Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 3

The Book of Akbar

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CHAPTER CXLVII.
BEGINNING OF THE 46TH YEAR FROM THE ACCESSION, TO WIT THE YEAR 786
DAI OF THE FOURTH CYCLE.

At this time, when the world had assumed a fresh appearance from the sway of H.M., and he was earnestly returning thanks, the heavens attired themselves, and the earth engaged in adornment. On the night of Saturday, 15th Ramẓān, 1009, 10th March, 1601, the Light-giver glorified Aries, and the tenth year of the fourth cycle began.

Verse.

Spring compounded the earth's dust with musk.
The clouds freshened the running streams with wine.
You'd say, “Spring has united with love.”
You'd say, “God has produced love out of Spring.”

By orders of the world's ruler, great preparations1177a were made and delightful exhibitions took place. From the entry of the sun into Aries to the culmination, the arrangements of each day were committed to one of the royal servants, and there were times of joy. On 8th Farwardīn Rai Patr Dās was raised to the rank of 3,000. On the 10th Tātār1177b Beg was made guardian of Sulṭān Khurram (Shāh Jahān). Skill and watchfulness arrived at their destination, and propriety raised her head. On this day the news came of the success in Bengal, as has already been mentioned. Thanks were returned to God. On the 11th, Sher Khwāja and M. 'Alī Beg Akbarshāhī—who had done good service in the Deccan—received each a flag and a drum, and so got the reward of their good deeds. On the 13th M. Yūsuf K. had an audience, and was delivered from much grief. When Shāh 'Alī's son became prosperous, and the road to Aḥmadnagar became closed, some men awoke from the sleep of neglect, and set themselves to remedy matters. M. Rustum, M. Yūsuf K., and many others, were sent to cross the Ganges (Godavery) and station themselves at Shāhgarha, so as to make the road safe, and to restrain the hands of the wicked from attacking the country. The proper thing was for the troops to have gone to Dhārwār1178a and to have overset that compound of sedition. But strife-mongers did not permit this. The Mīrzā was stunned on receiving1178b the news. He had neither the courage to report what he had learned nor the strength to carry through the work. He was continually begging to be allowed to come to court, and representing that he was disgusted with the Deccan. H.M. accepted his petition and summoned him to come quickly. On this day Akhairāj1178c suddenly died. He was distinguished for discretion among the Kacwāh clan. On the 14th, Jagannāth1178d was raised to the high office of 5,000, and Mīr Khwāja, 787 the son of Sulṭān Khwāja, was raised to the rank of 500. On the 16th, Bahādur K. Gīlānī was defeated. He had been left with a small equipment in Telingāna. 'Ambar Jīū attacked with a large force of Deccanīs and Abyssinians. He made little fight and then retired. As the fact was concealed owing to interested motives, that evil disposed Abyssinian collected a number of presumptuous men, and the prosperity of the rebellious increased. At the festival of the culmination Prince Sulṭān Daniel gave a great feast and presented valuable jewels, which had been taken at Aḥmadnagar. They were accepted. Though he produced bits of stone, which by the marvels of fortune have a great value, yet he brought to market the precious jewel of sincerity, which does not come within the mould of price. On this day the loving sovereign brought out Moẓaffar Husain M. and Afrāsyāb from prison and treated them with favour. High and low were astonished at this graciousness. On this day Manūcihr and M. 'Alī, the ambassadors of Persia, obtained leave. They were to go on in advance and make preparations in Lahore. An ambassador was to go afterwards from court, together with presents, when arrangements had been made for their going to that country.

One of the occurrences was the vagabondage of 'Alī,1179a the son of Walī K., one of the former Amīrs of Barīd. He was living at Bījāpūr and indulging in thoughts of greatness when some people sent for him to the city of Bīdar and kept him concealed. At the time when Mūmin1179b went from court, for the purpose of conveying counsels, 'Alī came out of the fort with the idea of being received (by Mūmin), and remained quietly in the city. On the 20th, rebels and slaves of money brought him1179c in and raised a tumult. 'Alī was helpless and went off by way of Narwān (?) to Golkonda with his wife and family. Evil-disposed persons came after him, and seized his mother and some of his other relations, and wickedly put them to death. As his supplications to the sublime court had not the glory of deeds (i.e. were not accompanied by acts), his days became thus clouded, and the world had warning. On this day Jānish1179d Bahādur died of diarrhœa. He was a distinguished soldier. He was in Rāmpūri. On the 22nd the eastern rebels submitted. When Rajah Mān Singh gained the victory, he pursued the enemy, and did not turn back till he came to Moheshpūr near Bushna and Jessore. The Afghans chose a strong position. As on every side there were marshes and it was impossible to reach the place easily, the Rajah appointed active people (to watch them) and addressed himself to opening out the country, and increasing cultivation. On the 22nd Shujāh, the son of M'aṣūm K. Kābulī and S'aīd, the son of Lācīn1180a and others capitulated and came in. They presented elephants, etc. After M'aṣūm K. had died, a purchased slave of Moẓaffar K.—a Qalmāq— 788 had made himself a name by the sword, and had taken the name of Bāz Bahādur. He had won over all the rebellious Tūrānīs. At this time he, from a happy star, sent them and his son, and he himself made firm promises. The Rajah showed kindness to them all, and the commotion in that country diminished. On the 23rd twelve accountants (bitikcī) were appointed to the charge of the special cavalry. Each had the charge of 1,000 horse. On the 26th, Dar Jūdhan, the grandson of Rām Cand, was made a Rajah. The command of the fort of Bāndhū was given to him and Bhārtī Cand was appointed the guardian of that youth.

At this time the writer went off to remedy the affair of Shāh 'Alī's son. It has been mentioned that this duty had been regarded as more important, and that I was kept back from going to Nāsik. In the end of Isfandārmaẕ of the previous year I joined the Khān-khānān near Barangāon.1180b Suddenly news came that Wankū1180c (?) landholder had come to Aḥmadnagar as he had quarrelled with 'Ādil K. Bījāpūrī. Though he put forward the pretext of being obedient, yet there was no security that he would not play tricks. He is a great proprietor and has lands in Aḥmadnagar. He had 5,000 horse and 12,000 foot. In that year he (the Khān-khānān) considered that it was indispensable to soothe him at Jālnāpūr and so separated and proceeded thither. I was sent off to put the affair of Shāh 'Alī's son to rights. On the 27th I arrived at the bank of the Ganges. M. Rustum, Mīr Martaẓā, Bahādur-al-mulk, M. Lashkarī, together with many servants of M. Yūsuf K., Shujā'at K., and other servants who had previously been appointed to this work, joined me. On the 29th the fort of Gālnah1181a was taken. It is one of the choice forts of the district of Aḥmadnagar. Sa'ādat K. held it. For a long time he had been anxious to enter service. When Khwājagī Fatḥ Ullah came to that fort, he properly came forward and saw him, and made over that skyey fortress.

On 3rd Ardibihisht two lakhs of mohurs were given to Prince Sulṭān Daniel, and the power of conquering the country was increased. On the 4th 'Alī (B. 496) Mardān Bahādur was made prisoner. He was the commander of the Talingānah troops. He had come to Pāthrī to help Sher Khwājah. When he heard of the defeat of Bahādur K. Gīlānī, he went back to that quarter, and foolishly engaged without proper preparation. Most of his men fled without fighting. He stood firm and was captured. On this day the news came that Datman1181b Dās was dead. He was the son of Rām Dās, and had gone to his home without leave, and had proceeded to vex the weak. At the request of his father an order was sent, and the servants of Shāh Qulī K. brought him to court. The turbulent fellow engaged in battle and lost his life. That chosen servant (Rām 789 Dās) was grieved on account of his child. H.M. went to his antechamber (peshkhāna)1181c and administered consolation, and applied balm to the inward wound.

One of the occurrences was the sending of S. 'Abdu-r-rahmān to Telingāna. The authors idea was that he should punish the son of Shāh 'Alī. When what has been described happened to 'Alī Mardān Bahādur, and Telingāna was lost, and commotion rose high, I wished to send M. Rustum to that quarter. He at the guidance of crooked-minded persons refused. I was compelled to send my son on that service. I sent with him 1,200 of my own horse. Bahādur-al-mulk, Rustum 'Arab, Shamsher 'Arab and some servants of the Shāhinshāh were enrolled in this force. I also sent comforting letters to Sher Khwāja and to some who were in Pāthrī (Patri of the maps), and made them eager for battle. On this day S. Daulat had an audience. He had done good service in the Deccan army. He had been vexed by the carelessness of the administrators of this country and begged to be allowed to come to court. His request was granted and he was summoned.

CHAPTER CXLVIII.
THE RETURN OF H.M. TO AGRA, THE CAPITAL.

