Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 3

From the time that they lay opposite to the victorious army, and had removed the veil and taken to crooked ways—as has already been related—the lovers of fame came out every day and with fortitude and bravery brightened the faces of joy. They laid the dust of the battlefield with the lustre of a fresh countenance. The audacious and futile had their honour spilled, and sate in the dust of shame in retribution for their evil thoughts. Though Tarsūn K., Rajah Todar Mal, Muḥibb 'Alī K., and M'aṣūm K. Farankhūdī observed the rules of leadership, and did not sally forth, yet Ṣādiq K., S. Farīd, 'Ulugh K. and other energetic combatants brought new jewels to market, and the trade of the taking and giving of life went on briskly. The wise sovereign kept a watchful eye on the wonders of Divine providence, and sometimes from abundant love and graciousness had compassion on the ignorance and sufferings of those who had gone astray, and sometimes rendered thanks to God for the approaching retribution of the evil-doers and the progress of the right-thinking which his knowledge of mysteries had imparted to him. On account of his ruling the spiritual kingdom he often gave that crew the go-by, and without any change of purpose, did not give his mind to redress matters. But as the incomparable Deity had left to the shoulders of the genius of that unique one of creation the adornment of the outer world, he, of necessity, gave some attention to the laying the dust of disturbance. He sent one army after another under the command of firm loyalists, and also sent much money and so gave renewed strength to the hearts of the public. He constantly sent chosen servants of his court such as Peshrau K., Jamīl, Ṣāliḥ, Zainu-d-dīn,^467a and Tārā Chand, by relays of horses, and so increased courage and activity. The water of the powerful Fortune cooled the ardour of the enemy, and the deluge of annihilation destroyed the cohesion of those headless and footless ones. During the two months that the wicked rebels came and sate round the fortress, their condition daily grew worse. Though the Khān A'ẓīm, Shahbāz K. and other officers did not arrive, yet the rebels were alarmed by the news of their coming, and their position ceased to be prosperous. The cautious and far-sighted, who had not decided for a pitched battle, determined to come out of the fort and bring the ³²⁰ jewel of bravery to the market, and to adorn the battlefield by deeds of valour. On hearing of this, the wicked and empty-headed rebels set themselves on 15 Amardād (25 July 1580) to take flight and went into the desert of vagabondage. Some of the victorious soldiers thought this was a stratagem to encourage them and induce them to come out. They were not aware that the rebels had lost their power, and were hastening away to put themselves in safety before the arrival of the imperial troops. Though the far-sighted ones of the camp knew the real facts, yet, out of caution, they did not put their foot outside. Next day, after much discussion, they came out of their entrenchments. Muḥibb 'Alī K., Mihr 'Alī K. and other brave combatants formed the vanguard. From want of knowledge, and from circumspection, they moved forward in an irresolute manner (with two minds). At length, Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn, who was in the hill country, and was seeking for a means of joining, as has already been mentioned, arrived with 1200 horse, and represented the confusion of the enemy. The miserable plight of the foe became patent to the whole army, and another kind^468a of apprehension occurred to them. In spite of abundance of evil thoughts, the small amount of feeling, and the active bazaar of double-facedness, the heavenly aid brightened their countenances. When the brilliancy^468b and the victoriousness of the imperial officers, and of the pious servants came to the august hearing, he returned thanks to God and joined devotion with joy.

Now that the narration has come thus far, it is necessary that the pen should write something about the condition of Bengal, and that the book of instruction for the seekers after enlightenment should be completed.

When the work of the makers of counterfeit had been tested, and their unjust balances had been detected, the ill-fated ones regarded the depth of their fall as the height of their ascension. Some of them stayed in the country and ended in eternal ruin, and many hastened to the damaging field of battle, as has been related. Qīyā K.^469a in Orissa, Murād K. in Fatḥābād, and M. Nijāt K. in Satgāon, had the words of good service on their tongues, but they made not a single step from the wide expanse of talk to the pure spot of action. Before the veil of his honour was rent, Murād K.^469b died a natural death. Mukund, the landholder of that part of the country, invited his sons as his guests, and put them to death, and laid hold of his estate. Qīyā K.'s days ended in failure, for they mixed^469c the poisonous herbs of annihilation with the draught of life. The landholders of that country got the upper hand. Qatlū marched against M. Nijāt, who made an unsuccesstul fight in Selīmābād and fled to the protection of Partāb Bār^469d Firingī. Time instructed the double-faced ones by punishment, and suitable retribution. About this time Bābāī Qāqshāl was smitten with a sore disease, but in spite of his dangerous condition he sent Hamzabān to help (bar sū) M. Nijāt. He heard in midway of the success of ³²¹ Qatlū and hastened thither. Noar Mangalkot^469e he had an engagement with Qatlū. He was defeated, and with blistered feet departed to the desert of ruin. Bābā prepared for revenge, and Qatlū came forward with plausible speeches and wiles. As the stewards of fate bring one misfortune after another on those who are disloyal to eternal dominion, the illness of that ringleader of sedition, and capital of the family of turbulence, ended in the incurable pain of cancer.^470a Every day they put two sirs of flesh into the wound to feed the maggots (jānwarān). When he had awakened somewhat from the long sleep of neglect and infatuation he said constantly, “My wickedness and faithlessness to my salt have brought me to this wretched state.” When the Bihar rebels heard of his mortal disease, they dispersed. M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain and Jabbārī and some evil-doers went to Bengal. M'aṣūm K. Kabulī and a set of ill-fated ones went under the guidance of the zamindar of Gidhaur to Bihar. 'Arab Bahādur and Nūram, the son of Tarkhān, and some others, applied themselves to brigandage. Soon their reputation was spilt by the might of Fortune. Caudhrī^470b Kishna was conveying treasure for the assistance of the prosperous (the imperialists). 'Arab, Nūram and others hurried off to plunder it, but he (Kishna) skilfully hastened on and arrived at the fort of Patna. They invested the fort, Bahādur^470c K. defended it loyally. At this time, when the officers were praying for victory, and were proceeding slowly in pursuit of the enemy, they got this news, and left the route of M'aṣūm K. and went off to Patna. They agreed that the main army should proceed, stage by stage, according to proper rules, while some active men should press forward. M'aṣūm K. Farankhūdī begged for this service. As Rajah Todar Mal was distressed by his evil thoughts he granted him leave, but from farsight he appointed Muḥibb 'Alī K. and Mihr 'Alī K. to follow him with some loyal troops. At a time when the rebels had taken the outworks^470d of the fort, and the position of the garrison had become critical, the above-named arrived and opened the hand of valour. The rebels made some resistance and were defeated, and by the Divine protection, no harm came to the forts or the treasure. Though M'aṣūm K. had done good service, yet without the approval of the imperial servants he cherished evil thoughts and went off to Jaunpur. On the way he took Ḥājīpūr from the servants of Bahādur.^471a On the day when fortune was adverse, and the victorious army was hotly engaged, that evil-doer had come out of Tirhut and seized many places. From that time Sarkār Ḥājīpūr was in his possession.

At the time when the disturbance caused by 'Arab Bahādur was put down, the victorious army departed from Serāi^472a Rānī to Bihar in order to settle the affair of M'aṣūm K. Kabulī, and to clear the garden of the land of the weeds and rubbish of rebellion. Owing to the continual occurrence of clouds and rain it halted on the bank of the Pun-pun. When the weather moderated, it proceeded onward on the road of service. The rebel came out of Bihār and proceeded towards the foot^472b of the northern hill country. On 15 Mihr (end of September 1580) the army reached the town of Gaya. At dawn the enemy left that place and halted at the flourishing city^472c of Bahīra. Next day the imperialists marched four kos and encamped. On account of the great amount of water the arrangements for encamping were not carried out. The impetuosity of the combatants, and the paucity of the enemy led many into neglect. That sedition-monger was two farsangs off. Though rumours of his evil designs were current, and experienced and alert men spoke about keeping the soldiers in order, they were not successful. But Rajah Todar Mal in his quarters and Ṣādiq 'Alī in his, did not lose the thread of foresight, and remained ready for battle. That night was the watch of Ulugh^473a K. Ḥabshī and his force. The leader slept on the bed of negligence, and sent his somnolent servants to be watchful! The enemy who had lost courage, recovered it on seeing the ill-timed cautiousness of the imperialists, and their slow-marching, and set themselves to make a disturbance. As they did not find in themselves the power to fight by day, they thought of behaving like owls and of making an attack in the darkness of night. When a watch of the night had passed, they attacked with a large force. They defeated the neglectful vanguard, and Māh Beg and some Abyssinians were slain. Their presumption increased, and they laid hands on the imperial camp, and the deluge of turbulence reached the quarters of Ṣādiq K. He stood firm and behaved bravely; the heroes who loved their reputation devoted their lives.

I'll not call them two armies, but two mountains of Qāf.
They stood drawn up in the arena.
So hot was the engagement
That steel swords made the rocks soft.

At this time when things were in the balance, and loss showed its face from afar, Kamāl K. faujdār brought up two elephants swift as the wind, and imparted lustre to the battle. The evil-doers fell into confusion, and the breeze of victory began to blow on the rosebush of the hopes of the good servants. The roses of the battlefield bloomed from being watered by the cheerful of countenance. Great deeds were done by the courageous, and by the sky-high elephants. Every arrow that reached the elephants was ³²³ regarded by them as an incitement to activity and increased their spirit. They cast down with their trunks the enemy's horsemen. Eighty-two arrows stuck in one elephant, and fifty-five in another. Many of the imperial servants were wounded, but owing to the Divine protection none were fatally injured. By the help of heaven a great victory revealed its countenance. If the narrowness of their energy had been a little widened, and they had followed up their victory, this would have been the last revolution of the heavens for the enemy. But the country was full of water, and their enterprise was at a low level, and the roads were full of jungle. The victorious troops were on their guard till morning. When the sun took possession of the earth, they came out of camp and halted near the city of Bahīra, and though they knew that the enemy was three kos off they did not pursue them.

One of the occurrences was that the Khān 'Āzim joined the army. Inasmuch as the incomparable Deity increases the fortune of the world's lord, the great rebellion had subsided before the armies effected a junction. The daily increase of dominion was impressed on high and low. The cause of the delay in the arrival of the Kokaltāsh was that when he crossed at Causa, he was detained by the rebellion of Dalpat Ujjainiya. His short-sighted companions represented his power in exaggerated terms, and he listened to them and set himself to punish that presumptuous one. About the same time Shahbāz K. arrived, and the Khān 'Āẓīm also kept him back, and represented to him the necessity for punishing the landholder. As the celestial superintendents were engaged in displaying^474a the wonders of daily-increasing fortune, the plannin s of the imperial servants were not happy, and the effects of their energies were stayed by the performance of this part of their work. Jagdespūr, the seat of the rebel, was plundered. The forests which also contained miry places were a help to the rebels. The imperialists halted there, and tested their valour in daily engagements. Meanwhile babblers caused a dissension between the Khān 'Āẓim and Shahbāz K. and the light of concord became dark. The Kokaltāsh withdrew his hand from the work, and went off towards the army, on the 18th, i.e. the day after the night-attack, he joined the camp, and a fresh lustre was given to affairs.

One of the occurrences was the death of S'aādat 'Alī K. 'Arab Bahādur and some rebels marched against Shahbāz K. The officers out of caution sent S'aādat 'Alī K., Qamar K., Payīnda and Rustam with auxiliary troops. On their arrival, the rebels dispersed. ³²⁴ Shahbāz K. placed troops here and there for the protection of the country, and he assigned the fort of Kant,^475a which is a dependency of Rohtās, to S'aādat 'Alī K., Payīnda, Rustam and the landholder Rūp Narain. 'Arab and Dalpat had their opportunity and made an attack. A great engagement took place. Though they could not guard the fort, they guarded their honour and staked their short lives in a worthy manner. Though S'aādat 'Alī K. had, at the beginning of the rebellion, been a kindler of strife, yet he spent his last breath in loyalty. 'Arab from his depraved disposition, drank some of his blood. He stained his forehead with some of it, and gave new lustre to villainy.

One of the occurrences was the departure of many rebels from the province of Bihar. When the Khān 'Āẓim joined the army of fortune there was great rejoicing. The evil-doers relinquished the idea of battle and hastened off in failure to Bengal, though, owing to the evil thoughts of some, they were not pursued, nor was an expedition made into Bengal, so that the ingrates might have had their wings and feathers burnt off and have received the retribution due to their deeds. But proper steps were taken for the reducing Bihar into order, and there was profound peace in that territory. On the^475b 20th Muḥibb 'Alī K. was sent off and the country was made over to his watchfulness from Shahr Bahira to Rohtās. Saiyid Moẓaffar and Mīr M'aṣūm^475c of Bhakar and other servants accompanied him. On that day the army halted in Gaya, in the neighbourhood of Rajgaṛha. Dost Muḥammad^476a Bābā Dost—who from his evil fate had colluded with the rebels—became, by a happy star, ashamed and repented, and joined with 200 men. When the victorious army came near Ghīāṯpūr, tḥe news arrived that 'Arab had been defeated by Shahbāz K. and was going to the province of Sārangpūr,^476b and that he was oppressing the weak. Accordingly Shāham K. and a number of men who had fiefs in that part were sent off in order to inflict punishment on him. Ghāzi K. Badakhshī was left with a body of troops in Bihar.^476c When a report came of the seditiousness of M'aṣūm K. Farankhūdī, Tarson K. was sent off to Jaunpur. Ṣādiq K., S. Farīd Bokhārī, Ulugh K. Ḥabshī, Ṭaiyib K. and others were sent off to Monghyr in order to clear that country of rebels, and to give peace to the peasantry. The Khān 'Āẓim, Rajah Todar Mal and others proceeded to Patna and Ḥājīpūr. At this time Shahbāz K., before the officers joined ³²⁵ him, set up a shop of his own. As he had chastised Dalpat and 'Arab, and had taken Ḥājīpūr by force from the servants of Bahādur, he became self-conceited and presumptuous. When M'aṣūm K. Farankhūdī went to Jaunpur, Bahādur had shown activity and taken possession of it (Ḥājīpūr). If his common-sense had not been injured he should have joined the imperial servants and acted in concert with them. By working together they would have carried matters through. Success, which in the pure soul brings with it humility and supplication, had the contrary effect on him, and led him to commit the acts of an enemy. The first thing was that he made some delay in surrendering Ḥājīpūr, which had been assigned from the sublime court to the Kokaltāsh. He was induced to give it up by the tact and skill of Rajah Todar Mal. The Khān 'Āẓim and the Rajah took up their quarters in Ḥājīpūr, and Shahbāz K. stayed in Patna. The former spent their time in trouble (sirgirānī) and in using blandishments^476d ('ashūfaroshī), while that newly-infatuated one employed himself in adorning his shop^477a and in managing matters. From his increasing dignities and giving of fiefs, many of the officers turned towards him. The Khān 'Āẓim was disgusted with everything (withdrew his heart from everything) and the Rajah postponed^477b everything. The whole of the affairs of the province devolved upon Shahbāz K. Though right-thinking persons intervened, in no way could the thread of unity be duplicated,^477c or the path of conciliation trodden. Though they represented that by the wondrous working of fate, the imperial troops had been divided into two portions, and had indulged their own wishes and not taken the path of concord and that the indispensable thing now was that one portion should take upon itself the charge of Bengal, and another the guarding of Bihar up to the capital, yet inasmuch as self-interest had let fall a veil over the eyes of truth-seeking, and broad and right-thinking was hidden, the remarks had no effect The Khān 'Āẓīm and the Rajah and some officers went off to Tirhut. Though the pretext was that they wished to put down Bahādur, but in reality they sought to get away from Shahbāz K. When they had gone a little way, they sent Ghāzī K. in advance. The rebel (Bahādur) made ready for battle, and was defeated, and his home and family were captured. Shāhbāz K. went off with a large army to Jaunpūr. Though he too was moved by a desire for separation, and for being free from daily discussions, yet he gave out that he wished to guide M'aṣūm K. Farankhūdī to service.

