Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 3

The parterre-adorner of sovereignty (the sun) brightened the face of joy with the news of the arrival of the New Year. His servants adorned hill and plain, and joined form and spirituality. On the eve of Friday, 29 Rabi'-ul-awwal 994, 10 or 11 March 1586, after the passing of eleven hours, thirty-seven minutes, he cast his rays on Aries. The city became fragrant, the plains grew beautiful.

You complained just now that the leaf-scattering Bahman had arrived.
Look up and behold the garden, for Bahman has passed away.
In the thunder of the sky hear the sound of the drum.
The world holds a bridal, for the garden
Comes in bridal dress.

The sagacious sovereign celebrated a great feast, and made great and small partakers of joy. On 19 Farwardīn (28 March 1586) —which was the supreme feast—Mīrzā Shāhrukh, Rāja Bhagwant Dās, Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram and other officers obtained an interview. They brought the ruler of Kashmīr to court. He was privately asked why the kindnesses of the Shāhinshāh had passed from his memory, and why the influence of his son—who had fled from the court—had increased, and had by stratagems turned back the victorious army. Why had he himself not added the glory of acts to his talk about peace? He had the grace to be ashamed, and to reply by silence. H.M., out of kindness, had resolved upon restoring Kashmīr to him, but the imperial servants represented that he ought to have some punishment for his backslidings, and that Kashmīr should first be conquered, and afterwards restored to him. H.M. accepted this view and made him over to Rāja Todar Mal.

On the same day, the troops that had been sent to Balūchistān arrived, and Ghāzī K., Chīta, Bahādur K., Nuṣrat K., Ibrāhīm K. and other Balūc leaders were received. When the troops went to that country, the land-owners were at first somewhat refractory. But as there was goodness in their dispositions, they quickly understood what was right, and took the path of supplication. Their prayers were granted, and they were honoured with robes and horses. The country was restored to them.

Also, on this day Rāja Todar Mal returned from the hill-country of the Yūsufza'īs and did homage. He made over the chastisement ⁴⁸⁹ of the Afghāns to Rāja Mān Singh.

One of the occurrences was that the troops attacked Berār. It is a country in the south, and is adjacent to Mālwa, and so an account of it has been given in the final^739a volume.

Inasmuch as the rulers of the Deccan did not obey properly, the Khān A'zam Mīrzā Koka was appointed to punish them. He went to Hindia, and arranged for an expedition. He sent a body of troops and took Fort Sānolī^739b from Nāhar^739c Rāo. The latter submitted, and so did the other landholders, after a slight conflict. H.M. gave choice pieces of Mālwa to M. Koka in fief. When the appointed officers met, there arose dissensions among them. The C. in C. became confused on account of suspicions,^739d and the work fell out of gear. Shihābud-dīn Aḥmad K. was vexed, and went off to his jāgīr without leave. The C. in C. came after him in order to fight him. Instead of having recourse to supplications, he (Shihāb) prepared for battle; though, by the endeavours of prudent men a contest was averted, they did not act together. In consequence of the intrigues of foolish persons, Tūlak K.^739e who was an old (bābarī) officer, became suspected, and was sent to prison. That memorial of former sages, Amīr Fatḥullāh Shīrāzī, was much harassed, and returned from the ruler of Khāndes without having effected anything. He sorrowfully went to the Khān-Khānān in Gujārat. The soldiers were perplexed by the delays and dissensions. The enemy who had been alarmed, took courage. Rāja 'Alī the ruler of Khāndes, Farhād K., Jamshīd K., Aždar K., Mīr Toqī and the rest of the Berār and Aḥmadnagar armies gathered together and set off to give battle. The imperial grandees awoke in some measure from the sleep of negligence, and assembled to consult. How could the work be carried on when the friend was not distinguished from the foe, nor humility from hypocrisy? From their double-mindedness, they did not see in themselves the strength to fight. Nor could they act unanimously. They turned aside from confronting the enemy, and went off to Berār. They sent their baggage to a place of retreat (gosha. a corner) and went off rapidly. On the route, Hatīā^740a Rāo, a land-owner, was put to death on suspicion of his acting a double part. Without proper inquiry, a body of troops was sent hastily to Kherla, and it did not effect its purpose. Much injury happened to the baggage-animals. After many exertions they found Berār empty and ravaged it. On New ⁴⁹⁰ Year's Day they took Elichpūr, the capital, and plundered it. Some were of opinion that they should not draw rein till they reached Aḥmadnagar, but a large number thought that they should keep hold of such a flourishing country, and that they should march gradually. After the talk of ignorant men, no one put his hand to any work. The army, having with it abundance of spoil, proceeded to Gujarāt. The idea was that when the enemy came up, and things should become critical, the soldiery of Gujarāt would be stirred up to render help, and that the spoil would not be lost.^741a The enemy was astonished at his turning back and proceeded to take advantage of it They left their artillery and other equipage behind and followed (the imperialists). They sacked Hindia, and set fire to it. No strength remained to the imperial troops on account of their having had to march through so many difficult defiles. Many men could not keep up. The imperial troops were seen to be retreating, and the dust raised by (the enemy's) scouts became visible. A portion of the imperial army had a fight near the town of Chāndaur with the land-holders there. Though much plunder was obtained, Ḥājī^741b 'Abdullāh Sulṭān Kāshgharī was killed. He was the son of 'Abdur-Rashīd, the ruler of Kāshghar. Near Khāndes, Muḥ. Qulī Uzbeg deserted from the enemy and joined the imperial army. He described the weakness and fewness of the foe, and represented that if they turned round and gave battle they would be victorious. They could bind him, if they liked, and take him back with them. If his account did not turn not to be correct, they could kill him. A council was held, and by the endeavours of experienced men a battle was resolved upon. One day was spent in preparation. Owing to the prating of unexperienced men, and the fears of the general, the drums of retreat were beaten at dawn. They went on rapidly without keeping in touch with one another. The animals and the baggage went off at night while the officers marched by day. The courage of the enemy was increased by this behaviour, and they pursued with boldness. Twice there was a slight engagement between the rearguard and the enemy's van, and the latter was defeated. Though they did not recognize their superiority, and the Deccan was surrendered after it had been gained, yet much booty was obtained. On the 22nd they halted at Nadarbār, and rested. Before this, some Deccanīs had come into that region, and stirred up strife. The land-agents of Qulīj K. had not treated the peasantry with consideration, and had departed. When the imperial army arrived, the thorn of rebellion was uprooted, and the enemy retired from Khāndes. The Khān A'ẓam went on rapidly to Gujarāt, with the thought that he would get help from the army of that province. The Khān-Khānān considered his coming an honour, and gave him a warm welcome. He quickly collected a choice force, and joined him. But on account of the talk of evil men, they took a perverse course. They sent Mīr Abū Turāb to interview the Deccanis and to arrange for a peace, and then every one returned to his fief. The enemy was delighted at this result and sent presents (peshkash). Mīrzā Koka marched out from Māndū and attacked Ḥamīr ⁴⁹¹ Jetpūrī and inflicted suitable punishment on him. He is one of the Mālwa Zamīndārs. When the army went off to Berar, he, finding the country unprotected, fell upon Mandū and ravaged several places. Some parts he set on fire. They say that one of the supporters of that land-holder asked encouragement from an enthusiast.^742a The latter got angry and said, “Who dares to stretch out the hand of oppression on the territory of the spiritual and temporal monarch (Akbar),” and slew him with his dagger.

One of the occurrences was the sending of Rāja Bhagwant Dās to Zābulistān (Afghānistān). When Kunwar Mān Singh was sent to punish the Yūsufza'ī, the Rāja, who was commanding in the Panjāb, was appointed to that service (Afghānistān). On account^742b of his evil star, he propounded certain improper desires, and the sovereign, surmising madness, restrained him from going. An order was issued to experienced men to prepare Sulṭān Daniel for this service. Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram, Ismā'īl Qulī and many other officers were appointed to accompany him. Thereupon Rāja Bhagwant Dās repented a thousand times of what he had said, and apologised and begged for forgiveness. H.M. accepted his apologies and on the 23rd he was allowed to go with many other prudent servants.^743a

H.M. spent three months and twelve days pleasantly in Attock-Benares. Though he spent some time in hunting, some time in the blacksmith's shop in looking after gun-making, and some time in practising with a gun in the daulatkhāna (royal precincts?), and also night and day transacted political and financial business, yet his real design was to spend some time on the banks of the Indus in order to punish the Yūsufza'ī, and thereafter to proceed into Zābulistān (Afghānistān). But, on account of the dismay of the Tūrānians, the entreaty of the ambassador from that country, and the dearness of provisions, he determined to turn back. On the 24th^744b (Farwardīn), after the lapse of one watch of the night, he proceeded towards India, and thereby heaped happiness on abundance of men. On 15 Ardībihisht (24 April 1586), he crossed the Jhelam by a bridge, and halted for a time. On this day the paternal aunts^744c of M. Shāhrukh, and the latter's middle son Shāh Muḥ. Mīrzā, and some Kābulis waited on him. At the time when the royal standards were on the banks of the Indus, those chaste and secluded ladies had petitioned to the effect that they had a keen desire to kiss his threshold. Their weariness and weakness had deprived them of this bliss. Khānzāda Khānim came with the Mīrzās to Kabul, and, from a desire to pay her respects, she set off for India. She joined in with M. Shāhrukh, and then there happened what has ⁴⁹² already been mentioned. She was helpless and had to stay in Gardez, where she was rejoicing in the company of the Mīrzā's son. Begam Sulṭān had accompanied M. Sulaīmān to the Ḥijāz and in Persia. On account of her marriage she stayed some time in Qandahār. When she got an opportunity, she came to Kābul. When this was known, H.M. sent Ulugh Beg Kābulī, and an order was issued that Khwāja Shamsud-dīn should provide the equipment and send them off. At this stage (the Jhelam) they had the bliss of doing homage. Ḥaīdar Ālī, Shādmān Hazāra, and Naẓr Beg, who, on account of their evil conduct, had not come before, brightened their foreheads by doing homage, and were exalted by princely favours.

One of the occurrences was Rāja Bhagwant Dās's becoming mad. When he took leave to go to Kābul, he crossed the Indus, and put up in the serại of Khairābād. For some days he looked after military matters. Suddenly, his intellect grew darkened, and he became very giddy. They were compelled to bring him back to Attock, and to place him under care. A physician named Sāmān was feeling his pulse, when suddenly he drew his dagger and wounded himself. On hearing this, H.M. sent Ḥakīm^745a Ḥasan and Mahādev along with Khangār and Daulat K. in order that the Rāja's friends might employ whichever of the four they preferred. They chose Mahādev, and after a long time he got better.

One of the occurrences was the sending of Kunwar Mān Singh to Qābulistān. When Rāja Bhagwān Dās fell ill, Ismā'īl Qulī was sent in his room. He, from inexperience and selfishness (garmbāzārī), formed crude wishes, and indulged in idle thoughts. He fell out of favour, and an order was given that he should be put on board a boat and shipped off, viâ Bhakar, to the Ḥijāz. He awoke somewhat from his somnolence, and had recourse to supplications. Though his apologies were accepted, he was removed from his post and ordered to chastise the Yūsufza'ī. Mādhū Singh, Sa'īd K. Gakhar, Abul-Qāsim Tamkīn and the servants of Rāja Bhagwant Dās were nominated to assist him. Kunwar Mān Singh and another force were sent to Kābul.

One of the occurrences was the death of 'Arab Bahādur. He chose a residence in the hill country of Bahrā'ich to the north of Dugāon^745b and near a black mountain. By the help of evil-minded Zamīndārs he established a fort there, and used to go about plundering, and then take refuge there. One day he had gone off rapidly. Kharak Rāi, a landholder, sent his son Dūla Rāi to attack the fort, and he took with him some followers of Ḥakīm Abul fatḥ who were in that neighbourhood. They marched 25 kos and reached the fort. The garrison thought it was 'Arab, and did not take ⁴⁹³ measures to defend the place. By their activity they got possession of it, and having seized the choice goods there, they set out on their return 'Arab heard of this and lay in ambush for them. Dūla had sent off the goods, and had halted to eat. Suddenly, 'Arab attacked the baggage, and the men abandoned it and fled. Dūla and some brave men came up, and defeated 'Arab. Many were killed and some were made prisoners, and some ran away. That turbulent fellow ('Arab) and some others got into a side-path,^746a and Dūla, on hearing of this pursued them, and put an end to 'Arab.

On the eve of the 16th the daughter of Rāja Bhagwant Dās gave birth to a daughter^746b in the house of Prince Sulṭān Salīm, and there were various rejoicings. The horoscope according to the Greek method gave 18 degrees of Sagittarius and according to Hindū calculation it was 1 degree 41 minutes. The enlightened sovereign called her Sulṭān Khirad and, contrary to the usage of contemporaries, he had an assemblage to render thanksgivings. There was a great feast in the house of Maryam Makānī, and there was a presentation of gifts, and there was largesse.

Also, at this time Mīrzā Shāhrukh and some heroes were sent to conquer Kashmīr, as the Kashmīrīans had cast aside the peace, and their deceit was manifest. The Mīrzā was appointed to punish the promise-breakers. As it appeared that the Mīrzā's heart was not in the work, and that the thoughts of love for his native land did not leave him in his natural state, he was relieved from the task, and attention was given to the appointment of some one else.

When the mind of H.M. was somewhat relieved from affairs, he ordered a march from the banks of the Jhelam. On 5 Khurdād he crossed the Cīnāb at the “Shop-keeper's” Ferry near Kanjā by a bridge.

The idea of most people was that the world's Khedive would not turn his rein till he arrived at Fatḥpūr. But the sovereign of an awakened heart did not yield to such a wish, and the pleasant palaces of that city did not engage his heart. His sole thought was that he would stay for a while in the Panjāb, and would give peace to the Zābulī land (Afghānistan), cleanse Swād and Bajaur of the ⁴⁹⁴ stain of rebellion, uproot the thorn of the Tārīkīān (the Raushānīs) from Tīrāh and Bangash, seize the garden of Kashmīr, and bring the populous country of Tatta (Scinde) within the empire. Furthermore, should the ruler of Tūrān remove the foot of friendliness, he would send a glorious army thither, and follow it up in person. With these profound views he resolved to spend some time in Lāhore the capital. He traversed 112 1/2 kos from Attock-Benares in twenty-six marches and reached Lahore on the night of the 15th (Khurdād), 27th May 1586. He selected for his residence the houses of Rāja Bhāgwant Dās. Every section of mankind had their heart desires gratified. The market people gathered profits, and some light penetrated to the bigoted and conventional. On 2^748a Tīr, 12 June 1586, the lunar weighment took place, and that noble personality was, according to the annual custom, weighed against eight things, and the wishes of the needy of the time were satisfied.^748b

At this time the marriage-feast of Prince Sulṭān Salīm took place. When it was brought to his august notice that Rāi Rai Singh desired that his chaste child might enter the Prince's harem, the appreciative Shāhinshāh granted his request, and arranged for the marriage presents and for the materials of joy. On the 16th (Tīr), 26th June, he, together with the princes and grandees went to the house of that fortunate one (Rāi Rāi Singh), and in an auspicious hour the joyful union took place. There was a daily market of joy. Also about this time the daughter of Sa'īd K. Gakkar entered the service of that nursling of the Caliphate and thereby conferred greatness on her family.

One^749a of the occurrences was an instance of great liberality on the part of the Court. Owing to the goodness of the administration, grain became very cheap in the provinces of Allahabad, Oudh and Delhi, and it was difficult for the cultivators to pay the revenue (lit. the cost, “pā ranj,” of protection). The just sovereign remitted one-sixth. In the Khāliṣa lands this amounted to four crors, five lakhs, sixty thousand and five hundred and ninety-six (45,60,596) dāms. From this, some estimate may be made of the reduction to the jagīrdārs. A multitude of men obtained relief, and formed assemblies for thanksgivings and rejoicings.

How good is the nature of the sovereign,
He strews pearls in lieu of flowers and grass.
Both wide plains and narrow defiles
Glory in the presence of their king.

One of the occurrences was the failure of the tricks of Muẓaffar Gujarātī. When that slumbrous-witted one had no power left to make war, he had recourse to stratagems. He secretly sent to Aḥmadābād a person to whom had been given the title of Hāmān (the name of Pharaoh's vizier and of Abraham's brother), and he wrote several letters to the imperial officers. His notion was that if these reached the officers of the province, they would become suspected, ⁴⁹⁵ and that the dust of double-facedness might be raised in some of them, and that some might come over to his side. By good fortune, the bearer of the letters, and also the letters, were seized, and his vain contrivance was discovered. That wicked man was capitally punished. Muẓaffar had also retained mercenary persons to take the lives of the officers. Accordingly he corrupted an Afghān named Shahbāz K. who was with Mukammal Beg. That traitor killed Mukammal, but he too was caught and suffered the punishment of his disloyalty. Alertness was the order of the day, and the schemes of that vain contriver were destroyed.

