Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 3

(This chapter begins with some reflections upon the final prosperity of the good, and the final ruin of the wicked which marked Akbar's reign. The author then proceeds to state that the adventures of M. Sulaimān are an instance of these things. It is noteworthy that these reflections do not occur in the Lucknow edition. They occupy over eleven lines).

From the time that H.M. Firdūs Makānī conferred upon M. Sulaimān the government of Badakhshān, he used to be obedient and did good service, but inasmuch as outward prosperity, evil company and the friendship of flat erers lower the lamp of wisdom ¹⁴⁹ and dim the eye of counsel, wholesome truth-speakers had no honour in his presence, and empty, evil-disposed encomiasts were in great request. He did not understand his own good, nor did he allow another to show it to him. If any one from intensity of goodwill became his own enemy and uttered words of truth, he was obliged, on account of the prince's unwillingness to listen, to place his head in the collar of grief. Accordingly as the Mīrzā found the defiles of the hill-country of Badakhshān too straitened for his desires, he dropped from his hand the thread of obedience. From darkness of intellect and perversity of fortune he in the beginning of this reign raised the head of presumption, and gave himself the name of majesty (called himself king?) and formed the design of taking Kabul, as has already been briefly narrated. Though the Khedive of the universe, owing to his being behind the veil, paid no attention to this, and the imperial servants, on account of the multiplicity of the affairs of the extensive country of India, did not regard it, yet the stewards of fate were there and, according to the measure of his deeds, gave him to drink of the wine of misfortune. In order to complete retribution, and to illustrate the sublime graciousness of the Shāhinshāh, they caused him to visit as a pilgrim and a supplicant the gate of princes. Inasmuch as I desire to water the garden of speech, I proceed to give some account of these calamities according as one after the other emerged from the privy-chamber of destiny. The first was the arrival of the Khānim.^212a The dust of contention between her and Ḥaram Begam rose high, and the seed of savagery was sown in the land. Ḥaram Begam was the daughter of Sulṭan Wais of Kūlāb of the Qibcāq tribe and who rose^212b high by the patronage of Sulṭān Maḥmūd M. When they married her to M. Sulaimān she showed dexterity and skill in the administration of the country, and the management of the army, and her influence came to such a height that the Mīrzā made over to her even the infliction of punishments (sīāsathā), from the obligation of which he could not free himself.^212c Khānim Muḥtarima had the name of Khānim and was the daughter of Shāh Muḥammad Sultan Kāshgharī. She was married to M. Kāmrāñ, and from Kabul was proceeding to Kāshghar. On the way she passed through Badakhshān. M. Sulaimān's passions became roused and he sought her in marriage. Ḥaram Begam became jealous of her, and anticipated matters by giving her in marriage to her own son M. Ibrāhīm. From this time evil thoughts took possession of them (both). A brief account of these will be given. Another thing which disorganized Badakhshān was that this faction (the Khānim's) stained the skirt of Ḥaram Begam's chastity by insinuations about her and Ḥaidar 'Alī Beg who was her beloved brother. The Begam's great attention and kindness to him emboldened them to make such frivolous remarks. M. Ibrāhīm from the intoxication of youth put that innocent man (Ḥaidar) to death merely on account of those scandal-mongers, and became subjected to eternal contrition. ¹⁵⁰ Another cause of injury to the Badakhshīs was the Begam's predominance. She acted without consideration or appreciativeness, and quitting altogether the path of policy—which is the foundation of social matters—paid no attention in her punishments to time and place, or to propriety. When the dust of the fabricators of lies had been laid, the Begam mingled revenge with stratagem and exerted herself to destroy the officers of the kingdom who had spread the calumnious reports. Among the things which caused loss to the inhabitants of the country was the fatal calamity of M. Ibrāhīm, of which a short account has already been given. When she heard of this heart-breaking sorrow the Begam became indignant with all the Badakhshians who were in the expedition, She abused the Khānim, and treated her advent as a bad omen. and often said to her in private and public conversations, “You were a traveller, I picked you up, intending to do you good, and I cherished you. I did not know your qualities.” Such was the language she used, and which only the foolish indulge in. Her sole idea was that the Khānim would be disgusted by such treatment and would go to Kāshghar, and that she herself would bring up Shāhrukh. The Khānim from apprehensions of being separated from Shāhrukh cast aside all other considerations and treated those cutting reproaches as if she heard them not. But she always indulged in the luxury of the thoughts of revenge. Another thing which increased the internal dissensions (nifāq) of the people of Badakhshān was the arrival of Cūcak Khānim the wife of 'Abdu-r-Rashīd Khān of Kāshghar with her two sons Ṣūfī Sulṭān^213a and Abū S'aīd Sulṭān for the purpose of mourning for M. Ibrāhīm. After her condolences and sympathy were offered, Ḥaram Begam's mourning was taken off, but when the ceremony was over she from excessive grief resumed it. Cūcak Khānim was displeased at this, and set herself to blaming her, and being nearly related to the Khānim she espoused her cause. She often said that Ḥaram Begam should not abandon ancestral customs (tora), and should not abate one tittle of the respect due to the Khānim, and should take^213b a lower seat in assemblies.

Another thing which rekindled the fire of dissension among the Badakhshians was that Mīr Niẓāmī^214a Atālīq of M. Shāhrukh, and a large number of the nobles of Badakhshān, and Shaikh Bābāī Wālī— who craftily made the garb of a dervish the tongue of his mendacity—raised up Ṣūfī Sulṭān the son of Cūcak B. the wife of 'Abdu-r-Rashīd Khān of Kāshghar, and in the abode of trickery of the said dervish, which they called a hospice (khānqāh), took an oath together that they would erase the entry of Ḥaram Begam's life from the book of the world (would kill her) and would consign M. Sulaimān to the corner of contempt. At this time one of the conspirators disclosed the plot to the Mīrzā (Sulaimān). Immediately the latter hastened off to Farkhār^2214b along with Waqqāṣ Sulṭān who was an excellent hostage, and Ḥaram Begam went off to Kūlāb in order that she might prepare for war and obtain a remedy against the intrigues of the Kāshgharians. When the Khānim (Cūcak apparently) heard of this crime (the conspiracy) she felt ashamed and sent for the presumptuous intriguer (Ṣūfī Sulṭān) and reproached him. The misguided young man answered that his foot had slipped on account of the evil imaginations of Mīr Niẕāmī and some of the evil-disposed Badakhshīs and of that fair-seeming but inwardly bad dervish. Cūcak Khānim was ashamed and went off with her sons to Kāshghar. She wrote a letter of excuse in which she narrated her own innocence and the evil thoughts of that stirrer up of strife (Mīr Niẓāmī?). When M. Sulaimān learnt the real facts he sent prudent men and made his apologies (for suspecting Cūcak B.) and asked for an interview. Cūcak Khānim sent Ṣūfī Sulṭān and her people to Kāshghar, and for purposes of union halted with 'Abu S'aīd Sulṭān and Raḥīm Khān. The Mīrzā and Ḥaram Begam came there and held a friendly banquet. In order to strengthen the foundations of concord the Khānim^214c married her eldest daughter to Abu S'aīd Sulṭān and gave Rustāq as her dowry. When the friendship had been cemented, Cūcak Khānim made over her son (Abu S'aīd) to the Mirzā and went off to Kāshghār. The Mīrzā set himself to punish the sedition-mongers. He sent many to the pit of annihilation and imprisoned others. The dervish and his crew he pilloried (tashhīr) and expelled from the country. A number fled with great quickness out of the country.

Another thing that increased the distress of the Badakhshīāns was Ḥaram Begam's bestowing the government of Kūlāb on Nadīm Qabbūzī. This caused a disturbance in that country, and was disagreeable to the army of Kūlāb. From the want of true affection and respect they raised up 'Abdu-l-Ghaffūr the son of Jahāngīr 'Ali Beg the brother's^215a son of the Begam, who was in Qarātagīn, and put Nadīm to death. Ḥaram Begam took M. Shāhrukh from Qandūz, and Ābū S'aīd Sulṭān from Rustāq, with her, and marched against Kūlāb. The rebels fortified themselves in Qarātagīn, and the Begam set herself to besiege it. Mīr Aflāṭūn, who was her general, crossed the river and blockaded the country. 'Abdu-l-Ghaffūr and some of the garrison fell upon him, and he was killed. Just then the Kūlābīs in the Begam's army cast the dust of faithlessness on their heads by deserting to the enemy. The Begam was compelled to make a rapid retreat, and 'Abdu-l-Ghaffūr was wicked enough to pursue her. He came up with the Khānim (i.e., Ḥaram) and M. Shahrukh, but as there was some good in his disposition he only plundered her property and honourably released her. She was in consternation at her misfortunes when suddenly M. Shahrukh appeared and drove away her grief. She said to him, “My husband left your father among the enemy and hurried off, and I left you among the rebel-crew and ignorantly ¹⁵² fled in haste. May God forgive me for it!” In a short space of time she joined M. Sulaimān and his army and proceeded against Kūlāb. 'Abdu-l-lah took refuge in Qīrghīz, but his goods and chattels fell into the hands of his enemies.

Another cause of mischief in Badakhshān was when by the exertions of M. Ḥakīm and the leaders of that country the servants of M. Sulaimān were turned out in a wretched condition from Afghanistan, as has already been described. M. Sulaimān came to Kabul, and when he did not succeed, he turned back. He imprisoned Muḥammad Qulī Shighālī and some others who had shown slackness in their service. Some of them he caused to be beaten, and some he censured, and he took away from Muḥammad Qulī the governorship of Qunduz and gave it to Ḥājī Taman Beg. Qanghar Bāī, Yūsuf Qulī, Bīr Kacī Khāksār, S'aīd Beg his son, Ḥājī Fakhrgī, Bāqī Beg and a number of others fled to Ḥājī Taman Beg, and that wretch joined in with those ungrateful and evil servants. They also in collusion with the Khānim put forward the seven years old M. Shāhrukh, and raised the dust of sedition. Their sole thought was to obtain for M. Shāhrukh the country which had belonged to M. Ibrāhīm, so that another shop (of intrigue) might be established, and that there might be a splendid asylum for the ill-conditioned. When M. Sulaimān heard of the sedition-mongering of this crew he proceeded against them. They shut the door of the fort and took steps to defend themselves. The siege (of Qunduz) lasted for about forty days. By the strenuous exertions of M. Sulaimān, and the efforts of some right-thinking persons, M. Shāhrukh waited upon the Mīrzā, and the whole of that iniquitous crew were seized. The Mīrzā bound these wicked, fly-like men and sent them to Qarātagīn. There they colluded with the garrison and brought Mihr 'Ālī, who was governor of Qarātagīn, to disgrace. No one had yet been appointed as chief when the officers of Qarātagīn said to those presumptuous and evil-disposed men, “Neither we nor you have any one who is fit to be chief; one of two things must be done; either do you bring M. Shahrukh in order that we may elect our service in his presence, or you must depart from this country and manage your affairs yourselves.” The matter came so far that they sought to seize the faction. They became helpless and hurried off to Balkh as supplicants. Ḥaram Begam sent presents to the governor there and requested him to punish them. The gang escaped by the intervention of Shaikh Ḥusain of Khwārizm and came to Kabul. Owing to discord, and vacillation of opinions Ḥājī Taman Beg and some others turned back and hastened to Badakhshān. S'aīd Badakhshī, Tengrī Bardī Qūshbegī, Ḥājī Beg, Bāqī Beg and some others turned towards the world-protecting court. When this commotion subsided, Muḥammad Qulī's favour was increased, and Qundūz was given to him. Shāh Ṭayīb, who was nearly related to Ḥaram Begam, was made atālīq (guardian) to the Mīrzā (Shāhrukh).

One of the occurrences which might prove the retribution of M. ¹⁵³ Sulaimān for his ingratitude was this that the sedition-mongers again made M. Shāhrukh a pretext for commotion. The brief account of this is that 'Abdullah Khān the ruler of part of Tūrān set about seizing Ḥiṣār. The people of Ḥiṣār asked help from M. Sulaimān. The Mīrzā, in order to keep up the tie of relationship which he had recently formed, and also from consideration of the opinions of farsighted persons who thought that if the country were absorbed by 'Abdullah Khān, the war would reach him, determined to collect the Badakhshān army and proceed thither. He was engaged in the work of administration and in putting his army into order and had made over the Passes to experienced men, when owing to the quarrelsomeness and evil nature of Muḥammad Qulī Shighālī, who was the prime minister, words were uttered by him which were unfitted for the occasion. At such a time when Muḥammad Qūlī should have supported him, he in his wickedness preferred all sorts of demands, as is the way of the empty headed. When the Mīrzā saw this bad behaviour, he was at first amazed and then reproached him for his improper language. In the same assembly he sent trustworthy men to summon Ḥaram Begam in order that he might make him over to her for punishment. Muḥammad Qūlī became confused and came away from the meeting, pretending that he had a pain in his belly. He went off to Qundūz in order that he might fortify it and engage in strife. He sent his younger brother Khwāja Beg to Ṭālīqān in order that he might renew the old compact with the Khānim and get hold of M. Shahrukh, and stir up the dust of strife. That strife-monger combined with Mullā 'Alī and Mast 'Alī, who were in the Khānim's service, and plotted evil things. The Khānim and M. Shahrukh, who was now fifteen years of age, left Ṭālīqān on the pretext of going for an excursion. Shāh Ṭayīb became suspicious at this departure, and quickly arrived and kept a look-out. Mullā 'Alī, Mast 'Ali, Jahāngīr Beg, Muḥarram Beg, Pīr Qulī, Khākī Khānazād and some other wicked men represented to the Khānim that Shāh Ṭayīb was alone and that they ought to finish him. But from fear of Ḥaram Begam no one had the courage to do this. At last, after much talk, M. Shahrukh at the instigation of those perverted ones shot an arrow at him and the persons above mentioned killed him^218a with their knives. The Mīrzā did this improper act from simplicity and from the infatuation produced by the bad teaching of those darkened intellects!