Before the taking of Aḥmadnagar, the imperial servants—some from love of their homes, some on account of the high prices, and some from a spirit of competition (dukān ārāī)—tried hard to induce the sovereign to return without taking Āsīr. H.M. silenced every one by his replies. When that fortress had been taken, they increased their intrigues. The sole idea of the Shāhinshāh was to clear the territory of Aḥmadnagar of the weeds and rubbish of rebellion, and then to prevail over Bījāpūr, Golkanda and Bīdar, so that the rulers of these places should make binding treaties of obedience. Meanwhile supplicatory letters from them came to court, and those who were urging departure got strong documentary support. H.M. had no mind to leave before the return of the ambassadors. But owing to the urgent endeavours of high and low he left on the 11th1183a (Ardibihisht, 21st April 1601). In spite1183b of the daily market of intelligence (of Akbar) the position was not understood. On the eve of the 12th many left the writer without asking permission. For a long time, on the report of the Shāhinshāh's march, their faces had been turned towards Hindustan. When the report became loud there was a wonderful turmoil. The Deccan rebels rose up in insurrection, and there were daily fights. J'afar, the son of M. Yūsuf K., fell into the hands of the Deccanīs at this time and this was a cause of making them presumptuous. Also the Prince's sending for his ladies from Aḥmadnagar increased the confusion. M. 790 Rustum went off with the soldiers of M. Yūsuf K., and H.M. on hearing of this debarred him for some time from the privilege of the kornish. Inasmuch as my heart was turned towards devotion to God, I did not take these things into account, and always had a victorious countenance (?). On the 14th, Rai Durgā Rai and Bhoj joined this army. Rai Rai Singh and these two and many others had been directed to join the author. There was some delay at their request (?) and the first-mentioned heard of a commotion in his quarters and took leave to go there. Though they had not energy, yet their joining me was a source of strength. On the 15th, M. Shahrukh paid his respects to H.M. The Prince had left him in charge of Aḥmadnagar. When the Khān-khānān went there, he came to court by H.M.'s orders, and had his heart satisfied. On this day Khwājagī Muḥammad Ḥusain was raised to the rank of 1,000. He is the younger brother of Qāsim K., and has few equals for truth and honesty. He was made superintendent of the kitchen (bakāwal begī). On the 20th, Kharram, the son of M. Koka got leave to go to Jūnagarh. This was because that country had been given to the kokaltāsh in fief. On the 25th, Ḥusain Beg S. 'Umarī, who had done good service in Bangash, was raised to the rank of 2,500. On the 26th, twenty elephants and a like number of elephant guns (hatnāl) and ten horses and some presents were given to the author. This was a source of victory. On the 28th, Prince Sulṭān Daniel received leave at the Narbadda1184a to go to Burhānpūr. H.M.'s idea was to take this nursling of dominion with him elephant hunting. As some dispersion among the southern soldiers was reported to H.M., he was sent back. M. Shāhrukh, M. Rustum, M. Yūsuf K., Yūsuf1184b Barkhūrdār, Shihābu-d-dīn Qandahārī, Mas'aūd K. Ḥabshī and 3,000 Badakhshī Aimāqs—who had recently come from Tūrān1184c —and many servants were sent along with him, and the commotion somewhat diminished.

On this day Fort Trimbak1184d fell into the hands of the imperial servants. It is one of the choice forts of Aḥmadnagar. The fountain of the Ganges (Godavery) rises up in it, and it is regarded as a great place of worship. S'aādat K. held it. As he had come in and submitted and had made over Gālnah, envoys were sent there, and that fort, together with 15 noted elephants—which were kept in it— were given as peshkash to the sovereign. The leaders of the soldiers were disgusted, and did not arrange to hold the fort and returned and so Rājū came there with a large force and made war. Every time that there was a battle, he was defeated. Rājah Baharjī, 791 Hāshīm Beg, Fūlād K., Malik Sher, the Bārha Saiyīds, and 'Aẓmat K. performed great feats. Every one went off to his fief, and that turbulent one returned and prevailed over the fort.

One of the occurrences was the victory of S. 'Abdu-r-Raḥmān.1185a When he was sent to put down the commotion in Telingāna, Sher Khwāja soon joined him and celebrated the banquet of concord They made skill act together with courage. Shāh 'Alī's son sent off Farhād K., and other Ḥabshīs and Deccanīs, and there was an active movement of rebellion. The imperialists knit their hearts to God and drew up properly in battle array. In the centre were S. 'Abdu-r-raḥmān, Mīr Hazār, Mīr Muḥammad Amin Maudūdī, Mīr 'Abdul Malik, Bijlī K., Yūsuf Jajhār, Saiyid 'Alī, and some manṣabdārs. In the van were Sher Khwāja, Bāz Bahādur, Ẓahīru-d-dīn, Saiyīd Lād M., Kocak 'Alī, Raḥīm Dād, Bābā Yūsuf 'Alī, Yáqūb Beg, Khwāja Bāqī K. Mīr Ḥāj, Ḥasan 'Alī Andijānī, and some able men. On the right wing were Ḥamīd K., Ḥaidar Dost, Muḥammad Ḥusain, Ghāzī K. Ghakkar, S. Quṭb, Adam K. On the left wing were Bahādur Almulk, Bahādur K. Gilānī, Muḥammad K. Turkamān, Saiyid Karm 'Alī, Rustum K. 'Arab, S'aīd K. 'Arab, Zāl Beg, Budāgh Beg, and others. They crossed the Ganges (i.e. the Godavery) near Nānder, and marched on. Near the river Mānjarā1185b the enemy arrived with a large force. 'Ambar1185c Jīū was in the centre. On the right wing was Farhād K. Zangī, and on the left Manṣūr K. Ḥabshī. On Sunday 6th Khurdād, 16th May 1601, after midday the fight began. There was a hot engagement. Owing to daily-increasing fortune a victory was won. High and low were astonished. The imperialists drew up their forces before the enemy did so. After much delay the latter came on with the impetuosity which is characteristic of the country. Many gave way, and some baggage was plundered. Those whose dependence was upon God stood firm. They were somewhat astonished at the enemy's coming back to the attack several times after being repulsed, and there occurred some confusion in the order of battle. At this time the centre advanced and distinguished itself. The enemy yielded and fled. 400 of them fell on the field, and many were wounded. Many elephants and other spoil were captured. By good fortune no person of note was killed. Rustūm K., Zāl Beg, Budāgh 792 K., Mīr 'Abdul-mulk, Mīr Ḥāj and Saiyid 'Alī were slightly wounded, but got better. Many horses, however, were killed. As little of day remained, they followed the enemy a short way and then returned, and offered up thanks. Though many of the royal servants did good service, yet Sher Khwāja, Bahādur-ul-mulk and Ḥamīd K. did especially well. Though the enemy was more than 5,000, and the imperialists were 3,000, such a difficult work was made easy by the help of the Divine favour. On the 9th, when the royal standards (i.e. when Akbar was there) were at N'alca, Kīcak Khwāja died. He was one of the chosen servants of Prince Sulṭān Daniel, and led a dignified life. On the 10th, Rai Cand won a victory. When the soldiers of Pāthrī went to Telingāna, some wicked Niẓāmul-mulkīs went there (to Pāthrī) to make an attack. I gave1186a that choice servant of my own 100 of my own horse and sent him with the troops. He fought well and won a victory. At this time M. Khān came from Junair. On account of the high price of provisions, the soldiers were discontented. The proprietor of Hindīā came with Sarwar Habshī, Muhammad K. Zangī and other evildoers, and made a disturbance. From want of energy, the high price of provisions, and emptyhandedness, he went on—fighting by the way—to Aḥmadnagar. On the 11th he1186b arrived at that city and took his ease.

At this time Badakhshān assumed the glory of the Shāhinshāh's name (Khuṭba). An unknown person gave himself out as Humāyūn, the son of M. Sulaimān, and took possession of that hill-country. M. Badā'u-z-Zamān, the sister's1187a son of H.M. and son of Khwājah Ḥusain, came with a few men from Hiṣār, and fought with him on the 13th and was victorious. The pulpit and the gold and silver were adorned with the great name (of Akbar). He sent a petition apologising for the little service he had hitherto rendered. H.M. received the messenger kindly and sent presents and implements of war.

One of the occurrences was the fawning of the son of Shāh 'Alī. When H.M. was at Burhānpūr, he sent able men to court and spoke of submission. Those1187b who wished H.M. to march sold what had occurred at a high price and obtained a soothing firmān. They sent this off with Harbans. When the report of the march became current the ambassador stopped in bewilderment at Bīr. He did not go forward (?) and he did not communicate the answer. When the writer came to the bank of the Ganges (Godavery) and meditated going further he set himself to inquire into the matter, and summoned the ambassador. The latter told many untruths. Suddenly the Telingāna commotion, the capture of 'Alī Mardān Bāhādūr and of the son of 793 M. Yūsuf K., the report of the march of H.M… and the departure of many men from the victorious army, became current, and that short-sighted and wicked man (Shah 'Alī's son) again rebelled. He sent some vagabonds to the camp, and stirred up commotion. As the eye of my zeal was directed towards the True Disposer, I continually gathered the joy of victory. Suddenly the report of the defeat of the Telingāna rebels filled the world, and the wind (of pride) went out from the head of that presumptuous one. He had recourse to lamentation and excuses, and showed a fawning spirit. He received proper replies. He told the tale of his ashamedness, and sent back the envoy1188a with honour together with the son of M. Yūsuf K. On the 20th they came to the camp. Abū-l-ḥasan, Tīmā1188b his son (?), Wafā K., and his confidential servants delivered up the son of M. Yūsuf K. It was agreed that when they should bring 'Alī Mardān Bahādur and execute a treaty of service and ratify it by stringent oaths, Sarkār Uḍesa,1188c Dhārwar and part of Bīr would be left to him. He was to undertake service, and never to rebel. On the 30th Rai Durgā and Rai Bhoj went to their homes without asking leave. Such improper proceedings were the result of the carelessness of the administrators and of the casting away of the thread of fears and hopes. On the 11th Tīr Hasan1188d Beg died. He was in charge of Harsūl1188e Daulatābād and led a good life. He was seized with severe abdominal pains and died. He was a Turk of the Bahārlū tribe. He was acquainted with history and could rhyme. On the 16th1188f H.M. crossed the Cambal. As the river was in flood, and boats were very few, the camp suffered much. From the time H.M. had begun his homeward march, no such difficulty occurred. On the 22nd Jagannāth came in accordance with orders from Burhānpūr, and had an audience. On the 31st Sirāndāz K. was made kotwāl of Aḥmadābād and sent off. On 3rd Amardād H.M. went to the top of Rantanbhor, and Jagannāth obtained auspiciousness by scattering money, and by presenting peshkash. On this day Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram and Mihtar K. came from Agra to meet H.M. and had an audience. On the 4th H.M. crossed the Banās. On the 5th Jagannāth obtained leave. On the 6th Luṭfāī Shīrāzī died. He was ac. quainted with astronomy, old events, and poetical composition, and was known for his witticisms. On the 9th Taqiya obtained an audience. He was the bakhshī of the Cabul army. He came by the royal order and gathered bliss.

