from there and guard the top of the Pass.

As heaven's decree was otherwise, the others stuck to their own opinions, and thought what was in reality their loss was their gain. On 6 Isfandārmaẕ (16th February 1586) they proceeded towards the Balandarī^730b Pass. The Koka prudently took upon himself the charge of the rear-guard, and a harder battle than that of the previous day ensued. When they had marched a little way, and it became evening, the camp (urdū, here perhaps the main body of the army) thought that what was but the beginning of a great defile was the top of the pass. So they halted. But when the Koka came up, it became known that it was necessary to traverse another defile before they could come to the top of that winding way. As there were heights (sarkobhā) close by, an attempt was made to push forward. It was arranged that the vanguard should get to the top of the defile, and take possession of the heights, while the camp should remain below, and should get through the difficult pass as soon as it was light. As the Afghāns were pressing on them from behind, the Kokaltāsh and some brave men turned back. Others thought that the untimely march and pushing forward of the vanguard indicated that the defile had been traversed. So they pressed on, and the proper rules of marching were disregarded. Though efforts were made to make them understand and to turn them back, they were of no avail. The Afghāns fiercely attacked them from every side with arms and stones, and the troops in their ignorance and confusion rushed down from the top of the hill to the low ground. In that crowding they lost heart, and elephants, horses and men got mixed up. A multitude threw away their lives, though many brave men stood their ground and valiantly sacrificed themselves. At the end of the day some got through the defile and came on to the low ground. ⁴⁸⁵ The Kokaltāsh was on the point of yielding up his life, but Jānish Bahādur seized his rein and drew him out. After going some way he, on account of there being no path, dismounted, and after a hundred difficulties got to the camp. Foolish babblers called out that the Afghāns are coming after us, and they went on in a disorderly manner. In the darkness the men lost the track, and got into the defiles. The Afghāns had stopped to seize and divide the spoil. Next day many of the stragglers lost their lives, and some were made prisoners. In the turmoil as many as 500^731a lost their lives. Among those known to H.M. were Rāja Bīrbar, Ḥasan Patanī Gadā Beg, Rāja Dharmkand Sankar, Khān Muh. Mullā Sherī,^732a 'Arab Shaikh Khakka, Mullā Ghayūrī, Jān Muh. Bakhshī, Shaikh Junaid, S. Ḥamīd Farmulī Bahādur, Amān Ullāh S'aīd.

On the 7th^732b the news of the disaster reached H.M. The deaths of loyal servants, and especially the death of Rāja Bīrbar, his spiritual companion, grieved him exceedingly, and his heart turned away from everything. As dignity consists in outward restraint and not in abandonment (to grief), H.M., as the Primate of the spiritual kingdom, preserved external composure. For two^732c days and nights he did not take his daily food and drink. By the efforts of Maryam Makānī, and the lamentations of his faithful servants, he was prevailed upon to take food. His design^732d was to plant the royal standards on those hills and to punish the wicked tribe, but at the entreaty of his loyal followers he refrained from this. On the 9th^733a that jewel of the diadem, Prince Sulṭān Murād, and many devoted servants were sent off. Rāja Todar Mal accompanied the prince.

On the same day the army crossed the Indus and the Kābul river, and encamped at Miṣr.^733b Agreeably to H.M.'s orders Zain K. Koka, Ḥakīm Abul Fatḥ and Qāẓī 'Alī of the former army joined the force. Though in the eyes of the superficial a defeat had occurred, and there had been a disaster, in consequence of envy and incapacity, yet in the eyes of the profound it was the beginning of a great victory. From the days of Ulugh Beg, the Yūsufza'ī tribe, which was more than 100,000 strong, had, by the help of their difficult mountains, practised highway robbery. They had caused much injury to traflic and intercourse. The Kābul rulers had not the strength to chastise them and the rulers of India on account of pressure of other business, and the chatter (hamzabānī) of persons of small capacity, had not attended to this matter. At this time the holy idea was to restrain (the Yūsufza'ī) from injuring people, and from evil ways and to make them obedient and serviceable. An evil habit which is of long standing, and has been inherited ⁴⁸⁶ from ancestors, is with difficulty eradicated. Clemency is not inclined to sever the thread of life. It does not put to death great criminals. It looks to destiny, and waits for the wondrous working of fortune. When the armies that were sent were appointed, endeavours were made not to be hasty in killing the sons of men, who are fruit-bearing plants, and the sublime foundation of God. Whenever the victorious generals sent batches of those wayward and crooked-minded ones to court, they were given gold and robes of honour, and were released. Inasmuch as the time of retribution had arrived, the stewards of Fate caused such an aspect of things (as the defeat), and the life-cups of the brave and loyal were spilt in good service, and they earned a good name. The Shāhinshāh perceived that kindness required the punishment (of the Yūsufza'ī) and that it was proper to erase the record of their existence. In the opinion of the men of the age it was next to impossible to clear the hill country of the tribe, but in a short space a great clearance was made. A large^734a number were killed, and many were sold into Tūrān and Persia. The country of Sawād, Bajaur. and Buner which has few equals for climate, fruits, and cheapness of food, was cleansed of the evil^734b -doers.