One of the occurrences was the dying of Sharafud-dīn Husain M. Though the leaders of the victorious army were self-willed, the wondrous fortune (of Akbar) still displayed her countenance. When M'aṣūm K. Kābulī fled to Bengal, dissension broke out between him and the Mīrzā, and each lay in ambush for the other. The Mīrzā ³²⁶ became haughty on account of abundant plunder, and of the pressure of flatterers (lit. dog flies). That fox (M'aṣūm) had recourse to deception and blandishments, and by craft contrived to poison him. The Mīrzā had an Indian boy named Maḥmūd whom, from a regard to externals, and ignorance of human nature, he loved. M'aṣūm corrupted him by money, and he mixed poison with the Mīrzā's opium (khashkhāsh). In a short time he died and his contemporaries were quit of his troubling.

One of the occurrences was the death of Dastam K.^478a In the previous year he had been sent to put down the disaffected, and to support the oppressed in the province of Ajmere, and he had performed the task with zeal and devotion. At this time, Ucla the son of Bhalbhadr, Mohan, Sūr Dās and Tilūksī, the brother's sons of Rajah Bihārī Mal, came thither from the Panjab without permission, and stirred up strife in the town of Lūnī,^478b which was their home. That excellent (farohīda) man out of respect for the Kachwāhas tried the effect of advice. Inasmuch as a rough file is of use for an unfinished article (angāra) and a smooth one for a polished surface, gentleness and conciliation did not suit those turbulent ones, but increased their wickedness, and put a new head to their refractoriness. At this time Ādam Tājband brought an order from court that Dastam K. should bring them into the road (of submission) by warnings and threats, and that if they did not accept these, he was to punish them. He did not make plans and acted hastily. Without collecting soldiers he hastened to their abode. On 10 Ābān he fell in with the enemy in the village of Thorī and engaged them. Mohan Dās, Sūr Dās, and Tilūksī attacked the vanguard, which was commanded by Miskīn 'Alī. He fell from his horse, but got up and fought bravely. Dastam K. on perceiving this sent forward most of his companions. There was a hot engagement. Mohan Dās and Sūr Dās were killed, and Tilūksī fell in another part of the field. Ucla, who was the ringleader, took refuge in a field of millet (jawār) and was watching his opportunity. Suddenly he came out of his ambush, and calling out “Dastam Khān,” came to the battlefield. He turned to fight, and did not regard the fewness of his men. The scoundrel inflicted a severe wound on him with a spear, and Dastam, in spite of the dangerous wound, killed him with his sword, and himself fell senseless on the ground. Just then some of his men came up and set him upon his horse. As the engagement was hot, he said nothing about his injury, but encouraged his men. They addressed themselves to the fight and slew many. The rest of the ³²⁷ enemy fled, and the houses of the rebels were plundered. By the blessing of daily-increasing fortune a great victory was gained. When the fight was done they halted near the same place. Next day at the time of return he died in the town of Sherpūr. He yielded up his life in good service and with the beauty of loyalty and bravery, and, by the spilling of a short life, acquired an eternal name. The world's lord lamented for a while, but from his lordship of the spiritual world he moved to the garden of resignation. By various acts of kindness and by cordial words he soothed somewhat the agitated mind of his mother and said, “From the beginning of the springtide of my existence I spent (only) three years without him, but with that exception he held a place in the ante-chamber of favour. He did his work and understood my position (or perhaps men's dispositions). All are aware that secluded, chaste one has spent many years without him. It appears that his loss is harder for us,^480a and that it is she who should minister comfort to me.” He spoke many choice words. May the incomparable Deity preserve him on the throne and make him successful spiritually and temporally. He bestowed many favours on the survivors of the deceased, and the sorrowful had a new joy. He sent M. Khān to manage the country and bestowed Rantanbhor on him as a fief. He hung many jewels of counsel on the ears of his reason.

Also at this time Khwāja Shāh Manṣūr was distinguished by the royal favour. It has been mentioned why he had been removed from the Viziership and sent to the prison of schooling. As it appeared that in the writing of accounts and demanding of arrears there was no fault of the Khwāja's except the thought of increasing the revenue and a failure to recognize the circumstances of the time, he was again exalted to that high office, and the jewel of his understanding was polished by good counsels.

One of the occurrences was the dispatch of Vizier (Wazīr) K. to Oudh. As that province was without a great officer, H. M. ordered that the peasantry and soldiers should be succoured. He went off in the end of the month, and many choice servants and soldiers accompanied him.

One of the occurrences was that Niyābat K. received punishment. That base man was the son of Mīr Hāshim of Nīshāpūr, and had the ³²⁸ name of 'Arab. He had been brought up from an early age in the service of the world's lord, and been exalted by great confidence. For some time he managed the crown-lands. The accountants brought a charge of arrears against him, and the slave of gold preferred disobedience to service, and by his own acts fell into eternal ruin. He made long the arm of sedition and besieged the town of Kara. Ilyās K. Lankā^480b with a few servants of Ism'aīl Qulī K. fought a battle, and bravely drank the last draught. Many could not believe in his shamelessness, and some rejoiced in it. On hearing of this, H. M. sent off, on 3 Āẕar, Isma'īl Qūlī K. 'Abdul-maṭṭalib, S. Jamāl, Bakhtiyār and other loyal servants. Wazīr K. and the other officers of the province were ordered to act with concord and activity, and to inflict retribution on him. When the army approached, and opened the hand of superior strength, that futile fellow strengthened some of the forts and went off to Arail. Wazīr K. and some brave men addressed himself to the taking of it, and in the first place proceeded to take Ilahābās (Allahabad). Ism'aīl Qūlī K. and others followed up Niyābat K., and near the river of Kantīt,^481a Muṭṭalib K. and S. Jamāl arrived before the others and adorned the field of battle. From every side brave men met together, and bought with their lives the valuable goods of honour. Friends and foes praised each other's strength of arm.

First with arrows from both sides
They made a single hair into a hundred strands.
When they wearied of the cuirass-splitting arrow
They drew their swords from the sheaths.

The victorious army was nearly suffering loss. Suddenly Ism'aīl Qūlī K. arrived with some brave and experienced men and the fire-temple of battle was rekindled. By the help of God, matters were changed and victory ensued. Many of the enemy were killed, and that turbulent one trod the desert of failure, and sate in the corner of disgrace. Various kinds of plunder were obtained, and his houses were soon seized.

One of the occurrences was (the display of) the physical might of the world's lord. He had ordered that every day distinguished^481b wrestlers should contend in his presence. This gave pleasure to many who were present at the public audiences. One day Jag Sobhā and Haibat Tahamtan contended, and astonished the spectators. Haibat, who was strong, abandoned the rules of wrestling and in a ³²⁹ demon-like fashion applied his strength, and tore off the fingers of his antagonist. Inasmuch as the administration of punishment rests in the first instance on the holy personality of kings, the world's lord put his fist into the face of that misbehaver. By the might of the shadow of the hand of God that gigantic form fell senseless like a weakling. The powerful of body were amazed, and the superficial had their attention directed to realities.

It has been stated that that wretch separated, in his presumption, from the army of fortune, and kicked against fortune. He came to Jaunpūr and occupied himself in evil thoughts. Fly-like beings and slaves of gold gathered round the poisoned honey. Though for a long time past sedition had been oozing out from his behaviour, and he used to make evil speeches, yet, on this day when the disturbance caused by the rebels in Bengal and Bihar had subsided, and their power had been scattered, and when it was time for him to weave a screen over his evil deeds, he, from innate wickedness, and a demoniacal disposition, totally severed the woof and warp of shame, and seated himself in the melancholy abode of misfortune! Sound reason is withdrawn from those for whom the time of retribution has arrived, and their eyes of warning become dim. The counsels of the time do not give them clearness of vision: they think loss is gain, and proper what is bad! The circumstances of that turbulent man illustrate this view. The increasing of eternal fortune (Akbar's) and the losses of the rebels, together with the report of the coming to the Panjab of Ḥakīm M. and the design of H. M. to proceed thither, called forth his ingratitude and presumption from the straits of his bosom to the open ground of demonstration. He forcibly took Jaunpūr from the servants of Tarson K. For a long time his misconduct was not credited at Court. How could a head on which so much bounty had been shed, be the bearer of so much unpleasantness? And how could a brain which had received so much truth be filled with the smoke of delusion? But when fortune is darkened, the lamp of wisdom grows cold, and safety is sought in nothingness, and repose in loss. Obligations of old standing are placed in the privy chamber of oblivion. The weight of desires, and the levity of wrath, cast the man headlong³³⁰ into the dark ravine of failure.

Wherever lust sets a firm foot
The pleasant place of life is disordered,
When desire is firmly fixed in the heart
Fidelity's foundation remains not in her place.

When successive instances of his wickedness had occurred, the noble graciousness of H.M. decided that some prudent men should be sent to bring him to the station of bliss, so that he might either join the army, or turn the face of supplication towards the court. But advice only increased his madness, and his excuses became materials for strifemongering. Inasmuch as it is the rule of H.M. to walk circumspectly, an order was issued that if M'aṣūm could not bring himself to do either of those two things, he should withdraw from Jaunpūr and proceed to Oudh, and regard it as his fief and look after it. That evil-starred one thought he was saved, and hastened off to that province. In appearance he obeyed the order, in reality he got an opportunity for accumulating the materials of disturbance. Though the imperial servants reported some of his misdeeds, they were not listened to on account of its being the market-day of graciousness! Shagūna Qarāwal and some intimates were sent to inquire into his condition, for many well-meaning persons have become objects of suspicion on account of the negligence of rulers and the malignity and self-seeking of their servants, and been ruined in their reputation and their lives. They (the servants) have made the matter a means of selling their own goods and so have developed another market.

The envoys, owing to their small wisdom and great covetousness, represented the wicked seller of wiles as loyal and serviceable and said that he was in some unsteadiness on account of the untrue reports, but that if one or two magnanimous courtiers were sent to him and soothed him, he would come to court and produce thousands of the goods of submissiveness. The world's lord from his noble nature credited these representations and sent off on this service Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram and Rajah Bīrbar. When they arrived in the neighbourhood, they, from foresight, sent a conciliatory letter, conveying the news of H.M.'s graciousness. That man, whose fate was somnolent, came out from behind the screen of respect, and used improper language. Perceiving that the affair was past remedy, they returned. Before they reached the court Shahbāz K. arrived with the army of fortune and laid the dust of sedition. The presumptuous one became a vagabond in the desert of defeat. Every one to whom the Incomparable Deity grants reason-increasing auspiciousness obtains long life and happiness, and those who wish ill to his fortune are stained with the dust of failure. Whoever peruses ancient records, or holds reasonable converse with the guardians of speech—who adorn the library of the heart—perceives this. Or he can do so by opening the eye of enlightenment and studying with a fair mind a portion of the record of the World's Lord. A fresh example is afforded by the circumstances of the overthrow of this man of turbulent brain. Owing to the disappearance of the department of skill, and the absence of any enlightened intermediary, the abundance of sedition-mongering sophists, the friendship of flatterers, and the fault-finding with others, there was no banquet of concord among the officers of the victorious army. Why should I say this? There was not even any tact, which is indispensable in the social state. The prosperity of the imperial servants was without any such regulating principle! The Khān Ā'ẓim and Rajah Todar Mal went off to Tirhut, and Shāhbāz K. hastened to Jaunpūr. The conquest of Bengal and the chastisement of the rebels became hidden under the veil of delay. Owing to daily-increasing Fortune, that which might have been a matter of loss to prestige became the material of increased victory (bahrūzī) and auspiciousness. When Shāhbāz K. reached the town of Bihīya^485a the news came that 'Arab Bahādur had been defeated by Tarson K.'s men and was in that neighbourhood, and was oppressing the weak. Some active men were sent and they inflicted suitable punishment on him. From thence he went to Jagdespūr and set himself to punish the refractory in that quarter. At this time it became certain that M'aṣūm K. Farankhūdī had gone wrong, and that Niyābat K. and 'Arab were backing him. Of necessity he hasted to Oudh, and sent a wise letter (to M'aṣūm) along with an acute man. Its purport was that he should arrest 'Arab, Niyābat K. and Shāh Dāna, and go with them to court, or go himself in advance so that the veil over his actions might not be discarded and that his evil actions might be turned into good ones. Inasmuch as the lamp of his wisdom had grown cold, and his fortune had gone to sleep, he regarded the counsel as fiction, and increased his folly. He sent his family and household across the Sarū (the Sarjū) to a difficult country, and prepared for war in company with distracted Turks.^486a Shāhbāz K. prepared for battle. He himself was in the centre, Tarson K. was on the right wing, Mihtar K., Pahār K., Saiyid Ābdullah K. and Qamar K. were on the left. Mihr 'Alī K. Sildoz, Jīwan K. Koka, Mīr Abul Qāsim, and Mīr Abul M'aāli took front rank in the van. Mufākhar Muḥammad and some experienced soldiers formed the reserve. The sagacious enemy chose a difficult ground. 'Arab commanded the right wing, Shāh Dānā and 'Ābdī the left wing. M. Qulī Toqbāī and a party of ill-fated ³³² ones were in the van. Niyābat K. had his place in the altamsh. He himself (M'aṣūm) remained in ambush.

On 13 Bahman (22nd January 1581) when a watch of the day had passed an engagement took place near Sulṭānpūr^486b Bilahrī, 25 kos from Awadh (the city of, i.e. Ajodya or Faiẓābād).

The van of the victorious army pushed forward, and the altamsh supported it, and the enemy was defeated. M. Qulī stepped towards the abode of annihilation, and carried off his life to the lodging of dishonour. The combatants of the right wing, also, by great efforts, drove off the foe. At this time M'aṣūm K. approached the centre (Shahbāz's) and stirred up the dust of battle. Shahbāz K. lost heart, and took the road of flight. On receiving this news the right wing and the van turned back. By the wondrous work of the adorners of fortune (i.e. Akbar's mystic helpers) a cry arose that M'aṣūm K. had been killed, and the enemy's opportunity was dissipated. When that brainless one (M'aṣūm) had gone some distance he came (back) to the field of battle. He could see no trace of his men and sank into the depths of bewilderment. Suddenly an army appeared, drawn up in battle array. The confused man thought it was his own troops and joyfully proceeded towards them. He found that it was the left wing of the victorious army. His bewilderment and despair increased. The beginning of the battle had taken place on low ground, full of trees. When the enemy^487a had been routed, the troops proceeded to plunder their camp. The Bacgotī clan who were attached to that body (the left imperial wing) also joined in the plundering. Like a flood they swept away the quarters of the foundationless wretches. The plunderers^487b had come to the field of battle when that rebel came there. Though his comrades represented to him that those men (the left wing) were not aware of the condition of Shahbaz K., and that the suitable thing was to pause a little, as when the facts were known, they would disperse of themselves; he did not listen to them and proceeded to attack. He was unsuccessful, and returned wounded. He drew rein on some high ground, which really was low (past, i.e. base). Though the field had been gained by the strenuous servants of fortune, yet they had not the energy to take a few steps and seize the loitered. That ill-fated one recited the verse of despair and went to his camp. As he could see no sign of it, he was overwhelmed with grief. With a darkened mind and in wretched plight externally, he went off to Awadh. The victorious left wing heard of the rest of the troops having^487c given way and encamped at Akbarpūr^487d twelve kos from Awadh. They sent swift messengers to convey the news of victory to Shahbāz ³³³ K. and the other leaders. Shahbāz K. in his alarm had drawn rein at Jaunpur thirty kos from the field of battle. The right wing and the van halted in Surhirpūr twelve kos from the battle-field. It was solely by H.M.'s good fortune that such a great defeat^488a fell upon the enemy. As the leader of the victorious army was exalted by the world's wine, such a crop-sickness of sorrow fell upon him. On the 21st the celestial news reached H.M and he returned thanks to God. The worthy servants were rewarded by divers favours. There was abundant collyrium for the eye of the heart, and the clearness of vision acquired fresh lustre.