One of the occurrences was the cessation of Rājū's commotion. When Daulat K. was inopportunely turned back, he opened the hand of success, and took Nāsik and some other places. When Khwājagī 794 Faṭh Ullah went to that quarter and returned without effecting his object and when many soldiers deserted to Rājū, the latter became still more wild. At the time when the administrators of the country were indulging in the sleep of carelessness, and the writer was somewhat ill, that wicked one came by the route of Daulatābād, and seized the country up to Jālnāpūr.1189a Though he had been appointed to another duty, and was somewhat distant from the site of the disturbance, he in spite of his weakness undertook, trusting in God, to punish him. He set off on the 11th from the bank of the river, where he had built quarters near Ḥasanābād. He left Mīr Martaẓā, Wafādār K., Mīr Hazār and some other brave men there lest Shāh 'Alī's son should break his agreement, and raise up a commotion on that side. When he quickly came to Āhūbara, Rājū doubted the fact, but when he was convinced of it, he returned. He (the author) repeopled Jālnāpur and the neighbourhood which were nearly deserted. On the 15th S. Khalīl was released. He was the son of S. Ibrāhīm Fatḥpūrī. Though from his early years he was blind, he played chess and draughts well, and did many things that seeing people do. He desired to be made a collector of the exchequer lands, and his carnal desires resulted in his being sent to prison. The good services of his ancestors pleaded for him and the great kindness of the Shāhinshāh released him. On the 16th the writer came to Daulatābād. When news came that Rājū was in the vicinity I left my family in Āhūbara and went off to chastise him. He withdrew to the hills, and settled in a bewildered state near the tank of Qatlū. When the victorious troops came to the foot of the pass, he left Daulatābād and went off towards Nāsīk. On the 22nd the writer traversed the passes and came near the tank. His idea was to come to close quarters with him and to punish him. The various opinions of his companions restrained him.

On the 23rd1190a H.M. came to Fatḥpūr, and the venerable eyes of Miriam-Makānī rejoiced. That great lady wished to come further to meet him and to delight the eyes of her heart, but he restrained her from the idea. On the 24th the children of Wankū were seized. It has been mentioneḍ that he had sought shelter in Aḥmadnagar from the oppression of the Bījāpūr soldiers. From the excess of his desires and wickedness he fled. When he thought that his own country was clear, he came there and set about working the leaven of rebellion. The same men came to take his life, and by hard endeavours he got back to near Aḥmadnagar, and set about fawning and begging for protection. The Khān-khānān accepted the proffers and sought to make his eagerness a means of capturing him. He out of farsightedness drew rein somewhat and sent his eldest son Bābājī ahead with his brother Dhār Rāo in order to ascertain his (the Khān-khānān's) intentions from the lines of his forehead, and to test his language. In this year and month when they came to the 795 fort of the city, the commander put them in chains, and sent many men to seize the landholder. He also followed them in person. Though from the slugglishness of some and bungling of others he was not caught, yet 29 elephants and much property were taken. That wicked one went to the son of Shāh 'Alī, and the latter put him in prison. On this day Hāshim Beg came from the Deccan, and by a happy star he on the same day performed the kornish. On this day Mīr 'Abdu-l-Wahāb Bokhārī came from Delhi and Muḥammad Khūbānī from his fief, and had their desires gratified.

CHAPTER CXLIX.
THE ARRIVAL OF H.M. AT AGRA.

After passing Dīpālpūra,1192a six kos from Ujjain, he left the Sarangpūr route and proceeded towards Rantanbhor. He traversed 228 1/2 kos in 48 marches, and made 60 halts. Loyal servants came continually, one after the other, and gathered auspiciousness, and had audiences. At Bīāna Qulīj K. and many other servants had their joy fulfilled. On the 31st, when it was a favourable hour, he made Agra, the capital, happy by his holy advent, and small and great had their wishes. On this day Zain K. Koka had an audience at Mandhākar. He had been in service at Tīrāh. When the ringleader of the Tārīkīs met with his deserts, and the commotion of Afghanistan subsided, he by the royal order took up his quarters at Lahore. On this occasion H.M. summoned him to his presence. Part of his peshkash was a choice ruby. On 2nd Shahrīyūr Payinda1192b K. died. He was the son of Qutluq Qadam K., and had his share of courage and enlightenment.

When the writer delayed somewhat at Qutlu's tank, fear fell upon the Daulatābād garrison, and they thought that the firing of cannon would be a means of their deliverance. In that year and month they fired a great gun and two men lost their lives at once. To one fine fellow it happened that his abdomen was torn and his bowels came out. From fulness of courage he did not lose his fortitude and died at midnight. Next day Rājū received some punishment. He was on the point of going to Nāsīk. Some double-faced men kept him back from doing so. He went by another road and passing Daulatābād, he plundered Satāra and some other places In the morning the writer came down from the hills and went to attack him. As the country was hilly, it was impossible to march rapidly. As many said that he had turned back, the writer pitched his tent at Catwāra1193a (?). At the end of the day, when the men were engaged in the descent, Rājū appeared with a force. I reposed my 796 confidence in God and came out to fight, and though my troops were not drawn up in battle array, some active men engaged. Rai Gopāl displayed valour, and though the enemy was more than 5,000, and the imperialists about 3,000 and they too unarranged, victory showed her face, and great joy seized the world. As day had become night, no pursuit was made. On the 8th Rājū again came to fight, and this suppliant to God also came forward. The active men of the van, viz. I'tibār K., 'Aādil K., Rai Gopāl fought, and he according to his practice made war consist in flight. M. Zāhid, M. Nāṣīr, Mīr Gadāī came from the right wing and fought. Rājū's horse stumbled and he fell. Some well-wishers caught the horse; and with great difficulty he escaped. Kajkana and some brave men of the right wing put their hands to the work. They fought for three kos up to Daulatābād. The garrison then came to Rājū's help. The victorious warriors were nearly being defeated. But the writer came up, and the enemy was dispersed. As the day was at an end we returned and halted for a little. Again the wicked poured in from every side, and though there was no arrangement (tūzuk), there was a great fight. Several of the enemy were killed, and some were captured, and victory showed her face. I engaged in returning thanks to God. After that Rājū could not show himself for some time. He spent his days in bewilderment under the protection of the for tof Daulatābād. On the 15th he came with a large host, but was put to flight after a short contest.

One of the occurrences was the commotion of Telingāna. When S. 'Abdu-r-Raḥmān gained his victory, he returned after leaving on guard Ḥamīd K., Bāz Bahādur, Bahādur-al-Mulk and other brave men. Inasmuch as the slumber of neglect had seized the administrators, and the writer was somewhat far away, 'Ambar Jīo fell upon the country of Barīd, and though the soldiers of that country had little assistance, yet in the pride of courage they stood firm. In this year and month a battle took place on the bank of the Mānjana. The imperialists were nearly victorious, but by heaven's decree they were defeated. Bahādur-al-Mulk with difficulty crossed the river and obtained protection. Ḥamīd K. and Bāz Bahādur were caught. The fertile land of Telingāna went out of hand once more. The wicked disturbed places which had been quieted.

On the 22nd (Shahrīyūr, 1st September, 1601) Tulsī1194a Dās came from his house and had an audience. On 6th Mihr Zain K. Koka died. Success led21194b him into drinking. When he was summoned to court, he gave this up somewhat and fell ill. His heart and eyes failed. Apparently1194c there had been a rift in the joints of his service and so fortune prepared for a day of retribution. H.M. protected his honour and showed kindness to his survivors. He gave his son an office of 700.