When the Mīrzā heard of the flight of Muḥammad Qūlī he came quickly to Qundūz. As Muḥammad Qūlī had not had time to strengthen the fort he fled, and the Mīrzā came into possession of ¹⁵⁴ Qundūz. When the catastrophe of Shāh Ṭayīb and the rebellion of Shahrukh became known, he went off to put down the rebels. At the same time the Khānim, when such errors were being committed, took M. Shahrukh and went off with him to the Hindu Koh in order that if she could get help from the Aimāqs, and Muḥammad Qūlī joined her, she might return to Badakhshān. Otherwise she would go to the sublime court and rub her forehead on the threshold of glory. For the Khānim had from old times the connection of service and devotion with H. M. the Shāhinshāh, and his kindness was a great support to her. When they came to the Hindu Koh the Aimāqs collected in crowds. Muḥammad Qūlī also joined them. M. Shahrukh returned and with little trouble took possession of Andarāb. From there they went to Kahmard. Sabz Tūlakcī the governor of that place came and paid his respects. The Khānim left M. Shahrukh there and went on to Ghorī. Sulṭān Ibrāhīm, who was related to M. Sulaimān, fortified Ghorī. Though they brought forward his son and threatened that if he did not surrender the fort they would slaughter his darling (his liver-lobe), he replied, “It is better that whoever spills his honour and fidelity should have his blood spilled.” And like a faithful servant he was firm in holding the fort. When M. Sulaimān heard of this commotion, and was meditating marching thither, Ḥaram Begam yielded up her life. He went off to Kishm for the mourning. From there he proceeded towards Ghorī. M. Shahrukh was unsuccessful and hurried to Andarāb. The Mīrzā resolved to go to the Hindu Koh in order to get hold of the families and property of the Aimāqs, and that he might scatter M. Shahrukh's forces. Just then M. Shāhrukh, at the instigation of evil-disposed persons petitioned that the estates which had belonged to M. Ibrāhīm might be surrendered to him, and represented that in this way commotion might cease, and unity and concord result. M. Sulaimān made no reply. When the Aimāqs' property came into his hands and M. Shāhrukh's position became insecure, the latter was obliged to go to Sirāb. From there he hastened to Khost in order that he might make the defiles of Badakhshān his protection. M. Sulaimān proceeded towards that country by the way of the plain, and when M. Shāhrukh came to the parting of the ways for Ghorī and Qundūz and was in doubt as to which route he should take, there suddenly arrived the vanguard of M. Sulaimān's army under the command of Mihr 'Alī. The Mirza's (Shāhrukh) troops broke. He himself, Muḥammad Qūlī, Nūr Beg his brother, Sabz Tūlakcī and Qulīj turned against their evil fortune, and fighting bravely drove off the enemy. They went off to the mountains towards the district of Anjuman.^219a M. Sulaimān plundered M. Shāhrukh's camp and went off to Ḥarm. M. Shāhrukh after traversing mountains, and much unsuccess, got possession of Qundūz owing to the negligence of the watchmen. As many of the Badakhshān families were there, M. Sulaimān's men left him and ¹⁵⁵ took to coming in (to Shāhrukh). Many of them behaved in an unmanly manner and incurred eternal disgrace. Muḥammad Qūlī Shighālī and many other officers of Badakhshān were of opinion that the Mīrzā (Sulaimān) should be pursued and put to death. M. Shahrukh, from innate goodness and reverence, did not, in that strong blast of indiscretion and stony ways of unloveliness, listen to the words of those wretches, and trod the rose-garden of rectitude. He fixed himself in Qundūz. M. Sulaimān sent him a friendly letter and made over to him Ibrāhīm's territories. Many days had not elapsed when the evil-disposed of that country suggested that Kulāb was a nursery of soldiers and also an inaccessible place, and that M. Sulaimān wished to fortify it. It would be well to extirpate him by taking possession of it. M. Shāhrukh was confused by the preambles of those black-hearted, fly-like men and went off to Ṭālīqān. When he came there every one who was with M. Sulaimān wickedly took the path of faithlessness and went over to M. Shāhrukh. Those wicked men got their opportunity and exerted themselves to utter gold-incrusted words and to lead that simple-minded one astray. In spite of their urgency the Mīrzā did not drop the thread of righteousness, and begged permission to wait upon M. Sulaimān. He replied, “Let the Khānim come first and solace my heart. After that come you and be the light of my eyes.” M. Shāhrukh agreed to the wish. He hastened to pay his respects, and waited upon M. Sulaimān. While they were in Ṭālīqān, M. Sulaimān, from excessive suspicion, would not for some time allow the Khānim to depart from his presence. Muḥammad Qūlī and his brethren out of wickedness behaved harshly to the Mīrzā's (Sulaimān's) men, and M. Shāhrukh suitably rebuked some of them. He also gave a great banquet, and in the banqueting-hall promises and oaths were interchanged. It was determined that Shāhrukh M. would never leave the highway of doing what was well-pleasing to M. Sulaimān.

When solemn oaths had been taken, M. Sulaimān said that during the lifetime of M. Ibrāhīm he had a desire to visit the Ḥijāz and to circumambulate the holy places, and that now the same desire was disturbing his soul. His wish was that they should part on good terms, and that the division (of territory) which had been made should be adhered to. M. Shāhrukh from goodness and reverence hesitated to grant this request. And as imagination—the sovereign—had great predominance, every supplication which M. Shāhrukh made was regarded by M. Sulaimān as something different and sinister. When nothing could pacify M. Sulaimān, M. Shāhrukh was compelled to take leave of him with all reverence and to ¹⁵⁶ allow him to depart with his property. From there M. Sulaimān came to Kabul, and his whole idea was to form some alliance and so take revenge on M. Shāhrukh. If Ḥakīm M. would help him, he would return and exact vengeance, and if he could stir up strife in Kabul, he would attempt to do so, and make this a help towards his recovering Badakhshān. Otherwise he would go to the Shāhinshāh's court and there try to carry out the secret objects of his heart. When M. Ḥakīm perceived the notes of commotion on his brow he sent him to India along with trusty^221a men. From Bikram the Mīrzā sent a petition to the court, which contained thousands of regrets and apologies. The broad-minded and tolerant sovereign accepted his excuses and sent an order to the Punjab officers to go out to meet the Mīrzā and to show him all respect. He also sent off Khwāja 'Āqā Jān with the rarities of India that he might hasten forward to gladden the exile's heart. He met the Mīrzā on the banks of the Indus, and comforted him, and made his sorrow-laden soul embrace joy. The stewards of fate in this old caravanserai of the world, which is a place for the retribution of actions, brought him, on account of his old trespasses, into the dust-bin of adversity and marked him with the dust of catastrophe. As his fortune had something of auspiciousness in it, he carried the countenance of supplication to the sacred court. Inasmuch as the threshold of the fortune of the world's lord is a fount of benevolence and respect, he was encompassed with favours. The envoys met the Mīrzā, some in the borders of Scinde, and some in Bhīra, and showed him respect. The officers went out to welcome him near their fiefs and paid him reverence. When he arrived near the capital, the high dignitaries and the great officers assembled in crowds, in accordance with the orders of H.M., and received him with ceremony. When the procession came within three kos of the capital the appreciative world's-lord mounted his horse and rode thither. The superintendents of the palace decked out the hall of audience and the whole of the city, and made them resemble the picture-gallery of China. From the front of the palace to the end of the stage, mountain-like elephants wearing chains of gold and silver, and golden and bejewelled housings, were drawn up in two rows. The foot of the glance moved from its place, and the eye of the heart was amazed. Between every two elephants there was a cīta attired in costly clothing. The conspicuous places on the route and the city-streets were also adorned. H.M. mounted his horse on the ¹⁵⁷ day of Amardād 7 Ābān, Divine month (middle of October 1575), and all the insignia of royalty appeared before the Mīrzā. He dismounted and came hastily forward. The illustrious Shāhinshāh who made the increase of worldly dignities a motive for increased humility and friendliness dismounted and performed the kornish. The Mīrzā performed the prostration (sijda), and was exalted by favours. All at once, the grief of former wanderings, the sorrows caused by the recalcitrance of Shāhrukh M., the bad behaviour of Ḥakīm M. and the distracting influences of exile were erased from his heart. From that place he returned with a heart full of thankfulness, and a tongue full of praise. The Mīrzā had the bliss of being nearly associated with H.M., and became enrolled among his followers. The sovereign returned to his palace, and there was a great banquet.

They prepared a wondrous banquet hall
In it was an abundant feast
In every corner were the beauties of China and Chigal^222a
They robbed the senses and seduced the soul.

In that feast the Shāhinshāh opened the hand of liberality and conferred boundless favours on the Mīrzā and on all the visitors. Inasmuch as the whole idea of the Mīrzā was to get the government of that hilly country—Badakhshān—he was gladdened by the news that this desire of his would be gratified. He was informed that the armies of the Panjab would shortly be despatched under the command of Khān Jahān, and that they would soon bring Badakhshān into the Mīrzā's possession. The Mīrzā performed the prostration and became partaker of perpetual joy.

One of the occurrences was that Rajah Todar Mal came and performed the prostration on the day of Debādīn 23 Ābān, Divine month. He brought as a present fifty-four noted elephants, and rarities from Bengal, which had been obtained in the battle of ¹⁵⁸ Takaroī and at the time of the peace. He described the events of the country in accordance with what has already been related. He was the recipient of various favours. Financial and territorial matters were entrusted to him, and he was made Mashrif-i-dīwān.^223a He served with honesty and the absence of avarice. There was no cupidity in his administration. Would that he had not been spiteful and revengeful so that a little opposition^223b would cause dislike to spring up in the field of his heart and acquire strength and substance. Such a quality is considered by the wise to be one of the worst qualities in a man, especially in an administrator to whom men's affairs are entrusted, and who has been selected as the vakil of such a world-lord. If bigotry in religion had not coloured his nature he would not have had so many bad qualities. But in spite of these defects, if we look to the nature of men in general, in fulness of courage (serdilī), absence of avarice—that market was always flat with him—in the performance of service, in diligence and skill he was a man such as is seldom seen, or rather he was incomparable.^223c

One of the occurrences was that the territory of Gaḍha was taken from Rai Sarjan^223d and given in fief to Ṣādiq Khān who was sent there to take charge of it. To Rai Sarjan was given the fief of Cunār.

Another occurrence was that M'aṣūm Khān^223e came from Afghanistan and entered into service. He was given high rank and sent to Bīhār. He belonged to the Saiyids of Turbat in Khurāsān. His paternal uncle Mīr 'Azīz^223f had been in the service of H.M Jahānbānī and had attained to the rank of vizier. He stood to M. Ḥakīm in the relation of Kokaltāsh (foster-brother). He was renowned for bravery and thoroughness. Khwāja Hasan Naqshbandī, from a cloud on his mind which happens to worldlings, on a slight suspicion endeavoured to destroy him. From far-sightedness he came to court, and was received with the glance of favour.

In the same year Mīr Saiyid^224a Muḥammad Mir 'Ādil was given the government of Bhakar.

One of the occurrences was that Jalāl Khan^224b quaffed his last draught. It has already been mentioned that he was sent to assist the army of Siwāna. When he came to Mīrtha, Sulṭān Singh and Rām Singh the brothers of Rai Rai Singh, and 'Ali Qulī the relation of Shāh Qūlī Khan Maḥram, sent a message that they had in accordance with H.M.'s orders addressed themselves to the uprooting of Candar Sen, but that owing to the hilliness of the country, the difficulties of the roads, and the crowd of audacious men, he was making great resistance, and that it was time for help to arrive. Jalāl Khān marched quickly to that quarter. Candar Sen took to vulpine tricks on the arrival of this army, and had recourse to stratagem. The imperialists saw through his design and marched against him, and he took refuge in the mountain of Kanūja (?)^224c and came forward to fight. A large number were killed, and when his glory was discomfited, he of necessity retreated to the folds of the hills. The officers entered victoriously into the fort of Rāmgarh.^4224d At this time one of the crafty spirits represented that he was Debī Dās. Vagabonds gathered round him. Many were certain that Debī Dās was killed at Mīrtha in the battle with M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain. At this time the claimant gave out that he was wounded in that engagement, and had lain on the ground nearly dead. A benevolent hermit had taken him on his shoulders and conveyed him to his cell, and had there applied plasters to his wounds and had healed them. He had then gone in attendance on the hermit to visit holy shrines. Now the hermit had given him leave, and he had again put upon his shoulders the scarf of social life. Some believed his story and some repudiated it. He joined Jalāl Khān in order that he might do good service and his name be reported to the Shāhinshāh. Suddenly fortune, the juggler, played another trick.

The short account of this is as follows: When they were in hot pursuit of Candar Sen, that fabricator represented that the ruined wanderer (Candar Sen) was in the fief of Kalā the son of Rām Rai, his (Candar's) own brother's son, and that his face was turned towards the wall of contempt (i.e., was in a wretched condition). The victorious army hastened to the spot. Kalā from ill-fatedness maintained that Candar Sen was not there; and by fraud and deception won over Shimāl Khān to his side and set about ruining Debī Dās. Shimāl one day brought him to his house and was about to seize him, but he bravely got out of that whirlpool. As he had come to despair of the imperial troops, he craftily went to Kalā and became his companion. On the day of Shahriyūr 4 Āẕar, Divine month, November 1575, when the imperial soldiers had gone off in various directions, the lamp of the vision of Debī Dās and some other daring and presumptuous ones was extinguished while they were seeking to glut their vengeance. They took Jalāl Khān's quarters to be Shimāl Khan's and attacked them. He fought bravely but without arrangement, and yielded up the coin of his life. The evil-doers went from there to Shimāl Khān's tent, and just then Jaimal came up with many combatants and quelled the disturbance. When this catastrophe was reported to H.M., he appointed Saiyid Aḥmad, Saiyid Hāshim and a number more of the Saiyids of Bārha to chastise the presumptuous men of that region. They did good service, and put down the rebels.^225a

On the day of Mārisfand 29 Ābān, Divine month, reports came ¹⁶⁰ from Bengal to the effect that Mun'im Khān had died on the day of Khūr 15 Ābān, Divine month (23 October 1575),^226a and that Dāūd had wickedly broken his oath and taken to rebellion, and that the officers from want of wisdom and envy had not stood their ground, but had abandoned that fine country without a battle. They were now, it was said, at the parting of the ways, and in confusion in the desert of bewilderment. They neither thought of staying where they were, nor had the courage to proceed to the holy threshold.

The brief account of this instructive occurrence is that when Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān had made peace he hastened to Ghorāghāt, and quelled the disturbance there. From there he returned, and made habitable the city of Gaur which formerly was the capital. This he did both that the army might be near Ghorāghāt, which was a fountain of sedition, and might entirely put down commotion there, and also that he might restore this delightful place, which had a noble fort, and magnificent buildings. He did not notice that the atmosphere of the place had acquired poisonous^226b qualities in consequence of the vicissitudes of time and of the decay of the buildings, especially at the time of the end of the rains, when there is a change of climate (ābgardish) in most of the districts of Bengal. Though those acquainted with the character of the country stated the facts, their remarks were not listened to. He adopted the ordinary kind of resignation and so kept a world in the whirlpool of annihilation. The resignation which is practised by the elect of the palace of inquiry consists in observing the dictates of deliberation, and the glory of wisdom—which are the sentinels of the material world—and then leaving the result of their skill to the incomparable Deity, and not to reason and outward causes. On this account^227a Ashraf Khān, Ḥaidar Khān, M'ūīnu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān Farankhūdī, Lāl Khān, Ḥājī Khān Sīstānī, Hāshim Khān, Muḥsin Khān, Ḥājī Yūsuf Khān, Qandūz Khān, Mīrzā Qulī Khān, Abu-l-hasan, Shāh Ṭāhir, Shāh Khalīl, and many other officers, each of whom was a proper soldier and a world-conqueror, fell asleep on the bed of annihilation; and the thought of death took hold of everyone. Though in that year there was a strong wind of destruction in all the eastern provinces, which shook the pillars of life, in that city it amounted to a typhoon.