Also, at this time the condition of the Yūsufza'ī tribe became difficult. Assuredly, whoever withdraws his head from subjection to the world's lord falls into various miseries. While the officers were exerting themselves in attacking and plundering, in killing and in binding, the heavens were also taking vengeance on the Yūsufza'ī. Food became dear and the air grew unwholesome. Serious diseases broke out, and strength and cunning failed. Sulṭān Quraish, Būstān Kālū, Sulṭān Bāyazīd and other chiefs appeared before Isma'īl Qulī, and behaved with humility. It was agreed that when they came out of the hill-country with their families^750a they would beg for forgiveness from the Court.

One of the occurrences was Ṣādiq K.'s attack on Sahwān. He came from the court to Multān, and took an army to that quarter. Mīrzā Jānī Beg, the ruler of that place, sent Bartaq and Kochak Arghūn, Mīrzā Beg and Rustam Tarkhān with many troops to fight, and there was a great battle. Kochak and Mīrzā Beg were killed, and Rustam was made prisoner. Becoming bolder on account of this success, Ṣādiq went on without taking into consideration the number of the soldiers of that country and invested the fort of Sahwān. Some of the wall was thrown down by míning, but as the earthen parapet was very high they were not able to enter. There was such delay that the garrison was able to make another wall. As the work was difficult, they withdrew from it and went to Naṣīrpūr, and collected spoil. The ruler of that country came forth with a large equipment to fight, but before he arrived, Ṣādiq K. perceived that the proper thing to do was to retire.

⁴⁹⁶ As the Kashmīrīāns in their folly did not adhere to the treaty, and as Ya'qūb the evildoer thought that he was safe behind the barrier of difficult mountains, and was proceeding rapidly in an evil course, H.M. addressed himself anew to the conquest of the country. A discussion took place about sending troops there. Many leaders thought the enterprise difficult and were not inclined for it. Though the writer of the noble volume frequently pointed out excellent methods for the conquest, there was no good result. By the orders of H.M., a meeting of astrologers was held, and a close investigation of the horoscope of the year, and of the state of the constellations, was made. The diagrams (namūdar) showed that if some energy were exerted the conquest would be quickly made. When this was brought to the knowledge of H.M., his royal idea took form. At this time Ḥaidar Cak and Shaikh Ya'qūb Kashmīrī represented, “The grandees of that country will not swerve from our views, and if a few of the landholders be sent with the Panjāb troops, it is probable that the country will come into H.M.'s hands without a contest.” Accordingly, Mubārak K. and Jalāl K. Gakhars^752a and other Zamīndārs were sent off. The two Kashmīrīs waited near Bhimbhar in expectation of assistance. In the meantime it flashed upon H.M.'s mind that the suggestion that landholders should be taken, indicated that there was some evil design. Accordingly he assigned this service to Qāsim K., who was among the singular of the age for ability and courage. On 18 Tīr, 28th June 1586, Fatḥ K.,^752b Masnad 'Ālī, Gujar K., M. 'Alī Akbarshāhī, S. Daulat Khanjarī,^752c S. Sikaudar Rafīq, Shāh Muḥammad, Mīr 'Abdur Razzāq Mamūrī, Yādgār Ḥusain, Lāl Deo, Sonar^753a Chand, Khwāja Ẓahīr, Pādshāh Qulī Shafaqat, Walī Beg, Hazārī Beg and many manṣabdārs and aḥadīs and officers' servants were sent off under his command. Every one of them was furnished with counsels suitable to his capacity. They were to practise enlightenment, justice, the non-sufferance of wickedness, the accepting of apologies, and the chastisement of the evil. Sharīf^753b Sarmadī was appointed Bakhshī, and an order was given that the men who had been previously sent should not deviate from the orders of the General.

One of the occurrences was the sending back of the Tūrān ambassador. Though by the return of the royal standards from the banks of the Indus, the ruler of that country had recovered from his alarm, yet when it was represented to H.M. that he was anxious on account of the long detention of his ambassador, H.M. showed him special favours, and gave him leave on 12 Shahrīyūr (23 August), and also set apart various rarities. He despatched Ḥakīm Hamām, who was able and loyal, with a message in order that he might convey the letter and impress on 'Abdullā K. the choice qualities of the Shāhinshāh. He was also to study the minds of high and ⁴⁹⁷ low and to report thereon. Mīr Ṣadr Jahān Muftī was also sent to express condolences for the death of Sikandar^753c K. He had died three years before, but as at that time there was an idea of conquering the country, condolences had not been sent. Now that 'Abdullā K. had recourse to amicable expressions, and had adopted the rules of concord, the Mīr was sent upon this mission.

The odours of the workshop of the springtime of singleheartedness, and the vision of the masterpiece of the pinacothek of far-seeing wisdom which the garland-twiners of friendship's garden had decked, and the written characters of the artists of the delightsome picture-gallery of the high-born one, who is the glory of throne and diadem, unveiler of the countenance of wisdom and knowledge, distinguished legislator^754b of the philosophic world (?), great lord of the universe of justice, enkindler of the lamp of the Khāns, uplifter of the royal^754c umbrella, at that most excellent of seasons, when the drums of the New Year were beating with a world-cherishing sound under the blue dome, and the great Luminary, the Universe's Donor, to wit, the world-warming sun, the enthroned Sulṭān of Day, Dictator of the seven climes of the elements, and the bodies, had cast his glorious shadow over the heads of one and all, and when the gales of spring were breathing the vegetative souls into the frames of the newcomers to the realms of earth and water, and the March-winds^754d had washed the dust-worn squadrons of the army of spring. The foundations of friendship rose up anew, and the laws of singlemindedness received fresh honour. The cordial words of love, kinship, unity and well-wishing which had imbibed a fragrance from the perfumed pen, and had flowed from the jewelled reed have been received and have been much appreciated. They have greatly rejoiced us.

It will not be hidden from your wise heart and your heaven-reaching perception, which is a treasury of Divine mysteries, and a mirror of the face of understanding, that this suppliant at the gate of the unconditioned (beniyāz) One hath during the thirty years which by Heaven's aid he hath spent on the throne of prosperity, ever kept before his eyes the truth that all this autocracy and world-rule, all this sword-bearing and clime-conquering, are for the purpose of shepherding, and for doing the work of watch and ward; not for the amassing of treasures of gold and silver, or for decorating the throne and diadem, or for letting one's feet halt in the mud of transitory pleasures, or for sinking the head into the collar of unstable desires. Hence, there has ever been nought but goodness and good-will towards friend and foe, kinsman and stranger. ⁴⁹⁸ There hath been a constant stirring towards the soothment of mortals, whether high or low, and for graciousness to men of the age, whether anear or afar. God knows that the cleansing of the four^755a dāngs of India, and the sweeping away of the weeds and rubbish from this garden, which is bounded on three sides by the ocean, did not proceed from self-will and self-indulgence, and that we had no object except to be kind to mortals, and to obliterate the oppressors. Hence it is that wherever I turned myself, difficult things were easily accomplished, and that the face of satisfaction emerged beauteously from the veil of hope. When our amiability was such to the others of God's servants (i.e. mankind), what could it be to that highborn patrician who belongs to the noble and befriended ones of the palace of sovereignty, and with whom we were linked by the bonds of ancient affection and near relationship. To the eyes of the acute and prudent it is evident that any one of these ties is sufficient. And when all of them are together, it is evident that there can be nought but unison. This singlemindedness is the material of the civilization of the world, and the bond of mankind.

With regard to the intimations^756a about stopping letters and intercourse, though in the eye of reason, silence is better than speech in such matters, yet we shall overlook this. We consider, however, that lengthy discourse about these things is unfitting, and so content ourselves with this verse which has been written concerning glorious ones of the Faith.

Of God, people have said that He had a son; of the Prophet they have said that he was a sorcerer.
Neither God nor the Prophet has escaped the slander of men. Much less I!

God be praised! From the beginning of our existence and from the emergence of the rays of the light of the Sulṭanat which is yoked with auspiciousness, the straight path of religion and faith, and the right road of truth and certainty have been the desire of our eyes. Assuredly, in accordance with the saying that rule and faith are twins, the elevation of the degrees of august sovereignty, and the uprearing of the standards of daily-increasing fortune are a full and satisfactory proof of our observance of the Faith. May Almighty God keep all fixed and stable in doing His good pleasure! And as the sum total of the desires of just princes, who sit on the thrones of greatness, is that all mankind and every creature, who are the wondrous deposits of the Almighty, should abide in peace and tranquillity, and should strive strenuously in obeying God, and in the ways of a well-intentioned life, we have during this time striven for the arrangement and ordering of these extensive dominions, which were the seats of so many great sovereigns and rulers, and have by God's favour, which attends this suppliant at the Divine gate, obtained full repose by the management of these countries. Places which from the time of rise of the sun of Islām till the present day had not been trod by the horse-hoofs of world-conquering princes and where their swords had never flashed, have become the dwelling-places and the homes of the ⁴⁹⁹ faithful. The churches and temples of the infidels and heretics^757a have become mosques and holy shrines for the masters of orthodoxy. God be praised! What we wished for has been accomplished, and arrangements have been made in accordance with our desires. All the leaders and stiff-necked ones of the hosts of Hindus and others, have placed the rings of obedience in their ears and been enrolled among the victorious armies. All classes of mankind have attained joy. We too in accordance with the principle “Do^757b good as God doth good to thee” devote our energies towards promulgating the laws of kindness, the laying the foundations of justice, the spreading of the lights of benevolence, and the irrigating of the gardens of men's hopes and peace, with oozings from the clouds of graciousness, and beneficence, so that they may be kept fresh and verdant.

I have kept before my mind the idea that when I should be entirely at liberty from these tasks, I should, under the guidance of God's favour, undertake the destruction of the Feringhi infidels who have come to the islands (jazā'ir-i-daryā-i-, query, peninsulas?) of the ocean, and have lifted up the head of turbulence, and stretched out the hand of oppression upon the pilgrims to the holy places. May God increase their glory! They (the Franks) have become a great number and are stumbling-blocks to the pilgrims and traders. We thought of going in person and cleansing that road from thorns and weeds. But as we heard that some of the officers of Persia had proved disloyal to their sovereign, and had cast away the firm handle of fidelity—which had been the means of their exaltation—and had committed various improprieties, it passed into our mind that we should appoint to that region one of our sons—from whose forehead there streamed the rays of auspiciousness, and in whose horoscope were the lights of justice—and not undertake any other work until that was disposed of. At present when the Sulṭān of Turkey, regarding the treaties and agreements made by his father and grandfather as non-existent, has looked to the ostensibly feeble condition of Persia, and has, several times, sent his troops there, we shall, passing over the circumstance of the deviation from the highway of Sunnism (sunnut-u-jamā'at) and looking only to the relationship (of that dynasty) with the family of the Prophet, proceed thither and help them. Assuredly, ancient things should be borne in mind, especially at this time when, as we hear, the ruler of Persia has dispatched able men of that country (to us) with presents, and with a prayer for help. It befits our sublime spirit that we should fling out the reins of interest towards 'Irāq and Khurāsān. It also appears to us that as the ties of friendship and relationship with that workshop of sovereignty ('Abdullā) have existed from old times, and have been revived by the sending of a loving letter, in company with that asylum of Saiyidship and magistracy, Mīr Quraish, and when the bonds of affection have been thereby strengthened, you also should proceed from your dominions towards that country so that it may become a meeting of the two seas of glory, and superiority and the rising of the two auspicious planets of splendour and beauty. ⁵⁰⁰ By oral communications, without the intervention of couriers and messages, the foundations of love and unity may be made stronger, and various heartfelt words, and secrets allied to truths, which are concealed in our hearts, and also matters of theology and observance of the truth may be mentioned in the friendly meeting, and we may also hear the refined subleties in the matters of Divine knowledge which have cast their rays on the soul of that workshop of magnificence ('Abdullāh). The cream of life and the excellence of prosperity consist in sociability and spiritual intercourse, especially when between two chosen ones of God who have been glanced upon by the court of sublimity. Assuredly, this proceeding would be the cause of general excellence at that time when by God's help this wish shall be realised— inasmuch as the ambition of those who are approved by God and have been exalted by him is to do what is well-pleasing to him, and not to acquire name and sway among men. Accordingly it is our heart's desire—and we hope that it is also yours—that we may have intercourse with one who is eminent for his knowledge and following of the truth, and that we may be in union with him and not depart from his counsel. Now that the association of concord and agreement is patent to all, what is proper in the matter of assisting the rule of 'Irāq and Khurāsān will come forth from its inner ambush to the world of manifestation.

The apologies^759a which you have made with a loving pen with regard to the catastrophe of our honoured protegé (farzand, lit. child) Shāhrukh Mīrzā have delighted our justice-loving heart. True it is, he, on account of youth, self-conceit, and bad companionship, has exhibited so many improper actions. Each one of these causes has contributed to his affairs coming to such a pass. In the first place, on account of the promptings of some short-sighted persons, he has many times failed on obedience to ourselves. Secondly, he has not behaved to your noble self in a becoming manner. Thirdly, he has behaved in such an improper manner to his venerable grandfather, who had so many spiritual and material claims upon him. Every chastisement that has come upon him has been of the nature of a Divine monition and inspiration. Now that he has awakened from the sleep of negligence, and has turned towards the strong handle of our graciousness, we cannot be otherwise than kind and forgiving to him. We hope that, in accordance with your noble nature, you will overlook his transgressions.

In order to strengthen the foundations of affection, we are sending the wise and loyal Ḥakīm Hamām, who is a sincere speaker of truth and a rightly-acting disciple. From the beginning of his service he has been in close attendance on us, and we never had the thought of sending him away. When such has been his relationship to us that he has made suggestions to us without the intervention of any one else, if similar treatment be accorded to him in your noble audiences, it will be as if we and you were conversing ⁵⁰¹ directly with one another.

In order to convey our condolences for the death of the pardoned and blessed Sikandar K. we had appointed that reservoir of Saiyidship and high magistrate Ṣadr Jahān, who is one of the great and holy ones of this country. From various causes there has been delay in tendering these. We now are enabled through his kindness to send him.

We are sending some specimens of presents under the charge of the excellent Muḥammad^760a 'Ali along with a separate list. May we always continue to interchange letters and presents! We have been delighted by your procuring and sending fairy-flying pigeons from Farghāna, and the able pigeon fancier, Ḥabīb. We have felt the fragrance of your love and concord in this. Though at first sight the regard for a handful of feathers seems but sportiveness, yet, on further consideration it will appear that the evolutions (charkh u bāzī) and play of those birds remind us of the ecstacies of the lords of enthusiasm, and lead to a contemplation of the Deity. God who knows the secrets of the hearts, knows that our apparent and casual occupation with such things is but a veil over the beauty of devotion to the First Cause, and that our soul is not satisfied with the simplicity (mujarrad) of outward wings and feathers.

A letter^761a with very special words
Has been composed; and now, compliments and blessings.

One of the occurrences was a great flood at Sirhind. The rain began on the 28th (Shahrīyūr) (8 September 1586), and continued for three^761b days and nights. A violent flood came from the northern^761c hills, and in the city the water rose to three yards (gaz). Outside it was five yards. Nearly 2000 houses were destroyed, and the fort-wall was thrown down for 150 yards. 500 yards of the old garden were destroyed, and 100 of the new one, and much property was carried away by the water. One hundred persons were drowned and 2000 animals. The high road to the capital was closed for a time. The Superintendents of Fate showed this spectacle, and thereby gave warning to those who were sunk in carelessness, and awoke the slumbering. Apparently, H.M.'s fortune was illustrated by such things. If retribution were made for wicked actions, assuredly a typhoon of fire and water would have been necessary. But the right-thinking and truth-seeking of the Ruler saved humanity and so it was not overwhelmed by a day of retribution!