One of the occurrences was the disgrace of Rājū. On the 14th that wicked man again prepared to fight, and fled after a short engagement. On the 16th he with some bands approached the camp. In order that the troops might be drawn up in battle array they withdrew into the protection of a small hill. Some retreated and went off rapidly to Daulatābād. It was reported that Rājū was advancing. I went there myself and appointed troops to chastise the others. Many fought and were defeated, and some returned without having come to close quarters. Some active men of the writer fell on the enemy and came to the city, and returned victorious. At the end of the day I returned to the camp. In the middle of the way it was reported that Rājū and some others had gone off to plunder (?) (the camp). Maḥasan, the son of Ghāzī K., who was coming to the camp, fought and was made prisoner. Now advance was being made to Daulatābād by the skirt of the hill, and I was obliged to go there. M. 'Alī Beg Akbar Shāhī, Qāsim Khwāja, M. Zāhid, Tāsh Beg, Rai Gopāl displayed activity. They fought and came to Daulatābād. They were nearly taking it. Rājū craftily threw himself into the moat, but his goods and chattels were plundered. Nearly 500 horses and much property were taken. A wonderful thing was that in that rain of cannon-balls no injury was done to the imperialists. When I approached, they fired a great cannon which carried balls (tīr) of ten mans weight. The same moment, it burst, and by the concussion part of the wall of the fort fell down. The garrison cried out for quarter. As the day was near at an end, and from caution, I returned to the camp. That base one, after his punishment, remained under the protection of the fort and spent his days in straitened circumstances. Numerous persons left him. He fell into fear. If the administrators of the country had been energetic, that thorn bush would have been rooted out. On the 21st the writer went to the Khān-khānān. When 'Ambar Jīo took possession of Telingāna, and showed a disposition to advance, the son of Shāh 'Alī sent Farhād K. and a number of others against Sher Khwāja. The Khān-khānān came out of Aḥmadnagar and having crossed the Ganges came to Jāīgīr1195a (?). He repeatedly wrote to me and asksd me for help. As he had excused himself for not looking after the administration, for staying long in Aḥmadnagar and for not sending assistance, I accepted his apologies and proceeded towards him. I left M. 'Al'ī Beg, Akbar Shāhī, the Saiyids of Bārha, the sons of Ḥasan K. Miyāna,1195b the brothers of Jānish Bahādur and others to guard against Rājū. 798 By the jugglery of the heavens, the capture of Rājū, who was at his last gasp, was delayed. On the 30th (Mihr), October 1601, Mīr Murād Juwaīnī1195c Cūlī died. He had been left in Lahore as bakhshī of the Panjāb forces. He died of fever. On 6th Ābān the solar weighment took place, and H.M. was weighed in the dwelling of Miriam-Makānī against twelve articles. There was a wide field for enjoyment, and the needy gained their desires. On the 9th Rajah Rāj Singh came from Gwaliyār and did homage. On this day S. Ḥusain was sent to take charge of the bounteous tomb of Khwāja M'uīnu-d-dīn—may his grave be hallowed! He was regarded as descended from his daughter. On account of improprieties he was for some time placed in the school of the prison, and for a time he trod the desert of misfortune. At this time he received favours and was sent to his old home. He was appointed to look after the recluses at the tomb and to arrange for the distribution of food. On the 11th Rai Rai Singh came to court and was treated with favour. He had been appointed to the army of the Deccan along with the writer. When news came that his son Dalpat had gone to his home and was behaving oppressively, he took leave in order to remedy matters. That turbulent one awoke somewhat from his somnolence, and showed a desire that H.M. would recall his father to court, and asked that an order of forgiveness might relieve him from fear so that he might hasten to court. His request was granted and he was summoned, and that presumptuous one acted according to his words, and emerged from eternal ruin! On the 16th Qulīj K. obtained leave to go to the Panjāb. As there was no great officer there, this chosen servant was appointed there. It had been proposed that the government of Kabul should be entrusted to Shāh1196a Qulī K. Maḥram. He (Qulīj K.) asked for the charge of both places (the Panjāb and Kabul), and this was granted, and an order issued. In this year and month Khwājagī Fatḥ Ullah returned without having effected his object. When he came back from Nāsik, re infectâ, the Prince sent him there again. S'aādat K., Fūlād K., Malik Sher, Saiyid 'Alī, Saiyid Jalāl and other fiefholders of Dāndesh and Nadarbār were sent with him. The soldiers were collected with delay. When he came to Bābil, Rājū came out to fight, and they could not stand their ground. They fought and retired to the fort of Sūngar. He invested it for a short time. Then he left it and opened the hand of plunder. In Pāthrī he laid hold of the family of S'aādat K., and got a large amount of property. His strength having been increased, he returned to attack the fort. At this time there was a loud report that 'Aẓmat K. was coming with some soldiers of Baharjī 799 (of Baglāna). 'Inayat Ullah came with some men from Burhānpūr. People also spoke about the writer's returning to that quarter so he (Rājū) was obliged to leave the fort and to proceed towards Daulatā bād. He took Gālnah (Jālnah). Khwajagī Fatḥ Ullah had made it over to Y'aqūb Beg Shighālī, and S'aīd Beg Badakhshī. When he was besieged (in Sūngar), he applied to them for help. The agents of these two basely and avariciously took 2,000 hūns and delivered up that choice fortress.

One of the occurrences was that Farhād K. made a night attack and had to retire unsuccessful. Sher Khwāja, M. Yūsuf, M. Kocak 'Alī, Y'aqūb Beg, Muḥammad K., Burhān-al-Mulk, Abu-l-ḥasan and many other servants were assembled in Pāthrī (?). When the writer joined the Khān-khānān at Parnūr,1197a and the soldiers were very busy. The mad Abyssinian who was facing Sher Khwāja with a number of wicked men, formed long schemes. He did not think that he had the strength to fight by day, but on the night of the 18th he attacked and fought hard but had to retire. On the night of the 20th Ḥusain Qulīj K. was married to the daughter of Āṣaf K. Two lakhs and 50,000 dāms were bestowed for the marriage-celebrations. On the 29th H.M. embarked on a boat and gave glory to the house of Zain K.'s sister, and brought her out of her sorrow by cordial words. On 12th Āẕar the daughter of Rām Dās was married to Siyām Singh. H.M. went to the ante-chamber (peshkhāna) of the bride's father and bestowed favours, and presented five lakhs of dāms for the marriage celebrations. On the 18th Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram died of diarrhœa. He had an abundant share of courage and honesty, and kept a youthful heart in old age. He was continually on horseback and enjoying the pleasures of the chase. H.M. soothed the survivors by princely favours. Oh the 21st Amba Cokā was taken. The writer wished to go with a number of active men from Parnūr to punish Farhād K. The evil thoughts of some of his companions prevented him. When the soldiers after long delay crossed the Ganges, there was a severe engagement between them and that Abyssinian. He (the writer) left Barelī, traversed the hills and sate down at Amba1197b Cokā, which has a choice fort. That fertile country came into possession. On this day Sālbāhan came from court. He brought a special shawl1197c (parm) and good news of H.M. This good news encouraged me, and increased my energy. Many of my companions from shortness of thought did not wish to advance. By great efforts a 800 forwardmovement was made. On the right wing were M. Zāhid, Mīr Gadāī and some other brave men. On the left wing were Bahādur-al-Mulk, Kackana, and some others. In the van were Sher Khwājā, with a party of noted men. When we had emerged from the passes, the advance-guard of the enemy, who were more than 4,000, dispersed after a short engagement. Although, on account of the approach of night no pursuit was made, yet the fort was taken and that populous city plundered. The soldiers got abundant booty. The same night, news came that the son of Shāh 'Alī who had thought that the fort of Dhārwar would be his protection, and who had collected an army, had entered the hill-country of Ousa. My idea was that next day I would punish that bewildered one. Owing to the duplicity of some persons this did not occur. In a short time the rear force came up, but the son of Shāh 'Alī, who had been presumptuous, became submissive, and sent apologetic letters. At this time Ḥamīd K. and his son Yūsuf arrived. After the defeat in Telingānah, he by great efforts got out and by ability collected some men. He (Yūsuf?) fought many engagements with the rebels there, and from want of strength he joined the victorious troops with 150 men. When his father was made prisoner, the son of Shāh 'Alī invited him to join him, but he from a happy star declined. Shāh 'Alī's son kept him under surveillance. At night he came out on foot. On the 26th by the guidance of the landholder he joined the army. By much questioning1198a (?) he gained his end. On the 28th M. Yūsuf K. died. When disturbances rose up on every side the Prince sent M. Rustum, M. Yūsuf and some others to render assistance. When they came to Jālnāpūr that good servant died of a tumour (dard-i-dambal). On 9th Dai the festival of the lunar weighment was celebrated, and H.M. was weighed in the house of Miriam-Makānī against eight articles. There was a daily market of liberality, and high and low obtained their desires.

One of the occurrences was that the victorious troops returned after having made a peace. Some by love of sedition, some by shortness of thought and some by simplicity were led into the sleep of neglect by the artifices of the son of Shāh 'Alī. When they came to the bank of the Mānjara, that plotter increased his entreaties. The death of M. Yūsuf K. and the disturbance of Rājū and the Fārūqī1199a youth (?) increased their wishes. The administrators of the country had seized the fief of one Qāsim—whose father had fallen in good service. Owing to the pains of ill-success he joined Rājū. He gave him a body of men and sent him to the country1199b of Dāndes, and followed after himself. They were compelled to agree to a peace on the terms that Bāz Bahādur, 'Alī Mardān Bahādur and Hazāra Beg should be released, and that he (Shāh 'Alī's son) should not withdraw from obedience, and that some territory should be left 801 to him. On the 11th he brought, at the distance of five kos from the camp, I'tibar al-mulk, the brother of Tanīg1199c Rāo, and some others. Mīr Murtazā came from this (the imperial) side and received the document of the treaty and gave a firmān of security.