As the Khān-Khānān had acted contrary to the opinion of many, he stuck to what he had said and did not take warning. But when the mortality exceeded calculation, and he perceived the wretched state of affairs, he applied himself to remedy matters. At this time the news came that Junaid was beginning to raise a disturbance in Bihār, so that a motive of coming away from that valley of annihilation presented itself. He left that city of calamities with the intention of crossing over to Bihār. It was a still more extraordinary thing that he did not suffer in that typhoon of plague which was fraught with evil to the generality, but as soon as he came to Tānda he died after a little illness.^227b On account of this there was great uneasiness in the army. Although the officers appointed Shāham Khān as commander, and the eunuch I'timād Khān, who was distinguished ¹⁶¹ for sense and judgment, put upon his shoulder the scarf of dexterity, yet on account of the want of harmony among the leaders, and the imaginations of the generality, and the small capacity of most of the advisers, and the flames of the dissentients, there was no unity in the deliberations. Dāūd's evil spirit was aroused by hearing of these quarrels, and he snatched the veil of honour from his face and broke his engagements. He besieged Naẓr Bahādur in the town of Bhadrak, and after inducing him by promises to surrender, he put him to death. Murād Khān let the foot of his courage slip from the city of Jalesar (Jellasor) and came to Tānda without fighting a battle. At this time of confusion 'Īsā Zamīndār fell upon Shāh Bardī, who had charge of the boats and the artillery of the province. Though he put forth the foot of courage and raised the standard of victory, yet out of excessive apprehension he left that country and joined the officers with the artillery and the flotilla. The chiefs of the victorious army on account of their being disgusted with the country, and the want of right thinking, dropped from their hands the thread of work. They crossed the Ganges and came towards Gaur. The whole soul of those paltry-minded men was engaged in carrying their acquisitions out of that country (Bengal), while outwardly they said, “When we have put the river between us and the enemy, we shall give our minds to fighting, and then the Qāqshāls from Ghorāghāt will join us.” When they had crossed the river, Qutlaq Qadam produced a lying^228a letter (muzauwir nāma) and spread unpleasing reports about the world's lord. Those friends of pelf, foes of fame (āzdostān, nāmūs dushman) used this false statement as their credentials and went off towards Bihār by way of Purniya and Tirhut. They gave up such a fine country without regarding it. Still stranger! Adam Tājband, who at this time had brought firmāns from H.M. to the Khān-Khānān and the Bengal officers, from wickedness and the instigation of evil men appropriated to himself the elephants and other property of Mun'im Khān. He opened a thousand doors of plundering and gave out that he was by orders of the Shāhinshāh taking measures for the preservation of the goods. In reality he was sunk in cupidity and was enriching his house for his own harm and by his own efforts arranging for himself the materials of eternal ruin.^229a

When these occurrences came to the royal hearing he thought that he might entrust Bengal to M. Sulaimān, so that he might in that fine country amend his misfortunes, and accumulate happiness of life. Should he, under those circumstances, wish for the headship (sirdārī) of Badakhshān, and if the being in that Highland country had taken possession of his mind, that desire would be easily gratified. The high wind of M. Sulaimān's passion for revenging himself on M. Shāhrukh, and of his overweening affection for the stony land of his birth, extinguished the lamp of plan and deliberation. The notes of joy did not appear on his forehead when ¹⁶² he heard of this great boon. The world's lord pardoned the simpleton and gave him the glad tidings of the gratification of his petty wishes. But inasmuch as it is inscribed on the portico of world-rule that urgent enterprises should be preferred to ordinary ones, and that the principles of sovereignty must not be abandoned, H.M. directed Khān Jahān, who was prepared with a victorious army to proceed to the conquest of Badakhshān, to march to Bengal and to conquer and clear that country. He imparted to him instructions which were calculated to soothe mankind and to be well pleasing to God. On the night of Isfandarmaẕ 5 Āẕar,^229b Divine month, about 15 November, 1575, he was dismissed to that country after his dignity had been increased by great favours. Rajah Todar Mal, who was an able and experienced man, was appointed to accompany him, and an order was given that all the Bengal officers and land-holders should regard Khān Jahān as the executor of the orders of the Caliphate and should consider his will and pleasure as those of the sovereign, and should properly exert themselves for the conquest and civilisation of the country. The government of the Panjab was taken from him and given to Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram who was renowned among the brave and right-thinking.

Khān Jahān addressed himself to service according to the rules of the loyal and fortunate. The Bengal officers had reached the neighbourhood of Bhagalpur when the victorious army arrived there. The bewilderment of those self-interested men increased. They were not inclined to turn back and co-operate (with Khān Jahān) and they could not venture to proceed to court. Most of them threw off the veil of shame, and eloquently discoursed upon the refractoriness of the people, the pestilential atmosphere of the country, and the large mortality, and objected to go back. Some from evil disposition and strife-mongering brought forward the affair of religion,^230a and began to chatter foolishly about the headship of Khān Jahān. By the halo of the Shāhinshāh's majesty, the politic conduct of Rajah Todar Mal, and the wide capacity and toleration of Khān Jahān, the seal of silence was impressed on the lips of every one, and they elected to accompany him. Ism'aīl Qulī Khān took his place in the army with a band of active and courageous men, and by the Divine aid, and their skill and loyality, Garhī, which is the gate of Bengal, was recovered with little difficulty. Ayāz Khāṣa Khail, who had charge of that place, fell alive into their hands and was put to death. Dāūd in his pride never imagined that the imperial army would come so soon. On hearing the reverberation of its approach he suddenly proceeded to take defensive measures. By alertness and dexterity Khān Jahān chose for his camp Āk Maḥal^230b which is fortified on one side by the river, while on the other side access is impeded by lofty mountains, while in front the tracks were effaced by a large marsh. Apart from its being a strong refuge, Āk Maḥal is in the forefront of Bengal. Accordingly the occupants of this strong position were saved from the effects of accidents, and the inhabitants of the country remained ¹⁶³ in security as soon as the armies of fortune had come there. Khān Jahān drew up in battle-array, but owing to the difficulties of the country and the time there was no engagement. The gallant warriors came out on every side and displayed devotion, and there was abundant testing of men's mettle.

One of the occurrences was that Mīr Muḥammad Khān Khān Kilān died in Pattan Gujarat on the day of Farwardīn 19 Dai, Divine month (December, 1575). The appreciative sovereign begged^231a forgiveness of his sins and assuaged the grief of those he had left behind by princely favours.

Among the occurrences was that M. Sulaimān obtained leave to travel to Ḥijāz. From the time that the Mīrzā obtained the bliss of doing homage, he was continually encompassed by the favours of the Shāhinshāh, and was distinguished by great honours in the holy assemblies. As his whole soul was intent upon chastising M. Shāhrukh, and upon obtaining the government of the mountains of Badakhshān, the knot on his heart was not loosed. When Khān Jahān went off to the province of Bengal, and there became a little delay in the fulfilment of his wishes, he from his ill-fortune and haste did not understand the real state of affairs and applied for leave to go to the Ḥijāz. He thought that perhaps by this route he might reach that country (Badakhshān), and obtain his ends by feline tricks. H.M. acceded to his wishes and bade him adieu, and sent Qulīj Khān and Rūpsī to accompany him and to wait upon him, and to see him through the difficult parts up to the Gujarat ports. Subsistence for several years and a well-found ship were bestowed on him. The above-mentioned officers conveyed him peacefully and with comfort to the port of Surat and sent him off to the Ḥijāz.

The parterre-adorner of the Caliphate in his plenitude of Divine worship and his keen quest of truth conducts himself with a regard to the feelings of the superficial majority. In consequence of his vast comprehensiveness, and his thorough knowledge of the pulse of the age, he seldom promulgates the luminous conceptions which cast rays on his heart from the sky of genius. For the food of forest-lions is not adapted to sparrows of the house-gable, nor are the rations of mountain-like elephants expended upon feeble gnats! Nor is the diet of the spiritually strong beneficial to the mentally sick. Accordingly the enthroned one of the Sultanate allows for the condition of the classes of humanity and regulates his effulgence in accordance therewith. From his observing this course, there arises no dust of ¹⁶⁴ unsoundness in the inner chamber of his spirit. Though he sit upon the throne of the spiritual kingdom and of a world illuminated by the rays of true light, he regards the worship of the True God to be also accomplished by external forms, and worships the very God as superficialists do, and is a spiritual worshipper according to the formulas of ordinary followers of the world's customs. From this idea, the circumambulation of the sepulchres of the leaders of the caravan of existence (i.e., saints, or perhaps it only means those who have gone before)—which is regarded by some as the essence of the worship of the Creator, and of the acknowledgment of Divinity, while others look upon it as a pious act and a contemplation of the Divine mercy—was rigorously practised by him, just as if he were a mere formalist. By this excellent plan he introduced worshippers of externals to the feast of practical wisdom and guided them to the highway of Truth. And when he who understood the pulse of the age, devised such a cure for those sick persons, there came no dust^232a from such earth-questing (khākparsī) to sully the skirt of his grandeur. Many a time there rose to his lips, in his sacred privy-chamber, the words, “Seeing that the note of man's greatness, which consists of knowing the truth and the performance of good actions, is not visible in the elemental house—which is an abode of lust and affections and is in the world's language called Body—how can it be sought for in an earthly prison (the grave)? Moreover, when the cavalier of Purpose (maqsūd) gets lost in the equable mansions of Time, that is, the bodily frames, what hope is there that he will be found after the web and woof of the constitution have been dissolved in the prison-house of death, which is a boisterous ferry (or perhaps bleaching-ground, i.e., graveyard) of the Divine wrath? When he cannot be found in his own house, why drive a mine into the house of the dust? If the matter were rightly considered, men would not conserve the house of a ruined home, which they call the grave. But this language may not enter into every ear, nor can impress itself on every heart. Hence it follows that those who understand institutions and are widely tolerant do not on beholding this springless autumm surrender the flower-garden of their soul to the winds of disturbance, but contemplate the ideas of those who regard the practice (of pilgrimages) as Divine worship, and enjoy an autumnless Spring.”

On account of such views H.M. left the capital of Fatḥpūr on the night of Zamīyād^233a 28 Bahman, Divine month, and proceeded towards Ajmere. He passed along, stage by stage, dispensing justice and increasing joy, and by the guidance of the Divine aid he encamped on the day of Ashtād 26 Isfandārmaẕ, Divine month (18 March 1576), in the bounteous district of Ajmere. In accordance with prescribed customs he performed the last stage to the shrine on foot, and making external things a means of increase to internal light, he came as the flower-gatherer of the garden of truth. He divided a large sum of money among those who sate at the threshold of the shrine, and fixed splendid salaries for the expectants. He made strong the souls of the wishful, and caused the depressed of heart to be chief sitters in the hall of acceptation. By the blessed influence of the setting up of the sublime standards, the country acquired fresh prosperity. At once, outward customs were observed, and likewise was ¹⁶⁵ the spiritual world decked out. The dignity of the clay was exalted, and illumination was bestowed on the heart. In this dust-bin of externalities (the world) it is an approved principle to honour saints and to ask inspiration from them, and to magnify those who are connected with this chosen class, especially when this is done by majestic Kings. God be praised! This noble temper as well as other grand qualities have been implanted in the holy personality of the Shāhinshāh. And inasmuch as this laudable quality holds high rank among the outwardly great, how can the majesty thereof be reckoned when it occurs in the highflyers of the spiritual world, and the high-thoughted and wide of capacity who have combined the leadership of both conditions—as is the case revealed by the lustrous brow of the world's lord!

My words have risen high; me fears
A portion^234a of them may leap from my mouth.
The roadster of discourse is grown impetuous;
Me fears, the reins may spring from my hand.

In this spring-time of increasing justice the equable vernal breeze began to blow. The outer world acquired freshness just as did the city of the soul of the Khusrū of horizons.

The zephyr adorned the garden of the world with verdure,
The earth appeared a model of the meadows of the other world.
Where is Majnūn that he may petition and see
The beauteous hall, and the loveliness of Laila?

On the night of Sunday 9 Ẕīlḥajja (11 March 1576), after passing of one hour and nineteen minutes, the physical and spiritual illuminator cast his glance on the Sign of Aries, and the 21st year of the second cycle began. At the banquet of sovereignty a spring-time without autumn showed its face from the picture-gallery of truth.

God be praised for this movement of the zephyr.
What limits are there to His gracious works?
They send gifts to eye and heart,
They are protagonists of life and growth.

In the beginning of this year H.M. gave his attention to the augmentation of the repose of the inhabitants of Gujarat. From the time when M. Koka had from inauspicious fortune gone astray, and the physician of the horizons (Akbar) had restrained him from office and sent him to the school for learning wisdom, it had been in the secret chambers of his heart that if the Mīrzā awoke from his somnolence and took the path of bliss he would send him away to protect that country. As the time for that had not arrived, M. Khān, Wazīr Khān, Mīr 'Alā'u-d-daula, Saiyid Moẓaffar, and Bipāk^1236a Dās, each of whom was distinguished in his own line, were sent to protect property, life, honour and religion—which sum up the possessions of mortals—and to compose the distractions of the country. Their external rank was exalted by glorious favours, and they were also the recipients of precious jewels of instruction. The government of the province was entrusted to Mīrzā Khān, while the administration was committed to the weighty judgment of Wazīr Khān. Mīr 'Alā'u-d-daula was made Amīn, and Bipāk Dās was appointed Dīwān. Mīr Moẓaffar was made Bakhshī of the armies. The above-mentioned officers went there, and in a short space of time the country became peaceful.

Among the occurrences was the despatch of an army against the Rānā.

The choicest worship for the social state, from which the lamp of recluses gets light—is when majestic rulers obliterate the darkness of the desert of presumption by the effulgence of farseeing wisdom and the flashes of the world-adorning sword, and cause the stiff-necked wayfarers of the lanes of pride to journey to the city of supplication. And if the ill-fate of men of this class have been confirmed, great rulers cleanse the earth from the rubbish of their existence, for most evil-doers are of a wicked nature, though some are only foolish, so that they may obtain their deserts, and mortals their repose, and that every one may, under the shade of peace, make his own fashion of Divine worship, and his customs a means of thanksgiving; thus may the outer world acquire repose and adornment, and the spiritual world set its face towards increase and development.

In accordance with these views, as the disobedience and presumption of the Rānā, as well as his deceit and dissimulation had exceeded all bounds, H.M. addressed himself to his overthrow. Kuar Mān Singh, who was among the first in the court for wisdom, loyalty and bravery, and who, among other favours, had been granted the lofty title of farzand (child), was nominated for this service. On the day of Dībādīn 23 Farwardīn, Divine month, corresponding to 2 Muḥarram 984 (3 April 1576), he left Ajmere. Ghāzī Khān Badakhshī, Khwāja Ghīāṯu d-dīn 'Alī, 'Aṣaf Khān, Saiyid Aḥmad, Saiyid Hāshim Bārha, Jagannāth, Saiyid Rājū, Mihtar Khān, Mādhū Singh, Mujāhid Beg, Khankār, Rai Lonkarn, and many other brave officers went with him. From abundant graciousness H.M. briefly ¹⁶⁷ and comprehensively reduced into writing instructions as to what was proper with respect to temporal and spiritual matters.

Among the occurrences was that at this time M. Yūsuf Khān, Masnad 'Ālī Fath Khān, Saiyid Umr Bokhārī, Shaikh Muḥammad Ghaznavī, and Saiyid Qāsim were sent to the Panjab so that that province might become a place of increasing peace and tranquillity.