It is an old rule that when good intention and choice action meet together in a seeker after fortune, Almighty God grants him the easy realisation of every wish that he may entertain, and even spiritual and physical successes for which he has as yet framed no wish rise up and serve those favourites of fortune who possess those ⁵⁰² two attributes (good intention and choice action). Accordingly the circumstances of the world's lord tell of this, and this book in some measure recites the fact. The conquest of this country was a new instance. Whoever knows a little about the ravines of the road to it will understand that no thought of strange conquest troubled the minds (of the inhabitants). On all four sides, mountains which raise their heads to heaven act as sentinels. Though there are six or seven roads, yet a large army cannot march rapidly by them, and in every one of them there are places where if some old men rolled down stones, the bravest of men (lit. men of men) could not pass. On this account, former princes did not think of conquering it and prudence turned then away from such a wish. For a long time H.M. had cherished the thought of conquering it, but the fluent talkers of the court, who could not advance a step beyond superficiality, could not conceive such an idea. When the standards of justice cast their shadow over the Punjab, the thought became keener, and though the leading officers of the court sent out armies badly equipped, the stewards of fate stood firm and worked wonders. In the first place, the wicked Y'aqūb increased in presumption and became refractory. He heard of the confused condition of the victorious army, and abolished the treaty. Panegyrists and flatterers induced him to take the title of Shāh Ismā'īl. He took evil ways to be virtues and voluntarily trod the desert of failure. He fell into improper desires, and by his tyrannical exertions stirred up the hearts of the people against himself. He did not do the work of the world and took part in religious disputes. He was passionate and a molester of mankind. Though in that country the laws of Brahmanism (Hinduism) and of Sākyamūnī^763a used to prevail, yet for a long time there had been a predominance of the Sunnīs and Shī'as. By Time's jugglery each prevailed over the other for a season, and the booths of self-auctioning were tricked out. By the dexterity of practical men, the screen of moderation had been hung, and the dust of dissension not allowed to rise. But now he (Ya'qūb) drew back the veil of respect and set himself to vex the Sunnīs. He put to death the aged Qāẓī^763b Mūsā, and had his house and home plundered. The dormant turbulence awoke, and Shams Chak came forward to contend for the supremacy and to take vengeance. Muḥammad Bhat—who was the wily Dimna^763c of the country—got his opportunity and widened out the arena of evil thoughts. He urged the muddle-headed youth secretly to get rid of Shams^763d Chak, 'Ali Sher Mākrī, Saiyid Ḥusain and the other leaders of that sect (the Sunnīs). They got nows of this, and proceeded along the same road that he had intended to pursue (meaning, apparently, that they too meditated assassination). Muḥammad withdrew himself, but was caught after a little search, and when he was put into prison, Shams Chak determined on having the mastery, and became prominent. Ya'qūb also took up arms. Suddenly, the sound of the victorious army robbed high and low of endurance, and by the eloquence of men of the world a peace was brought about. The district of Kāmrāj^763e was surrendered to Shams Chak, but in a short time ⁵⁰³ the unfortunate Ya'qūb forgot the agreement and led an army against him, and by alertness got the enemy into his clutches.

When the victorious army marched from Court, there was a daily market of foolish talkers, until it came to the Cīnāb. They imagined that the completion of the work would be very difficult. When they had crossed the river, the news of the bad behaviour of Ya'qūb, the mutual disputes, and the imploring letters of the chief men of the country, and, in particular, of 'Alī Sher Mākrī, arrived, one after the other. The skilful who could read the future from the appearance of the present, and recognise the conclusion from the beginning, recited the tale of victory, and prepared^764a for battle. Every one recognised his place. The centre was adorned by the presence of the General. In the right wing were Masnad 'Ālī, Fatḥ K., Mubārak K., and others. In the left wing were Jalāl K., and other battle-seeking heroes. In the vanguard were Mīrzā 'Ālī Akbarshāhī, Gūjar K., Shaikh Daulat, Sharīf Sarmadī and a number of Aḥadīs and other gallant men. On 21 Shahriyūr (1 September, 1586) they passed through the defile of Bhimbhar. Selīm Zamīndār disappeared (lit. went aside). Qāsim K. wisely made Bahlol his brother's son the chief, and preserved tranquillity. In a short time the devious one (Selīm) also joined the army. In Rajaurī, Bahrām Nā'yīk,^764b Isma'īl Nāyīk, and Shankī Charwar, who were the chief conductors of the Passes, came and paid their respects. They offered up good wishes for the conquest of the country. They represented that the ungrateful Ya'qūb had fled to the corner of contempt, and that the heads of the country were looking forward to the arrival of the army. They said there were two roads from that place (Rajaurī). One was the Kapartal,^764c and this was the most open of the routes. The other was the Pīr Panjāl. They were the warders of both. If they marched quickly, the oppressed would obtain justice and repose. This news was received with delight, and there were feastings. In accordance with the opinions of the skilful and well-intentioned, the Kapartal route was chosen. The new-comers represented that owing to the difficulty of travering the passes, and the largeness of the army, there would be delay in arriving, and that the Kashmīrī chiefs were waiting^766a on the hill in expectation of the arrival of the army. It would be advisable to send some capable men on in front. The first thing to do was to raise their (the Kashmīrī chiefs') hopes by princely favours, and then to march rapidly into the city, and beat high the drum of victory. These statements were weighed and considered, and Ya'qūb and Jai Tawāchībāshī, and Sher and Selīm were sent forward with some musketeers. Shankī Chārwar accompanied them, and the main body of the army followed afterwards. When^766b they got to the top of the Kapartal Kotal a different state of things appeared. At ⁵⁰⁴ the top of this pass three walls with a thickness of four yards and a height of ten yards had been erected. Also beams thirty yards long had been intertwined. The ancients too had cast a spell on the place, so that when a foreign army passed, there were snow and ice and hail. Accordingly a wonderful commotion arose. In such a tempest they traversed hills and declivities and arrived near the pass of Akrambāl(?). There the snow increased, and many animals died of the excessive cold. At this time some musketeers who had gone forward with Jai, arrived at the camp in a wounded condition, and reported the treachery of the Kashmīrīs. There were three great passes (garīwa) on the route, and all the world was eloquent about the difficulty of them. It had been represented that the Kashmīrīs were waiting at Hastī Watar^766c which is the third range (garīwa) from India, and the first from Kashmīr. The advance party did not find them there though it appeared^767a that a body of men had come and then gone back. They asked Shankī Chārwar^767b “Why did they come and why did they go away?” He replied, “Apparently they went back through fear that Ya'qūb would seize the top of the hill.” Meanwhile Muḥammad Land, Dilāwar K., Bahādur K. and a number of the Kashmīrī leaders arrived and proceeded to give battle.^767c Shaikh Ya'qūb had two wounds and fell, and nearly died. His friends saved him. Jai fell on the ground with twelve wounds. Some fought bravely, and slept the last sleep. All at once there was a storm of rain and snow, and the men were discomposed. Jai has been heard to say that he lost his senses in that snowstorm, and that while he was insensible H.M. appeared to him, and bade him take courage. At that moment his senses returned to him, and he acquired strength. But the many wounds, the heavy snow, the loneliness, and the pangs of hunger bewildered him. Suddenly some men appeared and he was taken up and carried to Shams Cak who treated him kindly and sent him to the city.

The wonderful^767d workings of fate were such that when Ya'qūb fell into the slumber of presumption on account of his having seized Shams Chak, he dropped the thread of wisdom from his hands, and became more keen in doing evil. He endeavoured to close the roads. He sent forward Abiyā his brother, Abiyā the son of Abdāl Chak, Naurang K., Ẓafar K., Fatḥ K., Ḥusain K., Bahādur K., and Dilāwar K.—low persons to whom he from arrogance had given those honourable appelations—while he himself remained in the city, making preparations. At this time their views took two forms, and their affairs fell into a bad way. Those whom he had sent forward exerted themselves in closing the defiles, but some were averse to this business and did not take part in it. Ḥaīdar Chak, who nourished the ambition to govern the country, was^1768a with the victorious army. His son Ḥusain heard that he was coming, and was waiting for him at Baramgala.^768b Many of the above mentioned Kashmīrīs had a friendly meeting with Ḥusain, and agreed that if Ḥaidar Chak did not abandon his promises they would join him. He should leave the (imperial) army and come to them, and they would turn back the army by various presents and by cajolery. Kashmīr would get repose. Fatḥ 'Alī, who presumptuously had the title of Naurang K., did not approve of this plan, so they degraded him. The two Abiyās contrived by pretences to abscond. The Nāyiks, who were the guardians of the passes, were sent (by Ḥusain and his party) to make supplications. The notion was to take some of the imperial servants with them, and to honour the pulpits by announcing there the name of the world's lord, and to turn back the officers by the power of presents.

In brief Ya'qūb had come to Hīrapūr^768c intending to fight, but became bewildered by finding that the Kashmīrīs were disgusted with him. Ḥusain K., his paternal uncle, also left him and joined those Kashmīrīs. He held a meeting of the instruments of his own ignorance, and sate to consider how matters could be remedied. The resolution come to was that they should release from confinement Shams Chak and Muḥammad Bhat, and that they should conduct affairs according to the counsels of these two men. When he brought out those two strifemongers, they from spite represented that the proper course was that he should for some days live apart from commotion, and should take refuge in Kistwāra.^769a When he had taken some repose and had come to distinguish friend from foe, he should display activity. With a thousand failures he withdrew to that obscure place. On the way those two turbulent men separated themselves and took many with them.

At this time, when the Kashmīrīs were on the hill, looking for the coming of Ḥaidar Chak, they were bewildered by receiving a letter from him. It said that he was guarded, and that it would be very difficult for him to get away, and very difficult to induce the officers to turn back. The Kashmīrīs were disgusted at this (letter) and had a gathering at Hīrapūr. They made Ḥusain Chak their leader, and turned their attention to fighting. Meanwhile Shams Chak arrived, and they set aside the new ruler, and joined him. They sent a force to the Pass with the design of fighting, and it was from it that the injury happened to Shaikh Ya'qūb and Jai.

When the imperial officers came to know, near Akrambāl, the truth about their evil intentions, they imprisoned their^769b visitors, and were more careful in guarding Ḥaidar Chak. They held a council (jānqī) and deliberated about crossing the Hastī Watar ridge, and entering into the country (of Kashmīr). Some were distressed by the snow and sleet, and spoke foolishly about turning back, and spoke about tarrying. Qāsim K., and some acute men set about ad- ⁵⁰⁶ vancing, and the others were compelled to do the same. At this time Shams Chak sent able men and had recourse to cajolery. He began the same story that had been made use of to Mīrzā Shāhrukh. The reply was that this time, humbug would not succeed. The order was that they should purge Kashmīr of presumptuous and turbulent persons. Let every one who was fortunate join the victorious army, and sit under the shade of clemency. They did not accept the words of wisdom and prepared for battle. Qāsim K. proceeded on the 19th Mihr, 10 October 1586, to engage with a high courage. The enemy too drew up their forces. That turbulent fellow (Shams Chak) was in the centre, Ẓafar was on the right wing, Shams Dūlī on the left, Ḥusain Chak in the van (ṭalī'a) and Muḥ Bhat in the rear. When the imperial advance-guard came to the Pass, muskets were fired and stones thrown from the forts (sirkobhā)), and on account of the pressure of the enemy, and the narrowness of the ground, they were driven back on the left wing. Qāsim was indignant at this repulse, and personally went to the place. He sent forward Sharīf Sarmadī, Mīr 'Abdur-Razzāq Ma'mūrī, Jalālud-dīn Mas'ūd, Ḥājī Muḥ. Tarshīzī and Mīr Shāh Muḥ. He also took as his companion Khanjarī who had turned back from the left wing. Muḥ. Chak,^770a one of the brave men of Kashmir, ran from the right wing. A combatant named Lākha^770b engaged him. They gripped one another, and together rolled down. The spectators were amazed and uttered cries of astonishment. In the heat of the fight Ẓafar^770c was struck by a bullet, and the army at once dispersed. Other troops had not come up when the buffet of God's hand smote the faces of the rebellious, and the great force broke up. The drum of success beat high, and the wondrous and daily-increasing fortune of the Shāhinshāh produced another victory. The advance-guard and the left wing pursued, and halted at the bottom of the pass. Qāsim and the others cautiously took post on the top. Yādgār Ḥusain and some other active men were sent on to Srīnagar, the capital. On 24 Mihr (6 October) the pulpits were exalted by the sublime name of the Lord of the Diadem. The ignorant, wild people were pacified by the administration of justice and by increase of love.^770d When the army was encamped four kos from Srīnagar, Ḥaidar Chak went off to the city without leave. Some uneasiness arose in the camp on account of this, but it soon subsided. On the 25th^770e (Mihr?) Qāsīm entered the delightful residence of Srīnagar, and there were various joys. On that day Ḥaidar Chak joined with a large number of men while the army was still on the march, but Qāsīm prudently prevented him from interfering (taṣarraf) and so erased characters of apprehension from men's hearts.

Nine hundred years before this, in the time of Anat Īlā'īl^771a the ⁵⁰⁷ ruler of Kashmīr, this conquest had been prophesied. Accordingly, ancient records speak of it. By the jugglery of fortune, wine-sellers had obtained the supremacy, and there was a hot season of flagon-draining and of oppression. Shīv^772a Dat, a brahman, lived in Srīnagar in the street of Rathpūr. He was singular for his good qualities and he had a consort who had few peers for beauty and chastity. He was continually distressed by^772b the vogue of the polluted, and was always imploring the Deity for deliverance from that set of tyrants. A knowing and skilful man taught him the science of baitāḷ^772c sādhana, for the sages of India regard the baitāl as a holy spirit, and sādhana means the rules for causing his appearance. Whenever he comes, he tells the truth about every thing. Whoever shall cause his appearance must practise certain rites for several days, and must recite special charms. On the last day he must, on the dark^772d 14th of the moon, and in an appropriate hour, stretch out a human corpse, perfect in its limbs, in a place where bodies are cremated, and which is called a masān,^773a and must make it fast^773b on all four sides with iron nails. He must then seat himself on the shoulder of the corpse, and light a lamp in a human skull, the wick being made from a shround, and the oil from human fat. He must then breathe charms upon human teeth^773c and strew the latter like flowers over the fallen body. By the power of God^773d terrific forms make their appearance, and if the heart of the necromancer does not fail him, the corpse begins to move, and utters awful sounds. Thereafter the spirit assumes a moderate aspect and asks, “Why have you called me, and why is all this pain?” It will then answer the questions put to it, and the inquirer will obtain a remedy in matters that are practicable, and in others he will be taught patience. The oppressed brahman set about collecting the materials, and after much search obtained a body such as was wanted. But some things he had not got, and he was perplexed how to keep what he had got. He could not take the corpse to the city, and he was afraid it would be damaged if kept in the country. He made it up like a bundle (boqcha), and deposited it in the house of a tanner of his acquaintance so that in that odoriferous place his secret would not be revealed. He himself went off to complete his arrangements. At midnight, the spirit, who had become apprised of the facts, cried out to the tanner. The latter was somewhat terrified, but the ghost spoke reassuringly to him and said: “A certain brahman is suffering much; tell him the period of the unjust rulers will be a long one. Let him draw his feet inside the robe of patience and refrain from restlessness. Twenty persons of that set will sit, one after the other, on the throne of power. When the time of those oppressors shall have passed away, the government of this country will come to the caste of the Kāyaths, and after that, men of the Muḥammadan faith will bear rule. The appointed time of each dynasty must pass away, and when the turn of the Chaks^774a arrives, several of that family will prevail. ⁵⁰⁸ Their sway will pass away at the eighth succession, and one of the mighty in spiritual and temporal matters, and whose thoughts, actions, and speech are devoted to the accomplishment of the Divine Will shall sit and deal justly by this country.” When the brahman came to the tanner's house, he learned what had happened, and withdrew his hand from his undertaking, and sate down in the corner of obscurity. The incidents were recorded to Hindī verse, and old histories and stone-tablets tell of them. Sulṭān Zainul-'Ābidīn— who is also called Baddū Shāh,^774b and who is world-famous among the rulers of Kashmīr, used continually to say that the government of the country would soon pass to the Chaks, and that afterwards it would be wrested from them.

At the time when there was a loud report in Kashmīr of the coming of M. Shāhrukh and Rāja Bhagwant Dās, Yūsuf the ruler went to Wāḥid^774c Ṣūfī in Panj Brāra, and begged for inspiration. That servant of God, and man of enlightened heart, replied that though this army would turn back in the middle of the road, yet the Incomparable Deity had given the country to the spiritual and secular monarch. His soldiers would soon arrive.