On this day Bhagwān Dās Mastaufī died in Agra. He was very clever among the accountants (batakcīān.)

Next day the imperialists returned. When they came to Rāmpūrī, the taking of Telingāna and the guarding of that country were made over to Mīr Martaẓā. Bahādur-al-Mulk, Rustum 'Arab, Shamsher 'Arab, S'aīd 'Arab, Burhān-ul-Mulk and othors were sent with him and obtained jāgīrs. On the 18th the Mīr took his leave, and it was arranged that the Khān-khānān should take up his quarters at Parnūr1199d to encourage the soldiers of Pāthrī and Telingāna. The writer went back to punish Rājū. M. Rustum, Rajah Sūraj Singh and Muqīm K. with the brothers of Rajah Bikramājīt and others were appointed to help him. M. 'Alī Beg, the Saiyids of Bārha, the brothers of Jānish Bahādur and 'Aādil K. with his brethren and some others who were in Jālnāpūr were also appointed to accompany him. Some money and horses were also spoken1199e of (?). On the 19th he went off. On the 29th Lāla took leave to return into private life. He was the eldest son of Rajah Bīr Bar. From violent passions and self-will he was extravagant, and formed wide desires. Failure led him further astray, and he got this idea (of retiring) into his head. H.M. regarded this severance1200a as the remedy for his bewilderment.

On 2nd Bahman the writer came to Burhānpūr, and had the good fortune to pay his respects to the Prince. When he came to Jālnāpūr on the expedition against Rājū, envious people fell into evil thoughts. By pretexts they took the fiefs from the auxiliaries and baulked their energy. I left the camp and proceeded there quickly, thinking that I might get leave from the Prince and go to court, and be somewhat rid of the trouble of envy. At this time Mīr Martaẓā Qulī came from court, and conveyed princely favours. Among them were two special horses, one for the writer, and the other for his son, 'Abdu-r-raḥmān. At the end of the day twenty more horses came. At this succession of favours my withered heart bloomed again.

On the 8th it came to H.M.'s notice that some avaricious persons did not abstain from levying dues. He committed the charge of the empire to some well-intentioned and moderate persons. Agra he entrusted to Āṣaf K., the routes to the Deccan and Mālwa to Rām Dās, the Gujrāt routes to Kalyān Dās, the Lahore routes to S. Farīd bakhshī. The disturbance of cupidity was diminished somewhat, and there were meetings to return thanks. On the 12th Dalpat, the son of Rai Rai Singh came to court. His apologies were accepted and he was forgiven. On the 13th the daughter of M. Koka was 802 married to S'aad Ullah, the son of S'aīd K., and there was rejoicing. On the 24th a son was born in the harem of the Prince (Daniel) by the daughter of the Khān-khānān. He soon went to the other world. On the 25th S. Mūsā1200b Qādirī was killed. Maḥmūd Langāh with the son of Nāhir K. fell upon him in the town of Ūch in Multān, and that brave man fell fighting. He was one of the learned men who loved a monastic life and became an Amīr by his devotion to H.M. On this day Muḥammad K., the son of Daulat K., took a strange madness into his head. He by his own efforts brought himself to death. He became bewildered by the heats of youth, and desires, and even became mad. By treatment he became better. At this time he came out to hunt, and at the end of the day got separated from his companions. In the town of Pāl1201a he got into an engagement with the Kolīs, and fought and was killed.

On 1st Isfandārmaẕ (about 15th February, 1602) the writer was sent to Nāsīk. When he waited upon the Prince (Daniel) and brought forward his wishes, they were not accepted and he desired me to chastise Rājū. I replied that I would not depart from orders, but that the jewel of the diadem of the Caliphate did not apply himself to the work of administration, and that he left this to some avaricious, shortsighted people. How could work go on in this turmoil of carelessness and envy? He understood this somewhat, and undertook to work himself. He gave a horse and a khilāt and sent me off there. At the first stage he honoured me by coming. He presented me with a special dagger, and a noted elephant. On the night of the 4th an inner1201b servant (of Akbar) died. He managed the treasury well, and H.M. had much confidence in him. On the 14th Gangādhar had an audience. He had been sent to give counsels to Sar Jeo, the zamīndār of Cāndā.1201c He received them and sent him back with 14 elephants. On the 25th Bahādur1201d K. came and did homage. On account of his refractoriness and the intrigues which he practised in the delivering up of Āsīr he was for a time placed in the fort of Gwālīyār. The great kindness of H.M. soon recalled him.

NOTE.

The 46th was the last year of which A. F. wrote an account. He was killed in the 47th year on 4th Rabi' I. 1011 A.H., 12th August 1602. That year began on 26th Ramẓān 1010, 11th March 1602, and so he was killed five months after it had begun. The Bib. Ind. ed. continues the history to the end of Akbar's reign and there is no note to the text to indicate when A. F.'s writing ends, and Muḥibb 'Alī's begins. But a sentence at the end of the editor's preface to the third volume states that A. F. wrote the history to the end of the 46th year, and that the continuation is the work of Muḥibb 'Alī K. Chalmers, and Elphinstone after him, give the name of the continuator as 'Inayat Ullah or Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ. Blochmann XXX says that in two MSS. which he has seen, the name of the continuator is given as 'Inayat Ullah Muḥibb 'Alī. At the end of Chalmers' translation the continuator is called 'Inayat Ullah or Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ. See Elliot VI. 115.

The two I.O. MSS. Nos. 235 and 236 and the B.M. MS. Add. 26, 207 (Rieu I. 251) give, in addition to the 46th year, the heading of the 47th, some poetry and a long khāṭima, or conclusion. This couclusion is also found in the 3rd book of the Inshā, ed. Newal Kishore, p. 223, and is presumably genuine. Abul Faẓl appears to have written it because the 46th year completed or nearly completed the second qaran, or cycle, of thirty years, reckoning from Akbar's birth. As a fact, the cycle did not finish till about the middle of the 47th year. The conclusion appears in a very abridged form at the end of the Lucknow edition and at p. 843 of the Bib. Ind. ed. It is as follows:

CONCLUSION.
Verse.

In the name of God! Hail, acute intelligence:
In that thou hast given a new ending to words,
The pen has at once rested from movement
For the second1202a volume has been completed.

Inasmuch as intellect assisted, and there was true devotion, wakeful fortune, and help of auspiciousness some thing of the events of the second cycle, which is conjoined with eternal dominion, has been written down. By the help of the glorious authors (the Fates) my energy has been in some measure lightened of its burden.

Verse.

When a brilliant half was completed
Half the world came into my hands.
If life be granted for the other half
I'll write it in such an instructed manner
That readers will be aroused from sleep
And that the fishes will dance in the water.

I shed many drops of sweat1203a from my intellect's brow into the skirt of hope in order that half a drop of the river of enlightenment might refresh me! How the heart-fumes rose up in order that the ears might so far be enlight- 844 ened! May it confer a great name by being accepted of hearts! May I be made an eternal entertainer!

Verse.

From my life I gave it flight
May God give it a place among lives.

Hail the noble work of disposition, and the wonders of the pen! He who is bound in humanity's prison takes his flight towards the sky, and in the artificiality of the market-place of affairs he shows a desire for the holy hour of joy. The exchanging of the coin of celestials is performed in the assay-place of mortals, and Divine secrets adorn the stations of service. The strains of detachment are sung amid the troubles of association.

Verse.

Our eyes are opened to the spectacle of truth.
Primal reason fears the standard of our audacity.
I lower my head and look into the fold of the two worlds,
Mayhap Love has fashioned our robe of the woof of vision.

I1203b hope that the thread of the description of events will not be broken and that from time to time the office of thanksgiving will acquire new lustre, and that many wondrous events will be handled by the truthful pen—whose slit is the dawning of the heart, and that a treasure-chest of auspiciousness has been filled and will be a present to future students, and that connoiseurs of jewels will have joy.

Verse.

Verily, while on this earth there is the beauty of order
May there be from spirituality a lofty name to words.

May the order of speech be in accordance with Thy words
May the ornament of spirituality be in Thy name.

ADDITIONAL NOTE ABOUT THE NAME OF THE AUTHOR OF THE SUPPLEMENT TO
THE AKBARNĀMA.