One of the occurrences was the taking of the fort of Siwāna,^237a one of the forts of Ajmere, and which was in possession of Candar Sen, and was held for him by Patā Rāthor. As Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram and Rai Rai Singh did not conduct the army properly, the horses became weak, and the want of barley and forage distressed the soldiers. In the first place Saiyid Aḥmad Saiyid Qāsim, Saiyid Hāshim, Jalāl Khān, Shimāl Khān, and many other distinguished combatants were appointed to endeavour to take the fort, while the former were to hasten to court. The officers proceeded to their fiefs and set about collecting equipments. Meanwhile the catastrophe of Jalāl Khān occurred, and the stubborn ones of the country raised the head of commotion. Especially did Kalā, the son of Rām Rai and grandson of Rai Māldeo, and many of the disaffected assemble in the fort of Deokūr.^237b The Saiyids of Bārha and other leaders exerted themselves to put down those wicked men, and so the business of Siwāna dragged on. Accordingly Shahbāz^237c Khān was appointed from the court to bring the thing to an end, and then to return to court. When he came near the spot he learnt that the army were perplexed about the siege of the fort, and that the affair was difficult on account of a succession of troubles and great fights. Shahbāz Khān arrived, and immediately set about taking the fort. By the celestial help which befriends the strenuous and the pure of heart, victory showed herself, and a large number of the enemy were annihilated, and the fort was taken. The rebels were caught, and Shahbāz Khān having left some of the Saiyids of Bārha in the place (thāna), addressed himself to the conquest of Siwāna. Seven kos from that fort there was a stone fort called Dūnāra.^238a When the army was crossing (the Lūnī) near it, the Rajputs of the Rāthor clan assembled and displayed haughtiness. Though the highway of obedience was indicated to them, it was of no avail, and it was necessary to take the fort. Sābāṭs were made, and in a short time that strong fort was taken. The blood of many of the audacious ones was spilt on the dust of disgrace, and this great success was a preamble to the conquest of Siwāna, and was a cause of increasing the dismay of the wicked. From there Shāhbāz Khān proceeded to take Sīwāna, while ¹⁶⁸ he sent the former army (lashkar-pesh, i.e., the army that had failed) to court. In making sābāṭs and in the disposition of materials for the untying of this apparently difficult knot hand and heart were combined, and skill joined with valour. In a short space of time the garrison sought protection and made over the fort to the loyal and hastened to prostrate themselves at the threshold of fortune. They did this while the imperial standards were at Ajmere, and were received with royal favours. When the affairs of this province had been completed H. M. proceeded on the day of Khūr 15 Ardībihisht from Ajmere to the capital, and on the day of Bād 22 Ardībihisht he reached Fatḥpūr. He applied himself more than ever to affairs which brightened the world, and the rose-garden of the world attained fresh verdure.

One of the events was the appointment of the army of Bihar to the province of Bengal. It has already been mentioned that the world-subduing armies had, after the taking of Garhī, confronted the enemy at Ākmaḥal. From that time news was continually conveyed backwards and forwards by relays of mounted couriers. At this time news was brought that the rainy season, which is tempestuous in that province, had arrived, and that if a fresh army were appointed, the conquest of Bengal would be easily effected. Accordingly an order was issued to Moẓaffar Khān and the other officers of Bihar that they should put their army in order and proceed to Bengal. Also at this time, as the privations and the shortness of supplies for the army had impressed themselves on H.M.'s mind, boats laden with money and goods were despatched, and the anxiety of the timid was remedied, while the hearts of the enemy were filled with trepidation. Also during this time, the news came from the army that one day Khwāja 'Abdullah^239a Naqshbandī, who was full of the light of loyalty, was in his entrenchment and had gone with some of his men and sought battle. A large number of the enemy came forward, and the Khwāja's companions became stained with the dust of disgrace and took to flight. The Khwāja stood firm and slew many of the enemy. At last he played away the coin of his life and ascended to the sky of fame. H.M. the Shāhinshāh was grieved at this occurrence and bound up the hearts of his children and dependants by various acts of kindness.

One of the events was the sending of Shahbāz Khān against Gājpatī.^239b The brief account of this affair is that Gajpatī was one of the noted landholders of the province of Bihar. He used always to be associated with the warriors of the threshold of the Caliphate, and ¹⁶⁹ he had rendered good services in the conquest of Bengal. For some insufficient reasons he took a sort of leave and went off to his own country. At the time of the Bengal rebellion he sought help from (panāh āward) Khān Jahān, but when the latter passed with his army through his premises (yūrat), Gajpatī, from an inverted fate and evil nature, went aside and had not the felicity of accompanying him. As the army of fortune was for a long time stationary in front of the enemy, the ill-conditioned strifemonger became increasingly addicted to highway robberies and to oppressing the weak. Evil-disposed and self-interested men gathered round him, and his seditiousness became more and more pronounced. In his folly and shortsightedness he extended his robberies to towns^240a and cities. When he raised the dust of predominance in the vicinity of the town of Arrah, Farhat Khān, the jāgīrdār thereof, did not deem it expedient to engage in battle with him and shut himself up in the fort. In his wickedness Gajpatī entered into negotiations with Dāūd and exerted himself to close the lines of march. He also seized and imprisoned Peshrau Khān who was proceeding^240b post-haste by boat from the capital towards Bengal. In his blindness and ill-fatedness he stretched his foot beyond the measure of his blanket, and, as it is a rule of the organizers of fate to draw up some ingrates and evil-doers so that they may have the heavier fall, and be broken to pieces, they let this black-hearted man blaze forth for some days like a fire of straw, on the heights of error. Farhat Khān, his son, and Qarāṭāq fell in battle against him. The brief account of this is that Farhang Khān,^240c the son of Farhat Khān, on hearing of the siege of Arrah, came there from his fief and was joined by Qarāṭāq Khān who was in the neighbourhood. Near the fort they engaged the fleet of that devastator of the general weal and defeated it, and then gallantly crossed the Sone. The presumptuous and brainless man was emboldened by the number of his reckless bravoes to give them battle. At first Farhang Khān distinguished himself in hand-to-hand encounters, and twice brought his sword to bear upon Gajpatī, and that spark of sedition was nearly put out, when his swordsmen hamstrung Farhang's horse. He fought valiantly on foot and journeyed to the desert of annihilation. After that Qarāṭāq also gallantly tied up the chattel of existence. When Farhat Khān heard of the fatal catastrophe he came out of the fort from his abundant paternal affection and, after the manner of life-sacrificing lovers, chose the route of the blessed land.

When the news of the rebellion of this evil-doer reached the august hearing, H.M., on the day of Rām 21 Khurdād (beginning of June 1576), Divine month, sent off Shahbāz Khān, who was distinguished for fidelity and good service, to punish the wretch. An order was also issued that S'aīd Khān, Makhṣūṣ Khān, and other servants who were in that part of the country, should join him with a suitable equipment and should unite in putting an end to him. Shahbāz K. on receiving the order hastened to the spot, and the officers above mentioned joined him with all celerity. Gajpatī was heedless of the end of things, and thinking that what was the depth of down- ¹⁷⁰ fall was the height of exaltation, he increased in arrogance and brought many towns and villages into his possession. He was about to proceed against Ghāzīpūr where the family and dependants of Khān Jahān were. Just then the victorious army arrived, and he in his pride turned back and drew up for battle. By the blessing of the Shāhinshāh's fortune he soon received fitting punishment as shall briefly be described.

One of the occurrences was the sending of Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān to Malwa. The lofty genius which was always attending to the civilization of countries, the cultivation of hearts and the distribution of justice to the oppressed, took care of the bringing into repose of the inhabitants of that country, which is an extensive and delightful region. He increased the rank of Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, who was distinguished for ability and cherishing of the peasantry, and conferred on him a manṣab of 5000 and despatched him to the province on the day of Dībādīn the 23rd Khurdād, Divine month. He loaded the ears of his fortune with the weighty jewels of admonition, and so increased his wisdom.

[Here follows 2 1/2 pages—from the middle of p. 170 to the bottom of p. 172—of a dissertation about the different (six) classes of men, and about the duties of an administrator. It may be compared with the chapter at p. 37 of Jarrett II, and that on the currency of the means of subsistence at p. 50 id. The dissertation does not exist in the Lucknow edition, and there is nothing informing or characteristic of Akbar in it except a remark at the end about the expediency of increasing the numbers of elephants, and caring for horses, oxen, asses, etc. I have not thought it necessary to translate the dissertation. The dissertation purports to be an abstract of Akbar's instructions to Shihabu-d-dīn on his being sent to govern Malwa.]

¹⁷³ One of the occurrences was the death of Mīr Sharīf Qazwīnī. Inasmuch as in the game of Caugān, which strengthens onsets and hand-to-hand encounters, there is education for the strenuous, and improvement for horses—which is the most choice part of soldiering— H.M. regards the pastime as worship under the guise of sport. From this view a game was held on the day of Ārād the 25th Khurdād, Divine month. Mir Ghīāṯu-d-dīn Naqīb-Khān and Mīr Sharīf, the sons of Mīr 'Abdu-l-laṭīf Qazwīnī, in consequence of the favour of the Shāhinshāh, took a distinguished part in the play. In the heat of the onsets the horses of the two brothers collided. The young novice was thrown to the ground, and became senseless, and blood flowed from his ear. H.M. dismounted in that plain, which was a world-spectacle, and cast the shadow of compassion (on Sharif). The spectators, when they did not see the world's lord on horseback, became confused and uttered cries and lamentations. Evil-minded strife-mongers took advantage of the opportunity. A moment had not elapsed when that composer of the world's distractions mounted his horse at the entreaty of Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān and rode over the plain. The consternation ceased. In a short space of time the combination of the elements in the fallen man was dissolved. H.M. distributed at the tomb large sums to the family of the deceased, so that their heart-shoulders were lightened of the load of debt, and there came a time of good fortune. May the satisfaction of the heart (at his debts being paid) support him in his awful journey!

It has already been mentioned that the Rānā's arrogance was swollen by the fact of the glory of his line of ancestors who were in ancient times rulers of India. The strength of his position, the extent of his territory, and the large number of his Rajputs who would sacrifice life for honour, cast a veil over his vision. He did not perceive the marvels of the Shāhinshāh's fortune, and abandoned obedience and went astray. The parterre-adorner of the world ordered Kuar Mān Singh to go with a number of loyal men and arouse him from his infatuated slumbers and guide him to the school of auspiciousness. But to him who is unfortunate (lit. has a black blanket) the motives of awakening only bring increase of somnolence. The imperial forces remained for some time in the town of Mandalgarh, waiting for their officers and the gathering of the camp. The Rānā during this time of awakening ignorantly increased his obstinacy and came forth to make commotion. He paid no heed to the fortune which was conjoined with eternity, and regarded the leader^244a of the victorious army as a landholder subordinate to himself. His whole idea was that he should come to the town above mentioned and fight a battle. But his well-wishers did not suffer him to increase his loss (khasārat) by this act of daring (jasārat).

¹⁷⁴ When the imperial army had been collected, Kuar Mān Singh, relying upon daily-increasing fortune, drew up his forces and marched towards Goganda,^244b which was the native country of him of somnolent fortune (the Rānā). He himself was in the centre, the Saiyids of Bārha were on the right wing; Ghāzī Khān Badakhshī, Rai Lonkarn, were on the left; Jagannath and Khwāja Ghīāṯu-d-dīn 'Alī, Āṯaf Khān were in the van; Mādhū Singh and other distinguished men were in the altamsh; Mihtar Khān and others were in the rear. On the side of the enemy the Rānā was in the centre; Rām^244c Shāh^245a Rajah of Gwaliar had the right wing; the left was commanded by Bedāmāta of the Jhāla tribe; Rām Dās, son of Jaimal, was in the van. The Rānā, owing to the darkness of his presumption, had not the head for arranging his forces in battle-array, but by the efforts of far-sighted men various arrangements were made, and he displayed alacrity. On the day of Amardād 7 Tīr, Divine month^245b (18th ? June 1576), when a watch of the day had passed, the two armies met in the village of Khamnūr,^245c which is the mouth of the Haldī defile and is a dependency of Goganda. They strove together valiantly. The price of life was low, that of honour high.

When army commingled with army
They stirred up the resurrection-day upon earth.
Two oceans of blood shocked together:
The soil became tulip-coloured from the burning waves.

The enemy's right wing drove off the left wing of the imperialists, and their vanguard also prevailed. Many of the imperialists gave way. Jagannāth behaved bravely, and was about to sacrifice his life when the altamsh arrived, and Kuar Mān Singh in person joined in the fight. The enemy's left wing also prevailed over the imperial right. Sāiyid Hāshim fell from his horse, but Saiyid Rājū rehorsed him. Ghāzī Khān Badakhshi advanced and joined the van. There was a market of life-taking and life-surrendering. The warriors on either side yielded their lives and preserved their honour. And as the men did wonders, so did the elephants perform marvels. On the side of the enemy was the rank-breaking Lonā. Jamāl Khān Faujdār brought the elephant Gajmukta^245d to encounter him. The ¹⁷⁵ shock of these two mountain-like forms threw the soldiers into trepidation, and the imperial elephant was wounded and about to fly when by the help of daily-increasing fortune a bullet struck the driver of the enemy's elephant, and he turned back. Just then Pertāb,^246a a relation of the Rānā, brought forward Rām Pershād which was the head of their elephants, and threw down many gallant men. At the time of wavering Kamāl Khān brought up the elephant Gajrāj and took part in the fight. Panjū brought the elephant Ran Madār opposite Rām Pershād and did excellently well. This elephant too was nearly letting the foot of his courage slip. By the might of fortune the driver of Rām Pershād was killed by an arrow, and that noted elephant—which had often been a subject of conversation in the sacred assemblies—became entered among the spoils. Up to midday the contest continued.

Many a one engaged with another,
Much blood was poured out on the battle-field,
Livers grew hot, cries resounded,
Necks were throttled by nooses.

Rām Dās, son of Jaimal, went to the sorry abode of annihilation from a stroke by the hand of Jagannāth. Rajah Rām Shāh with his three sons Sālbahān, Bhān Singh and Pertāb Singh fell, fighting bravely. During these blazing sparks of commotion and contest, and the heat of the fires of fortune, Kuar Mān Singh and the Rānā approached one another; and did valiant deeds. In the opinion of the superficial the foe was prevailing, when all at once the lightning of the Divine aid—which supports the eternal fortune—flashed out victory. One of the external causes of this was that during the tumult the vanguard arrived equipped for battle. A report circulated that the world's lord had come on his steed swift as the wind and had cast the shadow of his might on the battle-field. A cry went up from the combatants, and the enemy who were continually becoming more and more predominant, lost heart. The breeze of victory began to blow upon the rose-bush of the hopes of the devoted from the quarter of celestial help, and the rose-bud of success of those loyal expenders of their lives bloomed forth. Vanity and conceit were changed into disgrace. There was a new testing of the fortune conjoined with eternity. The devotion of the sincere was increased, and sincerity was imparted to the simple. The auspicious morning-breeze of confession and belief blew for the sceptics; to the enemy came the thick darkness of the night of destruction. About 150 ghāzīs died on the field, and of the enemy more than 500 distinguished men were stained with the dust of annihilation. On account of the excessive heat and the fatigue of the battle the imperialists did not set their hearts on pursuing the enemy, and the Kuar proceeded next day to Goganda after offering thanksgivings. The wretch fled ¹⁷⁶ and hastened to the defiles of the hill-country. The imperial army encamped in that city, and a report of the battle mentioning the services of the heroes and the bravery of the enemy was sent to court along with splendid articles of booty, especially the elephant Rām Pershād, in company with Maulānā 'Abdu-l-Qādir Badayūnī, who had obtained leave from among the group of learned men (ahl-sa'ādat) for this expedition. On the day of Māh the 12th Tīr, Divine month, the news of victory reached the august hearing. He returned thanks to God, and raised the rank of the loyal and devoted. On the same day Saiyid 'Abdullah Khān^247a was sent to the eastern provinces by post-horses to convey to the officers the news of the approach of the world-conquering standards. He was both to convey the news of the glorious victory and also, if the soldiers of the province of Bihar had not marched to assist Khān Jahān, he was to insist upon their doing so.^247b At the time of sending him off H.M. said that a ray of inspiration had fallen on the portico of his heart which announced to him that, as he was taking to that country the news of this celestial victory, so would he in a similar manner bring to court the news of the conquest of Bengal.