One of the occurrences was the victory of Kunwar Mān Singh. When it was reported that the Tūrān ambassador and Naẓir Bé were coming with a large caravan, and that the Khaibar was somewhat impassable on account of the wickedness of presumptuous men (the Raushānīs), he sent S. Farīd Bakhshī to guide them to court. When he came to Jamrūd. Mādhū Singh (s. Bhagwān Dās) and some others were sent by Mān Singh to join him; they entered the Khaibar and joined the caravan at Daka. Mān Singh with a force hastened to 'Alī Masjīd. The Tārīkīs, thinking the force a small one, invested 'Alī Masjīd on a dark night and several of them got to the top of the fort. Brave men stood firm and prevailed against the enemy. Shāh Beg K. and his son also performed masterpieces of valour. The wicked men gave up the investment of the fort and took post on another height. They sate there and meditated evil, but at dawn the brave men drove them off and killed many of them. On the 7th, at the beginning of the day, the (news of the coming of the) ruler of Kashmīr arrived, at midday came the news of the death of Rāja Birbar, and at the close of the day came this joyful news (the victory at 'Alī Masjid). Next day the Tūrān caravan reached the Serai of Khairābād on the other side of the Indus. On receiving this news H.M. on account of the ruler of Tūrān's having sent choice pigeons of that country along with Ḥabīb^735a pigeon-fancier (kabūtarbāz), who was famous among pigeon-sportsmen, sent for him and that family of delight (the pigeons), before ⁴⁸⁷ the ambassador had had the honour of an audience, and gathered happiness. Also on this day Naẓr Bé and his sons Qambar Bé, Shādī Bé and Bāqī Bé did homage by prostrating themselves at the holy threshold and so had their foreheads glorified.

One of the occurrences was that the ambassador from Tūrān had an audience. When the world-conquering standards reached the bank of the Indus, and the design of marching to Zābulistan became couspicuous, and the Khaibar Pass, which used to be traversed with difficulty by horses and camels, had been made passable for wheels, and a bridge had been made over the Indus, there was a tremendous agitation in the country of Tūrān. From fear of a rapid march of the World's Lord, the gates^735b of Balkh were generally kept closed. 'Abdullāh K. the ruler of Tūrān had the enlightenment and discernment to have recourse to deprecatory behaviour, and tendered supplications. He sent Mīr Quraish, who belonged to a noble family of Saiyids, with choice horses, strong camels, swift mules, auimals of the chase, and choice postīns (dressing-gowns) and other rarities of the country. He also sent an affectionate letter and pulled at the chain of friendship. As H.M. was somewhat troubled in his mind on account of the disaster of Rāja Bīrbar, the ambassador for some days did not have an audience. This was disconcerting to him, and when H.M. learnt this, he had compassion on the visitors and gave permission for an audience. On the 21st (Isfindārmuẕ = 1 March 1586), there was a princely festival in the Diwānkhāna which had been recently erected, and the ambassador was exalted by prostrating^735c himself at the holy threshold. He produced before H.M. the rarities of that country (Tūrān).

One of the occurrences was the recall of Prince Sulṭān Murād. Rāja Todar Mal represented as follows: “On the day when H.M. was going to take the field in person, the task had, at the entreaty of the grandees, been made over to the nursling of fortune, Murād. It is proper that auspicious sons should be sent to conquer distant countries, and to subdue great rulers, and that the present work should be made over to a servant.” H.M. accepted what was said and recalled the Prince. He sent off Kunwar Mān Singh—who was near Jamrūd^736a and was meditating the punishment of the Tārīkīs—on this service, in order that he might carry it out, in accordance with the views of the Rāja (Todar Mal). Mān Singh established his camp on the bank of the river (the Indus) in the direction of Buner and near Ohand,^736b which was one of the great cities of old times, and concerning which a mound of earth now speaks eloquently! He established a fort there and set about civilising the country. Rāja Todar Mal established a camp near the Lungar hills (Koh-i-Lungar)^736c which belong to Sawād. Brave men seized those two exits of the Afghāns and made things difficult for them. Every day active men entered the hill-country from either side, great endeavours were made to chastise the wicked ⁴⁸⁸ by capturing them and by plundering. As they were helpless they had recourse to entreaties, and the dust of commotion was laid. A new freshness was imparted to the Age.^737a