In the preface to the 3rd vol. of the Akbarnāma, p. 3, the editors say that the author was Muḥibb 'Aiī Khān. The B.M. has three copies of the continuation, viz. Nos. Or. 1854, 1858, and 3271. All three correspond with the continuation given in the Bib. Ind. (Rieu. III, 929 and 1031 and Suppleṃent, p. 52). The India Office has two copies, Nos. 260 and 261 of Ethī. The Bodleian has two copies, see Nos. 200 and 208 of Cat. In the account of No. 200 a reference is made to Aumer's Cat. of the Munich MSS., p. 90, Aumer states that the continuation was written in the time of Shāh Jahān as the preface contains the praises of that monarch. In the prefaces as contained in I.O. MSS. 260, 261 I do not find any clear indication that the reigning sovereign was Shāh Jahān. The phrase Ṣāhib Qirānī is used, but it has not the addition of the word Ṯānī, and the whole phrase is “Lamp of the family of Ṣahib Qirān.” Here Ṣāhib Qirān means Timūr and the phrase is applicable to any of his descendants. But it is clear from the disparaging way in which Jahāngīr is spoken of that the continuation was not written in his reign. It is also clear that the continuation is a copy, and often a verbal copy of the Iqbālnāma of M'utamid K. The latter wrote, as he tells us in his preface, in 1029, 1620, which, as Gladwin remarks, is only fifteen years after Akbar's death. In one place M'utamid in treating of the death of Prince Daniel speaks of his widow, Jānāra Begam, as still alive. In the continuation in the Bib. Ind. ed., p. 838, she is mentioned as having died. This shows that the continuation was at least written after 1029, but apart from this, it is clear that the continuator could never have written of Jahāngīr as he has done during his lifetime, nor could it be Jahāngīr who ordered him to write. In all probability the Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ of Chalmers is identical with the Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ Kambū who wrote the 'Amal Ṣaliḥ which is sometimes called the Shāhjāhānnāma. See Rieu. Cat. I. 263. His work was finished in 1070, 1660, or a year after Aurangzeb had begun to reign in fact, though while Shāhjahān was still alive. In the preface in the I.O. copy of the 'Amal Ṣāliḥ No. 332 of Ethé, the author calls himself Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ and adds that he is commonly known as Kamāl Hamadānī. In the colophon of the 2nd vol. of 332 he is called Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ Kambū. The circumstance that the author of the continuation is sometimes called 'Ināyat Ullah and sometimes Muḥibb 'Alī may be due to the fact that there are more than one continuation. The continuation as given by Chalmers differs considerably from that in the Bib. Ind. ed. and the continuation in Nos. 260 and 261 of the I.O. differs from both of them. But evidently all the continuations are more or less reproductions of the Iqbālnāma. The Bib. Ind. continuation differs chiefly from the Iqbālnāma in being shorter in places and in the different view that it takes of the characters of A. F. and Prince Salīm. Possibly the name 'Inayat Ullah may be accounted for by the fact that Muḥammad Ṣaliḥ had an elder brother named 'Inayatullah who was also a historian. See Rieu. l.c. Perhaps he was the author of the continuation, or of one of them. See Rieu's description of the three MSS. of the continuation.

CHAPTER CL.
BEGINNING OF THE 47TH YEAR FROM THE ACCESSION TO WIT THE
YEAR BAHMAN OF THE FOURTH CYCLE.

On the night of Thursday, 26th Ramẓān, 1010, 11th March 1602, 803 after 8 hours 42 minutes, the fountain of light passed to Aries, and the eleventh year of the fourth cycle brought glory.

Verse.

The New Year came and grief left the world;
The dew on the leaves was like pearls in the shell;
The Shāh on the throne of glory granted abundance;
Behold: the Sun is in the house of exaltation.

In accordance with H.M.'s orders, the palace of fortune became rose-coloured, and exhibited an entrancing spectacle. From New Year's day up to the day when the Sulṭan of the East (the sun) arrived at his culmination, there was a time of liberality and a daily market of gifts and pardons. The Eyes of the State and the Pillars of empire were distinguished by princely favours. Abundant offerings and scatterings were made by the grandees. During the august festival S. Abū-l-faẓl was presented with a swift, special horse which was made over to Abū-l-khair (his brother) to be delivered to him.

One of the occurrences was the appointment of a number of imperial servants for the chastisement of the rulers of Mau1206a and Jammū. News came that Bāsū the ruler of Mau had, out of evil thoughts, attacked the borders of Pathān, and had sorely troubled the husbandmen thereof, and had by violence carried off some to his own territory. Tāj K. desired to go and punish him. The zamīndār of Jammū also made long the hand of oppression against the villages of the parganas Moẓaffarwāl1206b and Bahlūlpūr. Husain Beg S. 'Umarī—who held these two places in fief—prepared in Rohtās the means of punishing him and went off in that direction. On this account an order was given to Qulīj K., the governor of the Panjab, to send Ḥasan Qulīj, his son, with a body of troops to put down the disturbance, and sazāwals were sent from the court to cause Ḥusain Beg S. 'Umarī, Tāj K. Aḥmad Beg and other servants of the province to join Ḥasan Qulīj. Khwāja Sulaimān was made Bakhshī of the force.

The following matters occurred in Tūrān. When 'Abdullah K. died, and his son 'Abdūl Mūmīn's days also came to an end, Shāh 'Abbās, the ruler of Persia, who was always on the watch for an opportunity, set out on an expedition to Khurāsān. Hāshim1207a K., Bāqī K., and Payinda Muḥammad K., the sister's sons of 'Abdullah K., engaged with him in battle. The Shāh prevailed over the country, Hāshim K. lost his life in the fight and the other two fled, defeated, from Khurāsān. Payinda K. came by the jugglery of fate to Qan- 804 dahār and was there seized by the servant of Shāh Muḥammad K. The end of his affairs will be related in its place. Bāqī K. went to Tūrān. As that country had no ruler, and except him there was no one who could fill the post, he became Khān. After some time he led a force against Tāshkend. As Qalandar K., the ruler there, did not see in himself the power to contend, he had recourse to submission. Bāqī K. made him his subject and took possession of Samarkand and Bokhārā. He gave Badakhshān to his brother, Walī Muḥammad K. Shāh 'Abbās after taking Khurāsan, spent some time in enjoyment in Herat and then returned to Ispahan. In the second year he set out with a large army to take Balkh and encamped near that city. Bāqī K., whose power was not yet fully established, considered that his best plan was not to engage in a pitched battle, so he set down his tents opposite the Shāh's camp and dug a trench round them and waited. When much time had been spent, the Qizilbāsh graudees were troubled by the delay and inevitable privations and by the dying of their animals. The Shāh therefore gave up his design and returned to Khurāsān.

At this time Prince Sulṭān Daniel petitioned that the Rai Rayān might be appointed to the Deccan, and that an army should be sent to punish the zamīndārs of Garha. This was granted, and an order was issued to the Rai Rayān that he should, in the first place, proceed to the country of Garha—which was in his fief—and arrange for its administration. Afterwards he was to go to the Prince. Also, at this time Shādmān and 'Abdullah, the sons of the Khān Ā'ẓim, were each raised to the rank of 1,000. After some time, Anwar, another son of the said Khān and who was older than the other two, was raised to the same rank. As he was addicted to wine, and was of indolent habits, and had shown self-will in the service of H.M., this was his punishment. Ten horses which were presented to the Khān-khānān were made over to his agent, and forty horses were entrusted to1208a Khwāja Laṭīf, that he might convey them to Prince Daniel. The sons of M. Yūsuf K. and Raḅīm1208b Qulī and the son of Khān Jahān came from their fiefs and paid their respects.

One of the occurrences was the brave death of Jāmil Beg, the son of Tāj K. Tāj K., after collecting auxiliaries, set himself to the chastisement of Bāsū, the ruler of Mau. When he came1208c to the pargana of Pathān he did not halt, but went forward. He chose an encampment in a place, of which he approved. At the time of 805 marching, the enemy appeared, and Jamil Beg became ardent. Without delay he fell upon the foe with a few of his men. At first he was victorious, and killed the leaders of the enemy. Then he encountered two other forces, which came from the right and left, and after exhibiting much valour and standing firm, he bravely quaffed the last draught. Fifty men accompanied him to the other world.

Raẓā Qulī, the son of the Khān Jahān, received a manṣab of 500 with 1001209a horse, Islām Qulī K., the brother of Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram, one of 500 with 150 horse, while Muḥammad Qulī Turkamān's rank was increased by the gift of an elephant. Zāhid Beg, the son of Ṣādiq K., came from the Deccan and was exalted by performing the kornish. 'Allāmī S. Abu-l-Faẓl received the rank of 5,000, and was made by the appreciative sovereign the recipient of favours suitable to his services and loyalty. It appeared from a petition by Prince Sulṭān Daniel that the son of Shāh 'Alī was preparing to make a commotion in the district of Aḥmadnagar, and that 'Ambar Jeo had proceeded two or three months before to the territory of Bīdar.1209b Malik Barīd, the ruler of that country, sent one named Ibrāhīm to put him down. He fought a severe battle1209c with 'Ambar, and fell bravely. Fourteen elephants and other materials of greatness fell into the hands of 'Ambar, and these added to his arrogance. From there he went to Nūbilās (?) and had a hot engagement with Quṭbu-l-Mulk's people. He was victorious and obtained nine and twenty elephants. Then he proceeded to Telingāna. As Mīr Martaẓā had not the strength to oppose him, he entered a fort,1209d and that evil-minded one took possession of some of the estates and sent a body of men to the other parganas of Berar. Malik Barīd thought his remedy lay in supplication and flattery and sent him a sum of money, and made peace. The immoderation of the wicked had come to such a pass that he would soon unite with the son of Shāh 'Alī and both of them would throw the dust of sedition on their heads. On receipt of this news it was determined1209e that 'Allāmī S. Abu-l-faẓl should be sent with a large force to Jālnāpūr, and that the Aḥmadnagar service and the punishment of Rājū and other rebels should also be entrusted to him. The control of Berar, Pāthrī and Telingāna, and the extirpation of the son of Shāh 'Alī and of 'Ambar Jeo were committed to the Khān-khānān.