One of the occurrences was the Shāhinshāh's giving special attention to Divine matters. No time passed without his taking into consideration the world of bliss, or without his giving a penetrating glance to the acts of the ancients. The whole of his noble energies was directed towards the subsidence of the turbulence of schisms, and to the removal of the mists of contest. In the holy temple of his head—which is an explanation of the Divine privy chamber—he was grieved by the varieties of religions, and he was in search of what was pleasing to God. He stepped aside from the untruthfulness of the religion-splitting deceivers and hypocrites. The heart and tongue of this Unique of the world of creation always sang this strain of supplication.

O God, show the way of approach to Thee,
Show one glory of that heart-entrancing beauty,
Write on the heart the letters worthy to be read,
Show us the picture worthy to be seen.

On the 25th he removed the veil from many secluded verities and brought out the truth to the hall of manifestation, and said with his wondrous tongue, “If this repose should be effected, and it should be impressed on all that the doing the will of God was an indispensable duty, how could sufficient thanksgiving be paid therefore? Where is the strength to give praise for this? But in accordance with the saying of the wise of old.” ‘If all cannot be effected, all should not be abandoned,’ it occurs to us that we and all those around us can do one thing in proportion to our strength, and can regard that as the material of bliss. Therefore it appears to us that as our ancestors made a twelve years' cycle, in every year, one good action may be performed. (1) In the^489a Sicqān year, mice should not be injured. (2) In the Ud year, endeavours should be made to strengthen oxen and they should be presented to cultivators. (3) In the Pārs year, one should refrain from capturing leopards, and from hunting with them. (4) In the Tawishqān year, one should refrain from eating or hunting hares. (5) In the Loiy year, one should adopt ³³⁴ the same practice with regard to fish. (6) In the Yilān year, one should not injure serpents. (7) In the Yūnt year, horses should not be killed or eaten, and presents should be made of them. (8) In the Qūī year, the same with regard to sheep. (9) In the Mūcūn^489b year, apes should not be hunted, and those caught should be set free. (10) In the Takhāqū year, cocks should not be killed, nor used in fighting. (11) In the Yīt year, dogs should not be employed in hunting, and attention should be paid to the nurturing of this faithful animal, especially the friendless ones of the streets. (12) In the Tangūz year, hogs should not be injured. Likewise, some good work after this fashion should be done in every month of the lunar year.

(1) Muḥarram. Living creatures should not be killed. (2) Ṣafr. Prisoners should be set free. (3) Rabī-al-awwal. Thirty selected needy persons should be given presents. (4) Rabī-'al-akhir. The bodily elements should be kept cleansed, and pleasures not be indulged in. (5) Jamādī-al-awwal. One should not adorn oneself in gorgeous raiment nor in woven silk. (6) Jamādī-al-ākhir. One should not use leather. (7) Rajab. One should according to his ability help forty persons of his own age. (8) Sh'abān. Every day one should put away oppression by oneself or by others. (9) Ramẓān One should feed and clothe thirty indigent persons. (10) Shawwāl. One should repeat 1000 times every day the names of the Creator. (11) Ẕīq'ada. One should watch the first night, and every day one should make presents to and cherish some persons of another Faith than his own. (12) Ẕīḥajj. Thirty useful buildings should be erected. Continually, such good practices should be kept up according to years and months.” The farsighted and intelligent person well knows that these institutions of the world's lord are intended for the tribes of mankind who have left the way of bliss and are sunk in the pit of formalism and evil ways. His world protectiveness keenly feels this desire. As for the ocean of enlightenment and treasure-house of wisdom, he, as regards the sovereignty of the outer world and the Caliphate of the spiritual universe, holds a continual darbār in the temple of wisdom.

O God, do Thou exalt this enlightened King,
The exalter of diadem and throne.
Build his throne on the top of the sky,
Do what he and his fortune desire.

One of the occurrences was the death of Bahādur Baskī.^490a He was at the head of the rebels of Bengal. In the province of Bihar he, in league with Jān Muḥammad Bihsūdī and some reprobates, practised tyranny. When the mist of dissension (lit. two colours) arose among the officers, and the march of the victorious army to Bengal was postponed, Ṣādiq K. and some gallant men took their stand in the neighbourhood of Monghyr. Ulugh K. Ḥabshī, Bābūī Manklī, Abā Bikr, and Bāqir Anṣāri went to Bhagalpur, and spread out the carpet of neglect. Those ill-fated ones (Bahādur and his companions) became bold and attacked them, and they were unable to resist and returned to Monghyr. Ṣādiq K. sent some alert and experienced men to give them battle. By good fortune, Bahādur, ³³⁵ who was the ringleader, was killed, while the other rebels fled to Bengal. The pleasant land of Bihar was swept and cleansed of weeds and rubbish. The mandrake^491a grew up instead of the thorn, and the season of joy became active.

Assuredly the stewards of the privy chamber of fate impel him who is of wide capacity, and great kindness, and who is possessed of great power together with right thinking, to leave to the Deity the amendment of the evil and seditions. If the latter are of a good nature they recall them from their wickedness and send them to make supplications at the Court of the world's lord. Otherwise they confound their evil wishes and deliver them over to failure. The case of this young man of disturbed brain illustrates this. Although reports of his misfeasance reached the ears of H.M. he did not address himself to punish him. He used to say to his servants, “He is a memorial^492a of H.M. Jahānbānī. A son can be acquired but how can a brother be obtained?” He from drunkenness and the intoxication of youth was inflamed of mind, and nourished the thought of contending against God-given dominion. He did not know that a great fire could not be put out by a little water, and that the medicine for a scratch cannot be the plaster for an old gangrene. At the time when the rebels in the eastern provinces were stirring up the dust of dissension, as has already been described, though the imperial servants urged an expedition to that quarter, this did not find acceptance. The reason why it did not obtain assent was because it had flashed upon the holy heart that that evil-wisher would stir up strife in the Panjab. So it turned out, and mortals obtained collyrium for their vision. The Mīrzā desired in the previous year to make confusion in the tranquil land of India. M. Sulaimān diverted him to Badakhshān, and his success there increased his audacity. The idle talk of the rebels of the ³³⁶ eastern provinces added to this In the middle of Āẕar (December 1580), he sent a body of troops under the command of Ḥājī Nūru-d-dīn, and the latter crossed the Indus. M. Yūsuf K. the fiefholder in that country sent an army under the command of Ḥasan Beg. S'aīd K. Gakkar and some strenuous men joined this force. As owing to the rapidity of movement a large army had not arrived, it was thought that battle would be given after some days. But who can restrain the augmenters of fortune? In a short time a battle took place, and the enemy was defeated. When the imperial army was about to encamp, a herd of deer suddenly appeared, and Ḥasan Beg was seized by a love of sport. He shot one with an arrow and hastened after it with some companions. On the other side, the fates had stirred up the leader of the other army to come out to see the spectacle. Ḥasan Beg and Ḥājī Nūru-d-dīn encountered one another, and by good fortune the latter was wounded and put to flight. All at once the disturbance ceased. Some of the ill-fated ones were captured, and many lost their lives in the river. The leaven of the rebellious ones was chilled^493a in the neighbourhood of Peshawar and became extinct. He was one of the base wretches of Ḥiṣār. For a time he had behaved ungratefully to the court of Muḥammad Ḥusain^493b M., and when the latter died, he, by a thousand efforts, flung himself among the evil-thinkers of Kabul and acquired some measure of trust.

Though the warlike servants received the reward of their good conduct, yet as it was clear that M. Yūsuf^493c K. did not use foresight and prudence in the management of the frontier: he was removed, and the administration of the neighbourhood of the Indus was made over to Kuar Mān Singh. He marched from Sīālkot to manage the country, and from foresight and skill he sent some troops in advance under the charge of Zainu-d-dīn 'Alī. At Rāwalpindi he heard of the arrival of Shādmān on the bank of the Indus. He quickly proceeded to engage him. A battle took place, and by the strength of H. M.'s fortune the enemy was punished. When the Mīrzā heard of the catastrophe of Nūru-d-dīn it did not awaken him from his somnolence, and he dispatched Shādmān, whom he regarded as the sword of his army, with a large force. On 6 Dai that presumptuous one crossed the Indus and proceeded to besiege the fort of Nīlāb.^494a Zainu-d-dīn 'Alī and other servants of Kuar Mān Singh exerted themselves to defend it. When the Kuar arrived, he made over the van to Alū Khān Kachwāha and the altamsh to his own brother Sūraj Singh. The enemy was in the slumber of neglect. They were aroused by the sound of the kettledrums and sought to engage. On the 12th the battlefield was adorned. The lovers of honour and ³³⁷ enemies of their lives strove with one another in a marvellous manner. By the strength of daily-increasing fortune the breeze of victory began to blow. It appears that in the hand-to-hand combats which test men, Rājah Sūraj Singh discomfited the enemy's leader (Shādmān), who was wounded and had to tread with blistered feet the desert of failure. He died in the neighbourhood. He was the son of Sulaimān Beg of Andijān, and his grandfather was Loqmān Beg, who was an honoured servant of H.M. Firdūs Makānī. His mother had watched over the Mīrzā's cradle, and he himself had grown up with the Mīrzā. From his bravery, and success in war, he was highly regarded among the Afghan tribe. On hearing the news, H.M. returned thanks to God, and said to those around him, “It appears that our expedition to the province of the Punjab is near at hand. Though the celestial executants have done our work without our exertions, and are doing it, yet we know that the management of affairs is the helping of God. When the Mīrzā hears of the death of Shādmān, he will, without delay, come to India. The right thing for the time is to take steps for the expedition of the officers of sovereignty.” From foresight and knowledge of affairs he sent forward Rai Rai Singh, Jagannāth, Rajah Gopāl and other loyal officers. An order was also given to the officers of the Indus that if the Mīrzā should proceed to cross the river, they were not to oppose him and to put off an engagement. By the guidance of the Divine kindness, the standards of fortune would shortly cast the shadow of justice on that country. As it had flashed upon the heart conjoined with heaven, so did it shine forth. On 14 Bahman news reached the royal hearing of the coming of the Mīrzā to the Punjab. The astrologers, under H.M.'s directions, held a meeting to determine the auspicious moment. H.M. paid some attention to the arrangement of the affairs of the capital. And in order that he might keep a watch over the eastern provinces, he stated that for the repose of the kingdom he would leave the pearl of the crown, Sulṭān Selīm, with some high officers, and would go himself to the Punjab. The prince begged through H.H. Miriam-Makānī that he might accompany H.M. The sovereign granted his request and appointed to that high office Sulṭān Daniel. He appointed Sulṭān Khwāja, Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, S. Ibrāhīm and many others to serve the prince. On the 28th corresponding to Monday, 2 Muḥarram 989, 6th February 1581, at an hour which able astrologers approved of, he set off for that province. Fortune accompanied his rein, and victory his stirrup. The star of success shone, and the whiteness of the morning of dominion came out.

The far-seeing ones of the court gave him the news of victory. The takers of omens who knew the stars made inquiries of the heavens. From caution and foresight the places of the combatants were determined, and the warlike equipments were made ready. The baton-holders (i.e. guards)^495a of Thursday and Friday took their places under the shadow of the august standards. The officers of Saturday and Wednesday were on the right wing, and those of Monday and Tuesday were on the left. The warriors of Sunday were in the van. At the beginning of this expedition, news came of a fresh victory and gave joy and repose to the superficial and to the spiritually illuminated.