When the news of the conquest reached the sublime Court, there was an increase of thanksgivings to God, and the deserving servants were exalted by various favours. The truth of the statements of the Hindū astrologers was revealed. In the beginning of Ābān the solar weighment took place. It was made against twelve articles. There was a great feast, and the needy had their heart-desires gratified. On this day Rāja Bhagwant Dās performed the prostration. The story of his madness and desire to commit suicide has been described. When he had recovered by the attentions of H.M., he turned his face to the court. On the 4th the quarters of Karam Ullāh Kambū were made glorious by H M.'s advent. Lofty palaces had been erected, and he had long nourished this wish in his heart (that Akbar would visit his house). As the gratification of desires is one of H.M.'s principles, Karam Ullāh's petition was granted, and he obtained an eternal blessing. There was largesse and there were presents, some of which were accepted.

One of the occurrences^775a was that Ya'qūb made a night attack, and retreated after failure. The Kashmīrī scoundrels brought him out of the defiles of Kistwāra, and many gathered round him. He stirred up strife at Chandarkot^775b seven kos from Panj Brāra.^775c Mubārak, Shaikh Daulat and other brave men hastened to the spot. He did not think himself strong enough to fight by day, and so determined on a night attack. He wished to engage with those who had come in advance. Some represented that the general was behaving with some negligence in the city, now that he had sent off the troops. Ya'qūb left some men to oppose them, and went off towards the city. On the 20th he passed Sa'dīwāra,^775d and at midnight entered the city. He found some scouts asleep, and put them to death. Ya'qūb and many scoundrels made a commotion at the principal gate. Qāsim and some gallant men displayed great courage, Sharīf Sarmadī and Hājī ⁵⁰⁹ Muḥ. of Turshīz (near Nishāpūr) fought bravely. As they were not easy in their minds about the prisoner Ḥaidar Chak, they put him to death. Some Kashmīrīs got into boats and made a tumult at the wicket-gate which opens on that side. Ṭūfān Kabuli, the Qāẓīzāda, and others stood firm. A body of men made a commotion at the gate which leads into the city. Mīr Abdur-Razzāq Ma'mūrī and others maintained their ground. The leader of the band was killed by a bullet. Some made an attack on Mīrzā 'Aḷī Akbarshāhī. Ayyūb Beg, Yār Beg and Mūmin Aḥadīs distinguished themselves. In this engagement Ṣāliḥ Beg was killed. The soldiers prevailed over every^776a house, and in every corner there were hot encounters. After much contest, victory, by the help of God, declared itself. On the other side of the river, Fatḥ K.,^776b on hearing of the news, had sent his son Muḥammad K. with a body of troops. He came on, beating his drums. On the other side, Khanjarī, Shādāb,^776c Askaran and others beat their drums, and advanced. On hearing the noise of these outside drums, the enemy became demoralised, and by daily-increasing fortune the setting fire to the city by the Kashmīrīs made them still more broken. By the illumination thereof, the skilful marksmen shot down many. At the end of the night the enemy withdrew after a thousand failures, and many lost their lives in the flight. At dawn Mīrzā Ālī Akbarshāhī, Gūjar K., Muh. K. and others followed swiftly in pursuit. Owing to the country's being unknown, the turbulent fellow (Ya'qūb) escaped, and went towards Desū.^776d

One of the occurrences was the arrival of the ambassador of the ruler of Tatta. Though the titular prince of that country was Mīrzā Pāyinda Muḥammad Arghūn, he was insane and could not govern the country. His son Mīrzā Jānī conducted affairs. On the 28th (Ābān 7 November 1586) Saiyid Jalāl, who was one of the nobles of the country, had the bliss of an audience. He presented petitions and gifts. The former contained the submissions of the nobles, and excuses for the ruler's not coming in person. The Shāhinshāh accepted these and treated the envoy with favour. After satisfying his desires he dismissed him. On 5 Āẕar 16 November Rāja Bāsū^776e did homage with an ashamed face and a repentant heart. He was one of the zamīndārs of the northern hills of the Panjab. He used always to be obedient and behave well. At the time when the august standards cast their shadow over that province he, from perverse fate, became refractory. Accordingly, Ḥusain Beg, Shaikh 'Umrī, Ḥājī Siyandūk, Qambar Be, Qarā Beg, and Nāẓir Daulat were sent. If he did not listen to counsel, he was to be punished. Rajah Todar Mal wrote a letter to him, and warned him of the danger of disobedience. The troops had arrived at Pathān^777a when the receipt of the Rajah's letter roused him from slumber. He came and paid his respects to the imperial servants, and then accompanied them to Court.

One of the occurrences was the sending of Zain K. Koka to punish the Tārīkīs. Whosoever's star is declining, takes the road of failure of his own accord, and soon receives the retribution of his evil thoughts. Such was the fate of the Mohmand and Ghorī tribes. They had 10,000 households in Peshawar. They were aware that good service was a means of deliverance (and) at this time when they were oppressed they should have petitioned the august court, but from shortsightedness and wickedness they made Jalāla Tārīkī their leader. The life of Saiyid Ḥāmid^777b Bokhārī was lost in battle with them. He was the fief holder of Peshāwar and he had gone there as he had the charge of guarding^777c (the road to) Afghanistan. His soldiers went back to the jāgīr in India, and he was negligently passing his time with a few companions in the fort of Bikrām.^777d He left the work of administration to one who was Mūsā (Moses) in name but not in wisdom. Without having examined into his character he gave into his hands the administration of justice. He did not perceive that in such matters, length of time in service was of no avail. Mūsā from avarice pressed heavily on those tribes, and stretched out his hand against their property and their honour. The latter from want of judgment joined hands with that scoundrel (Jalāla) and made a commotion near Bikrām. On account of the smallness of his force, Saiyid Ḥāmīd was minded to shut himself up in the fort till the arrival of his brethren and of the soldiers of Kabul and Attock. But, owing to the suggestions of short-sighted persons, he could not manage this. He sent a man to find out the circumstances of the enemy, and he, from ignorance or malice, reported them to be few in number and to be disorganised. Without making a thorough investigation, he sallied out with 150 men and hotly engaged. Though in the beginning he was wounded by an arrow, he did not turn back. In the hand-to-hand fight his horse fell into a canal^778a and he was killed. Forty of his relatives fell bravely along with him. Afterwards, the Afghāns surrounded the fort. His young son Saiyid Kamāl with a few men stood firm, and defended it. On receipt of this intelligence Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram, Shaikh Farīd Bokhārī, Tāsh Beg K., and many other officers were sent off, on the 7th (Āẓar, end of November) under the command of the Kokaltāsh (Zain K). An order was sent that, if necessary, Kunwar Mān Singh should send a force from Kābul, and special instructions (yaṛlīgh) were issued to Mādhū Singh that he should, before the arrival of the imperial army, march from the station (thānah) of Langarkot^778b to Begrām, with Rājah Bhagwant Dās's troops.

One of the occurrences was the improvement (lit. the irrigating) of the empire (lit. the four gardens of dominion). The whole energies of the Shāhinshāh are devoted to the soothment of mankind, ⁵¹¹ and scrutiny (pāīshunāsī) and justice increase daily. As he considers that sovereignty means guardianship, he makes no distinction between pain and pleasure. He regards additions to dominion as a means of devotion to God, and sovereignty as the companion of service. With this view he appointed truthful and wise men in every province that they might duly apportion chastisement and benevolence, and not, from greed, or timidity, fail to do what was proper (?). He also appointed rightly-acting clerks to the lofty offices of Diwān and Bakhshī. He made double the thread of justice (dād^778c u sitad) (i.e. he strengthened the administration). Inasmuch as lust and anger destroy the world and the good are made bad by evil companionship, the sovereign practised foresight in every thing, and adorned the garden of the world by distributing work, and taking it from one man and giving it to another. With this view he on the 14th nominated two able officers to every province so that if one came to court, or should fall ill, the other might look after his work. He also sent with them a Diwān, and a Bakhshī. Allahabād was made over to Shihāb-ud-dīn Aḥmād K., and 'Abdu-l-Moṭṭalib K.; Raḥmān Qulī was made Diwān, and Ja'far Beg Bakhshī. Oudh was made over to Fatḥ K. and Qāsim 'Ali K. Mullā Nāẓir being made Diwān and Tārā Cand Bakhshī. Ajmīr was entrusted to Jagannāth and Rai Durgā, Mujāhid was Diwān, and Suḷṭān Qulī, Bakhshī. Aḥmadābād was made over to the Khān-khānān and Qulīj K., Abu-l-qāsim was the Diwān, and Niẓāmu-d-din Aḥmad, Bakhshī. Bihār was made over to Sa'īd K. and M. Yūsuf K., Rai Pattar Dās became Diwān, 'Abd-ur-Razzāq Ma'mūrī, Bakhshī. Bengal to Wazīr K., and Muḥibb 'Alī K., Karm Ullah was Diwān, and Shahbāz K., Bakhshī. Multān to Ṣādiq K. and Ismā'īl Qulī K., Khwājah 'Abd-us-Ṣamad was made Dīwān, and Muqīm Bakhshī. Agra the capital was made over to Shaikh Ibrāhīm and Rājah Askaran, Muḥibb 'Ali was Diwān, and Ḥakīm 'Ain-ul-mulk, Bakhshī. Delhi was made over to Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram and the writer^779a of this noble volume, Ṭaiyib, was Diwān, and Ḥasan K., Bakhshī. Kabul was made over to Kunwar Mān Singh and Zain K. Kokā. Nizām-ul-mulk was Dīwān and Khwājah Shams-ud-dīn Bakhshī. Mālwa to the Khān Ā'ẓam and Naurang K., Mukhtār Beg was made Diwān, and Fatḥ Ullah Bakhsh. Lahore was entrusted to Rājah Bhagwant Dās and Rāi Rāi Singh. As the court was there, the palace Diwān and Bakhshī were sufficient.

One of the occurrences was the death of Kalah Sīsūdiah. He belonged to the Rānā's tribe, and used to spend his time with him. By his good fortune he entered into service (under Akbar) and received favours. But owing to his evil star and darkened intellect he absconded. Ṣalāḥ-ud-dīn and Rām Chand were ordered to pursue him. They were to come up with him, and give him good counsel. If he accepted it, he was not to be injured, and be ⁵¹² brought to Court. Otherwise they were to put him to death. They travelled 180 kos, and arrived at the town of Fatḥpūr. He was hot-headed, and withdrew his heart from them. They communicated their instructions, and the presumptuous fellow took graciousness to be timidity, and in company with nine others set himself to fight. He and two others were killed and the others were admitted to quarter.

One of the occurrences was the death of 'Alī Murād. One of the Shaikhzādahs of India, by name Shāh Muḥammad, was for a long time his servant. He could not endure disagreeables, and always displayed insolence. His master overlooked this, and gave his endurance of it the appellation of appreciativeness and patience. Whoever does not distinguish between the season for chastisement and the season for forbearance will assuredly fall into great trouble. 'Alī Murād had a jagir in pargana Barodah^780a which belongs to the province of Ajmīr, and one day he was enjoying the sport of hawking. The Shaikhzāda came and performed the kornish (i.e. saluted) with his left hand. When his master interrogated him about this, he said he kept his right arm for his sword, and not for paying respects. He also used disrespectful language. The other, whose life was running out, abused him. The attendants rushed forward to seize and strike him. He drew his dagger and ran at them, and they, out of cowardice, retired. He wounded 'Alī Murād on the right arm, and the latter^780b set down his hawk and addressed himself to fighting. He received another wound and fell with two severe wounds. One of the companions settled the business of that ingrate, and in a short space of time that brave man ('Alī Murād) also died.

One of the occurrences was the punishment of the Tārīkīs. In the beginning of Mihr (middle September 1586) M. Sulaimān came to Kābul. As he had a desire to go to court, Kunwar Mān Singh left Khwājah Shams-ud-dīn Khāfī and others to manage Kābul and became the Mīrzā's guide. He was seized^780c with fever at Pesh Būlāq^780d near Jalālābād and became very ill. The scoundrels were arrogant on account of the killing of Saiyid Ḥāmid, imbibed new hopes from this unseasonable delay, and their turbulence increased. They abandoned the siege of the fort (Begrām) and formed evil designs. The Mahmand and Ghori tribes made heaps of stones in both the Khaibar roads from Peshāwar to Tīrāh and fortified them. The Yūsufzais and other Afghāns supported them in their wickedness.

Tīrāh is a hill-country 32 kos long (i.e. from E. to W.) and 12 broad. On the E. is Peshāwar, W. Maīdān,^781a N. Bāra, S. the district of Qandahār. It has defiles full of ups and downs and difficult of traverse. As the victorious army that had been despatched from court ⁵¹³ (the Kokaltāsh's) was late in arriving, and Kunwar Mān Singh was ill at that time, and suffered pains for a month and a half, the Afghāns thought of attacking the Kunwar. Meanwhile he got better, and set his heart upon punishing them. He left Mīr Sharīf Āmulī, Jānish Bahādur, the Atālīq, Khwājgī Muḥammad Ḥusain, Ghāzī K. of Qazwīn, and his own son Himmat Singh and many others with the Mīrzā (Sulaimān) and took with himself Takhtah Beg and others, to the number of 3000 horse. His idea was to get to Tīrāh by route of Narwān,^781b and to attack from there the Afrīdīs who were the leaven of the disturbance, and by the same route to come by the ravine of Shādī (?) to 'Alī Masjid in order that the (two) armies might join, and the road be opened. Sakit Singh, son of Mān Singh Darbārī and Zain-ud dīn 'Alī, who were going to Kābul, hastened off to Begrām as soon as they heard of the catstrophe of Saiyid Ḥāmid. On account of the roads being closed, they had halted there. Also Mādhū Singh had arrived near Attock with the troops of Rājah Bhagwant Dās.

With these ideas Mān Singh marched rapidly from Pesh Būlāq on 3 Dai (about 13 December). He marched all night and at morning reached the pass of Chahār Chobah.^782a It was snowed up. With difficulty he traversed heights and hollows and arrived at Bāzārak. Next day an army under Muḥ. Qulī Beg attacked the Afrīdis and collected much spoil. Some thought they should return and convey the plunder to a depot, and march on afterwards. This view was not accepted and they pushed on. They marched by the defile of Chorah and climbed the hills. They passed by the homes of the Ghorī tribe, who saved themselves by submitting. When they came into the defiles, Jalālah appeared from behind, and Afghāns pressed upon them from every side. Takhtah Beg and other heroes of the rearguard carried on a strenuous fight. And when they were in difficulties, Kunwar Mān Singh halted, and sent reinforcements. After much fighting the enemy desisted from their insolence. He left his eldest son Jagat Singh with the rearguard and went on towards 'Alī Masjid. In a short time the wicked wretches again gathered on every side, and the position become more difficult. There was no plain where they could fight properly and no shelter which might be of use so that the shooting of arrows, and rolling of stones, might come to an end. The brave men contended at close quarters with the enemy, and there were occasionally wonderful combats. Suddenly a somewhat open place was seen. Mān Sīngh, contrary to the opinion of his companions, stood firm there, and Takhtah Beg and some Kābulis entered into the fight. Afterwards Muḥammad Qulī Beg, Nūram Kokah, and other active men of the ⁵¹⁴ vanguard took part, and wonderful deeds were done. When things were critical, the breeze of victory arose, the enemy was defeated, and retreated by narrow defiles. Thanks were offered to God, and there was great joy. Some were of opinion that as the day was nearly ended, they should encamp on the field of victory, and many thought it would be proper to go to 'Alī Masjid, which was two kos distant. As there was scarcity of water, they set off. Muḥ Qulī took charge of the rear. The army reached the station, at the beginning of evening, by the Shādī route. Jalālah lay in wait there when a watch of the night had passed, and the Afghāns collected here and there. Some thought that they should sally out at dawn, and prevail over the foe; but as they were much fatigued, they did not do so. After midday, Mādhū Singh appeared with Rajah Bhagwant Das's force, and the Tārīkīs at once dispersed. Most of the experienced men were of opinion that Man Singh should remain there, and that some officers should go off, and bring in the great caravan by the Khaibar route. But out of regard to M. Sulaimān, and the numerous families and their baggage, (Man Singh) went by the Khaibar to Pesh Būlāq and brought the Mīrzā and the caravan to Begrām (Peshawar) by the Kharapa^783a route. About this time Zain K. Koka arrived with his army, and there were increased endeavours to uproot the Tārīkī thorn.