(The chapter begins with some unmeaning praises of Akbar, which do not occur in the Lucknow edition.)

The account of this is briefly as follows: Some trustworthy ¹⁷⁷ people arrived from the eastern provinces and announced that the light of daily-increasing fortune was continually shining in the victorious camp, and that Ism'āīl by name, an Afghan, to whom Dāūd had given the title of Khān Jahān, had been killed at the entrenchments of the Qāqshāls. They also reported that the leaders of the army were of opinion that without the arrival of the standards of world-conquest the lights of victory would not fully shine forth, but that out of respect they could not freely state this. H.M. ordered that preparations for an expedition should be made, and that the army should go thither by land and water. Qāsim Khān was sent to Agra to arrange for the stations on the river. In a short time the managers of the business accomplished the work of several years.

As the pillars of knowledge and the Sultans of wisdom never approve of the work of to-day's being postponed to the morrow, and think this especially bad in the matters of administration, the Shāhinshāh, in reliance upon the Divine bounty, left Fatḥpūr in the height of the rains,—a season when many energetic men refrain from exertion,—starting on the day of Ābān 10 Amardād, Divine month— corresponding to Sunday 25 Rabī'-al-akhir (22 July 1576).

The Shāh rode off from the abode of glory,
Bakhtiyār (his elephant ?) became the abode of glory (?).
The standards (Kaukaba) were of heavenly splendour,
The moon of his ensign rose to heaven,
The forms of the elephants bent the earth,
There was a shaking in the universe.

His sublime intention was that he should proceed by the river with a few of his courtiers, while the army should go by land. Though the season was not suitable for the movements of an army, yet as the world's Khedive was looking to the settlement of a country, he considered that the repose of the soldiers would consist in the quelling of the enemy. On the way he said to some of his intimates, “Last night a window opened into the mystic world while I was in a state of dream, and I learnt that in a short space of time news would come of the conquest of the eastern provinces, and that the inhabitants thereof would enjoy repose and daily-increasing justice.” On that day, when he had reached the village of Birār, which is a dependency of the district of Agra, at the beginning of night, Saiyid 'Abdullah Khān, having accomplished a long journey in eleven^249a days, brought news of the victory of the imperial servants, the discomfiture of the haughty rebels, and the conquest of the country of Bengal. And in order to teach mankind he threw down in the jilaukhāna ¹⁷⁸ (shed) of the courtyard the head of Dāūd. A cry arose from the spectators, and mankind rejoiced. Though in the eyes of the superficial, a great victory had occurred in the outer world, yet in the eyes of those of profound vision it was the spiritual world which had been conquered. Guidance was furnished to the weary of foot in the wilderness of search. Seekers who had lost their way and who used to search for the night-illuminating lamp (of direction) in the dark abode of covetous wearers of rags (i.e., from the ascetics and beggars) obtained the prince of the horizons for their guide, and commenced work anew, and had the candle of their vision lighted by two great marvels—to which intelligence had no access, and for which conjecture and reasoning had no capacity. The blind of the rose-garden of existence were made joyful by the fountain of vision and the acquisition of thousands of eyes of awakening and partook of the feast of witnessing (shuhūd). The lame of the field of recognition had the foot of knowledge restored. The blear-eyed obtained the antimony of vision. Those who were tottering on the highway of search received into their hands a staff^249b of firmness. The first (of the two marvels) was that at the time of giving Saiyid 'Abdullah his dismission there had come from the lips of that cream of creation (Akbar) the words “You will bring news of victory and conquest.” The second was that on that same day H.M. had while en route given the interpretation of his dream and conveyed the tidings of victory and conquest.

H.M. the Shāhinshāh returned thanks to God for the two glorious victories. Though the untying of this hard knot (the conquest of Bengal) was in reality the result of the blessing of the holy influence of the world's lord, yet the external cause was the wide capacity, skill, and continuous efforts of Khān Jahān and Rajah Todar Mal, and the exertions of the irrepressible (be ru ?) sazāwals.^250a When the heaven-aided army was in Ākmaḥal opposed to Dāūd there could be no pitched battle on account of the rugged nature of the ground, and the brave men on both sides were continually coming out and making trial of their courage. The whole idea of the presumptuous wretches was that when the rainy season set in, the camp would be broken up. The officers of the victorious army were for the most part Caghatāīs, and did not wish that so great an enterprise should be headed by the Khān Jahān, who was a Qizilbāsh. They had not such fidelity as to disregard, on account of their master's work, differences in religion and custom, and to endeavour for carrying out his objects. Necessarily such unrighteous thoughts were an obstacle in the path of the auspiciousness of this faction. Also the Bengal army had their hearts turned against the country on account of the prevalence of the plague, and their whole energy was devoted to prevent the prosecution of the work. Where is that splendour of wisdom which can comprehend that time and place do neither good nor ill towards filling the measure of life? That amount will appear which is in the Divine knowledge, whether one spends one's days in a tiger-jungle ¹⁷⁹ or on the verges of the fountain of life! And where is that loyalty which asks for the sacrifice of life in the service of his lord? And also they were disinclined to combat, because in the eyes of the superficial the enemy was increasing in quality and quantity. They did not possess the far-sightedness which could see the armies of the daily-increasing fortune of the Shahinshah. Also they did not like the prospect of fighting on account of the strength of the enemy's position. They had not the magnanimity to find the equivalent of the strength of position in the might of H.M.'s fortune. Also the vehemence of the rains and the violence of the rivers withheld them from engaging. From total irrecognition of the Truth, they did not weigh spiritual aids against the calamities of the skies, and also the difficulty about grain and the high rates of articles caused weakness in their ardour. From want of trust, and from self-conceit they did not regard the Causer of Causes, and occupied themselves with secondary matters.

Khān Jahān and Rajah Todar Mal from their loyalty and knowledge of the world did not listen to men's idle talk, but exerted themselves greatly to hearten and encourage them. They bought over at a high price the disaffection of their companions, and submitted the jewel of service to exquisite tests. As they could not read the letters of the word of conquest in the forehead of these men's dispositions they set themselves to the bringing down the army of Bihar, and wrote letters to this effect. They besought the help of the sublime court in this matter. Moẓaffar Khān was spending his time in the petty anxieties of men of small minds, but when the strenuous and irrepressible (be rūī) sazāwals^251a came from the court, he was obliged to act, and together with Shujāát Khān, Muḥibb 'Alī Khān, M'āṣūm Khān Kabulī, Mīr M'uizzu-l-mulk, Samānjī Khān, Mīrzāda 'Ali Khān, Tarkhān Dīwāna, he put the army in order and set his face to service. In the territory of Bhagalpur^251b Moẓaffar Khān returned to his first opinion, and after eloquent discussions with his officers he decided that “The rains were a season of commotion, and that to go at this time to Bengal and fail was to ruin oneself. The proper thing to do was to remain where he was till the end of the rains. Khān Jahān, who was distressed from his long facing of the enemy, and excessive hardships, must return; when the star Canopus arises, the rivers begin to fall, and the air to be pleasant, the imperial servants shall proceed with unanimity to the conquest of Bengal and the extirpation of the Afghans.” At this time Muḥibb 'Ali Khān^252a arrived, and replied to this commotion by saying, “This idea cannot be weighed in the balance of loyalty or even of practical wisdom. When the wise ruler has sent a decisive order that we should hasten to Bengal and deliver battle, it is improper to think of any other plan or to indulge in delay. Let us hold fast to the command and go forward with our heart and soul to perform our service, and let us bring this long business to an end by the help of God and the fortune of ¹⁸⁰ the Shāhinshāh.” Inasmuch as this encouraging idea came from the fount of devotion and loyalty, it appealed to every one. Willingly or unwillingly, the crew of slingers of stones of delay assented to the proposition and suggested that before they joined the army (of Khān Jahān) trustworthy messengers should be sent to assure it that when the two forces were amalgamated the battle would not be delayed, and that they would bring the great work to a termination; for they feared lest the officers of the advanced force (K. Jahān's) should not be inclined to fight and would wish to wait for the arrival of the Shāhinshāh's cortégé, and that their camp might in such a season become broken up. Accordingly Mīr Mu'izzu-d-dīn and Wazīr Jamīl were sent to reassure them.

When the writing of delay had been thus erased they were obliged to move towards the province. On the day of Mārisfand 29 Tīr, Divine month (10 July), the armies of Bihar and Bengal joined. The Khān Jahān met the chief officers (of the Bihar force) and treated them with honour. He brought them into his quarters and gave them a great feast. Next day he went to the quarters of Moẓaffar Khān and had a private interview with him. After much talk of little moment he (Moẓaffar) set his heart on fighting and they proceeded to draw up their forces. Khān Jahān commanded in the centre; the Bihar army had the right wing; in the left wing were Rajah Todar Mal, Jabbāri, Bābā Khān Qāqshāl, I'tmād Khān Khwājasarā, Rajah Gopāl, and others. In the van were Shāham Khān, Murād Khān, Jān Muḥammad Bahsūdī, Isma'īl Beg Uzbeg, and others. In the altamsh were Ism'aīl Qulī Khān, Qiyā Khān, and others. The enemy's forces were arranged as follows: in the centre was Dāūd; Kālā Pahār had the right wing, Junaid the left; in the van were Khān Jahān the ruler of Orissa, and Qatlū. On the 31st Tīr, Divine month, corresponding to Thursday 15 Rabī-'aṯ-ṯānī (12 July) the battle took place. Though the whole country was under water and there was no way of crossing it by a bridge, the gallant men of the victorious army kept the slope of the hill before them and made, by the help of daily-increasing fortune, efforts to gain fame and jeopardised their lives. A suitable path was found, and when the news of this success arrived they raised the pæan of joy. They arranged themselves in order and sought for victory. When they had gone some distance there appeared before them a deep, black stream. There was no way of crossing it, and they could not think of turning back. A flood of apprehension seized the superficial and shortsighted whilst the profound of vision opened the eye of instruction and waited for some wonderful effect of Fortune. In a short space of time the mystic rays lighted up their faces with joy and that difficult stream became fordable. The able and intelligent took this as a pre- ¹⁸¹ sage of victory. When the enemy perceived what had happened they prepared for battle. Bābā Khān Qāqshāl and all the heroes of the left wing crossed the stream and behaved with activity. Kālā Pahār and the other brave men among the enemy stood firm and brought the jewel of courage to the bazaar of battle. The battle-field became glorious.

Spears (sinān) smote upon breasts (sīnahā),
The world became like the day of the resurrection.
So much blood flowed stream on stream
That it carried away heads like polo-balls.

Owing to his ill-fatedness Bābā Khān turned his rein. Just then Jabbārī and some other brave men came up and attacked. Severe fightings polished the jewel of courage. The strenuous were nearly wavering when Rajah Todar Mal came bravely forward. The devoted renewed the attack, and making skill the ornament of energy they engaged in wondrous hand-to-hand encounters and drove off the foe. Kālā Pahār was wounded and saw that his safety was in flight. The courageous heroes did not think it advisable to pursue him as there were great marshes in front, and also they had no news about the rest of the troops. They were obliged to draw rein and to behold the wonders of fortune. The holy warriors of the right wing were about to prove their courage when the enemy became stained with the dust of ruin, and no engagement worthy of description took place. Junaid, who was the sword of the Afghans, and who had military skill, measured the ground of baseness (was killed). The cause of this was that on the night which was pregnant with the morn of victory, a cannon-ball reached Junaid, who was sleeping on a cār-pai (bed), and broke his leg. Murād Khān and others of the van crossed the stream and advanced. The enemy gave proof of courage and drove them off. Just then other ghāzīs of the van and the altamsh came up and turned back those who had been defeated. They stood firm and gave proof of devotion.

Two armies came together seeking for vengeance
The brave came to the battle-field
The day of battle rose and fell
The dew of blood (descended) to the Fish, the dust (rose) to the moon
The swords of the heroes were red with blood
One gave his life, and another fled
Armour was broken, and loins unloosed
There was neither strength of hand nor of head.

Khān Jahān, who was at the head of the enemy, went to annihilation, and disorder took possession of the foe. The battle had not ¹⁸² yet reached the centre when the light of the crescent of Divine favour illuminated the world, and the luminary of the Shāhinshāh's fortune increased in brilliancy. The victorious soldiers pursued the fugitives on every side, and the hostile troops gave their honour to be consumed by the sparks from the fiery swords and went in confusion to the desert of bewilderment. Many of them in their confusion entered the rivers and streams, and so lost their lives. Khān Jahān had gone off in search of the foe when the battle-field became full of the noise of victory. His ears were delighted by the sound of rejoicing. On every side were heard the notes of the drums of joy. In the midst of this joyous confusion they brought in as a prisoner the foolish Dāūd. It seems that his horse stuck in a quagmire. Ṭālib Badakhshī, a son of the Khwāja Ibrāhīm, who had been a confidential servant of M. Hindāl, had wickedly given him a horse and allowed him to depart. Suddenly an unknown person (īkī az nā shināsān) reported the facts to Murād Sīstānī and Ḥuṣain Beg Gurd, and they seized him and brought him in. At this time too that ill-intentioned one (Ṭalib) came with them and claimed a share (in the capture). On seeing what had occurred he went off ashamed. Khān Jahān asked the strife-monger (Dāūd) what had become of his compact and oaths. He removed the veil of shame from his face and said, “That engagement was with the Khān-Khānān. The time has now come to make friends and to enter into a new treaty.”^255a Inasmuch as elegance of speech does not light up the darkness of the ruin of action, the Khān-Khānān wisely stopped the wiles and story-weaving of the wicked one and ordered^255b that he should be relieved of the burden of his head of contentious brains. Immediately afterwards he sent the head along with Saiyid 'Abdullah, and reported the fortunate facts. The body of the treaty-breaker was affixed to a gibbet at Tānda, which is the capital of that country.

Great God! who has such fortune
That he takes a world with little trouble.
Hail to his lofty jewelled umbrella
The shadow of God shades his throne.
As yet his sharp sword is hidden.^255c
As yet one rose of a hundred has not bloomed,
As yet mystic victories are in store,
As yet there are good news beyond thought.

When the facts of this great victory became known, fresh thanks were offered to God, the Giver of kingdoms. The market of giving and of increase of dignities became active. Saiyid 'Abdullah was distinguished by liberal gifts of money, etc., and so much red and white coin was poured into the skirt of his hopes that he could not carry it away. Bulletins of victory were sent to rulers and ¹⁸³ governors. Hail to the Fortune which in the course of 25 days displayed two great victories, such as have seldom appeared to mighty princes of old times. The first was the dispersal of the Rānā's pride, the second the conquest of Bengal, and the execution of Dāūd. Although the superficial were astonished at these results, yet those who know the glorious qualities and actions of the sovereign—his wisdom, his recognition of truth, and his purity—considered them but as one out of thousands of blessings, and bowed the forehead of adoration!

As the general public were troubled by so distant an expedition at such an unpropitious season H.M. recognised the fact that a speedy return was the forerunner of thanksgiving, and turned back on the morn of victory, and spread the shade of justice over Fatḥpūr the capital. Great feasts were given, and there was much rejoicing. The spiritual market acquired fresh activity, and waves of largesse quenched the thirst of the needy.

Like an ocean which casts up waves,
Pours out pearls and then retires,
The subject-cherisher in his universal bounty
Was like a rain that rains in due season.