Shahbāz K. was by his success and his failure awakened from the dream of self-admiration, and proceeded on with skill and activity. He took the right road, and was soon ready for battle. The wicked ingrate, whose time for prudence and shame had come, fell into a profound slumber, and set about gathering his forces. He spent in ingratitude the accumulated treasures of this enduring dominion. He sent for his household and the men whom he had sent into places difficult of access. His idea was that he was promoting the cohesion of men, while those who knew, let their lips run over with laughter because he was seeking the means of destroying his reputation. The warriors of fortune formed into line and proceeded against the enemy. That shameless and turbulent one also came out of his quarters. In the centre Jajhār K. Khāṣa Khel brought to the market the substance of wickedness. 'Arab had the right wing of those who had lost their honour. Niyābat K. swaggered in the left wing. Shāh Dāna was in the van of failure. M'aṣūm himself was in the reserve and was accumulating the materials for his own destruction. On 24 Bahman (2nd February 1581) the brave and fortunate soldiers decked the battlefield seven kos ³³⁹ from the town of Awadh. The wretch prepared stratagems, and delayed in advancing. Most were of opinion that on that day there would not be a fight. The army which was aided by heaven set about intrenching themselves. Just then that wily one, whose fortune was somnolent, came forward in quest of battle. The heroes rapidly turned their attention to combat. First, the van charged with mountain-like elephants and drove off the enemy's van. The enemy's right wing pressed against the imperial left wing, but at last was nearly being defeated by the firmness of the imperialists, when their courage was reinvigorated by their reserve. By the jugglery of fate things were nearly becoming serious for the victors (the imperialists), when the van and the altamsh came up after driving off their opponents. By the help of God the rebels disgraced themselves and fled. The imperial right wing also prevailed over the enemy's left, and cleared the field of that evil crew. Some noted elephants who in the previous battle had fallen into the hands of the enemy, turned round and did good service, and contributed to the victory. By the wondrous working of fate, the lamps of joy were lighted up eleven^497a days after the first battle, and he who was ruined in faith and fortune retreated in confusion to Awadh. All his possessions—which formed the element of his intoxication—fell into the hands of the imperial servants, and most of those who had gone astray received enlightenment and took the path of bliss, and turned aside from the defiles of ingratitude. Shahbāz K. thought his victory a great boon and did not stir half a step from the field of battle. Either he had not the courage, or prudence suggested this course. Either there was not time, or the foolish fancies of cowards prevailed. Owing to this inopportune halting the disheartened enemy escaped, and the termination of affairs was somewhat postponed. M'aṣūm after a thousand distresses reached his home. Though he wished to lay his hand on his heart, which was in a thousand pieces, and to draw his foot within the skirt of patience, he did not find in himself the necessary resolution. Suddenly he heard a false report about Shahbāz K. and he came a little to himself. Apparently some active men of the victorious army had plundered a suburb of the city and turned back. 'Arab came with a few men, and engaged them, and some of the imperialists were killed. Fly like persons spread the report that Shahbāz K. was among them. The wicked one came forward on hearing this news and soon found that it was a mistake. He set himself to watch the inside and outside of the city, and to make safe the towers and walls. As his star was con- ³⁴⁰ sumed, his designs continually failed, and whatever he thought would be good became injurious. For instance, he placed a gun on the top of the gate and made it ready. Owing to the wrath of God, as soon^498a as it was fired off the roof (of the gateway) split and so conveyed the news of failure. The deceitful mercenaries dispersed, and M'aṣūm fell into evil case. His comrades were ready to fly, and the might of the world-conquering army continually increased. He had not the strength to come out of that wall of misfortune. Nor could he remain in those defiles of difficulty. On account of his numerous family he did not sever^498b the thread of association (did not die?). At this crisis 'Arab and Niyābat K. and Shāh Dāna—who were the mainstay of his infatuation—separated themselves. They shod^498c their horses backwards and went off by cross roads. That man who was deserving of vagabondage (M'aṣūm) left his household and his accumulations of many years and fled. When he had gone some way he chose to separate from the double-faced ones who accompanied him and set off with seven companions. They all disguised themselves by shaving^498d off the hair on their faces, etc., and he departed like a madman to obscurity and ruin. At the time of failure the zamindar of Gawāric^498e joined them, and out of old acquaintance took him to his house. By pretended friendship, and by humouring their folly, he took from them what money and goods they possessed, and then sacrificing the maintenance of old obligations to brigandage,^498f he dismissed them. M'aṣūm sometimes rode himself, and sometimes mounted his son. He crossed the Sarū (the Gogra or Sarjū) in a wretched condition. Rajah Mān, the landholder of that part of the country, took him to his house, and helped him. Shahbāz K. heard of this and held out threats and promises to induce him to deliver up M'aṣūm or to kill him. He refused,^499a but secretly consigned him to vagabondage, giving him some companions under pretext of their being guides. On account of the jewels which, it was supposed, he possessed, he arranged to have him killed. M'aṣūm read on their foreheads what was intended, and corrupted them by gold, and made wide steps to the abode of obscurity. On the day after the victory Shahbāz K. entered the city of Awadh and the whole of his family, etc. fell into his hands. One hundred and fifty elephants were captured, and everything that M'aṣūm possessed, whether of physical goods or of honour, was plundered. An instructive lesson was given to mankind, and the evil consequences of ingratitude were again impressed on the heart of the age. The news was communicated in the neighbourhood of the capital, and the far-seeing ones of the court regarded it as the presage of other victories. H. M. offered up thanksgivings to God and exalted the loyal servants by great favours. From abundant kindness he ordered that Shahbāz K. should preserve the family of the rebel, for what crime had these weak and secluded ones done in this insurrection? ³⁴¹

It was reported that M'aṣūm would convey himself by the skirts of the northern mountains to the rebellious Kābulīs. Out of caution Qulīj K. was sent off with some active men to that neighbourhood. On 10 Isfandarmaẕ Delhi was distinguished by H. M.'s advent, and the shrines of the saints were illuminated by his intercessions. Hitherto the advance camp had not preceded by more than four kos. It was now ordered that it should precede by not less than six kos. On the 12th the royal standards cast their shade on the town of Sonpat (28m. N.W. Delhi). Qulīj K. came back from his expedītion and did homage. The vagabondage and wretchedness of the turbulent-brained one (M'aṣūm) were confirmed.

One of the occurrences was that the cup of the life of Qiyā K. Kang (or Gang) became full. From the time that the pleasant land of Bengal became stained with rebellion, he with some brave and loyal men was passing his days in Orissa. Though he had not the ability to calm the disturbance, yet he kept that country free from the dust of opposition. At the time when it became denuded of the imperial troops, Qutlū K. with a large force showed fight and gained the upper hand. Qiyā K. brought together warlike materials and took refuge in a fort. On account of the length of the war, and the desertion of his comrades, he fell into distress. At last he, together with some heroes who loved their honour, made a good fight and gathered an eternal good name.^500a

On the 17th^500b H.M. encamped near Thānessar. As he pays little regard to himself and always seeks the company of the servants of God he visited the cell of S. Jalāl, who had spent his life in the worship of God, and whom men regarded as a saint. The Shaikh made his supplications according to the measure of his knowledge and represented, “At this day our wishes are bound up in the assistance of the truthful throne-occupant. For his pleasure, the heavens revolve.” He implored his blessing and begged for a statement of truths. The world's Lord made some acute remarks and solved some difficulties. He (Akbar) discoursed eloquently. Many heart-impressing words illuminated the holy temple of the dervish. At a hint from H.M. the author of this noble volume asked the Shaikh, saying, “You have spent a long life, and have enjoyed the society of the good. Can you tell of a cure for melancholy?” And have you obtained a remedy for a heart distracted by opposing desires? ³⁴² At first he answered by tears, and then he recited this verse.

Oh, for sweet content, Oh, Oh!
It has closed to pride the path of both worlds!

One of the occurrences was the death of Khwāja Shāh Manṣūr the Diwan. Alexander Zu-al-qarnīn was accustomed to say to his special intimates, “Boon companions and jesters are of one class. Their business is nothing but to promote mirth by means of witticisms and wonderful stories, without regard to their truth. They replenish with oil the lamp of enjoyment, and by effective hits enhance pleasure, and trick out the bride of delight in every limb (ba har haft, lit. with all seven. See Vullers II, 1458^b). The class of the pillars of the court, who are, as it were, the hand and arms, is different. All their business is to arrange for ministering to the dissensions of the world, and curing the aged, old, and stricken ones of the Age. They utter things which may heal the distractions of the time and may compose what is confused and so tranquillize the world. They make joy allied with security, an if purchasers be not at hand, they meditate remedies in silence and right thinking. Every evil which occurs to the palace of dominion is chiefly occasioned by those two classes leaving their proper work.” He also continually said to his officers, “Whoever, with the idea of flattering us, leaves the highway of truth, and lets drop the reins of right consideration, and promotes our prosperity by harsh dealings with the soldiers and subjects, and who seeks by improper means, and incorrect statements, to increase the treasures of dominion will assuredly cause the stewards of destiny to turn our hearts from him, and will receive condign punishment.” The case of the Khwāja is a fresh instance of this. From love of office and cupidity he was always laying hold of trifles in financial matters, and displaying harshness. Sympathy with debtors (?) never touched the hem of his heart. His whole idea was to fill his own house. He advanced his business by fair speeches while behaving badly. All at once he fell into an evil state and sank into the pit of annihilation. He did not know that wrong-doing is not permanent, and that a lamp is not brightened by the application of water. Before this, some pārwānas (orders) in the handwriting of M. Ḥakīm's munshī were found among the effects of Shādmān, who had been killed. Kuar Mān Singh sent these to court. One of them was addressed to the Khwāja, and its purport was that petitions of unanimity and well-wishing were increasing the estimation (of the Mīrzā for the Khwāja). Shortly proceedings would be taken to recognize them. The tolerant sovereign regarded those papers as the work of forgers, and did not show them to the Khwāja. In the neighbourhood of Sonpat, Malik Ṯānī,^1502a an old servant of the Mīrzā, came to court with his family, and it was reported that they (i.e. the Mīrzā) had sent him in order that he might make a pretence of indignation, and act as a spy,^502b and also win over the hearts of the simple, and increase the activity of the wicked. From foresight and caution—which constitute the strength of the arm of power, and give might to the hand of fortune—he (Khwāja Manṣūr) was suspended. On that day many one-sided expressions of the Khwāja came to light, and the dust of uneasiness rose high. Fortune aided in stirring up strife, and the times were critical. He was called into the privy chamber, and the letter was read to him. As his star was sinking, his answers increased the suspicions against him. He was not allowed^502c to communicate with others, and circumspection was exercised. On the 19th (Isfāndarmaẕ) Malik 'Ali the chief-constable of the camp (kotwāl-i-urdū) produced several letters, and these increased the suspicions against the Khwāja. From these letters it appeared that the soldiers (sipāh) of the Khwāja who belonged to Fīrūzpūr—which was the Khwāja's fief—had opened negotiations with the Mīrzā (Ḥakīm) and would soon join him. At this news the wrath of the sovereign blazed forth, and an order was given that if the Khwāja would engage to produce the man (the writer) and give proper security for this, he should remain, as before, in prison. Otherwise, he was to be put to death in order that the short-sighted and covetous might be punished, and that a lesson might be given to the wicked and those of crooked mind. He in reply uttered injudicious words, and could not furnish security. Out of kindness H.M. ordered that if Khwāja Sulaimān,^503a who was related to him by marriage and had a brotherly friendship for him, would engage for him, his security should be accepted. That cowardly one was struck with terror, and turned round, and from fear of his own life went aside. Inasmuch as the time was confused owing to the presence of envious people, and the season was critical, and the grandees were plotting against his life, of necessity an order was passed for capitally punishing him. The servants^503b were bound by an order and hung him on a tree near the serai of Kot Kacwāha. From want of understanding and narrow-mindedness (ṭabiy'at dostī), Turk and Tājīk (i.e. all classes) were pleased, and there was great rejoicing in the camp. It generally happens that envious and artful persons who are self-interested act in this way, and that there is retribution for selfishness and for evil-mindedness towards the weak.

Be not severe in the world's work,
For every oppressor has a severe death (?).
Beware, and have pity on the weak,
Be afraid of the severity of fortune.

He was contentious, or had not the art of living. He ruined the houses of men in order to improve his own. For his own advantage he destroyed a number of poor people. He did not read the signs of the times, and did not distinguish between the season of conciliation and that of strictness. But there is seldom found such an acute accountant and one so laborious, so discriminating, and so plausible of speech. If he had had a little piety to God, a little ³⁴⁴ loyalty to the lord of the universe, some kindness to the people, and a little absence of cupidity and injuriousness, he never would have come to this end from the wrath of the Shahinshāh, nor have been caught in this illustration of the Divine anger. The appreciative monarch often uttered with his pearling tongue, “From that day the market of accounts was flat and the thread of accounting dropped from the hand.” He assigned the office of Vizier to Qulīj K., and gave orders that Zain K. Kokaltāsh and Ḥakīm Abū-l fatḥ should also be present in the Vizier's office, and should superintend matters.

In Faiẓī's poems B.M. MS. Add. 25981, p. 282b, and also on p. 287 of another B.M. MS. of the same author there is an epigram which describes the joy of the public at being delivered from Manṯūr's tyranny.

The story of Shāh Manṯūr is a very sad one, and throws a lurid light on the morals of Akbar's officers. A.F.'s account is, as usual, obscure, and has to be explained by the T.A., the Iqbālnāma, Badayūnī, Lowe 300, and the Maaṯir. al-Umarā I. 653. See also Noer's Akbar, Mrs. Beveridge's translation, II. 52. We learn from the T.A., Elliot V. 422, and from A.F., that Mān Singh sent to Akbar some letters that he had found in Shādmān's portfolio. Shādmān was defeated and killed near the Indus on 12 Dai (about 22 December 1580) and Akbar got the news before leaving Fatḥpūr. Presumably Mān Singh sent the letters he had found in Shādman's portfolio along with the news of the victory. The T.A. tells us there were three of them, viz. one from M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm to Ḥakīm-al-mulk, one to Muḥammad Qāsim Mir Baḥr, and one to Khwāja Manṣūr. They purported to be replies by Ḥakīm M. to friendly letters received from these three persons. We are told by A.F., p. 342, that Akbar considered these letters to be forgeries, and did not show them to Manṣūr. They either were forgeries, or very stale documents, for one of them was addressed to Ḥakīm-al-mulk who had gone off to Mecca in August 1580 (see A.N. 317). Possibly, however, the person meant is Ḥakīm Ain-al-mulk the faujdār of Sambal. See text III. 348. From Fatḥpūr Akbar moved out to Bād Serai 15 kos off, and there he heard of Shahbāz's victory near the city of Ajodya (Elliot V. 422). He continued his march and reached Delhi on 10 Isfandārmaẕ (about 20 February 1581). Two days later he was at Sonpat, 28 m. N.W. Delhi, and here it was that Malik Ṯānī formerly in the service of M. Ḥakīm, arrived, and as the T.A. informs us, put up at the quarters of Manṣūr (Sonpat is the place mentioned by A.F. The T.A. says Panipat, which is a station some 25 m. further on). Here Akbar, whose former suspicions had been increased by Malik Ṯānī's arrival, showed Manṣūr the papers that had been found in Shādmān's portfolio. On 17 Isfandarmaẕ (about 27 February) Akbar reached Thānesar and had the interview with Jalāl S. From there he went on to Shahabad in the Ambāla district, and here it was that the kotwāl of the camp, Malik^505a 'Alī, produced on 19 Isfandarmaẕ the letters which he said had been obtained in Sirhind from a courier of Sharaf Beg who was Khwāja Manṣūr's agent and in charge of his estate at Fīrūzpūr. These letters sealed Manṣūr's fate and led to his being hanged at Koṭ Kacwāha, which according to Blochmann 431, n. 2, is a village on the road from Karnāl to Ludhiāna. Presumably it is near Shāhābād. The Khulāṣat Tawārīkh states that it was between Shāhābād and Patīāla. The same authority denies that Todar Mal had any hand in the intrigues against the Khwāja. It adds that Akbar found out his mistake ten days afterwards. We are told by Niẓāmu-d-dīn, Elliot V. 426, that the letters on which Manṣūr was hanged were forged by Shahbāz K.'s brother Karam Ullah. According to the Maaṯir I. 157, Karam Ullah was the tool of Todar Mal. The Maaṯir gives the chronogram of Manṣūr's death Ṯānī Manṣūr Ḥallāj, “A second Manṣūr Ḥallāj,” alluding to the martyrdom of this Sūfī in A.D. 922. The B.M. MS. Add. 27, 247, Rieu's Cat. I. 247, contains some remarkable variations from the Bib. Ind. text and from most MSS., in its account of Shāh Manṣūr's death. It is evidently a different recension. One valuable thing is that in several places it gives the corresponding Hijra date instead of only the Divine era dates as in the Bib. Ind. text. Thus at p. 343 it tells us that 19 Isfandarmaẕ, which it calls the Farwardīn day, corresponds to 23 Muḥarram. Consequently it was 28 February 1581. Then it adds that the letters were obtained by Malik 'Alī from the enemy's camp. It also states that two days before—viz. 17 Isfandarmaẕ, Sunday, 21 Muḥarram—Pāk Dās was made dīwān. It also says that Akbar did not want to put Manṣūr to death, but was induced to do so by Rajah Bīrbar and others, and it adds that Manṣūr was hanged on a Kaikar, i.e. bābul or acacia tree. The explanation of his death too is differently worded. A.F. in this MS. admits more clearly than in text that Manṣūr was wrongly convicted and suggests that he must have committed sins on former occasions (in a previous life?).