Some of his misfortunes, from the time when he obtained leave to go to the Ḥijāz, have already been related. When M. Shāhrukh proceeded to court, he remained in the Lamghānāt, and spent his days in wishes for Badakhshān. M. Ḥakīm had consideration for him, and gave him some Badakhshīs and Kābulīs as companions. He quickly marched to the hill-country and set himself to take Tāliqān. Muḥammad Sulṭān Uzbeg came to fight with him. He, on account of the great number of the enemy, fortified the foot of a hill (shākh-band karda), and stood firm. From time to time, he made attacks, and was successful. His success made him presumptuous, and he cast away the thread of farsight. The longer he stood firm, the more did old servants (bandagān bābarī) join him, while the number of the enemy diminished. Without reason, he abandoned his strong shelter and fought against superior numbers. Inasmuch as self-will puts wisdom on one side, and the quick- ⁵¹⁵ silver of not-listening pours into the ear of reason, he did not accept the words of his well-wishers. He came out, and performed masterpieces of valour. The enemy was nearly defeated, and he was almost successful, when, suddenly, 'Abdu-l-Mūmīn^785a Sulṭān came in person from Balkh. The battle was renewed. The Mīrzā's army did not know of this, and brave men made a hot fight. Twice was the enemy put to flight. The third time the fighting was more reckless, and just then the ungrateful Qūrcī Beg led a party of Uzbegs against the fortification. The Mīrzā at once lost the power of contending, and could not maintain his ground. He was compelled to fly to Afghanistan. Bakhtiyār Beg was at the river Bārān. He received him and brought him to Kabul. Kuar Mān Singh hastened from Jalālabad to that place, and treated him with great respect. He acted as his guide and brought him to Peshawar, as has been related. From there, Jagat Singh, Muḥammad Qulī Beg, Mān Singh Darbārī, Hilāl Aftābci became his companions and brought him to the capital. When he arrived within two kos thereof, H.M. sent Prince Sulṭan Murād to receive him. He was accompanied by Rajah Todar Mal, Shāham K., Ḥakīm Abu-l-fatḥ Āṣaf K., Khudāwand K., the writer of the book of fortune (A. F.), and many other officers. Ḥakīm and the writer were ordered to keep near him (Murād), and be ready with answers. M. Sulaimān got on foot at a distance, and the nursling of fortune (Murād) also dismounted from his horse. They embraced one another according to the rules of their ancestors, and conversing together they proceeded to the court. On 14 Isfāndārmaẕ (24 February, 1587), he brightened his forehead by doing homage, and his heart was rejoiced by varied favours.

One occurrence was the cessation of Y'aqūb's commotion. After returning unsuccessful from his night attack, he retired to the defiles of Kishtwāra. The Kashmīrī soldiers brought him out by making solemn promises. He stirred up commotion in Harnāg,^786a 25 kos from the city. Qāsim K. had the idea of sending an army against him, and of himself remaining to guard the city. The officers preferred unsuitable wishes. Apparently these delicate men of hot countries were averse to campaigning in a cold country and did not like to traverse defiles, and to put their hands to battle. The general was obliged to go in person and to leave Fatḥ K. and others in the city. When he came near Y'aqūb, he heard that he had gone off to the city to make a night attack. Qāsim was astounded and turned back, and sent a force ahead under the charge of M. 'Alī. When they were 5 kos from the city, it appeared that Y'aqūb was lying in wait near the hill of Alar^786b (?), four kos from the city. The army pushed on and next day reached the hilly place. The skirmishers had a slight fight and were victorious. The enemies saw that they were not strong enough to fight by day, and ⁵¹⁶ arranged a night attack. By the help of God, fire caught the reed-built houses of the neighbourhood and the vain imaginers became the target of the brave soldiers. Owing to the failure of the night attack, the firmness of the imperialists, and their own dissensions, they dispersed. They also sent proposal of peace to the officers. Yūsuf Kashmīrī, who had the title of Khan-khānān, Muḥammad Bhat and many others separated and took refuge at a little hill, and sent messages that they wished to wait upon the general. At dawn on the 29th Āẕar, 8 December, 1586, the army reached that hill. Y'aqūb and some others went off rapidly to Kishtwāra, and the cultivated country was plundered. From there the army advanced to the little hill where the persons above-mentioned were. Next day, those men, by the intervention of M. 'Alī Beg, and Khanjarī, waited upon the general, and he encouraged them and sent them along with Khanjarī to court. The commotion subsided. On 22 Isfandārmaẕ, 2 March, 1587, the persons sent were exalted by obtaining an audience and received with princely favours. Their names were as follows: 1. Saiyid Mubārik, who had been raised to the chiefship, as has been related. 2. Punj,^787a the brother of Y'aqūb. 3. Ḥaidar 'Ali. 4. Muḥammad Ḥusain. 5. Aḥmad Ḥusain. 6. Ḥusain K. Cak, whom they had raised to the government at the beginning of the disturbance. 7 and 8. Ḥusain K. and Ibrāhīm K., the sons of Mubārik K. 9. Muḥammad Bhat and his sons. 10. 'Ali Ḥasan.^787b 11. Bābā Khalīl. 12. Bāba Mahdī. These (three?) were the leaders of the Kashmīris under the disguise of holy men. 13. Bahādur 'Alī. 14. Bhakrū Lohar. 15. Mullā Ḥasan. 16. The sons of Ḥaidar Cak. Though at the coming of the victorious troops, they had exerted themselves in fighting, and in devising tricks, yet the wise sovereign adhered to the promises, and treated them with favour. A good report of him filled the world.

Also, at this time he sent Saiyid 'Abdullah and Mīrzāda 'Alī K. to Kashmīr. As they had not done good service in the Eastern districts, they were sent off to Kashmīr on the 27th in order that they might seek by good work atonement for the past.

One of the occurrences was the protection of holy men. Though the lightening of the burden of sorrow is always an adornment of those admitted to the august assemblage, and the speech and action of H.M. form the stock of State and Religion, yet a fresh announcement was made that it had occurred to H.M. that every one who had the bliss of attending court should, according to the number of his years, give one dām, or one rupī, or one muhr to some good object, so that by that means a well, or a reservoir, or a caravanserai, or a garden might be constructed, and that thereby every kind of distress might be relieved, and there might be a spiritual and temporal growth. The order was properly carried out, and the countenance of good thoughts was illuminated.

At this time, when the Age was praying to the daily-increas-ing Fortune, and there was a new diurnal market of thanksgiving, the world was made of a musky fragrance by the shedding of the 'Attar (otto of roses) of Spring. Small and great were seized by new joy. The world-adorning king's diadem gave new lustre to custom, and made the Earth the envied of Heaven.

The world's lord once more adorned the Earth.
He made Time and the Terrene like Paradise.

On Saturday 11 Rabī'-aṯ-ṯānī 995, 10 or 11 March, 1587, after the passing of 5 hours, 27 minutes, the fountain-head of light filled with glory the Sign of Aries. The spiritual and temporal ruler sate on the throne of gratification of desires and of justice. Each day there was a new feast, and one of the grandees of the court presided over it. On the 16th the Khān-khānān and 'Aẓdu-d-daula came from Gujarat and paid their respects. An order had been given that as that country was tranquil, the general should come to court, and make over the affairs of the province to 'Aẓdu-d-daula, Qulīj K., and Khwājah Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad Bakhshī. Or if he thought it better that he should remain there, he was to send to court Qulīj K. and Khwājah Niẓamu-d-dīn Aḥmad. As the country was quiet, he set off on a swift camel, and made the long journey in the course of fifteen days. Mīr Fatḥ Ullah from his great desire of service came also. Nūr Qulīj, Qāẓī Ḥasan and other gatherers of auspiciousness, who had accompanied them, were admitted to a reception. At the close of this day, M. Yūsuf K. came from Bihar and did homage. The lord of the universe came out on the throne of fortune. His obedient children, his other relatives, the great nobles, and the gatherers of contemplative and practical wisdom sate here and there.

A wondrous banqueting-hall brightened the heavens,
Such as the stars have not seen in their dreams;
Eyes were bewildered by beholding it.
Wisdom became tongueless, and the tongue became ear.

Crowds of men obtained their desires, and there were varied delights. At dawn H.M. visited the garden of Shahbāz K., and thanksgivings to God were renewed.

One of the occurrences was that the government of Zābulistān was restored to Zain K. Koka. As it appeared that the Rajpūt clan behaved with injustice to the subjects of that country, and that ⁵¹⁸ Kuar Mān Singh did not look closely into the case of the oppressed, and disliked that cold country, it was taken from him, and he was appointed to chastise the Tārīkīs, and his fief was assigned to him in the eastern districts. On the day of the culmination (sharaf) an order was given that the Kokaltāsh should hasten from Begrām to Kabul and exercise watchfulness and the distribution of justice. The orders were carried out, and Zābulistān became civilized.

Just as far-sighted wisdom considers marriage evil for the emancipated ones of the chosen path, so does it regard it as a great source of success for those who are tied to social life. Especially do great rulers approve of it, for their efforts are devoted to the production of unity, and to the removing the dust of complexity by the water of simplicity. Inevitably does the highly-born choose a consort, and by that means does he raise up a glorious seed. When he reflects how by so many generations the series of creation has come down from the first father to him, how can he refrain from making use of the waters of the Divine fountain? And how can he think it wrong to keep that fountain full? I admit that there is another side to this. It is clear that the commotion of desire causes distraction among men. And wherever this pleasure is partaken of in early youth—which is the home of improper desires—evil thoughts produce mischief. Though the jewel of goodness hath its seat in man's nature and has not much to do with ancestors, yet if it show itself in a noble family, it has a fresh lustre. In the extensive country of India men are active to form this union at a tender age, and this introduces the leaven of evil. The world's lord will on no account admit of it before puberty, and will not anticipate the proper time for it. Accordingly when that jewel of the diadem of the Caliphate—Prince Sulṭān Murād—had reached the age of 17, H.M. gave his attention to the matter, and considered it anxiously. Meanwhile one who knew the secrets of the harem represented that the Khān Ā'ẓim Mīrzā Koka wished that his chaste daughter might attain this great fortune, and that his family might obtain fresh glory. The Shāhinshāh signified his acceptance, and the officers of the court arranged matters. On 25 Ardibihisht, 5 May, 1587, there was a joyful assemblage in the place of Miriam Makānī, and the ⁵¹⁹ marriage was celebrated in the presence of His Majesty.

One of the occurrences was that the Kabul road became peaceful. Tribes of Afghans inhabited between Kabul and the Indus, and from ignorance and selfishness they molested travellers, and stretched out the hand of oppression over the feeble. H.M. resolved that he would establish serais^792a in those dangerous places and put some brave men into each of them. Zain K. undertook the improvement of Sarkhdiwār, which is near Khurd Kābul; Khwājah Shamsu-d-dīn took charge of the country between the Dūāb and Bādām Casma. Ḥamza 'Arab got Bārīk Āb; Ḥaidar 'Alī 'Arab got Jagdalak, and Ḥaidar 'Alī Khwesh, Sarkh Āb; Moẓaffar Koka, Safed Sang; Darvesh Islamābādī, Tārīk Āb; Kafshī Bahādur, Basāwal; Takhta Beg, Daka; Banda 'Alī Maidānī, Gharībkhana;^792b Shāh Beg, the country between Begrām and Atak Benares. H.M. also sent a large sum of money by the hands of Hilāl Aftābcī to the Kokaltāsh in order that it might be distributed to the above-named persons, and that he might carry out this business under his own supervision. In a short time the orders were carried out, and the face of the age was brightened by the roseate hues of justice. Also at this time the Ghorī^792c tribe repented of their former conduct and took refuge with the governor of Kabul. At his request an order of pardon was issued to them. For some time, a place was, at his request, given to them near Jalālābād, and afterwards they received land in Peshawar where their homes were. On 22 Khurdād, 1 June 1587, the feast of the lunar weighment took place, and that celestial frame was weighed against eight articles. The needy had their wishes gratified. Also at this time, Ṣādiq K. came^792d from Bhakar and was exalted by performing the prostration.

One of the occurrences was the wounding of Rajah Todal Mal. On the night of the 17th (Amardād=28 July) he was going to his house from the palace. A hot-headed fellow came out of ambush and struck him with a sword. The Rajah's companions seized and killed him. His well-wishers suspected some good men, and out of envy, which is common among the sons of the world, simple people believed this. When far-sighted courtiers inquired into the matter, it was found that the wicked Khatrī^793a had found his opportunity, and ⁵²⁰ paid off his grudge. His accomplices were seized, and all received their punishment. The Rajah, by the aid of H.M., soon recovered.

From the time that Mān Singh had fought in the defiles and had won a hard-earned victory, he could not bring himself to enter the mountains again, and spent his time in Jamrüd near the Khaibar ravine, and indulged in futilities of speech. H.M. censured him, and took measures for the uprooting of the thornbrake of the Tārīkīs. Another army was appointed to go to the hills by the route of Bangash, while Mān Singh should march from Bigrām. On 7 Ardībihisht, 18 April, Beg Nūrīn K., Sheroya K., Selīm K., Muḥammad Ḥusain, S. 'Alī, Muḥammad Alif, Aḥmad Beg, Tāsh Beg, Muḥammad Qulī Beg, Moẓaffar Koka, Kafshī Bahādur, Shādī Beg, Ḥasan 'Alī 'Arab, S. M'arūf, S. Kabīr, Walī Beg, Mohan Dās, Allah Bakhsh, Khwāja Quṭbu-d-dīn and other brave men were sent off under the command of Maṭṭalib (sic) K. When they reached the Indus near Sambala, Zangī K and other heads of the Niyāzī clan—who had their home near there—joined the victorious army. The latter crossed at the Copāra^794a ferry (guẕr), and reached the villages of the 'Īsākhel. Fīrūz K., Jamāl, 'Alī and others came and paid their respects. Most were of opinion that they should march up to Bangash by Daur and Naghz, and from there hasten on to the homes of the Tārīkīs. Jamāl Tārīkī, by the guidance of his star, joined the army. He represented that the best route was by the Ābdara, which is a defile between Bānū and Dar^794b Samand from which the Bangash river emerges. After crossing the river in several places in the course of twelve kos, one arrives at the town of Dar Samand. As his words bore the marks of truthfulness, they took that road. Near Buland^795a Khail the cultivation of the Tārīkīs was grazed upon by the animals, and news came that Jalāla had come out of Lūcak— which is a rugged spot and his fortress—and was three kos from Dar Samand, and was meditating a night-attack. At night the officers came out of their camp and were on their guard. Next day they arrived at Dar Samand. When the enemy perceived that they could do nothing at night, and as they were also disturbed by the news of the approach of the Jamrūd army, they resolved that at the time of encamping, when the soldiers were not in battle-order, they would make an attack. In accordance with this resolution they, on 14 ⁵²¹ Amardād (beginning of August 1587), at midday, when the air was excessively hot, suddenly appeared with 1,000 cavalry and 15,000 foot. They entered into a fight with Shīroya K., Beg Nūrīn K., and Selīm K., who were in charge of the rearguard. At this time Muḥ. Qulī Beg, Ḥasan 'Alī 'Arab and others arrived, and turned back the enemy's van. The wretch (Jalāla) turned his rein and came near the camp by another route. Muḥ. Alif, Aḥmad Beg, Shādī B., Mohan Dās and others came up, and fought bravely. There was a time of life-scattering, and of hunting for lives. Though the thread of combat was severed, and the general had not the good fortune to mount^795b his horse, and many brave men could not come up, the wondrous Fortune—which is an example of the Divine aid— displayed the countenance of victory. Five hundred and fifty of the enemy fell on the field of battle, and 1000 were killed in their flight. The foolish one after a thousand failures took shelter in the hills. No man of note in the victorious army was wounded, but for nine Turanians was the cup of life filled. Sixteen young men became known by their wounds. If the Jamrūdarmy had come up, Jalāla would have been taken. But they followed him up and plundered his home and set fire to his household goods. The whole of the Afrīdī and Orakzai tribes who sheltered that wicked one, gave hostages and became submissive. The army returned and came to Bangash, though,^795c on account of the scarcity, it was difficult to remain there. Maṭṭalib was seized with a strange insanity and was sent to court.