By the glory of the justice of the world's lord, and the splendid exertions of Khān Jahān and Rajah Todar Mal, that wide country came anew into possession, and became an abode of peace. A people of opposed nations and habits arrived at repose and the holy heart became entirely at rest about a country which from old times was called a house of contention (bulghāk-khāna).^256a That is to say, the dust of commotion was always being stirred up in that country by wicked men. Whilst the wise throne-occupant on beholding the tokens of right-thinking and right-acting implored the Divine aid and prayed for increased energy, mankind in general returned thanks for their lucky stars, in having bestowed on them such a wise, loving, pious and subject-guarding ruler. They bound the knot of obligation ('aqd-i-luzūm) on their mental skirt and made auspiciousness the face-brightener of their lives.

May his reign endure as long as Time.
May the cachet of cycles appear on his decrees!

One of the occurrences was the election of Quṭbu d-dīn Khān ¹⁸⁴ to the rank of a commander of 5000. What day was there when that appreciator of the temporal and spiritual kingdoms did not raise officers, wherever stationed, to high rank? Inasmuch as the arrangement of the outer world is implicated with the increase of degrees of rank he made the canons of justice and equity the blazon of the portico of intelligence and used to augment the grades of the servants of the court. At once men's qualities were tested, and the world's market was kept alive. If an account of these measures were written, this sublime volume would not contain it. I am constrained to attend to great matters and to refrain from touching details. No, No! every detail of the sublime court is the totality of the upper world. But the complete description of the events of ever adorned dominion is beyond the capacity of the human intelligence, then what can be done by one a bewildered soul of the fraternity of contingent existence (anjuman-i-imkān). Especially when I have taken on the shoulder of objective the burdens of the social state, would the attempt at real asceticism, and at sitting in the ravine of obscurity, and at breaking the connection of materiality, with a weak heart and a distracted soul, be destructive of peace of mind. In writing the tale of enlightenment I have, contrary to followers of the commonplace, made Divine worship and thanksgivings for favours received my guide in truth's wilderness, and have in spite of the distraction of conflicting motives applied myself with an honest intent and truth-choosing disposition to the accomplishment of this great task. The holy order which bears the signature of Wisdom is that if the hand does not reach the body of the skirt, one should not try to seize its hem by a corner, and if there is no path to the garden-alley one should not contort the face by trying to smell the flowers. Consequently by mentioning some leading articles of the court of fortune I in the first place collect materials for my own bliss, and secondly I prepare a fresh gift for inquirers both present and future. Perhaps by means of this I may have a place in their hearts and may become one of the front-sitters of acceptance.

One of the occurrences was the sending of an army to punish Daudā,^258a the son of Rai Sarjan, the ruler of Ranthambor. That evil-disposed one went off without leave to his native country of Būndī, and opened the hand of oppression. The just sovereign appointed Ṣafdar Khān, Bahādur Khān, Muḥammad Ḥusain Shaikh, Kāndar Rai, Jāndūn Sultan, Jaimal and other warriors to make that infatuated one who did not see the end of things, crapulous with failure and to give protection to the inhabitants, and the shadiness of repose.

The pious sovereign proceeded to the shrine of Khwāja M'uīnu- ¹⁸⁵ d-dīn Sanjarī on the day of Isfandārmaẕ 5 Mihr, Divine month, 15 September 1576. He went on horseback and was accompanied by some of his servants and a number of loyal amīrs. At the first stage Mīrzā K. met him, having come by order from Gujarāt, and had the glory of doing homage. The wise king made plurality^259a the veil of unity and alighted at Ajmere on the night of Mihr 16^259b Mihr, Divine month, 26 September, and performed the ceremonies of visiting the shrine of the holy sepulchre. The troops of men who had gathered from the various parts of the earth to offer up their vows, became possessed of joy. Mankind in general carried off abundant store from the table of bounty. Masters of joy dispelled grief by dancing and clapping of hands.

The vocalisṭ ministered wine, but 'twas by the way of the ear.

Outwardly, the city of custom was in fête, inwardly, fresh verdure was given to the rose-garden of Truth by irrigation.

One of the occurrences was that Kūār Mān Singh and the other officers of the province came out and did homage. This faithful band had, on the rising of the light of H.M.'s fortune and the setting of the Rānā's star behind the hills of defeat, encamped in Goganda. The outcast from the Divine precincts (dargāh) had carried the face of disgrace to these mountain-defiles. The officers from prudential motives did not go in quest of him, and on account of the difficulty in transporting provisions they came out of that stony land and reared the standards of victory in the open plain. Tricksters^260a and time-servers suggested to the royal ear that there had been slackness in extirpating the wretch, and the officers were nearly incurring the king's displeasure. But by the might and profundity of examination, which are the glorious characteristics of the world's lord, the veil was removed from the painted countenance of those evil-inclined word-spinners. One of the joyous occurrences was that on the day of Bād 22 Mihr, 2 October 1576, which contained the auspiciousness of time and displayed the rays of the glory of the age, the coin of Creation's Treasury (Akbar's body) was weighed^260b according to fixed rule against glorious objects, and there was an assayment of gifts.

One of the occurrences was the coming to court of Peshrau K.^260c and his bringing the good news of the last victory, viz., of the defeat of Gajpatī and of his having met with his deserts. The brief account of this is that he from topsy-turviness of fortune and from the inaccessibility of his country transgressed the path of obedience and became presumptuous, as has already been briefly narrated. He was meditating the plundering of Ghāẕīpūr, when Shahbāz K. arrived with the army of fortune, and his confidence was shaken. He saw it was best to seek safety in flight and hastened off to the ferry of Causa. He crossed the Ganges and stood ready for the battle. The heroes by exertions collected boats and proceeded to cross. By their vigorous action the enemy was driven into the desert of defeat. ¹⁸⁶ They got possession of guns and boats and other goods of his. On the march they came to the fort of^261a Mahad and set themselves to besiege it. Sangrām^261b the governor of the fort made the delivery of the keys the proof of his own success. Shahbāz K. made over the fort to skilful men and pressed forward to punish Gajpatī. The wretch sought shelter in the forests of Bhojpūr, where there are many heights and hollows. Though the devoted warriors trod the soil of effort, they were not successful, for the slumbrous-fated one, on account of the majestic “Avaunt” (dūrbāsh) of Prestige (ipbāl), did not see it good to give battle. The victorious army returned and took another route. Next day the tyrant^261c who was looking for his opportunity came to the bank of the river in order that he might at night stir up the dust of battle. On account of the broken nature of the ground, and the ravines, prudence did not permit the courageous heroes to cross over in front of the enemy. By the guidance of Sangrām they marched rapidly to devastate his home. In several places there were great contests, and glorious victories were gained. As the inwardly darkened one was made hopeless by the orb^261d of day he made a night-attack, and by his own efforts fell headlong into the gloomy abode of destruction. Covered with the dust of shame he hastened to Jagdispūr, which was the strongest of his places. The strenuous soldiers were for nearly two months engaged in cutting down the trees round the dwelling, but by the might of the Shāhinshāh's prestige the fort was (at last) taken, and the evil-doer's family and belongings were imprisoned in the noose of the Divine wrath, while he himself was stained with the dust of dishonour and brought into contempt.

Peshrau Khān also related how on that night, which was big with a great victory, the Divine protection became his fortress owing to his turning himself towards the Shāhinshāh, so that he was delivered from his deadly peril. The story of that great deliverance is briefly as follows: “From the time^262a that I fell into the custody of that insolent and presumptuous one there was not a day which I did not expect to be my last. But by the blessing of my remembrance of the world-lord, I was kept scatheless. Especially was this so when there was a fight with the army of fortune. And the worst time of all was the night when that slumberer in misfortune trod the desert of defeat. About seventy prisoners showed (me) the path to annihilation (i.e., they were killed). Among them were four of my companions. Every one was made over to a scoundrel that he might be slain in the forest, and he who was told off to take the life of this hopeless one (himself) took me apart, and set himself to cut the woof and warp of my existence. I made the holy personality of the Shāhinshāh the medium for drawing nigh to God, and turned the face of supplication to the Source of bounties. Sinking my head into my collar I became absorbed in meditating that if this osseous tower (kākhh-i-istakhwānī, i.e., his body) did not protect me I might obtain a ¹⁸⁷ lofty chamber in the blessed abode of joy. When a long time elapsed, and there was no sign of the iron-livered executioner, I raised my head, and he came forward with supplications and entreaties, and said, “Art thou one of the guests of the banquet of vision, or a chosen one of the workshop of mystery, for however much I tried, my arm refused to act?” In reply I expounded to him fidelity and the wonders of the Shāhinshāh's fortune, and became his teacher (guide of the path). This discourse concerning the truth had not ended when Gajpatī passed by us. As he was in the slumber of failure, and his evil destiny hung down a veil over the eye of enlightenment, he regarded this warning exposition as trickery and made me over to another murderer. He too made great efforts to throw down my elemental structure, and I meditated as before on the holy personality of the spiritual and temporal Khedive, and making him my fortress I turned towards the Divine^262b Court. Though that strong man used all his might, his sword would not come out of the sheath. Suddenly that vagabond (Gajpatī) of the desert of destruction again passed us. Seeing what had taken place he grew wrathful and he scowled. As he was in great confusion, for, on the one hand he was in fear of his life, and of being captured, and on the other was the thought of how he could convey his family into safety, he lost the path of auspiciousness. At a signal from him the same executioner took me on an elephant and went off in order that he might dispose of me in a safe place and at his ease. The elephant was newly caught and vicious. The man got hurt and flung himself down, and in so doing he got kicked and swooned away. Just then the elephant made a fearful noise, and ran off, and on hearing the terrible sound all the other elephants stampeded. Soon I came to a desert where there was no sign of man. During this rapid career I flung my arms, which were tied, round the driver's neck in order that I might squeeze his throat, and that when he was done for, I might convey myself to a place of safety. The driver thought “he's trying to make fast to me.” At last he perceived my object and contrived to fling himself off. The elephant continued to rush on. At break of day he halted, and I flung myself off and fell on my face and became insensible. I recovered my senses at midday. In a very weak state I managed to come to the road. A horseman came in sight, and hurried on, thinking me a stranger. I thought he was a person I knew and called out. He recognised me and made the prostration of thanksgiving. He was one of the attendants who were making a keen search for me. I returned thanks for the glorious results of my meditation on the holy personality and for the marvellous Divine aid, and got on the saddle and became joyous and thankful. Just then I heard a kettledrum. I hastened in its direction and saw 'Arab Bahādur and a party of soldiers who were looking for me. I came with him to Shahbāz K. and told him the tale of how I had been succoured by the spiritual and temporal King of Kings. All bowed their heads on witnessing this great miracle.

I magnify the multiplex, sublime influences which yield such ¹⁸⁸ rays of guardianship for the protection and guidance of those who may be far away from the precincts of the carpet of honour, and which brighten the eyes of the hearts of the auspicious ones who are in the court of the Presence. Accordingly,^264a many a time during this august campaign did he cause the children who had come to despair of him to be filled with joy by the good news of his being alive and of his returning. Some of those who were sunk in the whirlpool of ignorance and who regarded the tricklings of truth as merely conventional comfortings, arose from their negligent somnolence, bedewed with shame.^264b

God be praised for that the throne-occupier of Unity in Multiplicity continually raises by wonderful contrivances the sincere to increased light, and kindles a lamp of guidance for the unfortunate who are in the gloomy abode of ignorance, and makes them acquainted with illumination. What marvel is it if the holy spirits of highly-favoured God-knowers have such wondrous power? Or how is it strange if those who rub their foreheads on the thresholds of holy souls have such joy after agony? But petty-spirited formalists from smallness of understanding imagine real excellence and spiritual eminence to exist among the rag-wearers of the desert of asceticism, and on beholding such miracles as these (in Akbar) bind thousands of loads of astonishment on the heavy-footed porters of their hearts.

Amongst the wonderful things which he (Peshrau K.) related was this: “While I was hastening along I fell in with a man in chains.^264c He took pity on my loneliness^264d and made his servant go with me. In return for his kindness I released him. On that very day just as he^264e by being separated from the unfortunate one emerged from the defile of the wilds, so did I by the unluckiness of his coming fall into prison. In the beginning of that night which was followed by the dawn which released me from my deadly captivity he, with many other prisoners, was sent to the pit of annihilation. Just as I by the misfortune of his company was seized by evil, so was I by the blessing of his departure made the attainer of happiness.”

One of the occurrences was the erasure of the writing of the life of Bīrī Sāl. When the light of the celestial rays, which is the shining lamp of daily-increasing fortune, made Gajpatī a vagabond of the desert of ruin, and when, though Shergarh^265a was a strong refuge, he from confusion and mortal fear and with the thorn of failure in his foot hastened to the hill-country of Rohtās, and put upon his shoulder the mantle of ignominy, his brother Bīrī Sāl and many others of the rebels put their trust in the hills and glades of the forest. Brave and active men followed and suddenly fell upon them, and he and many others were slain. Much booty was obtained.

Another event of increasing fortune was the taking of the fort of Rohtās. Whereas loyalty, laboriousness, and the non-selling^265b of service are the keys of success, and the untiers of the knots of deeds and of glorious enterprises—which worldlings regard as difficult— this fort, the taking of which by physical means was an arduous task, was easily gained and with little effort. When Gajpatī was trodden under foot by misfortune, his son Srī Rām^265c and a number ¹⁸⁹ of audacious rebels collected materials of defence and established themselves in Shergarh. Shahbāz K. set himself to besiege it, and commenced to construct sabāṭ (covered ways), etc. Most of the rebels in the country took the highway of submission. During this interval, by the wondrous working of prestige, a fresh flower adorned the garden of wishes. The brief account of this is that when the country was without any great officer, Rohtās fell into the hands of Junaid. He made it over to one of his trusted followers named Saiyid Muḥammad. When Junaid was killed, Saiyid Muḥammad for some time guarded the fort with evil intentions. But as he had no proper backing, he thought to himself that he might, by the mediation of some influential person at the imperial court, use the fort as an offering and so become one of the imperial servants. But from abundant shrewdness he did not openly say anything. At this time the bandits of the neighbourhood of the fort, without whose concurrence it was difficult to get near the hill, were influenced by dread of the imperial army and elected to become loyal. Moẓaffar Khān also marched with the army of Bihar to take the fort. The garrison lost endurance, and they opened up a correspondence with Shahbāz K. by sending trusty men to him and making proposals for obtaining quarter. He readily acceded to their wishes, and went there rapidly with some brave men. He made the bewildered garrison joyful and returned thanks to God. Moẓaffar Khān on hearing of this delightsome conquest sorrowfully retraced his steps.

One of the occurrences was the taking of Shergarh. When, owing to daily increasing fortune, Rohtās had come into possession, the inhabitants of this mountainous tract (koh-pāya) lost confidence. Before the veil had been removed from the face of their actions, Srī Rām, their head, wisely recognised the majesty of the imperial fortune, and paid his repects to Shahbāz K. He delivered over the keys of the fort to him and amended his evil fortune.