The enlightened^506a gatherers of experience, and the illuminated souls of those who walk with circumspection, do not accept truths in advance of evidence, and do not hasten on to beliefs with poverty in arguments. Every great man, who at the time of increase of realm and power keeps the rose-garden of his heart fresh and verdant by the irrigating waters of justice, and who regards his prosperity as material for supplication to God and gives to his thoughts and actions the adornment of auspiciousness, and who regards himself as a trustee appointed by God, and watches over soldier and subject, and who applies the balm of soothing speech and kindness to the distressed and broken, shall assuredly have his wishes accomplished without having to entreat the help of sellers of service and will execute easily difficult enterprises. These things are apparent in the early career of the world's lord, and this noble record tells somewhat of them. The ruin of the Mīrzā is a fresh instance of this, and will be recognized as such by the awakened and fortunate.

When some disaffection arose in India, and the fire of discord attacked part of it, the villains of that country and the foolish ones of Afghanistan^506b bewildered that misguided young man and led him to indulge in vain thoughts. He sent some soldiers and stirred up strife. Retribution followed, and he ought to have awaked from his somnolence, and have felt ashamed and have endeavoured to remedy his backslidings. On the contrary, he hastened to make war.

When he crossed the Indus, the officers of that quarter obeyed the royal command and gathered together at Lahore and prepared to defend the fort. M. Yūsuf^507a K. put down his foot to defend Rohtās and no one joined the evil-thoughted one. Far less did any of the enlightened ones. He read the writing of failure on the soldiers,^507b and he did not see any of the peasantry inclined towards him. Hopelessness from time to time augmented his anguish. He ³⁴⁵ pleased himself with the lies of foolish talkers, and spent his days in idle fancies. He brayed the wind in a mortar, and sifted water with a sieve! At last he came to besiege Lahore. By untimely efforts he laboured to open the knot of his own destruction! Though the retreat of the imperialists rejoiced him for a time, yet he had heard much of the deeds of those lovers of honour and foes of life. Their not fighting at this time encouraged his hopes. He trembled at the courage and activity of the world's lord, but was supported by not hearing of his advance.

When the moment chosen by heaven arrived, H.M. turned his sun towards the Panjab. Joy circulated in the brain of the age…

The world's lord marched on tranquilly, hunting by the way. Though he advanced from stage to stage, no report came of his (M. Ḥakīm's) having fled. No dust of apprehension clouded his soul. The evil-minded rejoiced from thinking that he (M. Hakīm) intended to fight, while the auspicious and acute were glad from the thought that he would be defeated. With his pearl-laden tongue he (Akbar) said, “Something tells me that his standing his ground comes from his not believing that the royal standards are approaching. Idle talkers have impressed a different opinion on him. Probably when we reach Sirhind, we shall hear of his flight.” What that knower of the secrets of destiny had said, came to pass. On the same^507c day that the standards left the capital the Mīrzā stirred up the dust of strife near Lahore and spent twenty^508a days in melancholy joy in that garden of Mahdī Qāsim K., and shot arrows at an imaginary target. S'aīd K., Rajah Bhagwant Dās, Kuar Mān Singh, Saiyid Hāmid K. (Bokhārī), Muḥammad Zamān and other fief-holders of the Panjab strengthened the fort somewhat and prepared for war. As the order was, not to engage, they abode in the batteries and from prudence they restrained the beturbaned (i.e. the ³⁴⁶ learned) foolish talkers of the city from making confusion. By the help of God they prevented the gates from being opened.^508b Several times did Sher Khwāja, Nād 'Alī, Qorbān 'Alī and Mīr Sikandar make attacks from the side of the besiegers, but they received^508c buffets from God's hand. The Mīrzā became from time to time more distressed on account of the non-advancement of the work, and showed dissatisfaction with his prating companions. Suddenly his brain was worsened by the sound of the approach of the Shāhinshāh. He quickly turned to fly. He crossed the Rāvī one kos above Mahdī Qāsim K.'s garden and hastened off in confusion to Kabul. On that night he halted for a while in the neighbourhood of Shāham 'Alī, and then crossed the Cenāb near Jalālābād.^508d Many of his companions lost their lives in that crossing. Near Bhera he crossed the Bihat, and many also perished in its waves. He crossed the Indus by the way of Khīp^508e and returned to his own country. When H.M. heard of this, his royal clemency was put in motion and an order was issued that the army should refrain from pursuit lest in the rush of waters the Mīrzā's boat should be sunk, and his condition pass beyond the power of remedies. “If that unfortunate one does not understand matters, and does not acquire enlightenment, why shall we, who have such glory of wisdom, erase his existence. Possibly he may in time gain sense, and the highway of vision may be manifested to him. Moreover in the balance of appreciation a brother is weightier than a son (because the former cannot be replaced).

On the 24th (Isfandarmaẕ?) the army encamped at Sirhind and H.M. rested in the delightful gardens^509a of that city.

One of the occurrences was the revival of the laws of adminis tration. Inasmuch as the far-seeing prince from time to time gives a new foundation to prudence, and regards the improvement of the world as the worship of God, on this occasion a pleasant thought occurred to him. An order was issued that the jāgīrdārs shiqdārs, and dāroghās of the empire should reduce to writing the numbers and the occupations of the inhabitants, village by village, and should classify^509b them. They were not to allow any one to live without some trade or occupation, and they were to look narrowly into ³⁴⁷ the income and expenditure of men—who are composed of the good and the bad—so that in a short space of time the outwardly good, but inwardly bad, might be discovered, and the false, gold-incrusted coin might be brought to the place of weighment. By this enlightened order there was a market-day of graciousness, and the wide territory of India received a great calm. On the 28th he crossed the Sutlej at Macīwāra by a noble bridge. In that neighbourhood the Panjab officers did homage. Each was exalted by special favours. Thanksgivings were offered up for the successful results.

The dominion-flag of the New Year was unfurled on the plain,
The bounty of the Holy Spirit was shed from on high.
Such an air it was that Paradise halted in surprise.^510a
Such an earth that heaven rose up in astonishment.

On the night of Thursday, 5 Ṣafar 989, 10 or 11 March 1581, after the passing of 6 hours 22 minutes, the light-dispenser of the spiritual and physical world, the lord of the visible and invisible universe, cast a glance of favour on the Sign of Aries. The material and spiritual kingdoms became full of light. A feast of joy was prepared, and there was a loud sound of delight. As the protection of the community is a thing inscribed on the frontispiece of sovereignty, it struck his celestial mind that, as by the aid of heaven the pleasant land of the Panjab had been swept and cleansed of the weeds and rubbish of sedition mongers, so might the inhabitants of the banks of the Indus be refreshed by the irrigation of justice, and the sorrow of the afflicted be ended. Also some prudent and diplomatic persons had been sent and had by salutary counsels amended the disposition of the Mīrzā. Wise words spoken close at hand make an impression such as thousands spoken from a distance do not make. H.M. also had the intention of laying the foundation of a lofty fortress on the bank of the river so that the savages of that region might speedily acquire bliss, and the imperial servants might receive protection. With this holy design he proceeded towards that quarter.

³⁴⁸ One of the occurrences was that H.M. turned his thoughts towards Nagarkot.^511a When he heard of the wonders of that ancient place of pilgrimage, and especially of the restoration there of tongues that had been cut off, his truth-seeking heart was attracted towards that place. At this time, when he was near that spot, the wondrous tale again occurred to him, and on the 15th^511b (Farwardīn) he went thither with a few special intimates to see the marvel. At the first stage Rajah Jai Cand the ruler of the fort came and was exalted by doing homage. When a watch of the night had passed, H.M., in order to give men a rest, alighted in the town of Desūha.^511c Rajah Bīrbar, who was the fief-holder there, came and offered presents. The difficulties of the way and the rugged defiles had somewhat fatigued the companions of dominion, but from awe of the Divine majesty—which is a powerful closer of the tongue—no one ventured to say anything. During that night a spiritual^511d form— which had wondrous powers—appeared in the secret place of dreams. It recited the lofty rank of the world's lord and restraine him from his intention. In the morning he mentioned the vision and returned. A great delight took possession of every one.

Between Khokowāl^511e and Kānwāhan^511f he crossed the Beās by a bridge, and on the 17th arrived at the pleasant city of Kalānūr. He enjoyed himself in its garden.^511g

One of the occurrences was the defeat of 'Arab Bahādur. When M'aṣūm K. Farankhūdī went to ruin from his ill-fatedness, 'Arab Bahādur, Niyābat K., and Shāh Dāna and many evil-minded persons stirred up the dust of sedition in Sambal. Their idea was that they might collect the accumulations of that province and make them a means for increasing their wickedness. If they did not succeed in this, they would convey themselves by night to M. Ḥakīm. Ḥakīm Ain-al-mulk the faujdār of that country heard of this and set himself to strengthen the fort of Bareilly, and to collect troops. The above-mentioned persons thought they would bring him over to their side and so held out hopes and threats to him. They soon saw that they had failed and came to attack the fort. Ḥakīm by firmness and wisdom gained the victory. Night came on, and those black-thoughted ones lost their way and postponed matters till daylight. As there was broken ground, and a report of the approach of troops, the evil-doers withdrew from the investment of the fort and went off to some distance. That wise officer sent an intelligent spy to their camp that he might let himself fall into the ³⁴⁹ hands of the enemy's scouts. After much ill-treatment he said, and confirmed the statement by an oath, that the imperialists were gathering together from all sides and were going to make a night attack, and had sent him to convey news. The plot succeeded, and at midnight they departed. The garrison rejoiced, and roses bloomed on the cheek of joy, and the drums of joy beat high. In a short space of time, Bakhtiyār^512a Beg came from Budāon, and S. Muḥammad Ghaznavī from Shamsābād, S. Muaẓẓam and Mīr Abu-l-hasan from Amroha, Ghulām Ḥusain from Selīmpūr, Qāsim from Lakhnau,^512b and Maulāna Maḥmūd and Abu-l-Qāsim from Sambal. The imperial servants had a fortunate time. Ḥakīm sought for an engagement. The bewildered enemy, who were in the desert of failure, and the demon-haunted rebels, though they had gone far off from that place, yet they opened the hand of plunder in the confines of the country and troubled the weak. They looked upon oppression of the feeble as if it were daring, and stretched out long arms. The Rajah of Kumāon Rām Sāh, Mukut Sen, Rajah Karn and many crooked-minded zamindars and presumptuous and empty-brained ones assembled together and stirred up strife. Ḥakīm first disseminated dissension among them, and brought Rām Sāh, Mukut Sen, and Rajah Karn into the way of good service. By their instrumentality, also, Niyābat K. joined the victorious army. In the confines of Aklī the lovers of work prepared for battle, and guarded their fame. They preserved the respect of the new-comers by giving them the name of the vanguard (harāwal). In fact, Bakhtiyār Beg and some noted men formed the advance-party. The battle began by Shah Dāna's falling upon the vanguard. Bakhtiyār Beg and some loyal warriors stood manfully shoulder to shoulder, and brave men joined them from every side. The fortune of the Shāhinshāh brought the news of victory. The enemy were stained with the dust of failure and fled. Saiyid Miyān and Saiyid Muṯṭafa and many ill-fated ones went headlong to the pit of annihilation.

The world's lord made a bridge over the Rāvī at Kalānūr and crossed it. Then he crossed the Cenāb at Rāmgarh. The Bihat (the Jhilam) he crossed by a bridge between Jhilam ferry and Rasūlpūr. He stayed for some days near the Bihat in the enjoyment of hunting. The landholders of that country obtained their wishes. At this time, when there was a daily market for the springtide of justice, and the fountain of fortune grew larger every day, on 10 Ardībisht he made a delightful garden. H.M. always ³⁵⁰ gives attention to material and spiritual culture … He crossed over to the town of Nandana^513a for the purpose of hunting. As it had good soil and water he thought of making a garden. In a short time this was excellently accomplished. For the sake of enjoyment he went to the top of the fort, which is an ancient building and lofty as the genius of exalted saints.

Also at this time he visited the shrine of Bālnāth^513b Tillah. It is loftily situated and near Rohtās. It is so old that its beginning is not known. It is regarded as the prayer-spot of Bālnāth Jogī, and is held in veneration, and visited by many people. In the extensive country of India there are various ways of obtaining deliverance (āzādī). One set are called Jogīs. Their tenets are according to the Pātanjal^514a Canon, of which some account has been given in the final volume.

They place^514b eternal existence in the kingdom of annihilation, and act, in many respects, contrary to customs. Many are distinguished for contentment and innocence, and, one by one, attain to enlightenment. Bālnāth was at the head of these enthusiasts. They say he was the younger brother of Rām Cand, and it is commonly said that he became an ascetic, and that he chose this place in order to mortify his passions. In short, the world's lord did not regard his own spiritual beauty, and searched for servants of God, and always offered up supplications to God with every body of men who seemed to have attained the truth, or wherever men offered up prayer. With this view he went to that retreat^514c of worshippers of God. The company of ascetics in that neighbourhood obtained enlightenment from the glory of the presence of the world's lord. On the 31st the advent of the Shāhinshāh conferred eternal bliss on the quarters of M. Yūsuf K. The famous fortress of Rohtās was in his fief. As H.M. was in the neighbourhood he begged that he would visit him. H.M. graciously consented. Presents were tendered, and eternal bliss accepted. Though it was the general opinion that H.M. should stay there some days, yet as he considered that the nearer he came ³⁵¹ to Kabulistān, the better would the affair of the governor of that country be transacted, he marched on to Sind-sāgar which is known as Nīlāb.

One of the occurrences was the death of the eunuch Khwāja 'Ālam. He was a hard taskmaster. Several pahlwāns (wrestlers) were under his charge. At the stage (?) of Kharbūza (?) he beat one of them with a stick, and in retaliation the latter put an end to him with a dagger. The Shāhinshāh lamented the death of that old servant, and capitally punished his murderer. The lamp of enlightenment was thus kindled for many, and a road was opened for the presumptuous and crooked in their ways.

H.M. encamped on the bank of the Indus on 13 Khurdād, and soldiers and subjects returned thanks to heaven. Every one received special favours, and the Afghan tribe, who were bewildered in the desert of ingratitude, rubbed the forehead of good service. As the object which H.M. held before himself was the amendment of M. Ḥakīm, a gracious order was issued, and that was an irradiation of right-thinking and of counsel, and graciousness. He dispatched skilful, loyal and sweetly-spoken persons in order that they might in the first place not make a parade of their own wisdom, but deliver the whole of their message (to M. Ḥakīm), and afterwards should utter good words.

Hearts of steel can be made soft
By the strength of warm expressions.

Though the perversity of his mind was evident to the wise, yet H.M. thought that “the withholding again of our troops from pursuing him, and the various favours we have shown may induce him to accept advice, and to come to the garden of truth.” But the understanding of every one whose fortune slumbers, and whose reason is flattered in the bitter-land of lust, swiftly carries him to destruction. The biography of this young man of slumbrous intellect shows this.

The gist of the message was, “Whenever a majestic prince who has abundance of power withholds his hand from chastisement and addresses himself to counselling, and the utterance of truth, and has ³⁵² no other design than to show good will and graciousness, those who are fortunate and of happy star, but who have made a slip, come to his assembly with ashamed faces and hearts receptive of truth, and amend their conduct by submission and supplication. The wicked and evil-fated ones remain in their dark and dangerous position, and make use of subterfuges and tricks, and gloss over their evil deeds. Now let that brother, who holds the position of a son, receive knowledge, and gather eternal bliss. Princes of illustrious houses, and the great men of every land receive radiance from our benevolence. Why shall he who is so connected with us sit in the defile of irrecognition? How long shall he do so? How long will he, in company with base people, move about in the hollow of loss? It behoves him not to give ear to the buzzings of fly-like men, but to come and do homage at our threshold so that our love for him may be impressed on all, far or near, and that he may spend the few days of life in a proper manner, and that his worldly rank and future position may be exalted, and that he may end his days with a good name. The wretched and tiny ant is not withheld by feebleness from entering on the desert of purpose; perchance it may after the manner of the fortunate arrive at the pinnacle of desire! Why should a son of man possessed of such enlightenment fall into the fool's sleep of carelessness and not make even half a step in the wide plain of search?