One^796a of the occurrences was the sending of M. Yūsuf K. to take charge of Kashmīr. Qāsim K. had by strenuous exertions, and a wide capacity, taken that delightful country, and had endured great labours. He brought many recalcitrants to punishment, and he sent many leaders to court. A large number too had joined him. The country was civilized by justice, and foes retreated to the lanes of failure. But at this time of thanksgiving his foot began to slide, and bad companionship led him into improper desires. He set himself to oppress the Kashmīrīs, and demanded what the soldiers of the country had taken at the time of Y'aqūb's^796b supremacy. During the winter time, which was not the season of coming and going, men endured with bitterness, but when the climate became milder, the wasps-nest of the evil-minded became active. Many left him, and brought out Y'aqūb from his despised position. There was a hot commotion in Janīr^796c 23 kos from the city. Though troops went there, they could not carry through the business. Qāsim was obliged to go there in person. When he approached, Y'aqūb hastened ⁵²² towards the city by secret routes. The officers followed him rapidly. He took refuge at a little hill in Bahārah,^796d three kos from the city, and waited his opportunity. The imperialists arrived there. Though by the rapid march the capital was saved from plunder, yet on account of the strength of the place, and the difficulties of the roads, their object was not accomplished. They had to leave the proper work unfinished and to come to the city. The enemy's strength increased. After some time, Qāsim again came out to fight. Though every day there was fighting between the skirmishers, yet on five occasions there were close engagements, followed by victory. On the sixth occasion, which was when Saiyid 'Abdullah was in command, there was a disaster, and Mīrzāda 'Alī^797a was killed. The brave men defeated the enemy, and got to the top of the hill. At this time it came on to rain (snow?). The experienced were of opinion that they should encamp, but this view was not accepted, and they retreated. As they were descending, the wicked foe showered stones and arrows from every side. Owing to the hurry, the narrownesss of the defile, and the slipperiness of the road, men lost heart and fell, one on the top of the other, and Mīrzāda 'Alī lost his life. Srī Rang, the cousin of Rai Rai Singh, and 40 men, stood firm and fought bravely. They yielded up their short lives and reaped eternal renown. The steadiness of some brave men was the means of saving many. Nearly 300 were killed. Next day Qāsim went forward to do battle. The Kashmīrīs lost heart and fled, and Y'aqūb went off to Kāmrāj. The officers returned and had a joyful meeting. Y'aqūb and Shams Cak made a treaty with one another, and stirred up commotion. But as there is no concord in that country, they quarreled near Andarkūl.^797b After a short time they were reconciled by the efforts of some men, and it was agreed that as by their being in one place, the disputes between the servants led to disagreements among the masters, they should remain separate. With this view Y'aqūb went off to the hill^797c of Sulaimān, and was active there, and Shams Cak went to Andarkūl. Many thought that the victorious army should also divide itself into two bands. But most men did not approve of this, thinking that loss would ensue if they were in two places. All resolved first to attack Y'aqūb and went off in that direction. Every day there was fighting, and by the might of daily-increasing fortune, victory declared herself. On the 5th^798a day of the month (Shahriyūr) Qāsim went off with a number of brave men, and a great battle took place. Fatḥ 'Alī, the leader of the enemy, was killed by an arrow, and the foe were dispersed. The imperialists returned with great joy. Y'aqūb joined Shams Cak, and in a short time again came near the city, and stirred up commotion. There is a high spot^2798b one kos from the city. It is half a kos long and one-fourth broad. There are some ponds round about it, and in front there is a pond which it is difficult to cross. Those two scoundrels took shelter there with a large following, and in season and out of season they emerged, and plundered. Every day a body of the imperialists came out to fight with them. Qāsim K. too got disgusted and petitioned for his recall. H. M. accepted his request and sent M. Yūsuf K. as the commander of the country. Jagaunāth, Ḥusain Beg, S. 'Ūmrī, Saiyid Bahāū-d-dīn, Qarā Beg, Muhammed Bhat, Bābā Khalīl, Mullā Ṭālib Isfahāñī and many other strenuous persons accompanied him. An order was given that when the wicked had been punished, Qāsim K. should return to Court. When the Kashmīrīs heard of the coming of the army, they sent some men to the ravines, in order that by coalescing with the Nāīkän (guardians of the passes) they might make the road secure. When M. Yūsuf K. heard of this he sent off Muhammad Bhat, Bābā Khalīl and Mullā Ṭālib with conciliatory messages. Though the guardians of the routes did not wait upon them, yet they yielded to their soft speeches and turned aside. M. Yūsuf left Jagannāth at the foot of the pass and traversed it himself with ease. Before they had reached the camping^798c ground the evildoers had dispersed. Y'aqūb went off to Kathwāra (Kishtwār) and Shams Cak took refuge in the hills of Kāmrāj. M. Yūsuf gave Qāsim K. leave to go to Court, and secretly bade adieu to Jagannāth. He unloosed the tongue of conciliation and set about winning hearts. A remedy was found for men's terror. He sent Mubarik K., Jalāl K. and Saiyid Daulat with a body of men against Shams Cak. The latter made a night attack from Taragānw^798d and obtained much plunder. At dawn the imperialists pursued him and inflicted such a defeat on him that he did not rise up again, and made his submission on the safe-conduct of Saiyid Bahāū-d-dīn. M. Yūsuf K. sent him to court with the Mīr (Bahāū-d-dīn).

One of the occurrences was the birth of Sultān Khusrau. The Almighty Creator has adorned the honoured personality of H. M. with thousands of praiseworthy qualities, and his fortune is daily increasing. But the arrival of every thing depends on the movements of the heavens and is associated with a particular time. At this time which was the beginning of the spring time of dominion, the appearance of a grandson—which is one of the great gifts of God, and the most excellent fruit of age—the universe had new expansion, and mankind had new strength. After the lapse of ten hours and thirty-six minutes, on the day of Dīn 24 Amardād (about middle August 1587), the auspicious pearl displayed itself in the city of Lahore, in the bedchamber of Prince Sultān Selīm, from the chaste womb of the daughter of Rajah Bhagwant Dās. The news brought joy, and the Age set itself to rejoice. The coiners of celestial mysteries opened their far-seeing eyes and expounded somewhat of the glorious work of ⁵²⁴ the spheres and the stars.

They held an assembly for studying the spheres,
They elevated the balance of the stars,
Such a horoscope appeared for that son!
What shall I say? Bravo, Begone O evil eye!

According to the Greek rules, the horoscope was the 9th degree of Capricorn and according to Indian sages it was the 22nd degree of Sagittarius. If the life-wearing world give me leisure, and if it be my destiny to remain for some space in Society, and I be not alienated from literature, and if H. M. will it, I shall give a full account of this horoscope. H. M. called this child Sultan Khusrau. I hope that he may grow up an enlightened man, and acquire noble qualities.

One of the occurrences was the subsidence of the Gujarat commotion. Panchanan,^799a the brother's son of Khankār, the ruler of Kach, collected vagabonds and came to attack Halwad. Rai Singh of Jhālā rose up to contend with him, and bravely played away the coin of his life. Qulīj K. was in Aḥmadābād with some officers and was guarding the city. Saīyid Qāsim, Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad and others were sent off to punish the strifemongers. The latter took refuge in the Bardā^800a hills. Their houses were plundered. The Jāṁ and Khangar came forward with submissions. The officers returned and had a joyful assembly. A week had not passed when Moẓaffar came out of the recesses and raised the head of commotion. He stirred up strife in the direction of Dūlqa, and so the above-named officers went off there. On hearing of this he went off towards Mūlī^800b and out of regard to comfort, a proper search was not made. One of the instances of daily-increasing fortune was that the honour of Musṭafa, son of Saiyid Jalāl, was by the protection of God preserved. He was taking his family to Bīraīngānw. At the time that the officers were in pursuit, and that Moẓaffar was in a bewildered state, Musṭafa took refuge in a village.^800c Moẓaffar tried to seize him, and he plundered the place. He (Musṭafa) planted the foot of courage in his house and prepared to sacrifice his life. Meanwhile the noise^800d of drums was heard, and Moẓaffar went off quickly, thinking it was an army. Though the imperialists were marching quietly, yet they sent some to beat drums in that neighbourhood.

Also, at this time the Yūsufzai tribe was punished. Owing to their evil fate, the strength of their country and the disaster of the imperial army made them bolder in their presumptuousness and wickedness. Though the non-arrival of the army added to their ⁵²⁵ refractoriness, yet their egress and ingress were shut up, and they were plundered. Many of them were^800e sold (as slaves), and many died of various illnesses.

One of the occurrences was the dispatch of S'aīd K. to the government of Bengal. News came that Wazīr K.^801a had died of diarrhœa on 21 Amardād (August). As everything was done prudently, an order was given that S'aīd K. should go from Behar to that quarter; that Payanda (Moghal) who held fiefs there, should obtain a jagīr in Ghoraghāt; that the tuyuls of Rajah Bhagwant Dās and Kuar Mān Singh in the Panjab should be taken from them, and that they should get others in Behar. On 16 Shahriyūr Mīr Murād^801b was sent off that he might speedily put these two places in the possession of the jāgīrdārs, and take S'aīd K. to Bengal. Mān Singh was summoned from Begrām in order that Rajah Bhagwant Dās might have charge of the royal harem and that Mān Singh might go to his new fiefs and develop them.

On 1 Ābān the solar weighment of H. M. took place, and there was a great feast. According to the rules, he was weighed against twelve articles. The dust of desire was removed from the face of the world, and the needy attained the joy of success. Also at this time Shādmān was exalted by princely favours, and Ghaznīn was given to him in fief. He is the son of Murād Hazârā, and his home is between Ghaznīn and Qandahār. His ancestors did good service, but he from crooked thoughts and short-sightedness had hitherto abode in the wilds. At this time he turned the face of submission to the court and received various favours. He was allowed to depart on 1 Āẕar. On 28th, Kuar Mān Singh came from Jamrūd and paid his respects, and was sent to Behar on 6 Dai. On the same day Yūsuf K., ruler of Kashmīr, was relieved from prison, and treated with favour. He was given a fief in Behar. The sole desire of H. M. was that he would learn the proprieties, and would cherish his subjects, and be of awakened mind. When his conduct showed marks of prudence, the delightful country of Kashmīr would be made over to him.

One of the occurrences was the sending of Zain K. Koka to seize Swād and Bajaur. Though the Yūsufzai tribe had received suitable punishment, yet they did not refrain from robbery and wickedness. At the time when Jalāla Tārīkī got into difficulties, he went off from the defiles of Tīrāh to the Yūsufzaīs, and the wretches gave him a place among themselves. As H.M. desired that the Kokaltāsh might be delivered from his former disgrace, an order was given that Khwāja Shams-ud-dīn (Khāwfi) and a body of men should be left in charge of Kabul, and that Zain K. should go with his officers to Swād and Bajāur. An order was also given to the army of Jamrūd and Bangash that every one should apply himself to the capturing of the ringleader of the Tārīkīs, and that they should take care that he did not get away in that direction. Also Ism'ail ⁵²⁶ Qulī was removed from Ohand and sent to near Qabīla Ayāzī? in order that he might watch over Ishtaghir^802a (Hashtnagar). Ṣādīq K. and some other officers were sent from court to take post on the plain of Swād in order that Jalāla might be taken on whatever side he emerged. To Jagannāth (S. Behāri Mal, B. 381) who had returned from Kashmīr, an order was issued that he should join the Koka. On the 21st the Kokaltāsh had made his arrangements to set about the work. Ḥaidar Ali Khwesh and others went with him. They took the road of Kāmah^802b and Kushka and that of Samaj.^802c The Tārīkīs and the Yūsufzais fortified the Nāwalā Pass^802d and prepared for battle. The imperialists turned back and marched by Dānishkol, and built a fort at the head of the three roads to Bajaur, Hashtnagar and Tīrāh. They brought corn from the Lamghānāt and erected granaries. This raised the spirit of the army. By an unknown route they entered Bajaur, and there was some fighting. The jewel of bravery received new lustre, and many of the wicked were killed. Some escaped by being admitted to quarter. The Tārīkī was nearly seized, but he came out by the pass of which Ism'aīl Qulī was in charge, and hurried off to Tīrāh. Ism'aīl was one of the thānadārs of the plains (dasht). He was aggrieved at the sending of Ṣādiq, and from caprice went to court and left the passage open. At this time Jalāla got his opportunity and came out of the defile and went off. When H. M. heard of the misconduct of Ism'aīl Qulī K. he censured him, and sent Āṣaf K. in his room.

One of the occurrences was the chastisement of Rajah Madhukar.^803a This mountaineer of slumbrous fortune withdrew from accompanying the army of the Deccan, and instead of apologising, he increased his refractoriness. Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad K. and other fief-holders went off to punish him. On the 23rd, when they came within four kos of Unḍca (Oorcha) which was his residence, he came forward with protestations. By the intervention of Rajah Askaran and Rajah Jagman, his submission led to his deliverance. He waited upon the general, but from short-sightedenss he fell into evil thoughts and went off into the desert. As advice was of no avail, his home was plundered. From want of provisions they could not stay there and proceeded to take the fort of Kajwa. Indrajīt and Satrāī, his sons, and Hardeo, his grandson, had strengthened this place. They came out into the defiles to give battle, and were defeated. One day Rāghū Dās, his brother's son, fought. Samānjī K. and M. Beg Qāqshāl gave proof of bravery and were victorious, and that wretch (Rāghū) was killed. They besieged the fort for a month. Every time that the enemy came to fight, they failed shamefully. ⁵²⁷ When they had no strength to contend, they fled. Every one went off to his fief.

One of the occurrences^803b was the capital punishment of M. Fūlād the son of Khudādäd Barlās. As the world lord exercises world-sway on the principle of “Universal Peace,” every sect can assert its doctrine without apprehension, and every one can worship God after his own fashion. In consequence of this, Mullā Aḥmad of Tatta, who had undergone much toil in the acquisition of the ordinary sciences, and who was a firm adherent of the Imāmī doctrines, and talked largely about them, continually brought forward discourse about Sunnīs and Shīās, and from a despicable spirit used immoderate language. That hot-headed young man from his attachment to Sunnism regarded Mullā Aḥmad's doctrines with contempt. Owing to the turbulence of youth, he resolved to hunt for his life. On the night of 21 Dai, 31st December 1587, he and a companion lay in wait in a dark lane, and sent some man, as if a royal messenger, to call Mullā Aḥmad. On the way they attacked him with swords and cut off his arm from the middle of the forearm. He fell out of the saddle to the ground. The audacious villains thought they had cut his head off and without thinking^804a of the consequences came out by the lane. He took up his arm and conveyed himself to the house of Ḥakīm Ḥasan. Khwāja Mulk 'Alī^804b the night watch ('asas) by making a strict search apprehended the two delinquents. Though by certain indications, such as blood, the case was clear, yet, when he brought them to the palace, they did not tell the truth. And though the stains on the swords and the clothing were truthful witnesses, they did not admit their guilt. The Khān-Khānān, Āṣaf K.,^804c Khūdāwand K. and the writer were sent in order to make enquiries of that traveller to the world of annihilation. As he had some consciousness, he expressed the pain of his soul, and told what had happened. The just Shāhinshāh released the two evil-doers from the bonds of existence. He had them tied to the feet of an elephant and paraded through the city. Though leading persons^804d exerted themselves to procure their release, they were not successful. It was a cause of guidance to many who had gone astray, and the contest between Sunnī and Shīā subsided. Soon afterwards Mullā Aḥmad died of his injury.

About the same time a Brahman in the town of Sihondā^805a gave out that he was Rajah Bīrbar. He had been wounded, he said, and had then got away from the Yūsufzai by the help of a survivor, and was passing his days, according to his custom, in gathering the materials of salvation. Simple-minded persons, from the similarity of his appearance, and his abundant audacity, believed him. Though the acute persons of the court were agreed that the story was not true, yet discerning men were sent to inquire into the facts. The men of the locality were sending him to court, but be- ⁵²⁸ fore he arrived, and the veil over his shamelessness was removed, he took the road of annihilation.

On 10 Isfandārmaẕ, 20th February 1588, Qāsim K. arrived from the delightful country of Cashmere and was exalted by doing homage. 'Alī Sher Mākrī and many other leading men of that country were admitted to an audience, and obtained the gratification of their wishes.

At this auspicious time, the drum of the New Year rejoiced the age. The ever-vernal heart of the Shāhinshāh celebrated the event by a feast.

On Sunday 22 Rabī-ul-akhir 996, 10 or 11 March, 1588, after the passing of 10 hours and 48 minutes, the spiritual and temporal Light-giver glorified the Sign of Aries. There was a new feast every day up to the day of culmination. In the beginning of this glorious year the marriage of Prince Sultān Daniel was celebrated. As marriage is a means of cultivating the garden of creation, and is the adornment of the social world, especially in a ruling family, H. M. arranged that an union should take place between the prince and the chaste daughter of Sultān Khwāja. An august feast was prepared, and crowds of men became possessed of joy. On 20 Khurdād, 30 May, 1588, the ceremony took place in the house of Mirīam-Makānī.

Also on this day, the lunar weighment of H. M. took place, and mankind rejoiced.