One of the occurrences was the despatch of victorious troops to the province of Jālor and Sirohī and their being successful. When it came to the august hearing that Tāj Khān Jālorī had twisted his head away from obedience, and that Deora Rai of Sirohī was also, from ignorance, not observing the rules of servitude, Tarson Khān, Rai Rai Singh, Saiyid Hāshim Bārha, and many skilful fighters were appointed. They were to begin by using soothing and admonitory language in order that they might guide the recalcitrants into the highway of obedience. If the object could be effected by these means, which are approved by the wise, they were not to take the path of battle, but to assure them of the reward of the Divine favour. Otherwise, they were to put down their feet firmly on the field of effort, and to regard the Divine Will as involved in the cutting of the warp and woof of the existence of such turbulent spirits. The warriors soon reached Jālor, and Tāj Khān bound himself to the sad- ¹⁹⁰ dle-straps of enduring dominion by proofs of repentance. When this business had been easily disposed of, they addressed themselves to proceed to Sirohi. The Rai of that place also awoke from his somnolent fortune, and came with an ashamed countenance to the servants of dominion. He, together with Tāj Khān, set off to perform the worship of prostration at the holy threshold. By orders from H.M. Tarson K. hastened to the government of Pattan-Gujrāt. Saiyid Hāshim and Rai Rai Singh took up their quarters in the town of Nādot^267a and made the strife-mongers of that country obedient. The roads of ingress and egress from the Rānā's country were closed.

One of the occurrences was the directing of the standards of world-conquest towards Goganda. The holy heart meditated the administration of the country by hunting in that direction, so that the disobedient there might once for all be made wanderers in the desert of failure, and also that by the blessing of the advent of the king of kings the inhabitants might choose the light of auspiciousness. In this way the spectacle of the Divine marvels would increase the enlightenment of the skilful, and the casting down of the evil, and the cherishing of the good—which are the most choice form of Divine worship, and the fountain of spiritual and secular excellences—would be accomplished on a proper scale and without the admixture caused by the courting of sellers of their services, and without the introduction of the artifices of mischief-makers. Also outward matters would be disposed of according to spiritual considerations. What a fine work this is which both bears on its face the colour of devotion, and also is a powerful help to the development of training! Though at first sight well-wishing has reference to the good, yet on profound inspection it is clear that there may be well-wishing with reference to the evil. And though at first sight it is reproof which is addressed to the disobedient and turbulent, yet in reality it is a source of bliss for such as are pure. For by the vigour of a proper investigation, the testing of the essential substance is brought to the touchstone of the balance, so that the cherishing of the first class (i.e., the good) and the source of exaltation may be impressed on the mind of the superficial followers of custom. And it is clear that the assemblage of the duties of sovereignty reposes primarily on the responsibility of throne-occupiers of wide capacity who belong to the palace of Sultan Wisdom. From this view the pious King of Kings applies his own holy spirit to the disposal of matters which cannot be managed in the most excellent way by his servants. Accordingly at this time, which was the beginning of the radiation of the luminary of prestige, when a ray showed that the Rānā had lifted up his head for sedition in the southern hill country, and that Rai Narayan Dās^268a was rearing the standard of presumption in Īdar, and also that the heads of another faction were itching with pride, he resolved to go hunting^268b in that country. On the day of Mārisfand 29 Mihr, Divine month, the different grades of officers and a number of servants who had the bliss of being at court came forward in troops, adorned with steel, and presented themselves for inspection.

The heroes were sunk in iron from head to foot,
Their appearance was like that of a mirror.
A man so encased himself in iron
That his eyelashes took the shape of needles.^268c

¹⁹¹ On that day the royal cavalier chiefly rode upon the elephant Bālsundar, and though the pretext of the ride was a joyous hunting-party, and only some servants of the Presence were in attendance, a great army made its appearance. On 31 Mihr, Divine month (about 11 October 1576), after Divine worship—which consisted in the arrangement of outward affairs—he marched from the pleasant spot of Ajmere towards Goganda. A sublime order was given that the officers of the guard (umrā-ī-ḱishik)^269a should every day after performing their service hasten forward and become the watchmen of the processes of enlightenment, and also that they should when entering on their duties of serving in the fore-court of the Presence perform the kornish. When the standards of fortune approached their destination many of the presumptuous ones of that country rubbed the forehead of obedience. The Rānā went into the hill country of contempt before the majesty of the Shāhinshāh. Out of precaution and farsightedness Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān, Rajah Bhagwant Dās, and Kūar Mān Singh with sundry of the imperial servants were sent off in order that they might go into the hollows of the hills and lay hands on the villainous dweller in ravines. Qulīj Khān, Khwāja Ghīāṯu-d-dīn 'Alī Āṣaf Khān, Mīr Ghīāṯu-d-dīn 'Alī Naqīb Khān, Timūr Badakhshī, Mīr Abulghaiṯ, Nūram Qulīj and many other strenuous men were sent on that day to Īdar in order that they might clear that country of the weeds of the ungrateful.

One of the occurrences was H.M.'s inclination towards the pilgrimage to the Ḥijāz. But on the petition of the officers of dominion he abandoned his intention. The world's lord in his abundant piety and recognition of the truth is ever strenuous in doing the will of God. And in spite of all his treasures, material and spiritual, he, owing to his wide capacity and ample talents, does not regard what he has attained to as the satisfaction (lit. breakfast) of his desires. And because the world-illuminating light has taken possession of his vision, he looks not at his own daily-increasing beauty, and the glance of search is ever beaming from the eastern horizon of his soul. The foot of his genius is ever in quest of the sign of the signless One (God). At this time a set of persons without ties^270a (lawandān) who hailed from the land of simplicity perceived the royal cavalier's eagerness for bodily acts of devotion and especially for visiting distant shrines of martyrs,^270b and suggested again to this keen traveller of the wilderness of search the pilgrimage to the Ḥijāz. Though from the plenitude of his wisdom it was clear to him that pilgrimage^270c was the first step (only) for truth-seeking ascetics, and that those who had gone upon such journeys, and still more those who had reached the fountain-head of their desires, had gathered up their skirts from such earthly and formal worship and given their energies to other things. There were other tasks for the great ones of the social world, and their worship was of another character. Especially was this so in the case of justice-administering rulers, and most of all was it so in the case of such a world-Adorner who had taken the burden of mankind on his shoulders, and who, by his skilful projects, and flashing scimitar, had converted the territories of so many great princes into an abode of peace. How could such a form of worship be deemed suitable for him? Nevertheless the God-loving sovereign felt constrained to ¹⁹² fulfil every condition of solidarity, and so grasped this journey in the skirt of his energies. The Court-favourites and the sages of the holy assemblages described the devotions of the social and the recluse-state—they were already clear to his truthful mind—and represented—in the manner in which the honest and upright make remonstrances—that some of the great geniuses who had garnered truth, and who had held such journeys to be legitimate for his holy class, had made it conditional upon no dust of failure entering thereby the pleasant abode of the cherishing of their subjects. The just sovereign, in accordance with his own lofty understanding, and for the sake of guarding the hearts of the sincere and single-minded, erased the characters of his desire from his heart-tablet.

As there^271a was a necessity for making some arrangement, his right-judging mind determined that an upright and experienced man should be sent to that country in order that, whilst the precious jewel of truth became polished by the spiritual retractation (of purpose), so also might outward performance be effected by means of this deputation. Sultan Khwāja Naqshbandī—who had an abundant portion of the above qualities—was on the day mentioned^271b appointed “Amīr-i-Ḥāj” and dispatched. He was given six lakhs of rupees and 12,000 khil'ats in order that he might distribute presents in accordance with the rules of propriety, and also might bestow gifts on those who chose to exile themselves for this long journey. An order was also given that inquiries should be undertaken and a clear list made of the recluses of that country, who from being occupied in looking after their souls, had not leisure to follow professions or handicrafts, and of the other patient paupers of the land. The object of his holy thought was that an enlightened person of the court might be sent every year to that country so that abundant provision might be made from the table of the Shāhinshāh's bounty for the needy of that country as for the necessitous of other climes. There were various classes of men in this auspicious caravan, and especially those connected with the family of contemplation and enlightenment, and those associated with demonstration and testimony (shahūd). Never before had there been such a coming of seekers of blessing from India to that country.

S'aādat^272a Yār Koka, Shāh Khwāja, Malik Maḥmūd, Qāzi 'Imādu-l-mulk, Maulānā 'Abdu-r-Raḥmān Wā'īẓ^272b (preacher) Mullā 'Abdullah Wafādār, Khwāja Ashraf, Khwāja Ḥusain 'Alī Farkhārī, Maulānā Faẓlī Naushād, Shāh Mīrzā, Jamāl Khān Bilūc were among the pilgrims. In his great kindness H.M. ordered that the officers who had been dispatched to Goganda and Īdar should act as escort. The large caravan went by the way of the Haldī pass, and proceeded with the victorious army to Goganda. They passed through the defiles and ridges and reached Panwara. From that place Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān and Rajah Bhagwān Dās and the other soldiers who had been appointed to extirpate the Rānā, turned back and went off to Goganda. When they reached the native country of that ill-fated one, he went off to the pit of contempt and placed the mantle of ¹⁹³ concealment on his head. The troops which had been sent off to march to Īdar escorted the pilgrims stage by stage aud arrived there on the day of Amardād 7 Abān, Divine month. The haughty ones of that country went off to the defiles of the hill-country, but a number of Rājpūts took post in temples and houses and resolved to die. A number of heroes such as Hīra Bhān, 'Umr^272c Khān Afghan, and Ḥasan Bahādur hastened to extirpate them. The ill-fated ones unsheathed their swords and made ready their spears and came forward to the scene of life-sacrifice. Many of the imperial soldiers turned back, but those above named brought the jewel of firmness to the magnificent market and behaved marvellously. Umr Khān and Ḥasan Bahādur drank the last wholesome draught and went to the paradise of repose. The stiff-necked and ignorant ones fell headlong into the pit of annihilation, and the city together with abundant plunder fell into the hands of the imperial servants, and they occupied themselves in keeping order and in administering justice. From thence the pilgrim-caravan moved towards Gujarat, and Timur Badakhshī and a number of officers escorted it. On account of the periods being unseasonable for the sea-journey the caravan halted in Ahmadabad.

One of the occurrences was that the far-seeing prince raised Khwāja Shāh Manṣūr Shīrāzī, who was an adept at the mysteries of accounts, to the high office of Vizier. He had formerly been appointed one of the head-officers^273a of the Perfumery department, but owing to his quickness and zeal (josh-i-rashd) he had disputes with Moẓaffar Khān and was dismissed. After much ill-success he joined Mun'im Khān, and when he came to court about the affairs of Bengal his abilities became couspicuous. When Mun'im Khān died, Rajah Todar Mal on account of questions about accounts imprisoned him and put chains on him. H.M. from his great appreciation of merit sent an order, summoning him to court. At this time, which was the beginning of the smiling of the Spring of dominion, Shāh Manṣūr glorified the forehead of his fortune by prostration on the holy threshold, and without the recommendation of courtiers—which is what helps most men—and without experience—which the experts regard as the evidence for promoting servants—the weight and influence of the Khwāja increased. Though the wide capacity and abounding knowledge of H.M. are independent of the help of a minister (Dastūr), and though the brilliance of the wisdom of this unique one of creation puts the ordinary servants of the Sultanate into the straits of inactivity, yet from his appreciative power, and ¹⁹⁴ from his shutting his eyes to the shining of his own God-given beauty, he is ever searching for a good man (sara-i-adam) and continually expresses by words and acts his wish for such a choice man, and assigns to him the office of a living second soul and a third eye (to Akbar's own). But it is apparent that the incomparable Deity wills that the holy personality of the Shahinshah should come forth from retirement and seclusion, and that the disciplinary laws of mortals—which are fitted to be universal regulations, should come forth from him whom He himself hath made great, and that the world-illuminating beauty of the lord of the earth should be impressed on the hearts of small and great. If such a wise man of wide capacity and the unique of the unequalled court—such as H.M. is looking for—were found, a number of short-sighted persons belonging to the world of formalism would adopt the injurious idea that those great laws emanated from this man's wisdom! Though the wise of the age do not see the propriety of the Unique one of God's having a Vizier, yet as H.M. observes the connection between spiritual and temporal things and preserves both of these high matters, he on the day of Gosh 14 Abān, Divine month, appointed the Khwāja to this high office. Although he possessed no share of the current sciences, yet he was at the head of the first-rate men of the age for excellence in speech and in action, and together with these qualities he had a wide capacity.

One of the occurrences was that when he encamped at the town of Mohī^274a Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, Shāh Fakhru-d-dīn Mashhadī, Shāh Budāgh Khān, Muṭṭalib Khān and the officers of the province of Mālwa came and did observance. Each of them was the recipient of favours in accordance with the degree of his loyalty. For some days that spot was made illustrious by the Shāhinshāh, and the condition of the inhabitants was properly supervised. Bahādurs such as Ghāzī Khān Badakhshi, Sharīf K. Atka, Mujāhid K. and Subḥān Qulī Turk were left in Mohī, and 'Abdu-r-Raḥmān son of Muyīd Beg, and 'Abdu-r-Raḥmān the son of Jalālu-d-dīn Beg, and others were left in Madāriya.^274b Similarly, brave men were appointed to other places in order that whenever that wicked strife-monger (Rānā Partāb) should come out of the ravines of disgrace he might suffer retribution. When the holy mind had disposed of the affairs of that region, he on the day of Mihr 16 Āẕār, Divine month, proceeded by way of Bānswāla (Bānswāra) towards Mālwa. His whole wish was that the country might obtain justice by the blessing of his advent, and that the general community might, under the shadow of his graciousness. obtain rest and repose.

¹⁹⁵ One of the occurrences was that Quṭbu-d-dīn K. and Rajah Bhagwant Dās were censured. The brief account of this is that the leaders of the army of fortune had reached the abode of the Rānā. As no trace could be found of that turbulent one, they hastily, and without orders, came to court on hearing of the approach of the royal standards. As the observance of the orders of the Sultanate rests, in the first place, on great commanders, and in the second on the inferior servants, they were excluded from the bliss of doing homage and were reproved. When they showed signs of penitence (lit. when the characters of repentance were clear in the lines of their foreheads to correct readers of such marks), and had made confession of their shortcomings, they were permitted to present themselves.

One of the occurrences was that while the sublime cortège was passing through Udaipūr, reports came from Gujarat to the effect that a set of ignorant persons had vexed the pilgrims by frightening them about the officers of the Feringhi ports. Though their pure highnesses^275a were addressing them with words of wisdom, and the imperial officers were encouraging them, the generality refused to be comforted. In his great kindness H.M.^276a could not allow this company of voluntary exiles to be left in distress. Accordingly he summoned Qulīj Khān, who held several of the parts of Gujarat, to come to him by relays^276b of horses from the camp at Īdar, and then he sent him off to Gujarat in order that he might go as far as the seashore and soothe and assist the pilgrims.

[The Iqbālnāma seems to clear up the difficulty about the ladies having started long before the caravan, for it says expressly that Qulīj K. arranged for the departure in the ship Selīmī of “the chaste ladies of the harem who had started before” (the caravan).]

By the might of the good fortune of the Shāhinshāh he in a short space of time performed that excellent service. The secluded ladies^276c of the court of chastity sailed in the ship Selīmī, and Sultan Khwāja and the other officers made the voyage in the ship Ilāhī. The Christian rulers and the chiefs of every country regarded the advent (of the pilgrims) as an honour and gathered the materials of eternal bliss.

One of the occurrences was that while the splendour of the august standards was casting glorious rays on the territory of Bānswāra, Rāūl Pertāp the head of that district—who was always stubborn—and Rāūl Askaran ruler of Dūngarpūr and other turbulent spirits of that country came and paid the prostration of repentance. Inasmuch as H.M'.s nature is to accept excuses, and to cherish the humble, he accepted the shame of their having rendered little service, at the rate of good service, and took the life, the honour and the country of this faction under the protection of his justice and kindness. They were exalted by special favours.