There are many steps to the lofty roof,
Why are you contented with one?
If you cannot fully succeed, struggle
In the path, it will not hurt you.

If you design to be successful, what experience can be gained by testing oneself only. How long will you keep yourself on the edge of the sword? If from shame and evil behaviour you do not come to court, and out of fear do not apply your heart to service, the tale of our daily-increasing graciousness from the beginning of our reign till now—which is the vernal season of fortune—and of our bounty and our forgiveness of great criminals, is patent to all, far and near!”

Inasmuch as the distracted ones of the desert of destruction hear with difficulty the words of counsel, he, from somnolence of fortune, and unwisdom, regarded the pleasing speech of enlightenment as deception, and returned an inglorious reply. As it was the market-day of gentleness, H.M. forgave him, and intimated that if his heart and tongue were in unison in the matter of good service, but out of fancies he could not for some days appear in person, he should send one of his sons along with the chaste Bakhtu-n-nisa^518a Begum. If from narrowness of heart and ignorance he could not ³⁵³ even do this, he should send Khwāja Ḥasan Naqshbandī with some leading officers to execute oaths and treaties. Assuredly this would be accepted by H.M. and be a reason for forgiving and returning.

As counsel had no effect on slumbrous ears, an order was issued that Rajah Mān Singh and some brave and loyal men should cross the Indus and proceed to Peshawar, and bring to submission the refractory ones of that quarter. As H.M.'s sole desire was that the slumbrous witted one should learn wisdom by the majesty of the imperial army, Prince Sulṭān Murād and many officers were sent off on 11 Tīr (end of June 1581) that they might cross the river and proceed slowly towards Peshawar. If the Mīrzā should waken up and take the road of obedience, they were by various favours to inspire him with hope. Otherwise they were to hasten on to Kabulistān. For greater security the troops were put into battle-array. The centre was adorned by the light of the Caliphate (Murād), M. Yūsuf K., Rai Rai Singh, Rai Durgā, Gūjar K., Sūraj Singh, Madan Cohān, S. 'Abdu-r-raḥīm, Bālkā Rai,^518b Rām Cand, Thākur Sai, Selīm K., Kākar 'Alī, Saiyid Muḥammad Maujī, Karm Ullah Kambū,^518c Prithī Rāj, Rām Dās Cohān, Mathrā Dās, Sānwal Dās, Kala Kacwāha, Askaran, Kajra, Hazāra Beg, S. Walī Jalāl, Mīr Muḥasan and a large number of brave men and cavaliers took part in this army. The left^518d wing was commanded by Saiyid Ḥāmid Bokhārī, Makhṣūṣ K., Saiyid Mahdī Qāsim, Abū-l-qāsim Tamkīn, 'Arab Saiyid Ḥusain, Ḥasan 'Alī Beg, 'Abdullah Bilūc and others. The right wing was commanded by Qulīj K., Jalāl K., S. Jamāl Bakhtiyār, Nūr Qulīj, M. Faulād, Jamāl K. Bilūc, S. Gakhar, Malik Darvesh Jānoha, 'Ālam Noḥānī, Maulānā Ilhadād Ambaroha, Shahbāz K. Lodī, and others.

Rajāh Mān Singh, Naurang K., Shīroyah K., Mādhū Singh, Muḥammad Beg Taklū, Mān Singh Darbārī, Jagmāl Silahdār, Bahādur K. Qūrdār, Surjan, Pahlwān 'Alī, Sakat Singh, Jagat Rai, Rām Cand, Bhagwān Dās, S. Kabīr, Jabbār Qulī, Naqīb Dīwāna and others were in the van. Out of graciousness and innate kindness again was a rescript of advice—such as might be an amulet of fortune—sent along with Ḥājī Ḥabību-l-lah Kāshī. (The letter) stated that “the time for an expedition to that province (Kabul) was passing away and that a large army would have some difficulty in the defiles. It behoved him to perform one of the ceremonies of sub- ³⁵⁴ mission so that the army might return from Bigrām, and that he (the Mīrzā) might have a good name and that favours might be shown him.” The sole apprehension of H.M. was that the Mīrzā might be alarmed by the might of the victorious army, and resort to the desert of failure, and seek help from aliens. Inasmuch as foresight is the sun of the portico of fortune, an order was issued to the officers that they should make a bridge over the river. The able servants busied themselves in collecting boats, and the hebdomadal watchmen, and the high officers exerted themselves to construct river-stages^519a since if from ill-fortune the Mīrzā should listen to babblers, and take the road of loss to himself, and not listen to commands, it would be necessary that the august cavalcade should also go to that province.

One of the occurrences was the death of Fatḥ Dost, the son of 'Alī Dost^519b Bārbegī. He had a disposition for service and he outwardly displayed the jewel of purity. He frequently represented to the writer that he wished to become a disciple of H.M. and asked him to represent the matter so that his wish might be fulfilled. As this reader of the lines of the forehead did not find that his heart and tongue were in accord, he used to put him off. At this time, when the standards of fortune had reached the bank of the Indus, he spoke to me about having the thing done. The far-sighted Khedive came to know of this, and made inquiries of this least of men. I described the circumstances, and he smiled and approved From good intention I represented that as the gracious sovereign had come to know of the case, perhaps the great boon (of discipleship) might have the effect of converting him, and might lead him to bliss. He said, “Although a felicitous day (rūzbihī) does not shine on his forehead, yet I'll grant his request. The becoming a disciple of this supplicant to God is a test of men, and brings out their internal qualities. He administered the shast^520a according to holy rites, and recited with his pearl-filled tongue

He gave him weighty counsels. As he was not pure of soul, and his heart did not accord with his tongue, he in the course of two days ceased to exist.

The negligent, heavy sleepers were awakened somewhat. He had intimacy with a certain person and went to drink wine with him in a pleasure-house in the neighbourhood. Jealous and turbulent men came upon him and killed him. They said that Maṭṭalīb^520b K. was mixed up in the affair. They brought that young man out of his house, and Maṭṭalīb K. was taken to the place of examination. They deferred the investigation until the arrival of his father (i.e. 'Alī Dost Bārbegī).

One of the occurrences was the founding the fort of Atak^3520c Benares. It was the secret design of the world-adorner that when the army arrived at this boundary, a lofty fortress should be built. On this occasion the place which far-sighted men had chosen was approved of. On 15 Khurdād (near the end of May 1588) after the passing of two pahars two gharīs the foundation was laid by the holy hand in accordance with this name, just as in the extremity of the eastern provinces there is a fortress named Katak Benares. It was placed under the charge of Khwāja Shāmsu-d-dīn Khāfī, who had come from Bengal about this time. In a short time it was beautifully finished. There was a noble barrier^521a placed between Hindustan and Kabulistan, and it was made the material for enforcing the obedience of the turbulent of that border. The helpless obtained a means of subsistence, the seekers of traffic obtained confidence, and world-traversers had security.

When the army was encamped on the bank of the Indus, the design was to cross the river and proceed to Zābulistān. Most of the principal men in the army spoke in favour of abandoning this expedition. Some were influenced by ignorance, some by smallness of intellect, some by dread of a cold country, some by considerations of health and a love for India, some by the inconveniences of travelling. Some were influenced by good will towards the incompetent and ill-fated one, and being emboldened by the gentleness of the world's lord, they loosed the bridles of numbers of men (i.e. made them, slack). As the thread of acuteness and profundity was of double strength, the artifices of the tale-bearers were ineffectual. At this time an order was given to the writer of the noble volume to write down the views of the officers, and after having understood them, to represent them to H.M. I was astonished at their talk, but by God's help I was not deceived by it. I had not white hair and long beard, nor did an old, blue-stained cloak adorn a face of hypocrisy. When I did not accept their plausible speeches, they took to conspiring against me, but as I had the favour of the holy heart, apprehensions of this or that one did not touch the hem of my soul. The delay in the Shāhinshāh's carrying out his designs was wholly due to his hope that the Mīrzā would be aided by reason and do what was right. But he from foolishness and somnolence fell into evil thoughts, and his pride increased.

Enemies become proud from your soft words,
'Tis a time when fair speech does harm.

³⁵⁶ Though this was clear to his celestial mind, and he used constantly to say with his pearl-filled tongue, “The wise have an excellent rule, and it is a proper practice that whenever owing to the constitution's deviating from equability a member of it becomes evil, it should be removed from the body so that it may not injure the other members. So also among men, if an individual cause a defect in the substance of auspiciousness, and create disaffection in others it is assuredly proper that the record of his existence should be erased from the book of the world.” But his loving heart could in no way agree to this, and he put off the crossing of the river. He feared lest by the crossing of the army things would go beyond the prospect of peace, and the life of this careless young man come to an end.^523a When graciousness had gone beyond bounds, and dissimulation had ended in imposture, the world's lord was compelled to order a crossing on 31 Tīr (about^523b 11 July 1588). He encamped at the place where the Indus and the Kabul river meet. He left the main camp with an immense quantity of baggage on the banks of the Indus, and gave the command of that spot to Qāsim K. in order that he might subdue the refractory spirits there and construct a bridge. On 8 Amardād (about 19 July 1581) Ḥājī Ḥabīb Ullah did homage and reported the Mīrzā's petition to H.M. Though he showed some shame and repentance, and confirmed his obedience by oaths, yet as he had not done what was ordered, his words did not bear the lustre of truth. Excuses are accepted when deeds accord with words. Otherwise word-spinners send the tongue in supplication and neglect performance. Many simpletons in old times have from inexperience accepted words as deeds, and have suffered heavy loss. It is proper for a peaceable being that if his deeds be not greater than his words, they be not less. Otherwise feline^523c tricks and deception are brought to the market. Accordingly the prudent sovereign did not accept the Mīrzā's apologies and issued orders that the prince should advance from Bikrām,^524a and that he himself would also proceed in that direction. On the 9th (Amardād) the standards moved forward and stopped on the bank of the Kabul river. As the sea of graciousness was commoved he sent Khwāja Muhammad^524b 'Alī and a party of men. Perhaps one of these interviews might have effect, and the Mīrzā might not fall into eternal ruin. Next day he encamped at Daulatābād. On this day he exalted M. Ghyāṯu-d-dīn 'Alī of Qazwīn, who was the unique of the age for knowledge of history, and was also possessed of excellence and right-thinking, by the title of Naqib^524c K. He was presented with a splendid dress of honour, a special horse and abundant riches (khwāsta).^524d The idly-talking genealogists had their mouths shut, and the speakers of improper things had ³⁵⁷ guidance. At this stage a courier brought a petition of the Mīrzā. It expressed regret for the past and promised good service for the future. As it did not appear to be sincere, it made no impression on H.M. Inasmuch as choice meditation and the taking counsel are a praiseworthy habit of the Shāhinshāh, he directed that the great officers to the number of twenty should hold a special meeting, and should give answers in accordance with acuteness and knowledge. He also ordered the writer to ascertain the opinion of each, and to report the result to him. The order was carried out, and every one spoke as he had hitherto done. As none of them wished to march, they all spoke in favour of pardoning the Mīrzā and of returning, and they dressed up one idea in various fashions. The writer said: “When a large army under the command of such a fortunate and majestic chief has made a long journey and when the goal is not more than seven or eight marches off, and when the frequent pardoning of offences and the return of the august standards are linked with one of those four^525a conditions, how can retreat be proper in the absence of these, and solely because of the utterances of obscure envoys and of writings without the lustre of truth. Moreover, it is now the rainy season in India. How will it do to remain near the Indus till it is over, and if we march back now great damage will be done in this rainy weather to the war-material and the result will not be good. It is proper to finish the work which is nearly completed, and then to punish or forgive. “Owing to a mixture of interested motives they were angry, and consulted together (lit. put their heads down) with evil intentions. A cautious^525b man said to me from ignorance, but with friendly feelings (or it may be without understanding the laws of friendship), “Though I know that the degree of your knowledge is being revealed, and that truth-speaking is being displayed, yet in the troubled state of society it is indispensable that one should act along with one's contemporaries and especially with those who are powerful in the state.” I replied: “It has been reckoned as one of the worst things to conceal what is fitting for the time, in a meeting for uttering confidences, and in the pure place of counsel, and to speak contrary to one's real sentiments. Such a course is destructive of realm and religion. Why should I for the sake of security in an outward world, which is soon to be destroyed, knowingly choose what is deadly injurious spiritually? Seeing that I have not spoken foolishly for the sake of applause I am in hopes that no dust will fall upon my skirt.” It was suggested that every one should lay his opinion before H.M. and that no mention should be made of me unless he inquired. With this understanding we separated. On that day^525c I had headache and fever and was unable to pay my respects (kornish). Some evil-disposed opportunists made a compact among themselves and resolved upon injuring me. They seduced many simple-minded and honest persons by improper language, and they represented to H.M. that all the officers were of opinion that M. Ḥakīm should be forgiven and that the army should return. The Khedive of the world asked, “What is so and so's opinion, meaning the writer of the book of fortune.” One of them, who was shameless, from audacity and plausibility ³⁵⁸ said: “He too agrees with this opinion.” The short-sighted ones from envy and selfishness (tandārī) took this wrong course, and were firm in their evil imaginings. H. M. was indignant and said: “Such short-sighted views do not approve themselves to me. Apparently the officers are afraid of the cold of Afghanistan (Zābul); I'll leave them all behind, and go there with my disciples (shāgirdpesha.)” Next day I had recovered, and without delay I went and saluted H. M. (kornish sirbaland shud). The marks of glory were shining on the holy forehead and there was a new splendour to the great assemblage. There was a deep deliberation and a profound inquiry. At this time the sublime sovereign called me near him, and made inquiries after my health, which were mingled with reproaches. He asked why I had changed the opinions which I always^526a used to entertain. It became clear that hostile persons and fabricators of words had played a trick and laid a plot. I fell into despondency, and came into a condition which may^526b no evil-doer fall into. The turbulence of youth, the exuberance of devotion, the intoxication of honesty, the hatred of life were aroused. Prudent counsel was nearly deserting me, and the revolutions of the spheres were almost over for this faster in Society's morning, that is, this new traveller^526c in the inexperience of the disposition of the Age. By virtue of my happy star, God's help lifted me up from the pit of irreflection. Right-thinking Reason cast the shadow of benignity over me. I emerged somewhat from my sorrow of heart and I petitioned H.M., saying, “Was what they allege me to have said spoken to one person's ear, or was it uttered in that meeting?” The audacious one chose to answer, “The latter was the case.” The justice-living sovereign sent for them all and questioned them. Some who were in league took, one after another, the same road of impudent assertion. The jewel of wisdom was nearly destroyed, and I was almost consigning myself to the repose of non-existence. The far-seeing prince read on the tablet of my forehead the marks of honesty, and the confusion was being diminished, but things were altered^527a by the audacity of the wicked men, and he was believing their statement to be true. In this confused and hopeless condition one of the brave and truthful men, who was not afraid^527b about himself and did not regard the numbers of adversaries, and whom I in my^527c imperfect acquaintance with him did not believe to be truthful, said, “In that meeting a certain one (i.e. A.F.) was speaking against this set of men; perhaps the conversation (they rely upon) may have taken place elsewhere.” The knot on my heart was loosed. In the abundance of his capacity H.M. folded up the roll (tūmār) of discussion. In gratitude^527d for this great boon from God, for the medicine for the crisis is not due to any one else, and by the hair-splitting acuteness of the world's lord, the real truth became impressed on far and near—I abandoned^527e the idea of retirement and of sinking down. The rank of my service was increased. H.M. put aside the asking for advice and went on, stage by stage to Zābulīstān. On the 14th he encamped near Bigrām. He spent some time in Gorkhattrī,^1528a which is a shrine of the Jogīs. There is a great cave in this place. Babblers say that no one knows how deep (long ?) it is. In the midst of it is the way to the secret chamber of the saints of old times. On account of the difficulty and darkness of the way, and its tortuousness, one cannot get there. As it was the prayer-spot of the great ones of God he entered it alone by the light of wisdom, and some of his servants, one after the other, also had this blessing. This least of men was one of them. The road was very long. It was necessary to sit down and to lie down and to trust to God. Many brave men had not the courage to do so, and turned back when half-way. After that he rested at the fort of Bigrām. This country is called Parshāwar, and the general public call also the city by this name. The governorship of it was assigned to Yār 'Alī the Nāẓir-i-Biyūtāt.