One occurrence was the sending of troops to assist Ṣādiq K. When Zain K. took on himself the affairs of the plain of Swād, Ṣādiq was sent to Tīrāh. Shāham K. Jalair, Burhāna-l-Mulk, Khwājā ⁵²⁹ Faizī and others were sent off to join him. Also, an order was given that throughout the empire only the gaz Ilāhī^806a should be used. Some account of this has been given in the concluding volume (the Ayīn volume).

One occurrence was the birth of Sultan Rustam. On 4 Shahrīyūr (August), after the lapse of 7 hours, a son was born to Sultan Murād by the daughter of the Khān Ā'ẓim. H.M. named him, and there were thanksgivings.

According to both Greek and Hindu calculations, the horoscope was in Scorpio, but the degrees differed. I have not time to explain the (two) horoscopes, but I may say that this difference of degrees may have the purpose of checking too great joy or sorrow, and of preventing the breaking of the thread of circumspection.^807a

One of the occurrences was the arrival at court of Shahbāz K. When S'aīd K. went from Bihar to Bengal, he came to court, and arrived on 2 Mīhr. He was not admitted to pay his respects and was censured. But when īt appeared that when he was sent (to Bengal) an order had been given that whenever his mind was at ease about the country, he might come and do homage, he was granted an audience, and received royal favours. Rajah Todar Mal had some dispute with him. An order was given that the Khān Khānān, 'Aẓdu-d-daula, Ḥakīm Abul-fatḥ, and the author should enquire into the matter. On their doing so, it appeared that self-interest had thrown a veil over the eyes of both of them. By proper measures, the dust of contention was laid.

On the 19th H. M. went hunting, and in nine days careered about from Pancgrāmī^807b to Qasūr.^807c On the 27th, when he was to come to the city, an injury happened to him near Cakgopāl, 7 kos from Lahore, but it turned out well. He shot a wolf and it appeared to be dead. H. M. was examining it, when suddenly it seized his right foot, and his teeth penetrated. But H. M. struck him such a blow with his other foot that the wolf gave up his life. A little damage was done, but he soon recovered. On 1 Ābān the solar weighment took place. According to the annual custom he was weighed against twelve articles. There was a time of rejoicing, and the needy obtained their desires.

One^1808a of the occurrences was the subsiding of the commotion in Gujarat. Pan-Cānan^808b and Jaisa, brother's sons of Khangār, stirred up commotion in concert with Mihrāwan, the uncle of the Jām and Moẓaffar Arghūn, and invested the town of Rādhanpūr. Rādhan K. Balūch and other brave men took steps to defend the place. Twice they made a night attack, and they also came out in the day-time, and fought strenuously. Saiyid Qāsim and other heroes were active in assistance. Soon it was bruited abroad that Moẓaffar Gujarātī and the Kāīthāns^808c (from Kāthīāwār) had risen. Khwājā Niẓām-ud-dīn Aḥmad Bakhshī, Khwāja Rafī', M'aaṣūm Bhakkarī and others followed them. Naurang K. hastened to Bīrāmgānw, where the rebels were. Qulīj K. stood firm in Aḥmadabad with a few men. By the divine aid, when the first army arrived within ten kos, the rebels dispersed. When the second force joined, they left their baggage and proceeded rapidly. They crossed the Runn, and plundered the homes of the rebels in the town of Kātārīh.^808d A great amount of booty was obtained. Bahamāra (?)^808e the ruler of that country submitted. The officers accepted his submission and proceeded to the town of Māliya. They crossed the dreadful Runn in another place. A remarkable thing is that the Runn increases (in water) on the 13th to the 15th (of the month), but by H. M.'s good fortune the water did not rise, and the troops crossed with ease. Though the rebels were not caught, yet the country was plundered, and a large quantity of booty was obtaiṇed. From there they went to Morbī, and on the way much of the cultivated land was plundered, and strong stockades (sangarhā) were taken. When the victorious troops came near Morbī the proprietors came out and surrendered. Wazīr K. had in his time given the place to Khangār, and the Khān-Khānān left him in possession.

One occurrence was the death of Baharjī. His territory is a cultivated country, and a dependency of Gujarat. Its name is Baglāna,^809a and the ruler is called Baharjī. His brothers wickedly made a commotion, and he took refuge in the strong fort of Mūler. As he had bound the burden of service on the shoulder of loyalty, Āltūn^809b Qulīj, Khwājah Rafī' and others went to help him. Before they arrived, he had been got rid of by enemies in the disguise of friends. The wiles of the evil-doers misled the relieving force and retribution was not exacted, though it was prepared (?). ⁵³¹

One of the occurrences was the subsiding of the commotion in Gujarāt.^809c Fatḥ K., the younger son of Amīn K. Ghorī, made war on his father, and thereby disgraced his family. Moẓaffar also joined with him and stirred up the dust of strife. Amīn K. did not see in himself the power to control, and so retired. He wrote a supplicating letter to the imperial servants and asked for help. Naurang K., Khwāja Niẓām-ud-dīn Aḥmad, Medinī Rai, M'aaṣūm Bhakkarī, Qāẓī Ḥusaīn, Kāmrān Beg, Daulat K. and some of the Saiyids of Bārha hastened to assist him. Moẓaffar retired to the hills, thinking that perhaps the country would be taken from him, and the son became reconciled to the father. Sīdhī Rīḥān, Lokhan, Karhal and many others waited on the officers.

At the request of Amīn K. and the Jām, Medinī Rai went and brought the sons of them both. All at once the disturbance ceased. Also at this time Ism'aīl Qulī was sent to Gujarat, and an order was given that Qulīj should return to court.

An occurrence was the dispersal of the Tārīkīs. It has been mentioned that Ṣādiq had been appointed to overthrow them in Tīrāh. Shāham and others had been appointed afterwards. When the army had been collected, he went to the spot. He did not think it advisable to enter the defiles, but appointed men to watch on every side. Shāh Beg built a fort in the village of Bāra (S. W. Peshāwar); Aḥmad Beg and Muḥ Qulī remained on guard in Maīdan (W. Tīrāh). Shāham Jalāīr, Alī Muḥ. Alif and others served in Janakī (?).^809d In this manner able men were appointed in various places. The warriors opened the hand of attack, and thus remedied the scarcity of provisions. Ṣādiq K. opened the tongue of conciliation, and the hand of liberality, and he made the Afrīdi and Ūrakzai tribes—which are the homes of the Tārīkīs—obedient. The spring crops of the landowners came into the hands of the soldiery, and they could not sow the autumn crops. Mullā Ibrāhīm, whose son Jalāla reckoned himself to be, was caught. The position of the wretch became difficult, and he had no longer confidence in his comrades. Every day he went about with his family (qabīla) and fell into a hundred troubles. At last he went off to Tūrān by the route of Kānīgaram (S.-W. Bannū). On 24 Mihr (about 4th October, 1588) the Afghans delivered up his family, and the minds of the imperial servants were somewhat quieted. The Afrīdis and the Urakzai in addition to doing good service gave hostages and undertook the preserving of peace in the Khaībar. The army enjoyed itself and returned.

⁵³² An occurrence was the conquest of Swāt. When Zain Koka came to Bajaur, he established forts in some places, and the ill-fated ones withdrew to the defiles. They came out at night and carried off the grain. The Koka arranged that a body of men should wait in every ravine from the beginning of night, and should lie in wait on the skirt of the hill. At midnight some others were sent. When the Afghans came down from the tops of the hills, and were taking the crops, the two forces came from in front and from behind, and chastised them. The fighting went on for eight months, and many were killed. Of necessity, the survivors took the burden of submission upon their shoulders. The Kokaltāsh showed a design to take Swāt. He brought before himself Jagannāth and Āṣaf K. who were in the plains, and proceeded to that district. First, he established a strong fort on the banks of the river Pajkorah (Panjakora) which is the beginning of the entry into the country. The Yūsufzai had collected stones on the roads and were prepared to fight. By the wonders of Fortune, they went by a secret^810a road. On 9 Ābīn (19th October, 1588) when the enemy were busy holding the Qūrbān-feast,^810b the victorious troops entered the pleasant country of Swāt. The bewildered Afghans returned, though some bravely gave their lives. Much booty was obtained. The wretches were divided into two parties. Some made a stockade on the hill of Batkhari (?), and some did so in the hill country of Mahra (?). The Koka pursued, and erected forts in Chakdara^811a and Malakand, etc. He built a fort on the plain near a hill at Sarobī (?). He left capable men at various places. The roads became safe and hill and plain were united. Traders came from every side and things became cheap. At this time Muḥammad Baḥrī^811b and Malik Aṣghar came from the mountain of Mahra by the route of Sherkhāna to the plain, and invested the fort of Sarobī. Many had gone from there towards Jalālābād, in order that they might convey the caravan. Ḥamīd K. came out with a few men and fell bravely. The sons of S'aid K. had not the courage to come and help him, but by the excellence of destiny^811c the enemy was not able to take the fort. They left what they had collected and fled. As there did not remain much work in Swāt, Aṣaf K. got leave to go to court. He went off post from Malakand. Some servants were coming after him. Suddenly they beat high their drums, and terror seized the enemy, and they fled, after flinging away many of their goods. Afterwards Abu-l-Qāsim Tamkīn and Sher K. were left on guard there, and the work was properly done.

One of the occurrences was the punishment of Kālū K.^811d He is the wicked man who absconded after receiving so many favours ⁵³³ from the Shāhinshāh. He chose the companionship of the turbulent. The Afghans of Damghār (?) chose him for their leader and went off to the hill of Mahra with the idea that something might be done. When the Kokaltāsh heard of this, he made a night march. The vanguard beat their drums, and the Afghans dispersed. Though the wretch himself escaped, yet more than seventy men were killed. Also at this time Muḥammad Baḥrī and Malik Aṣgharfell upon Sarobī. Mīr Abu-l-Qāsim came out to fight, and Sher K. who had been at Ghanjī (?), appeared at the time of the fighting. Nearly 400 Afghans were killed, and the power of the villains was somewhat broken.

One occurrence was the submission of Rajah Rūdar, the ruler of the Kumāon hills. He is one of the great landholders of India. Though on account of the strength of his country, and his listening to the stories of his ancestors, he had not come to court, yet he used to exhibit deference and send presents. At this time, when Mathurā Dās Sahakal went to the Collectorate of Bareilly, he had an interview with him (Rūdar) and suggested an union of concord, and endeavoured to induce him to come to court. He replied that he had long cherished such a wish, but he had no proof that he would attain such a blessing by his (Mathura's) protection. If Rajah Todar Mal would take charge of him, he would come. The Rajah sent his son Kalyān Dās to reassure him, in reliance on him he came and paid his respects. On 9 Āẓar he obtained this felicity.^812a

One of the occurrences was the punishment of the Yūsufzai. They were much disturbed by the fort which had been founded on the top of the ravine, and were lying in wait to attack it. Now they united with the men of Mahra and attacked it. There was a hot engagement from dawn till evening. The broken nature of the ground and the height of the hill made the contest a long one. At last the breeze of victory blew, and many of the evil-minded ones were killed. In a short time the fort was completed and was a means of keeping the refractory in check.

One of the occurrences was a great act of liberality on the part of the Shāhinshāh. Owing to civilisation and justice there was a great cheapness of articles so that it was difficult for the peasantry in some provinces to pay the revenue. Accordingly in the spring instalment for the provinces of Agra and Delhi a deduction of one-sixth was made, and for the autumn instalment a deduction was made of one in 4 1/2 and in Agra, Oudh, and Delhi of one-fourth. In the ⁵³⁴ exchequer lands this came to 19 krors, 32 lakhs, 80,175 dāms. From this an estimate can be made of the amount of the reduction in the fiefs. Also, at this time, Zain Koka did homage. When Swāt and Bajaur had been in some measure settled, ṭhe Kokaltāsh was summoned to court, and an order given to Ṣādiq to hasten there (Bajaur) and reduce to obedience the remainder of the refractory to obedience. On 15 Bahman the Kokaltāsh arrived at court.

One of the occurrences was the disturbance caused by Ṣāliḥ. When Wazīr died, Shahbāz made over the subordinates to Ṣāliḥ who was Wazīr's son. He did not know that in matters of chiefship and generalship, relationship and the good deeds of ancestors are of no avail. They cannot be accepted in the absence of discretion, capacity, etc. When Shahbāz K. went to pay his respects, the wicked Ṣālīḥ, owing to bad associates and the keenness of his desires, imbibed crooked thoughts, and was waiting to make a disturbance. Before the veil of his reputation was rent, an order was issued. Mīr Murād, who had gone as sazāwal of the Amīrs of Bihār and Bengal, enlisted every one of Wazīr K.'s soldiers who was willing to serve the Amīrs of these provinces, and brought the others along with the son to court. Sāliḥ made difficulties about going, but as Mīr Murād knew his business, they were of no use. Willing or unwilling, he had to set out. Every day he was looking for an opportunity, and his ideas of making a disturbance were gaining force. Mīr Murād wrote letters to all the fief-holders of the country, and made proper arrangements. Owing to the number of the Shāhinshāh's adherents, every wile that Ṣāliḥ thought of came to nought. As he always practised feline tricks and used cajolery, the local officers quarrelled among themselves and (Mīr Murad?) did not arrest him (Ṣāliḥ). But out of prudence they (he?) put men along with him. When Ṣāliḥ came to Jaunpūr, he deceived the Rajah's son^813a and so from simplicity and bribery the latter did not send any one with him. The Mīr was obliged to go on, and Khwājah Khalīl^813b had the good feeling to separate from Ṣāliḥ and to join (the Mīr). Meanwhile the base fellow (Ṣāliḥ) lavished gold, and collected fly-like men. He got together a number of musketeers. Khān Kamāl and Bahaī K.—two wicked Afghans—joined him with many others. Near Fatḥpūr Hanswa^813c he marched to the Mīr's quarters with an army of rascals. The Mīr used foresight, and entered the fort of Fatḥpūr Hanswa. The hare-brained fellow besieged him there, and also set about plundering. He made shelters out of cattle- ⁵³⁵ hides and arranged ladders, and set fire to the town, and plundered it. He was nearly taking the fort. Suddenly, the fief-holders of the country-side heard of this commotion and arrived there. The first of all to come was Allah Bakhsh Maral, and he brought a good contingent. When the Rājah's son knew about the misconduct, he sent off Allah Bakhsh from Jaunpūr, and felt ashamed of what he had done. When able men arrived, the scheme of the rebels failed. Sāliḥ was bound and taken to court. S. Ibrahim sent him with his own men. On 20 Bahman he was brought before H.M. whose kindness sent to prison one who was worthy of death. On 1 Isfandārmaz (11 February 1589) H.M. distinguished the writer's brother S. Abu-l-faiẓ faiẓī— who was my elder in years and in knowledge—by the title of Maliku-sh-sh'arā (king of poets). Assuredly he is unique in all departments of poetry. He writes delightfully in Persian and in Arabic, and scatters pearls without stint. By the strength of his genius he composes works of art (ḥikmatnāmhā) and civilizes the age by his talents. Two or three days before this he extemporised an ode These are some lines of it.

On that day when he was bounteous^814a to all
He made me the king of words.
He altogether snatched me away
That he might complete the work of speech.
For the sake of exalting my genius
He made me the ornament of the seven heavens.

One of the occurrences was that Indar Brahman obtained leave to go to the desert of deliverance (from the social state). He was one of the eloquent men of the august court, and was importunate in expressing his desire to sever the thread of association. It passed from the truth-speaking lips of Akhbar.” “If^814b his heart have become disgusted with this variegated and soul-deceiving condition, it would not be proper to restrain such a free spirit, and if his idea be to get a higher rank, then he will have his retribution by his leave being granted.” In a short time his coin was tested, but the graciousness of the Shāhinshāh sewed up the veil over his honour. I was somewhat pleased with this charming discourse, and sate at the door of hope. May he test my troubled soul, and by a holy order bring my long-cherished wish to pass! And before this faithless world display her coquetries and blandishments, or the journeying to the land of oblivion take place, may I, with an open brown abandon (lit. set the back of my foot upon) this wretched old woman (the world), and lie released from the spectacle of human shapes who are worshippers of externals. As by serving the State, wisdom's cord has been cut, and I have become acquainted somewhat with the cajolery of my household foe (the carnal spirit), may I be delivered from the stain of formalism, and live free for a while! If some breaths of life be accorded to me, may I spend them in rebuking carnality, and use my judgment in self-improvement, and acquire good ways. Having gained my freedom may I rejoice in the ever-verdant garden of wishlessness! ⁵³⁶ If I cannot reach this height, I hope that the lees which remain in the cup of my existence may not like the clear wine of former days, be put into the jar of oblivion, or poured on the dust of trifling.