One of the occurrences was that the Mīrzāda 'Alī Khān^277a came and did homage. He brought 65 elephants out of the spoils of the ¹⁹⁶ eastern provinces, and gave wonderful accounts of those regions and of the good services of the devotees of their lives. There was cause for thanksgiving to the unequalled Creator.

One of the occurrence was that troops were appointed to Goganda. At this time it came to the august hearing that the Rānā had again made the hills and defiles means for turbulence and was engaged in evil thoughts. On the day of Dībmihr 15 Dai, Divine month, Rajah Bhagwant Dās, Kūār Mān Singh, M. Khān the son of Bairām K., Qāsim K. Mīrbahar, and a number of experienced men went off to that country. By the great attention of the Shāhinshāh that country was cleared from the thorn-brake of rebellion, and adorned by just subjects.

One of the occurrences was that Rajah Todar Mal and 'Itmād K. Khwājasarā arrived in Bānswāra from Bengal and did homage. They presented glorious spoils of that county- among them were 304 noted elephants—and praised the wondrous and daily-increasing fortune as shown in the success of the imperial servants, the failure of foes, the cleansing of the country from ingrates, and the repose of the inhabitants.

One of the occurrences was that in Dīpālpūr, Raḥmān Qulī K. Qūshbegī (falconer) arrived from the Ḥijāz and did homage. He produced before H.M. the petitions of the Sharīfs and other officers of that country. H.M. stayed some days in that neighbourhood for disposing of various matters of administration.

One of the occurrences was the mission of Rajah Bīrbar and Rai Lankaran to Dūngarpūr. The brief account of this is that the Rajah of that place had from his good fortune petitioned through some intimates of the court that his daughter—who was one of the distinguished of the age for chastity and wisdom—might be included among the palatial servants (i.e., might be married to Akbar). In this way a rare jewel would find its proper place, and also a great help would be given to his (the Rajah's) relations. H.M. had regard to his loyalty and granted his request. Those two confidential servants were given leave in order that they might convey in a choice manner the secluded one to the harem of fortune.

One of the occurrences was that on the day of Farwardīn 19 Isfandārmaẕ, Divine month, a report came from Rai Rai Singh, announcing the conquest of Sirohī and the taking of Abūgarh.¹ The brief account of this is that the Rai of Sirohī Sultan Deorah from his ill-fate, and native savagery, came to his own country with ¹⁹⁷ an evil intention. At a signal from H.M., Rai Rai Singh, Saiyid Hāshim and other servants went to conquer that country, and to punish that evil-disposed person. They began by entering the country and by besieging him. As the fort was strong, and he was without calculating reason, he thought that the lofty hills would protect him, and his arrogance increased. The warriors took up their abode there and proceeded to act leisurely instead of rapidly. Rai Rai Singh sent for his family from his home. He whose fortune was slumbrous (the Rai of Sirohī) attacked the caravan on the road with a number of determined men. Many Rajputs who were with the convoy and under the leadership of Raimal fought bravely and there was a great fight. Many fell on both sides, but by the blessing of daily-increasing fortune that audacious highlander was defeated and became a vagabond in the desert of failure. He abandoned Sirōhī and went off to Abūgarh. That country (Sirōhī) came, by the excellent conduct of the servants, to be included in the imperial dominions, and they hastened towards Abūgarh.^279a The real name of this place is Arbūdā Acal (here A. F. spells the words), and it had been converted by men's tongues and by time into Abūgarh. They say that Arbuda is the name of a spirit who comes in a female form to guide those who have gone astray in the desert of search. Acal means a hill, and the idea is that that pure form is specially associated with the place. Abūgarh is near Sirōhī, and on the borders of Ajmere towards Gujarat. Its extent is about seven kos. On the top of the hill the Rānā built in former times a sky-high fortress. The road to it is very difficult. There are springs of good water, and sweet-water wells, and there is sufficient cultivation to support the garrison. There are various flowers and odoriferous plants, and the air is very pleasant. Wealthy people have for the sake of spiritual welfare erected temples and shrines there. The victorious bands came to the fort by the aid of daily-increasing fortune, and so strong a fortress, such as great princes would have found it difficult to conquer, came into the hands of this party of loyalists with little effort. S. Deorah was bewildered by the majesty of the Sultanate of the Shāhinshāh and fell to supplications. He took refuge with the auspicious servants, and made the key of the fort the means of opening the knot of his fortune, by delivering it to them. Rai Rai Singh left the fort in charge of able men, and proceeded to court along with the Rai of Sirohī.

One of the occurrences was the sending the army of fortune to Khāndesh. Rajah 'Alī Khān, the ruler of that country, being backed up by the other rulers of the Deccan, was remiss in his obedience and service. The world's lord, in his abundant graciousness which shows itself to high and low, appointed on the day of ¹⁹⁸ Bahrām 20 Isfandārmaẕ, Divine month, a suitable army under the charge of Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, to proceed to that province. Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān, Shuj'aāt, Bāqī K., Naurang K., M. Nijāt K., 'Alī Dost K. and many others were appointed to this service. The order given was that they were in the first instance to address awakening words to the slumbrous in the desert of folly and to bring them to the city of truth, and make them flower-gatherers in the garden of good service. If from an evil star they remained in slumber, the troops were to exert themselves to clear off the rust from those darkened ones by the flashings of Indian swords. They were to make over the country to just and disinterested men, and to protect the subjects generally, who are a trust from God.

One of the occurrences was that Rajah Todar Mal was dispatched to the province of Gujarat. When it came to the august hearing that that territory was in a disturbed state owing to the carelessness of Wazīr K., he bade skilful and trusty men to go there quickly and endeavour to put it into order with the aid of the officers of the country. He hastened there and showed the jewel of his abilities to mankind. The inhabitants and the visitors to the province enjoyed prosperity.

One of the occurrences was that Shāhbāz K. came to Dīpālpūr from the eastern provinces with the success due to his good services, and did homage. When the capture of Rohtās, his victory over Gajpatī and his other good services became known to H.M., an order was issued that he should make over Rohtās to Muḥibb 'Alī K., and come to court. On the day of Ashtād 26 Isfandārmaẕ, Divine month, he rubbed the forehead of devotion on the threshold of fortune, and was exalted and encompassed by royal favours. As H.M. was desirous that the world-conquering armies should proceed with all expedition to the Deccan, and make that land a station of peace and a centre of justice, he signified to him that he should see to the equipment of the army and put it on a proper footing. He performed this service in accordance with the order and made the kornish when H.M. was at the capital.

One of the occurrences was the conquest of Īdar. It has already been mentioned that when the star of the Rai of that country sank into the horizon of ruin, H.M., by constraint of the principle that just princes are the physicians of the world, and the ḥakīms of horizons, sent thither an army of strenuous men. If conciliatory language had no effect they were to erase the picture of his existence from the page of creation. The ignorant man in his baseness and wickedness made the admonitions a cause of obstinacy. When Qulīj Khān was called away to the ports of Gujrat, he (the Rai of Īdar) indulged in worse thoughts, and by his own efforts became stained with the dust of dishonour. The brief account of this heavenly aid is as follows. The Rai made those two things ¹⁹⁹ (the admonitions and departure of Qulīj K.) a cause of increased presumption, and let a veil fall over his vision. In a short time his senselessness became intoxication, and from his not seeing the wondrous and daily-increasing fortune (of Akbar), Āsā Rāwal collected some daring men, and came out of the defiles to deliver battle. The imperial servants went to meet him. On the night of Gosh 14 Isfandarmaẕ, Divine month, they left Sher K. with a body of troops to guard the camp and proceeded to the field of battle. Khwāja Ghīāṯu-d-dīn 'Alī Aṣaf K. commanded in the centre. Timur Badakhshī commanded the right wing, and Mīr Abu-l-laiṯ the left wing. M. Muqīm Naqshbandī, Nūr Qulīj, Dhīra Parmān, Mīr Ghīāṯu-d-dīn and others were in the van. Shimāl K., Gadā Ālī and others formed an ambush (kamīn-gāh). The enemy formed two bands and came on quickly. M. Muqīm and some of the āzīs of the van displayed activity, and Moẓaffar advanced from the centre. The brave men of the victorious army loosed their rein and rushed to do battle. The daring Rajpūts made ready their spears and encountered them. There were wondrous hand-to-hand combats. The jewel of courage was brought to the test and acquired fresh brilliancy.

Drums thundered, the battle began,
Swords were drawn, heroes strove,
Blood flowed like wine, their cries were the orchestra,
Daggerhilts were the cups, arrows the dessert (naql).

In spite of being wounded in the arm Nūr Qulīj did not restrain his hand from battle. Moẓaffar fell to the ground from the onset of the Rajpūts, but was rehorsed by brave men. Dhīra Parmān behaved courageously. During this contest the van was put into disorder, but the abovenamed preserved their honour and stood, sacrificing their lives. M. Muqīm drank the wholesome sherbet of death, and Quṭb K. one of his companions also played away the coin of his life. At the time when the van was discomfited the victorious troops pressed forward. The foe did what they could, but had to fly. The imperial servants, by the blessing of daily-increasing aids, ²⁰⁰ became successful in the midday of despair, and exulted joyfully. When the news of victory reached the august ear he returned thanks to God. The courageous servants were distinguished by royal favours.

The justice-loving sovereign performed the devotions of the solitary and the social state in the vicinity of Dīpālpūr under the veil of hunting, and produced harmony between the material and the spiritual life. He gave inward rank to what was external. The joyousness of the equable spring disclosed the face of delight, and the courts of bliss were thrown open. The time of largesses received new lustre. On the night of Monday 20 Ẕī-l-ḥaja (11 March 1577) after seven hours, twelve minutes, the sun cast his rays upon Aries

By the writing of power the world became like the picture gallery of Mānī,^283a
The garden by wisdom's light became like the thought of Avicenna,
You'd say the earth from joy was like the sky,
You'd say the sky bloomed like a garden.

One of the occurrences was the departure of Māhī^283b Begam to the spiritual world. That nursling of the rose-garden of the Caliphate was the grand-child of Rāwal Harrāj the ruler of Jaisalmīr. Regarding the dust-bin of the earth as a granary of grief, she on 18 Farwardīn, Divine month (28 March 1577), turned her face from the outer world, and did not gather flowers in a fading garden for a ²⁰¹ longer space than a year.

Deep is the ocean round this isle,
Black the earth and dark the water:
By the departure of that flower of paradise,
The boat was broke in the wave of the heart.

The ladies displayed much grief and shed many tears. How shall I write of the state of the world's lord? It comes not within the mould of description! From the grief which that fountain of graciousness used to feel for the deaths of the children of his servants, the acute may in some measure conjecture what he felt for the death of his own child. But he infolded himself with patience, and chose the pleasant abode of composure.

May the King live for ever in good fortune.
May there be to him the freshness of tiara and throne.

In the beginning of this glorious year the fortress of Būndi^284a was taken, and Daudā the son of Rai Surjan received his deserts. Previously an army had been sent against him, but as it appeared that this force did not act honestly, Zain Khān Kokāltāsh was sent off on this service from Rāmpūr on the day of Bahrām, 20 Farwardīn, Divine month, corresponding to 10 Muḥarram 985 (30 March 1577). There were sent with him Rai Surjan the father of Daudā, Bhoj his brother, Rām Cand, Karm Sai, and others. An order was also given that the officers formerly employed in this service should co-operate and exert themselves in carrying out the work. In a short time the fortress of Būndī was taken, and Daudā betook himself to the ravines of the hill-country. When the country had obtained repose, Zain K. Koka, by H.M.'s orders, left Bhōj and other warriors to protect it, and proceeded to court in company with Rai Surjan. At the first stage he heard that there were disturbances in the country and was obliged to return. The brief account of this is as follows: Many of the soldiers had fallen into poverty from staying long in that hill-country, and when the Koka went off, the evil-disposed portion of the army raised a report that Daudā was coming, and set about plundering. The Urdū bazār (camp-market) and much of the city were sacked. The officers out of fear and ignorance were on the point of coming away. The Kokaltāsh returned and took up his quarters there. By the Divine help and by wisdom he got the upper hand over pleasure and preferred hidden service ²⁰² to personally waiting upon H.M. He despatched Rai Surjan to court with some spices^285a (maṣāliḥ) and set about putting the country into order. Neither outward want of equipment nor the general want of heart affected him, and the dust of dissension was at once laid. Joy returned to the despondent, and the wicked gossips sunk into contempt, while the rebellious received proper punishment. On the day of Gosh, 14 Ardībihisht, Divine month, the fort of Ranthanbhor became the seat of the tents of victory. The world's lord ascended the castle and reposed for a time in the palace of Rai Surjan. From thence he proceeded to Fatḥpūr, and when he arrived there the high officers did homage, and every one was the recipient of favours. On the night of 31 Ardībihisht, Divine month, the city received glory from his advent.

One of the occurrences was the arrival of Zain K. Koka at court, and his communicating to H.M. the account of his victory. It has already been mentioned that he took up his quarters in Būndī and applied himself to clearing out the places in that country. Many of the soldiers had from the deficiency of means of livelihood taken to evil courses. That turbulent one (Daudā) whose fortune was somnolent did not pay attention to the wondrous fortune of the Shāhinshāh, and did not take into account the victorious troops, and grew presumptuous. He collected some vagabonds and raised the standard of insolence on the top of the hill of Ūntgardan (camel's neck). That is a lofty hill and one difficult to surmount. His sole idea was that he might take advantage of an opportunity and do some damage to the victorious camp. Zain K. Koka arranged his warriors in three bands and pushed forward He inspired many warriors to advance to the heights, and he himself together with Rai Bhōj and with the assistance of the mountaineers fared bravely forward. They had passed through the defiles and come near the summit, when the enemy became aware of them and made an advance. There was a fire of musketry, and by the blessing of the daily-increasing fortune three noted men among the foe were slain. The others gave way. On seeing the glory of the Divine aid the Koka pressed on still more, and when the base ²⁰³ one (Daudā) was with a party of audacious ones making a disturbance, he arrived at the spot, and there was a hot engagement.

From the arrows and shields that were displayed,
No longer a desert, it became a flower-garden.
The violet-swords gleamed,
The ensigns robbed the eye of sight.

By good fortune and a happy star the foe became blistered of foot in the stony tract of failure. A hundred and twenty of their noted men fell in that engagement. The haughty and presumptuous mountaineer was defeated. When the country was cleared of the dust of rebellion it was given in charge to Rai Bhōj. Zain Khān did homage and was encompassed with royal favours.

Among the occurrences was the revision^286a of the management of the treasury. By the orders of King Wisdom, the care of property, and the increase of finances are, in the code of princes, a choice form of the Divine worship of the capital of the social state. Though the sublime genius of the world's lord addresses itself, in consequence of his position as caravan-leader of the spiritual world, to the true object of worship, and has erased fictitious pictures from the portico of his vision, yet he regards the observance of the rules of the outer world—which are the adornment of lofty minds—as right and proper, just as secular princes do. From such practice no dust settles upon his holy environment, nor does any mist arise in the rose-garden of his One-ness. Hence it is that the religion of this unique one of creation, unlike the devotion of worldly contemplators, needs no supplementing.^287a Every portion of the time of this celestial walker runs over with supplications and peculiar devotions, and produces in the outer world without the veil of hesitation or delay, the calm which is the proper condition of the social state. Ṣādiq K., Khwāja Shāh Manṣūr and some other honest and able men— who were abodes of trust, and balances (qisṭās) of knowledge—were sent from Fatḥpūr to Agra in order that they might inspect the public treasuries and test the treasurers and accountants, and custodians. On thorough inquiry the officials were found to be upright and were rewarded by favours and confidence.