As the whole thought of H.M. was that the Mīrzā might recognize the truth and advance from fair speech to right actions, he was marching slowly and in every stage he halted for some time. He also issued orders to the prince not to hurry. Perhaps the Mīrzā might adopt proper views, and not endamage himself spiritually and materially. That unfortunate one, owing to the influence of apprehensions and the companionship of wicked flatterers could by no means bring himself to wait upon H.M. Though his sister wished to go to court, she could not obtain her wish. Khwāja Ḥasan perversely went off to Badakhshān. The Mīrzā sent his family to strong places, and prepared for brigandage. When he learnt that H.M. had halted near Bigrām and that the army was advancing under the command of the Prince, he, at the foolish talking of ignorant persons, prepared for battle, and exerted himself to spill his own honour. When H.M. perceived this, he joined knowledge with prudence, and resolved to proceed on rapidly. On the 15th he left Prince Sulṭan Selīm in charge of the main camp, together with S'aīd K., Rajah Bhagwant Dās, and many loyal servants. He issued orders that the camp should proceed on slowly, stage by stage. On that day, as it had become evening, the standards halted at Jamrūd. Next morning, at dawn, he went on rapidly. He passed through the difficult defile of the Khaibar, and rested for a while in the neighbourhood of Daka by the bank of the stream. At the end of the day, when the air was cooler he proceeded to make a night-march, and on that day halted at Lājīpūr.^529a In the morning he ³⁶⁰ reached Jalālābād. The landholders of that part obtained their wishes. For the repose of the troops he left Jān Darvesh K. and Shamsu-d-dīn Krorī. Next^529b day he reached Bāgh Ṣafā. The swift cavaliers of the army used to continually arrive, and give news of the evil thought of the Mīrzā, and of the activity of the imperialists (those under Murād who were in advance). But at this station no one came, and the scouts too returned, saying that the road in front was held by the Afghans. Next day the standards halted at Gandamak. At the end of the day Ḥājī Muḥammad Aḥadī, who was one of the noted brave men, and who had been sent on purpose, returned after going half way, and from misunderstanding brought news which was far from being correct. He reported that the victorious army had met with loss. H.M. observed that the news did not appear to be true, otherwise some men of the great army would have come in. From foresight, he held a council, and asked what was proper to be done. A number agreed that he should delay until the army which was with the prince (Selīm) should come up. Some represented that if some thing untoward had happened, they were few in number, and that it was not safe to stand still, and that they should go back to the camp, and after that prepare for war. Some, who looked to the favour of God, and the daily-increas-ing fortune, represented that although they were few, how could they add to their numbers? H.M.'s men were all brave and experienced, and the proper thing was to go on. If by heaven's decree anything untoward had happened, the enemy would be terrified by the sound of the august retinue and would disperse. H.M. approved of this opinion, and proceeded onwards. On the way, some headmen came in, and uttered peaceable and affectionate words. The unique pearl of wisdom remarked that it was evident from their language that the report was not true, and on that day he halted at Surkhāb. From skill and foresight he drew up his troops in battle-array. H.M. was in the centre. Zain K. Kokaltāsh had command of the right wing, and Maṭṭalib K. commanded the left wing. Some Begs and Aḥadīs were in the van. At the end of the day, when the heroes were ready for battle, news of victory arrived. But as the couriers were Afghans, and the report was from Karmullah ³⁶¹ Kambū, prudent persons did not put much faith in it. They thought it might be fabricated, as otherwise they would have had reports from the prince and the other leaders. H.M. inquired from some of the zamīndārs, and it appeared from their statements that a victory had been won. He observed to judicious persons that though they (the zamīndārs) did not, out of hypocrisy and evil nature, tell the real facts yet they had left off the original story. Next day he proceeded from Surkhab to Jagdalak. Some active^531a men came and brought reports from the Prince, and gave news of victory. Men were delighted, and thanks were returned to God by the tongue of action.

(This chapter begins with twelve lines of turgid rhetoric. It then proceeds as follows.)

The Mīrzā left the highway of obedience on account of the intrigues of wicked wretches who dig up the foundations of houses, and cast down the roof of palaces. At the time of the rebellion in the eastern provinces, he made the pleasant land of India full of ³⁶² the dust of opposition. From the day that he returned in an ashamed condition, sometimes he blamed his star, and sometimes he became aware of his own folly; at one time he censured his foolish companions, and blamed himself for having listened to them. In this state of bewilderment the sound of the coming of the august retinue still more disquieted him. He could not stay as he was, nor yet could he devise any plan. He had not the clearness of intellect to induce him to prostrate himself at the holy threshold, nor had his companions the sense to take his children to do homage. His sister and Khwāja Ḥasan from fear of the consequences of disobedience hastened off to Badakhshān. Farīdūn and some others, who knew that they were the staple of disaffection, were afraid to come and kiss the threshold. Sometimes he thought of fortifying the ravine of the Khaibar, and sometimes he thought he would go via Bangash and stir up trouble in India. Sometimes he thought that he should fortify the citadel of Kabul and hide himself in the hills. On account of the majesty of the imperial army he could not carry out any of these things, and the inhabitants of Kabul could not bring themselves to defend the city or to fight. How can we, they said, contend with our benefactor? He was obliged to make over the keys of the fortress to the men of the city in order that they might deliver them to H.M. and to betake himself with some men to Qarābāgh. Every one removed his family to some distant place. His (the Mīrzā's) sole thought was that if the army of fortune pressed upon them he would go to Tūrān. Otherwise he would stay in the hills and deserts. Whoever has not wisdom from within, nor has from without a friend to speak bitter truths, becomes stained by failure. One day he was in a state of confusion on the bank of the Ghorband river, and held a council as to what should be done. Some said that the imperial army would not come beyond Peshāwar, and that there was not unanimity in it. By thousands of futile speeches they restrained him from his intention (of flying to Tūrān, etc.) and made him eager for war. Ignorant and foolish friends did the work of wise enemies. Farīdūn was sent off with a number of companions to Āqserai^533a to collect troops, and to look after the peasantry. The Mīrzā himself followed him and sought for an engagement. As the imperial army had nearly approached, and his troops were somewhat disorganized, he resolved to remain in Sanjad-dārā until his soldiers were assembled. Farīdūn chose ambushes in order that he might, if possible, inflict some injury on the imperial army. Ḥaidar^533b 'Alī was sent off with some troops to Kabul in order that he might put that place in a condition of security and then come to the battle-field. The ruined men waited for their opportunity in Banī-Badra^533c which is between the Dūāb and Butkhāk. The imperial army had marched from Bārīkāb. That evil-disposed one (Farīdūn) had gone to Cinārtū (?) and was in a hollow.^533d When the victorious troops had passed that ambush, ³⁶³ Saiyid Ḥāmid Bokhāri, Makhṣūṣ K., and a party of heroes, who were the rearguard, let fall the thread of circumspection and hastened on. No one remained behind except Saiyid Bahāū-d-dīn and a few others. On the 18th^533e Amardād (30 July 1581) the rascals fell upon the baggage and carried off some of it. At this time the brave men of the rearguard heard of this and hastened to the fighting-place. The scoundrels were not successful and fled. Farīdūn took refuge at Bādāmcashma,^534a and the others went off rapidly towards Qūraqsaī and 'Ulughpūr. Apparently what the Aḥadī saw when on that day he brought unpleasing news—as has already been related—was something that he had seen of this disturbance. S. Jamāl Bakhtiyār wished to go with a body of men by way of Cinārtū to the halting place (i.e. to Khurd Kabul) and to engage the enemy if he fell in with them. On the same day the Mīrzā came to Cinārtū to find out the condition of Farīdūn. Suddenly an army appeared in the distance, and it appeared that this was a portion of the imperial troops. The Mīrzā^534b dispatched a number of daring men under the command of 'Alī Muḥammad Asp. The Shaikh (Jamāl) halted on the edge of a melon-field, a battle ensued, and while the fighting was going on, Farīdūn came up from behind. The enemy thought this was a reinforcement for the imperialists, and stopped fighting and retired. By God's help the Shaikh recognized them (Farīdūn's men) as hostile and turned his attack in that direction. A hot engagement took place, and the spectators were amazed. S. Daulat, Mathrā Dās and a number of brave men distinguished themselves. On the side of the enemy Bakht Beg, Ghaiūr Beg, Shādmān Parghalīq, Mullā Ghaiūrī fought gallantly.^534c The imperial servants fought their way to Khurd Kabul, where the prince's camp was. Also on this day Shagūna Qarāwal (scout), who had gone to make inquiries, offered up his life. Aḥmad Beg, Bakht Beg, Zāhid and others, who had returned from plundering, came upon him, and he died like a brave man. Those who imagined a vain thing had their pride increased by this circumstance. Also Mīr 'Abdullah^534d played away the coin of courage (i.e. behaved in a cowardly manner) in this year. A large sum of money had been sent with him for the troops. Sher Khwāja, Lāl Beg and a number of others met him, and from cowardice he was caught, and the money was plundered.

Ḥakīm M. came with a number of rebels to a height near the camp of fortune, but though the plundering and fighting encouraged the evil crew, yet he could not bring his heart to engage in a battle ³⁶⁴ by day. For a night and a day there was no engagement. Apparently they were collecting troops. Out of cheatery he sent some letters by the hand of a doomed man to Qulīj K., M. Yūsuf K., Naurang K., 'Alī Murād and some of the Caghatāī tribe. They contained proposals for acting in concert. M. Yūsuf K. in the excess of his anger tore up those letters in the assembly and put the bearer, 'Alī Murād, to death. It is an old custom^535a that tricksters send such letters at such times so that they may pervert people. Men of small capacity have injured the lives of devoted servants, and have believed in their disloyalty. Far-seeing persons of profound views have relied upon their fidelity and increased their favours to them. Those who favour the enemy do not know that the imperial servants have learnt wisdom at the threshold of fortune, and that the dust of double-heartedness is not raised by such evil schemes.

In fine the Kābulīs were dumbfounded by the might of the victorious troops. They abandoned good courses and sometimes turned their thoughts to the making of a night-attack. Some thought of a battle by day. On the eve of the 20th they kindled fires on the top of the hill, and proceeded to acts of turbulence. Evil thoughts took possession of them. They sent off on the right hand, Qazzāq, Amīr K. Islām-abādī, Afẓal Tūlakcī, and a number more; and on the left hand they sent Nūr Muḥammad Khwāja Khiẓrī, and a number of Hazāra infantry, in the hopes that they might cause confusion in that dark night. The majestic dominion which is conjoined with eternity drew courage from seeing them. The heroes of the victorious army stood their ground and sought for battle. They regarded not these wiles and threatenings (gāo-tāzī). On 20 Amardād corresponding to Wednesday 1 Rajab, 1 August 1581, the Mīrzā came out from the defiles and dressed the field of battle. The strenuous combatants of fortune set themselves with a bold heart and tranquil view to giving their lives.

From the blare of the trumpets
Trembling fell on hand and foot.
The heat of combat waxed so hot
That sparks came from the horses' hoofs.
From the roarings of mast elephants
Knots formed^536a in the throats of lions.

By the celestial aids which are always allied to the servants of daily-increasing fortune, the time of fighting had not yet reached the whole of the vanguard, so that there is no need to mention the other corps. The Mīrzā lost heart and took to flight. The imperial ³⁶⁵ servants rejoiced. Next morning Farīdūn with a body of men did not take account of what had happened, and stirred up the dust of battle. Of the officers of the vanguard, Naurang K. had come near the mouth of the ravine. The Kābulis attacked him, and gained some advantage. The victorious army was some distance behind. Nūram Beg and Tarsūn Beg Andījānī fell bravely. The Mīrzā plucked up a little spirit and came out of the ravine to the plain. The brave men of the vanguard, such as Shah Beg Kūlābī, Rafī' Rustāqī, and Fatḥ Mubārik brought the jewel of courage to market, and then with the brightened face of a good name packed up the baggage of existence (died).

Two rivers of blood came into commotion,
The ground grew tulip-coloured from the fiery waves.

They came face to face for battle,
Woes and calamities fell upon the heroes.
What can I say of that engagement
When I cannot tell one jot of it.

While the battle-field was adorned by the flashings of the scimitars, the Zabuliyāns were nearly getting the best of it. At this time Rajah Mān Singh came forward with a rush. First, Mādhū Singh, Ṣūrat Singh and a number of brave men formed platoons (tōp tōp) and went into battle. They sent ahead the rank-breaking elephants. Ibrāhīm K. Faujdār was on the special elephant Ran Mohan, and Jajhār K. on the special elephant Jagat Rai. Muḥammad K. was on the special elephants Gaj Mangal (the elephant of Mars) and Cānd K. on Lakhmī Sundar. Though this last was not a special one, it showed its quality this day and was placed in the special Fīlkhāna (elephant-stables). Ḥusain K. was on the special elephant Mukut. The life-destroying guns which were on the elephants were discharged. When the vanguard, which was like so many iron walls, came into action, ṭhe Kābulīs lost courage. 'Alī Muḥammad Asp and some well-wishers seized the Mīrzā's rein and took him to the desert of retreat. The breeze of victory blew on the rosebush of the hopes of the strenuous fighters. A watch and something more of the day had elapsed when the rays of fortune took possession of the earth. The fortunate prince, in spite of his youth, showed such courage and steadfastness that veterans remembered his firmness and his exertions. Many were of opinion that the Mīrzā would attack the army in the rear, and kept the other troops ready for ³⁶⁶ this contingency. For good reasons they did not pursue the foe. A great victory was gained. Many soldiers were killed in their flight. The ingrates and foolish talkers met with their deserts, and fell into the wide tract of ashamedness. The boasters and the impudent continually said to one another, “The Tūrānīs and Persians who are in the imperial army will join us without fighting, and the brave Rajputs and gallant Afghans^537a will end their days. The other natives of India will be made prisoners.” By these fictions they increased the Mīrzā's hallucinations. No! No! Though that inexperienced youth knew nothing of the spiritual world, yet his amount of external knowledge was not such (i.e. little) that he should be led away by this incorrect language. Nor had the foolish and confused such a stock of infatuation as to suppose such things of the fidelity of the Tūrānians and Persians, which is known to the whole world. Nor were the great deeds of the Rājputs and the Shaikh-zādas of India unknown to them. Evidently they thought that by this prattling they would increase the courage of the Zābulis and would inspire terror into the victorious army.