One of the occurrences was the turning back to Allahabad of the Prince Royal from the neighbourhood of Etawah, in accordance with the orders of H.M. At the time of the New Year he had petitioned1210a and expressed a wish to kiss the threshold, saying that his distance from the Presence disquieted his mind. As the petition did not possess the glory of sincerity, it was not accepted. Meanwhile news came that he was proceeding towards the court with evil intentions and accompanied by 30,0001210b horse. A Fate-like order 806 was issued from the antechamber of wrath and severity to the effect that “He should recognize that his peace and prosperity lay in returning to Allahabad. If a desire for service had seized his collar, he should come to court unattended.” Inasmuch as his disposition was not sincere, he on receipt of this order lost the thread of plan, and was mortified, and turned back from Etawah towards Allahabad. In reply to the order he used expressions of lamentation, and represented his ashamedness, and made excuses unworthy of being heard and sent them to the court by the Sadr-i-Jahān.1210c Close upon this another order was issued to the Prince to the effect that the provinces of Bengal and Orissa were made over to him, and that he should proceed to that extensive country. An order was also issued to Rajah Mān Singh that he should leave the province of Bengal to the Prince's agents, and should himself come as a pilgrim and pay his devotions at court. But the Prince thought his advantage consisted in acting contrary to the orders of his visible God, and did not consent to take the governorship of that large country.

An order was issued to the Rai Rayān to take up his quarters between Narwar and Canderī, and to govern that country with prudence. The Khān Ā'ẓim M. Koka received the lofty rank of 7,000 zāt and 6,000 horse. Hāshim K. received a manṣab of 1,500, S. Daulat Bakhtiyār received one of 2,000. The presents of Shāh Beg K., the governor of Qandahār, were produced before H.M. A. marriage was made between Prince Khusrū and the Khān Ā'ẓim's daughter, and an order was given that S'aīd K. 'Abdullah K.,1211a and Mīr Ṣadr Jahān should convey one lakh of rupis to the house of the Khān Ā'ẓim by way of dower (shīr bahā). 50,000 rupis were presented to 'Allāmī S. Abu-l-faẓl. The sons of M. Yūsuf K. presented themselves and received suitable appointments. As the distress and poverty of the peasants (kadīwar) of Kabul was represented to H.M., one year's revenue was altogether remitted to that country, and an order was given to the collectors that for eight years one-eighth share of the revenue of the fief-holders should be remitted. The manṣab of Shamsu-d-dīn1211b Ḥusain, the son of the Khān A'ẓim—who was the Nāīb of the province of Gujarat—was fixed at 2,000, principal and increase (aṣal u iẓāfa). It became known that Khudāwand K. Abyssinian had stirred up sedition in the sarkārs of Pāthrī and Pāthan,1211c (?) and the Khān-khānān sent a force under the command of Sūraj Singh and Ghaznīn K. of Jālaur to punish him. Good men went to that country and defeated the enemy, and praiseworthy efforts were made to keep that country in repose.

807 One of the occurrences was the victory of Īrīj, the son of the Khān-khānān and the defeat of 'Ambar Jeo. News came that when it was known that 'Ambar had gone to Telingāna and that Mīr Martaẓā had not been able to maintain himself in Nānder, and that he and Sher Khwāja had gone to the village of Jahrī,1212a and that the enemy was being powerful in that country, and that Sher Khwāja and Mīr Martaẓā were in distress, the Khān-khānān had sent his son Īrij1212b with a large force to quell the commotion. Īrij joined Mīr Martaẓa and Sher Khwāja, and resolved to engage the enemy. On learning this, 'Ambar went to Damtour and from there proceeded to Qandahār.1212c Meanwhile Farhād Abyssinian joined 'Ambar with 2 or 3,000 horse. The brave men of the victorious army did not halt anywhere but advanced towards the foe. As the enemy stood their ground, the leaders of the victorious army drew up their forces. In the centre was Īrij with his father's troops and manṣabdārs. In the advance were Rajah Sūraj Singh, Bahādur-al-mulk, S. Walī, Parbat Sen Khatrī, Mukund Rai, Girdhar Dās, son of Rai Sāl Darbārī, Rāghū Dās, son of Khangār S. Maudūd, Zāhid, son of Shujā'at K., Qāsim Ḥusain K., S. Abul-fatḥ, son of S. M'arū, S. Masṭafā, Fatḥ K. Lodī, Ikhtiyār K., Sher K. and other heroes. In the right wing were Mīr Martaẓā and a number of active men. In the left wing were 'Alī Mardān Bahādur, and a party of brave men. 'Ambar also drew up his forces. First, the enemy's van drove off the elephants and attacked the imperial van, and there was a hot fight. From the smoke of the guns and muskets day put on the dark robes of night. The brave imperialists discomfited the foe by their bullets and the whizzing of their arrows. Then the centre made manful attacks. … If the men of the right and left wings had extended the arm of courage, the enemy would not have escaped, and 'Ambar and Farhād would certainly have been made prisoners. Twenty elephants, etc., were captured.1212d When the news of this glorious victory was brought to H.M. by a report of Prince Daniel, thanks 808 were returned to God. The victors were rewarded by promotion and gifts of horses and robes of honour. The Prince sent ten of the elephants to court, and kept ten by himself, with the idea that he would present them whenever he came to court.

One of the occurrences was the conquest of Jammū. When Ḥusain Beg S. 'Umarī besieged the fort of Jammū, the Zamīndār of Nagarkot and the other landowners and hillmen of the parganas of Lakhanpūr, Jasrota, Mānkoṭ, brought help to the ruler thereof. They made great efforts, but were unsuccessful and fled away by night. Rāmgarha, Jasrota, Jammū, Mānkoṭ and Kobast (?) were taken.

Various items of news from Bengal brought joy. In the first place, Rajah Mān Singh came to Dhāka (Dacca) and by means of hopes and fears brought the ruler Kedār Rai on the right road of service. Secondly, when news came that Jalāl1213a of Kahakra had with a body of evil-disposed persons attacked the towns of Akrā (?)1213b and Maldah and committed great oppression on the traders and inhabittants there, the Rajah sent Khwāja Bāqar Anṣārī to Ghorāghāt to Mahā Singh, in order that he might join with him in putting down the disturbance. When Mahā Singh came to Kahakra, Jalāl kept the river Mandarī1213c (?) in front of him and appeared with 5,000 foot and 500 horse. Mahā Singh without delay put his horse into the river, and as the bank was high it was difficult for the horses to mount it, and some1214a of his companions lost their lives. Most of them emerged with safety and attacked the foe. The villain threw the dust of ruin on his head and fled like the wind. Mahā Singh's mind being at ease about these matters considered that it was indispensable to put down Qāẓī Mūmin, who at this time had collected many evil-disposed persons1214b in Purniah and was devastating that country, and so proceeded thither. That ill-fated one had made a fort1214c on the bank of the Kosī and was meditating flight. As soon as he heard of the approach of the imperial troops he put his family into boats and went off there (to the island?) Mahā Singh sent 500 horse across the river after him, and he went to an island. On account of the thick jungle the troops could not get a trace of him. Active men scattered about and came to that island from every side. Mūmin's eye fell first upon a few of them, and perceiving that they 809 were few in number, and being ignorant of the proximity of others he sought to engage. He defeated the first force. Murād Beg Uzbeg and Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad, a relative of Muḥibb 'Alī K. took no account of this defeat and fought gallantly. Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad K. sacrificed his life on the path of loyalty. At this time there was fear that injury should accrue to the victorious troops. But by the fortune of the Shāhinshāh Qāẓī Mūmin fell headlong from his horse and was killed on the spot. The heroes were victorious. Next news came to the Rajah that Uṣmān1214d the accursed had crossed the Brahmaputra with a large force, and that Bāz Bahādur Qalmāq, the thānadār of that quarter, had abandoned his post, and had come to Bhawāl. The Rajah came to Bhawāl in the space of a day and a night, and next day had a fight with the enemy on the bank of the river Bihār1214e (?) Many Afghans were slain and much booty in the shape of boats (nuwāra) and artillery was obtained. When he had made the thāna strong by entrusting it to able men he came to Dhāka, and ordered a number of brave men to cross the Anjhamati1214f (?) and to punish 'Īsā and Kedār, the ruler of Bikrāmpūr and Sarhanpūr. The wicked Afghans leagued with Dāūd, the son of Īsā and the landholders and closed the ferries and prepared for war. For some days the imperialists were unable to cross. The Rajah on perceiving the state of affairs came from Dhāka to Shāhpūr.1215a He first appointed a body of men to keep those who had gone before. As the affair was beyond their strength, and there was much fighting at the ferry, he saw that the remedy was for him to come to the spot in person. On arriving, he without delay mounted his elephant and entered the river. Other strong-hearted men proceeded manfully to swim the river. They crossed and defeated the enemy. They became unsteady and fled. The Rajah followed them and marching by night came to Barhānpūrī1215b (?) and Tarah (?). Sher K.,1215c the proprietor, then had the wisdom to wait upon the Rajah. From there he went to Sirhanpūr1215d and Bikrampūr. Dāūd and the other Afghans went off to Sonargāon. The Rajah's mind became at ease about the enemy and he went to Dhāka.