I hope that Thon who acceptest a rain-drop
Wilt give a favourable reception to my tears.

On the eve of Tuesday, 4 Jamāda-ul-awal 997, 10 or 11 March 1589, after four hours and thirty-six minutes, the brightener of the world's face entered Aries. The beginning of the tenth year of the third cycle brought the news of eternal dominion. H.M., according to the yearly custom, held a feast every day till the culmination, and crowds of men obtained their wishes.

In the beginning of this auspicious year a daughter was born to Prince Sulṭān Selīm. It was on the 28th (Farwardīn, 6 April, 1589) that the daughter of S'aīd K. obtained this great blessing. Contrary to the custom of contemporaries, it was made an occasion of rejoicing. H.M. gave the child the name of 'Affat Bānū^816a (the modest lady). At this time Muḥibb^816b 'Alī came from Rohtās, and did homage. For a long time H.M. had desired that he should have the blessing of coming to the Presence. Accordingly his fief was given to Rajah Bhagwant Dās, and Multan was given to him as jāgīr. When the order was conveyed to him, he gladly set his face towards the thres hold. He had the blessing on 14 Ardibihisht, and received varied favours. On the 15th do., 26 April^816c 1589, Mīyān Tānsen died, and by H.M.'s orders, all the musicians and singers accompanied his body to the grave, making melodies as at a marriage. The joy of the Age was overcast, and H.M. said that his death was the annihilation of ⁵³⁷ melody. It seems that, in a thousand years, few have equalled him for sweetness and art!

The world's lord keeps his eyes open for wonders and regards the old world as a fresh ornament of the Creator. He does not fix his heart to one place, and gathers new affluence from every quarter. But he brings a profound vision to bear on the subject, and mingles knowledge with action. His heart is especially drawn to any place where there is the wondrous work of destiny. Hence he always bore Kashmīr in mind. He kept before his eyes its delightful climate, and when the Incomparable Deity included that charming land within his empire, his wish to traverse it became stronger. Though the eloquent talkers of the sublime banquets deprecated the sovereign's going to such a distance, and putting himself in a corner, these representations were of no avail. He said that God, the author of desires, had implanted in him an irresistible wish, and that Jinnat Āshīyanī (Humayūn) had had the same longing. “Our going thither is, apparently, the fulfilling of his honoured desires.”

Accordingly, on the eve of the 16th (Ardibihisht)^817a after the passing of 2 h. 48 m. he crossed the Rāvī, and encamped near the serai of Mādhū Singh. He had travelled one kos and 12 bambu-lengths.^817b Three thousand stone-cutters, mountain-miners, and splitters of rocks, and 2000 bēldārs (diggers) were sent off under Qāsim K. that they might level the ups and downs of the road. At this stage H. M. gave Sīalkot in fief to Zain Koka. Sarkār Sambal became the jāgīr of Qulīj Khān. Multan was given to Muḥibb 'Alī K. Shahbāz K. was made the Provost Marshal of the Camp (Kotwal-i-Urdū). Raja Bhagwant Dās, Rajah Todar Mal and Qulīj K. were left in Lahore in order that everything might be carried on with their approval. On the 20th he travelled 2 kos 50 poles, and encamped near Shāhdara.^818a On the 4th (Khurdād) he travelled 4 kos 41 poles, and encamped near the village of Jorā.^818b After one day's halt he marched 3 1/4 kos 72 poles, and alighted near Aminābād. On this day the Rajah of Radaur^818c obtained leave to go to his home, and was presented with a choice khilat and 101 horses. His fief was increased by some parganas. After an interval of one day he marched 4 1/4 kos and encamped in the territory of Sitarām.^818d At dawn he marched 4 3/4 kos 35 poles, and halted at Talwandī.^5818e Then after one day he passed Sūdhīra^818f and encamped on the bank of the Cināb. It was a march of 6 kos 41 poles. On this day the festival of the lunar weighment increased joy. That personality which was equal to the sky in majesty was weighed against eight articles, and the world rejoiced. On the 31st he crossed the river^818g and an order was given that the troops should cross by a bridge, watch by watch, company by company (Caukī ba Cauki ū qushūn qushūn). The march was 1 1/4 kos 51 poles. After two days he reached Gūnacor,^818h a dependency of Sīālkot. The march was 4 kos 5 bambus. There it was represented to him that Allah Bardī, the agent of Ṣādīq, and Shiqdār of Tīha⁸¹⁸ⁱ Hanū and Rāīj had opened the hand of oppression, and was dishonouring the weak. An order was given that 'Aẓdu-d-daula, Shahbāz and Qāsim Beg^818j Mīr 'Adil should sit in judgment on him. Soon, his injustice was made manifest, and he received the reward of his deeds. Though his life came to an end, his death was a cause of life to others. Next day H. M. marched 4 1/2 kos 51 bambus and encamped at Ḍīkrī, a dependency of Sīalkot. After two days he marched 4 1/2 kos 60 bambus and halted at Jaipūr^819a Kherī, a village of Bhimbar. On 9th Khurdād (19th May 1589) he went with a few attendants to see the pass of Bhimbar which Kashmīrīs call Kājīwār,^819b and other hill men, Adī Dat.^819c He enjoyed being on the top of it. Suddenly it occurred to him that he would go on alone (jarīda), (i.e. comparatively unattended). Sultan Murād was sent off to take charge of the ladies in the camp, and to keep order in the army. Farīd Bakhshī Begī was left in the Pass to prevent any but certain persons who were named, from following. Then he went on horseback and traversed heights and hollows, partly riding and partly on foot. At midday he rested for a while under a tree. There were with him the Khān-Khānān, Zain Koka, 'Aẓdu-d-daula, Ḥakīm Abul Fatḥ, Jagannāth, Mīr Sharīf Āmulī, Qāẓī Ḥasan, Nūr Qulij, Rām Dās, the writer, and some young cavaliers (īkkā jūānān).^819d

On this day he gave weighty counsels to Burhānu-l-Mulk at the entrance of the pass, and sent him to conquer the Deccan. As iu the time of his elder brother Murtaẓa Niẓāmu-l-Mulk, the peasantry and soldiers enjoyed some repose, and though he was melancholy and a recluse, yet he kept strong the thread of justice, H. M. did not send Burhānu-l-Mulk—who had taken protection at his court— with an army to that country. When he died, and news came of the disturbances in the Deccan, he recalled^819e Burhān from the Tīrāh army with the intention of sending him (to the Deccan). The events ⁵³⁹ of that country are as follows: Shāh Ṭahmāsp, the ruler of Irān, had sent Shāh Quli Gurjī (Georgian?) with presents; and he had attained influence in the Deccan, and received the title of Ṣalābat K. For the space of twelve years that Nizāmu-l-Mulk was in seclusion on account of melancholy, the financial and political affairs of the country were conducted by Ṣalābat. As the ruler had not wisdom, and did not give audiences, there arose a disturbance. Owing to the power of insanity, that man of disturbed brain wrote to outsiders that they should confine Ṣalābat in a certain fort. That excellent servant heard of this and betook himself to that fort. Though leading men represented that he should not imprison himself at the word of so insensate a person, it was of no avail. He said he could not depart from his master's order. Afterwards an unchaste woman obtained influence over the madman, and her brother Ism'aīl laid hold of the administration. By his help, M. Khān Sabzwārī obtained influence, and he brought the madman's son out of the fortress of Daulatabad and raised him to power. He (the son) put the madman to death. Soon, the dust of dissension arose between them, and each tried to injure the other. At last, Mīrzā K. got his opportunity and shut him (the son) up in Aḥmadnagar, and raised Ism'aīl S. Burhānu-l-Mulk to the supremacy. Ism'aīl K. Deccāni collected men and besieged the Aḥmadnagar fort. The wretch (Mīrzā K.) cut off the head of his prisoner (Mīrān Ḥusain the parricide) and flung it out, thinking that thereupon the son's well-wishers would withdraw. But they became more eager, and broke into the fort. Mīrzā K. came out secretly and fled, but was caught on the road and put to death. Ism'aīl was raised to power, and he,^821a out of revenge hunted for the lives of the Irānīāns and Tūrañīans, and 3000 innocen persons were put to death. When H. M. was going to Kashmīr, Burhān came from Tīrāh and H. M. sent him off to the Deccan. An order was given to the Khān Ā'ẓim, the general of Mālwā, to Rajah 'Ālī, the ruler of Khandesh, and the officers, that they should get together a choice army and exert themselves so that Burhān might soon be successful.

When the temperature moderated, he resumed his progress (lit. mounted his bay horse), and traversed the defile between the Serai Jogī and Naushahra, which is called Ghātī Badū.^821b At one watch of the night he halted after travelling 13 1/4 kos. Some rulers of Kashmīr used to fortify the first pass, when they had wars with the rulers of India, but most of them fortified this one. Few were able to keep up with H. M. on this march, which was full of heights and hollows. Next morning the ravine of Ghạzīkot between Naushahra and Serai Cingīz was traversed with difficulty. After passing Rajaurī, H. M. halted at the tents of Qāsim K. who was proceeding with the work of making the road clear and level. The march was 8 kos 9 poles. As several roads led from this place, and each was full of snow, experienced men were sent off to make enquiries, and a council was held. It appeared that the best route for a large army was by the defile of the Hastī Watar. As it was difficult of passage on account of the large amount of snow and rain, H. M. chose the Pīr Panjāl route. ⁵⁴⁰ The eldest prince (Jahāngīr) was ordered to go back to the camp, and to bring on Sultān Khhusrū and some of the ladies.^821c As M. Kaiqabād, the son of M. Ḥakīm, had fallen ill, he was left at this stage and the Maliku-l-Sh'āra S. Faiẓī^821d was appointed to attend on him. After two days H. M. went on from Rajaurī and marched 3 1/4 kos 19 poles. The camp was near Lāhā, a dependency of Rajaurī. Next day he marched 1 3/4 kos and reposed near Thāna.^822a This village is at the foot of the defile of Ratan Panjāl. At this place the Kashmīrī language begins. H. M. remarked, countries are divided from one another by hills, rivers, deserts, and language. For the first (three) of these Bhīmbhar is the boundary of Kashmīr, and for the last, this station is. Though the cavalier of fortune's plain was unattended, the Divine glory (far īzdī) was radiating from the august forehead, and wherever he went, crowds of men and women offered up thousands of supplications. Every one of them brought vows of long standing before him, and reaped eternal bliss. At this place the Nayīks who were the guardians of the passes on this route did homage under the leadership of Bahrām Nayīk. Muḥammad Bhat and a number of Kashmīr leaders were exalted by obtaining an audience. Next day he set his face to the defile. First, he crossed the Ratan^822b Panjā pass, which is high as heaven, and arrived at Bahramgalla. The march was 2 3/4 kos 5 poles. It is a delightful place, and has few equals for climate and for variety of flowers. The special bay horse^822c which was brought into the pass (kotal) slipped, and no trace could be found of it. Many climbed the pass on foot. On this day there was a disturbance among the special cooks, and the writer was appointed,^822d in addition to his other duties, to look after them. On the way M. Yūsuf K. came from Kashmīr (Srīnagar) and did homage. A large number of the chief men of the country had the blessing of a reception. Next day the august retinue advanced 2 kos 55 poles, and encamped at Pūshīāna. There were wonderful hills clothed with forests, and numerous flowers and fountains gladdened the heart. Many bridges are placed over the streams and are called kadal^823a in the Kashmīrī tongue. As the station (manzil) was filled with snow for more than two kos, H. M.'s fellow-travellers were much frightened, but the encouragements of H. M. soothed them somewhat. As it is the custom for pedestrians, when going over the snow, to use shoes woven out of ropes of rice-straw, most provided themselves therewith, but this was a thing which H. M. did not approve of. Next day the Pīr Panjāl pass was crossed, and the standards of victory were pitched in the village of Dūnd near the pass of Nātī^823b Barārī. The march was 3 1/2 kos 20 poles. The walking was over snow. Shall I describe the severity of the cold? Or shall I tell of the depth of the snow, and of the bewilderment of the natives of India? Or shall I describe the height of the pass, or ⁵⁴¹ speak of the narrowness of the path, or of the heights and hollows of this stage? Or shall I write of the fountains, the trees, the flowers? While crossing, it snowed and hailed. By the blessing of H. M.'s personality, no harm ensued. When the station was reached, it snowed heavily for an hour. Every one of those who were coming behind, and who on that day showed foresight and turned back, arrived at a comfortable place. Some inexperienced persons who went on rapidly lost their lives on account of the snow and rain.

It is commonly reported by the inhabitants, high and low, of this country that ancient sages have thrown spells (ṭilisma) on these two roads^823c so that whenever a large army passes by there, or a horse or bullock be killed, or a drum beaten, black clouds soon gather and rain and snow pour down. Whenever an army passed by this route, the statement was confirmed. As the ladies had been sent for, and the difficulty of the road had been impressed on H. M.'s mind, an order was issued that the officers who were in attendance on H.M. should station experienced men at each stage, and that every stage between Bhīmbhar and Hīrapūr should be assigned to one of the officers, so that tents, fuel, forage and food should be in readiness, and that the ladies should not suffer any inconvenience. Next day H. M. traversed Nārī Barārī,^824a which is the most difficult of all the ranges (girīwahā), and reposed in Hīrapūr.^824b The distance was 4 1/4 kos. Forty-four bridges were crossed. M. Yūsuf K. had arranged tents, etc. here. The difficulties of the hills between this place and Bhīmbhar had now been overcome and were forgotten. To speak briefly, from Bhīmbhar to Hīrapūr there is a continuous range of hills which for narrowness and difficulty, and for ascents and descents, is unrivalled. The groves, the blossoming flowers, the glorious air, the melody of the waterfalls, increased astonishment from time to time; and removed from the heart the troubles of the journey. But when we on this day passed from the hills to the plain, there was a splendid spectacle. A new world appeared, and a new paradise withdrew the veil from her countenance. Commonplace people who looked only to secondary causes forgot altogether the toils of the way, and the pious and profound entered upon new delight. Crowds of men, consisting of God-seeking ascetics, learned persons, skilled craftsmen, and magical musicians, came from the capital, and were gratified by princely favours. On this day the Khān-Khānān was sent off in order that he might attend the Prince, and assist him in bringing on the secluded ladies. Also at this stage M. Kaiqabād and the Maliku-sh-sh'ara S. Faiẓī arrived and performed the prostration. ⁵⁴² After one day 2 kos 79 poles were traversed and H. M. halted at Dewar(?).^824c

At the end of the day a cloud settled on the face of joy! While H.M. was looking for the arrival of the ladies, the Prince Royal arrived alone and reported that on account of the difficulties of the road it was not fitting that the ladies should be brought, and that he had left them at Naushahra.^824d As there had been no order to this effect, the prince was not allowed to pay his respects, and an order of censure was sent to the Khān Khānān. “If the prince, owing to his evil propensities, behaved in this way, why did you allow him to exhibit such audacity?”

In his wrath, H. M. ordered, in the midst of the rain, and of the slipperiness of the ridges, that his horse should be brought. His whole thought was that he would go in person and bring the ladies. He took with him Jagannāth, Rām Dās, Naqīb K. and some Aḥadīs. Zain K. Koka, Ḥakīm Abu-l-Fatḥ and the writer were left in charge of the camp. An order was given that no one except the persons above mentioned should accompany H. M. He travelled that day up to evening and reached Hīrapūr. I was nearly losing my senses, and the dress of society was falling from my shoulders.^825a By God's help the ebullition of my disposition did not prevail over my reason and discretion. The whole confusion was caused by thinking why at such a time should the Shāhinshāh of the Universe become so angry. And why did he take upon himself this task which could be accomplished by an inferior servant? Why did he not accept the truthful speaking of his loyal servants. The Prince shut himself up in his tent, and abstained from food and sleep. When the devoted servants petitioned, the wise sovereign yielded, and returned. An order was given that the Khān-Khānān should bring on the ladies: 3 1/2 kos 81 bambus were traversed, and H. M. halted at the village of Kūsū. Next day 3 3/4 kos 13 poles were traversed, and H. M. halted at Khānpūr.^825b A remarkable thing there is that there is a tree called Hal Tal^825c on the roadside, which is a wonder to beholders. It has a strong trunk and many branches, and numerous leaves. If a twig of it be set in motion, the whole tree begins to shake. There are plenty of trees of this species, but they do not behave like this one.