On the day that Mīrzā was leaving Bigrām one of the barefooted men of enlightenment (i.e. a religious mendicant) told him that a battle with the victorious army would not be propitious to him. It would be best for him to draw rein and leave of this enterprise. From presumption and self-will he did not listen to him. The Mīrzā now had his time of attacking and being defeated. Several of his intimates were reduced to ashes by the fire of the guns. Qāsim Khwāja after experiencing the might of the victorious army represented to the Mīrzā the turning back of his men, and seizing his rein, wished to lead him away. The Mīrzā, because he was a little confused, did not hearken to him and abused him. Meanwhile 'Alī Muḥammad Asp came up to help him. The Mīrzā became angry and threatened to kill him. That excellent man (lit. full of auspiciousness) said, “First send me to the abode of non-existence, and then fly.” By this devotion and right-thinking, the Mīrzā understood his object, and went off rapidly. In the neighbourhood of Kotal Minār some victorious soldiers arrived, and the Mīrzā with great difficulty extricated himself. That day he rested at Qarā Bāgh, and then went on to Istarghach (N. Kabul). Many of his near relatives, and among them his eldest son Kaiqobād, joined him there. From thence he went off to Ghorband.

The fortunate prince went on the 21st (3 August) to the jalgah of Sīāh Sang, and held an assembly. All sorts of men beheld the ³⁶⁷ light of true rule, and rejoiced, and that ancient place, which is a delightsome spot, was refreshed by the irrigation of justice. At the time^538a when the standards of fortune were moving from Surkhāb to Jagdalak, swift messengers brought the news of victory, and the marvels of heaven-aided fortune were impressed anew on high and low. Supplications and thanksgivings were offered up anew. Next day he encamped at Bārīkāb, and on 25th he halted at Butkhāk. The soldiers and the peasantry, male and female, of Zabulistan, flocked in from every side, and became the recipients of various favours. At this stage Kuar Mān Singh and many other officers did homage, and were exalted by the favour of the Shāhinshāh. Next morning he marched. On the way the prince and other high officers paid their respects. He halted at Sīāh Sang, which is known by men as Safed Sang, and there Turk and Tājīk performed the kornish. He observed the precepts of the astrologers and halted there for some days. Then he went and visited the Shahrārā-garden^539a (Pride of the city) and other recreative spots in that blissful city. He remembered the places which he had seen in boyhood and described them by special marks, and when these were inquired into, his descriptions were found to be exactly correct. Fresh proof was given of his intelligence and memory. About this time Lashkar^539b K. of Baqlāna, who was famous for turbulence, was brought in chains by the husbandmen of that country, and was put to death in retribution for his crimes. As H.M.'s intention was to spend some time in this country, which is a garden, and a heart-delighting spot, in worshipping God, and in administering balm to the wounds of the inhabitants, he sent off his elephants to Jalālābād under the charge of Sayid Ḥāmid, Sayid Bahāū-d-dīn and others. At this time news came that the Mīrzā was bewildered and almost mad. On hearing the reverberation of the royal cavalcade he had gone off to Ghorband, and his idea was that if an army should come to look for him he would become like a Qalandar and go off to retirement in Tūrān. Out of abundant graciousness H.M. sent Laṭīf Khwāja and Qāẓī 'Abdu-l-laṭīf to him with salutary counsels. His whole design was that he should be convinced of the royal clemency and come to court. In an auspicious hour, on the 29th (9 August 1581)^540a H.M. seated himself in the citadel of Kabul. Splendour took possession of that country, and a court was held ³⁶⁸ there and a great feast. Also during this year the weighment (of Akbar)^540b took place, and was made against choice articles. Mankind were filled with joy by the royal bounties.

It many times occured to some loyal and devoted ones that some servant should form an ambush and put the Mīrzā out of the way. From feelings of true affection he did not approve of this, in spite of the increase of his turbulence. With his pearl-loaded tongue he said, “Why should the sons of men employ their God-given strength in accomplishing the desires of the juggling sensual soul? And why should I for the sake of my own repose endeavour to take the life of a brother? or ungratefully allow a devoted follower to be slain? If he (the Mīrzā) is going the wrong road, thinking it is right, he is doing a religious act, otherwise, he is suffering from the malady of ignorance. We ought not to trouble those who are suffering pains in the desert of unwisdom.” At the time that the august retinue was in the pleasant place of Kabul, the Mīrzā's roll of life was nearly being folded up.^541a In that dangerous state the envoys of the Caliphate brought the good news of forgiveness, and showed to that distracted and hopeless one the succour of daily-increasing favour. The Mīrzā for a time thought it was a dream, and thinking that reproaches were intended did not believe the news. When he knew the truth, and saw that the court of acceptance of apologies was open he fell into weeping and lamentation, ³⁶⁹ and told the story of his own want of wisdom, of his misfortunes, the infidelity of companions, and his shame, and said in reply, “I ought to have rubbed my forehead on the holy threshold before this, and to have made its dust the collyrium of my eyes and heart. Now that I have fallen upon this day, and the horror of my soul has increased, how can I have the heart or assurance to present myself before H.M. and what would such a coming evince, and what petition should I make? Owing to my misfortune I cannot bring my sister and Khwāja Ḥasan to make apologies for they have out of fear, and on seeing my evil day, gone to Badakhshān. But I have been comforted by the inspiriting message. I am hopeful that on this occasion I shall be excused from coming to pay my respects. I am sending my son to do homage. When my mind has become a little eased, I shall gather eternal fortune by the bliss of the kornish.” To this effect did he send a petition along with 'Alī Muḥammad Asp.

On 1 Shahrīyūr Laṭīf Khwāja^542a and Qāẓī 'Abdu-l-laṭīf came to H.M. and reported the confused condition of the Mīrzā. H.M. was displeased, and he issued an order that some strenuous men should go, and bring that slumbrous-witted one to the path of good service. At this time, 'Alī Muḥammad Asp obtained, through the courtiers, the privilege of an audience. As he was one of the old servants of the sublime family, his supplications were accepted. The offences of the Mīrzā were forgiven, and Zābulistān was conferred upon him anew. And as the presence of the royal standards was a cause of confusion to the Mīrzā, H.M. proceeded next day towards India. He went in the first place to the cemetery^542b and the holy tomb of H.M. Firdūs Makānī (Bābur), and said his prayers. After that he enjoyed himself in the Shahr-ārā garden. At the end of the day he ordered the high officers in attendance on Prince Sulṭān Murād to proceed stage by stage, and he himself went on by relays to Jalālābād where the great camp was. Makhṣūṣ K., S. Jamāl, and the writer of this noble volume and some others had the privilege of accompanying him. At the beginning of the night he rested for a while near Bigrām (the one near Kabul). When a watch of the night had passed, he went on again and at midday rested at Bārīkāb. He went on on horseback again at lighting-up time, and next day at midday reached Jalālābād. The prince (Selīm) placed his head on the blessed feet and paid his respects, and the chaste ladies were filled with joy. The officers prostrated themselves and offered up thanksgiving. Babblers had told various lies about the Mīrzā. And there was a report that the standards of victory were going towards Tūrān. The officers had been somewhat apprehensive of the strange country, and of ambushes on the part of the ³⁷⁰ Kābulīs, when all at once the cavalier of enlightenment's plain (Akbar) arrived. There was great rejoicing in the camp. On the 7th (Shahrīyūr) he proceeded towards India, and encamped on the river-bank. H.M. and some of the ladies visited the Bāgh Ṣafā and at night came to the camp. Next day the prince (Murād) and the officers came up from behind. At this stage S. Farīd came from Bihar and did homage. He reported the failure of the enemy and the freedom of the province from rebels. On the 15th he passed through the Khaibar and halted at Jamrūd.

One of the occurrences was the pardoning of M'aṣūm K. Farankhūdī, From the time that he had been disgraced in the engagement with Shahbāz K., and had escaped from the hands of the landholders as has already been described, he was wandering about in the jungles. Every day he tore the foot of exertion in the thornbrake, and by fresh griefs heaped up the punishment of his wickedness. In this state of misfortune and bewilderment he was joined by one of his servants named Maqṣūd who poured out to him his accumulations. Rebellious thoughts again made that evil-conditioned man mad. He increased his turbulence, and distressed the peasanṭry. In a short time a number of fly-like men who were slaves of gold assembled, and the city of Bahraich was plundered. Fakhr 'Alī (son of?) Wazīr K. made a small fight and owing to his evil star, and the bad conduct of his companions, was unsuccessful. The city and its suburbs came into the possession of that evil doer. Wazīr K., Mihtar K., and the other fief-holders united together and by the might of daily-increasing fortune came to a fight with him. The battle began with the discharge of cannon and muskets with the river Sarū intervening. The rebel from fear of the new arrivals remained that day in camp and at night went off with a few companions. Soon the landholders took the side of the chosen servants, and their might increased. At night he left family and home and fled. The victorious troops pursued him to Kalyānpūr and then returned. M'aṣūm went off to Jālupāra, and stirred up strife there also. Many fly-like creatures joined him and the town of Muḥammadābād was plundered. There were fears that Jaunpūr would be sacked. Shāham K. came from Tirhut, Pahār K. from Ghāzīpūr, ³⁷¹ and Qāsim K. from Cāndpūr to remedy matters. They were active, and that crooked one became distracted. His men dispersed and he abandoned his plunder and crossed the Sarū with a few men at the ferry of Haldī. When the victorious troops were chanting pæans on every side he dropped his strife-mongering somewhat, and proceeded to subterfuges. The Khān 'Āẓim M. Koka was in Ḥājīpūr. He sent him a letter of supplication and begged his pardon. The Khān 'Āẓim remembered old acquaintance and behaved with humanity. He helped him with money, goods and an estate. He also begged H.M. to forgive him. The forgiving sovereign in his acceptance of excuses and love made the Kokaltāsh hopeful of such a favour, and the world became like a blooming garden.

The penitent even in dreams won't listen to the word “Repentance,”
If he see the loving wiles of His forgiveness of sins.

One of the occurrences was the death of Saiyid Hāshim Bokhārī. In the beginning of this expedition the Mīr had been sent off to the government of Sirohī. Mīr Kalān, Kamālū-d-dīn Ḥusain Diwāna and some other strenuous ones accompanied him. When he had taken up his quarters there, Sulṭān Deora,^545a a great landholder in that place, pretended to be obedient, and made the semblance of friendship; by plausible words he won over some wicked Rajputs to his side and lay in wait for an opportunity to do deadly mischief. At a time when the loyal were far off and the rebellious at hand, he attacked the negligent Saiyid. On 2 Amardād he and some others bravely fell, and played away in a proper manner the coin of life. A few who behaved in that battle in a cowardly manner were punished (by Akbar) and that crooked one received a severe chastisement.

On 16 Shahriyūr H.M. halted near Bigrām. News came that Qāsim K. had made an excellent bridge over the great and turbulent river Indus. Crowds of men crossed over and rejoiced.

One of the occurrences was S. Jamāl^545b Bakhtiyār's being seized with melancholy. When H.M. was emerging from the defile of the Khaibar he perceived that he had been drinking. He denied somewhat, and then made proper excuses. H.M. rebuked him and did not allow him to perform the kornish. From excess of madness he became light-headed and destroyed his property and became a beggar. H.M. from kindness and in order to teach him put him into confinement. S. 'Abdu-r-Raḥīm^545c of Lucknow and some others of his boon-companions were rebuked and excluded from Court.

On the 22nd H.M. crossed the Indus by the bridge, and glorified the land of India by his world-adorning footsteps. The guar- ³⁷² dianship of the Indus province was entrusted to the activity of Kuar Mān Singh. H.M. had some qamargha hunting in that neighbourhood, and enjoyed himself. Also at this time Rajah Todar Mal came and did homage. He had been with the army, and engaged in administering the eastern provinces. As much work did not remain to be done in Bihar, and the officers had not the privilege of going to Bengal, he had been sent for to take charge of the viziership. Fresh life was given to him, and he entered into service. He took office in the beginning of Mihr. In this month H.M. left the banks of the Indus, and went hunting. On 20 Mihr he crossed the Bihat at Rasūlpūr by a bridge, and on the 25th he crossed by a bridge the Cenāb in the neighbourhood of Hailān^546a at the ferry of Jugālī. On 5 Ābān he crossed the Rāvī, which was fordable, and encamped near the Serai of Daulat K. On this day he appointed Ṣadrs,^546b and the garden of the hopes of the unsuccessful was irrigated. H.M. had regard to the number of tenure-holders (sayūrghaldārān) and to their convenience, and abolished the single office, and distributed the work among a number of honest and experienced men, so that applicants might not have the pain of delay, and also that there might not be room for fraud. The Ṣadārat of the provinces of Delhi, Malwa and Gujrat was made over to Ḥakīm Abu-l-fatḥ, that of Agra, Kālpī, and Kālinjar to S. Abu-l-faiẓ faiẓī, that from Ḥājīpūr to the Sarū to Ḥakīm Ḥamām, that of Bihar to Ḥakīm 'Alī, that of Bengal to Ḥakīm 'Aīn-al-mulk, that of the Panjab to Qāẓī 'Alī-Bakhshī.^546c Also, here and there, in large cities, he appointed an able and unbigoted man to be head of the Qāẓīs of that quarter, so that he might look after that crew of large-turbaned and long-sleeved men. Also at this time Rajah Bhagwān Dās, the commander-in-chief of the Panjab, petitioned for a visit from the world's lord, and his request was granted. On the 8th H.M. cast the shadow of his favour over him, and he obtained everlasting happiness. On the 21st he crossed the Beās (Hyphasis) by a bridge and on the 28th the Suṭlej, also by a bridge. Next day he halted at Sirhind, and enjoyed the gardens thereof. At this stage, Rajah Bhagwān Dās, Rai Rai Singh, Saiyid Ḥāmid Bokhārī, Jagannāth, and other fief-holders of the Panjab were allowed to depart. At Pānīpat on 7 Āẕar Shahbāz K. was exalted by doing homage. From the time when he had driven off M'aṣūm K. Farankhūdī to the wilds, he had been in Fatḥpūr in charge of the orders of the Caliphate. When he heard of the return of H.M. he came away, and obtained bliss. On the 10th^547a H.M. reached Delhi. He visited the tomb of H.M. Jannat Āshiyānī (Humāyūn), and distributed bounties to the guardians thereof. He also visited the abode of Ḥājī Begam (his ³⁷³ stepmother) and paid his devotions. There was a joyful meeting, and desires were accomplished. At the end of the day he was informed that the litter of H.H. Miriam-makānī was near at hand. The world's lord treated her with great respect. Prince Sulṭan Daniel was in attendance on her and now did homage (to Akbar). Sultan Khwāja, Shāh Qūlī K. Maḥram, and many other loyal servants did homage. On the 17th he encamped near Mathura, and he went to that ancient place of pilgrimage and witnessed the spectacle of the benighted ones (lit. the slumbrous ones of the land of recognition). For a short time he at the request of Mathura Dās, who was one of the chosen servants, glorified his house by his advent.