At this time Rai Sāl Darbārī was raised to the rank of 2,500 ẕāt and 1,250 horse. He was one of the old servants of the court. He was a good servant and one who jeopardised his life. Rai Singh Rāthor had on account of want of wisdom been unstable, and as a punishment he had for some time been excluded from the kornish. At this time, as marks of repentance appeared in him, he was summoned and his offences were pardoned and regarded as not having been committed. An order was given for admitting him to the kornish. A favourable reception of his son (Dalpat)—who continu- 810 ally acted contrary to his father's wishes—was made conditional on his pleasing his father. H.M. remarked “until he attain the good graces of his father—who is his visible God, and the pleasing of whom is bound up with the pleasing of God—he cannot participate in the favours of the sovereign.”

Reports of the officers of the Deccan arrived stating that Prince Sulṭān Daniel had taken away the jāgīr of Shāhrukh, and that the Mīrzā was grieved on this account and wished to come to court. An order was issued to the Prince stating that his resumption of the fief was exceedingly disapproved of, and that he must restore it. A gracious letter also was addressed to the Mīrzā, telling him that the composing of the distractions of the province of Mālwa was committed to his judgment, and that he should be fervent in the service, and not come to court without being summoned. He was also honoured by the presentation of a horse. The charge of the province of Multan was made over to S'aīd K., and he was loaded with favours and sent off there. Partāb Singh, the brother of Rajah Mān Singh, came from Bengal and did homage. It was reported that the victorious army had returned after being victorious over Bāsū, and that the fort of Kūlīn (?) had been entrusted after its capture to Rām Dās.

It was reported to H.M. that the Khān-khānān had addressed himself to extirpating the thorn of the sedition of Rājū, and that Prince Sulṭān Daniel having heard of the misconduct of one of the Fārūqīs in Bābilgarha1216a had sent a force under the command of Tardī Beg K. and Khwāja Abū-l-ḥasan to punish him, and that he had fled from there to Daulatābād, and that Khwāja Nāẓir, the eunuch, had shut the gate of the fort against the troops and commenced to fight. They had therefore set themselves to besiege the fort, and had pressed hard upon the garrison. When they had no way of escape they had capitulated and become loyal. An order was issued to 'Allāmī S. Abū-l-faẓl that he should come to court unattended, and that he should make over his army to his son S. 'Abdu-r-raḥmān, and put him in charge of affairs. The Hippocrates of wisdom, the very learned S. Abū-l-faẓl, on account of his abilities and his loyalty and devotion, was rising, from rank to rank of confidence and intimacy. The envious on beholding this, heated the fire of envy in the furnace of their hearts and sought for opportunities of satisfying their grudge against him. As he was under the protection of God, 811 and the eternal favour was security for that pure-minded one, his advancement continued, and no evil happened to him from any contingency. But the spite of the envious constantly gained strength. Gradually Prince Sulṭān Selīm's mind became prejudiced by the representations of liars against this foremost one of wisdom. As the ways of the prince were displeasing to H.M., and he continually went counter to his father's wishes, his father's neglect of him was increasing daily. Evil-minded persons represented that the aversion of his father was due to the efforts of the Shaikh and that the latter was endeavouring to have him disgraced and distrusted. This had such an effect on the prince, who was of a hot disposition, and had lost his prudence owing to drinking, and to the intoxication of youth and of success, that he set himself to take the life of this unique one of the age. At the time when the prince wanted to come to court without being sent for, and when the secret-discerning sovereign perceived his intent and would not allow him to come, it became known that the Shaikh had been summoned to come quickly to court from the Deccan. The prince thought he had his opportunity, and gave orders to Bīr Singh Deo Bandīla—who had long been a highway robber, and whose home was on the road from the Deccan, and who for a while had been in the prince's service—that as the Shaikh was proceeding to the court unattended, he should put an end to him. He then despatched that villain after having made him hopeful of many favours. That ignorant partizan ('lwān nādān) went home as quickly as possible and collected a number of bestial, savage Bandīlahs and lay in wait. When the Shaikh received the order of the world's lord, he set out from the Deccan. At Ujjain he heard that that evil plotter was holding the road. He did not attach weight to this statement and disapproved of the suggestion of his well-wishers that he should turn back and proceed by the route of Ghātī Cāndā. Apparently, as the time of death was at hand, the thread of deliberation dropped from his hand! Or perhaps he desired to sever the links of the bodily elements, and his heart was full, from beholding the jugglery of fortune and the ways of his contemporaries! On 1st Rabī-al-awwāl 1011 (9th August 1602), between Serai Bīr and Antrī,1217a Bir Singh Deo came out from his ambush. That wise and warlike man, with an indignant heart, an open brow, and a soul full of reliance on God, and of courage, prepared for battle. Gadāī K. Afghān—who had been long in his service, and had been nurtured by him, came forward and turned his rein. He in his loyalty represented: “The enemy appears very numerous and 812 we are too few to be successful. It is proper that I and some others go to face the enemy and that you slowly proceed on your way until the enemy has finished with us. There will be a long interval, and you will arrive comfortably at Āntrī which is three kos distant, and where there are the Rai Rayān and Rajah Singh with 2 or 3,000 horse.” That haughty and brave man replied: “To the noble lovers of their honour it is pleasanter to play away their lives with credit and to die bravely than to spend their days in cowardice, and to bring on themselves the stain of timidity. According to the code of the valiant what can be baser than to attach importance to fleeting life and give place to the enemy, and to fix ones heart on the unstable world and so gather eternal disgrace? If this be my last day—and that must happen to every one—what remedy is there, and what counsel can one take?” He also said: “My gracious sovereign has raised me from the rank of a student to the lofty position of an amīr, a vizier, and a general. On this day if I act contrary to H.M.'s opinion of me, by what name shall I be called among men, and how shall I have a clear countenance among my rivals.” He said this and proceeded against the enemy. Gadāī again importuned and said: “Soldiers frequently act in this manner. When it is not fitting to engage with the foe, they do not consider it to be a breach in the pillars of courage for them to step aside and turn their rein, and to take vengeance at another time. As yet we have time. You can withdraw yourself from this dangerous spot.” He who was prepared for the last journey, and whose foot was on the path of laying down his life paid no regard to these words and said: “I cannot flee from this unwashed thief.” They were still speaking when Bir Singh Deo arrived. The brave man urged on the steed of bravery on the hostile forces, and died from a spear thrust in the breast. Gadāī K., and some others obtained the boon of sacrificing their lives. Alas for that mine of wisdom, and woe for that ocean of knowledge! The night lamp of science and wisdom was extinguished, and the fountain of eloquence and excellence was stilled. There was an evil day for genius, and the livers of knowledge and perception were torn. Intelligence and discernment were dissolved and farsight and acuteness removed their baggage from the world!

Verse.

Alas for the celestial knowledge; it has turned to dust
The pillars of science have moved, and the nest of eloquence is empty!

When this sorrowful news reached the court of the world's lord, his heart was grieved for that the banquet-adorner and the en- 813 lightened companion had passed away. The great nobles lamented that the life-thread of the adorner of the court of the viziership had been cut short. The gatherers of wisdom sate in sorrow for that he who sate four-square on the divan of eloquence had left the world. The sagacious and active-minded heaved a cold sigh because the last sleep had seized him who fostered enlightenment. The community at large wept and lamented because the days were ended of him who was the leader of the lords of “Peace with all” and a knower of the disposition of the age. The grief and sorrow which were occasioned to the appreciative Khāqān are beyond expression. I have heard from a reliable source that at midday H.M. was engaged in watching the flights of pigeons. He was standing and admiring their wonderful movements, when S. Farīd Bakhshī Begī brought the news of the catastrophe. H.M. uttered a cry and became insensible. After a long time he recovered. For several days in succession he had moist eyes and a sorrowful countenance because of the sacrifice of that excellent companion, that prince of loyalty, that interlocutor of lofty intellect, that friend of the private meeting and that faithful confident and counseller. Whenever1219a the disaster was brought to his mind, he heaved a painful sigh, and beat his breast. He severely censured the prince for what he had done, and often blamed him. Resentment against him took possession of his holy soul so that even to the end he was displeased with him. In spite of all his abasement and supplications he never forgave him. “The truth-seeking vizier of the Shāhinshāh,” and “Abul Faẓl the enlightened” are the two suitable chronograms1219b for this model of the lords of wisdom, which occurred to the writer while penning these pages. An order was given to the Rai Rayān to extirpate Bir Singh Deo, and not to rest till he had severed his head from his body. Rajah Rāj Singh, Rām Cand Bandīla and other zamīndārs of that neighbourhood were appointed to assist. Ẓiyā-ul-Mulk was appointed to be Bakhshī to this force, and a number of officers of the court were associated with him.

One of the occurrences was the arrival from Badakhshān of a petition from M. Badīu-'z-zamān1221a the sister's son of M. Ḥakīm. In the 46th year 'Allāmi wrote that he after prevailing over Badakhshān read the Khuṭba and coined money in the name of Akbar, and sent a skilful ambassador to apologise for the smallness of the service which he had hitherto rendered. The sovereign, the favourer of the weak, sent back the envoy with abundant goods, and arms and other warlike materials, and so increased Badīu-'z-zamān's resources. 814 At this time he again petitioned and asked for some warlike materials. H.M. sent twenty camel loads of weapons of war, etc. with Malik Muḥammad Badakhshī—who had been appointed as dārogha of the ruby mines in Badakhshān, and also sent an encouraging firmān.

One of the occurrences was the death of Khwāja Sulaimān the bakhshī of the army of the hill-country of the Panjab. He had sent a body of men against a village, and was expecting news of it. As no intelligence came he personally followed up those whom he had sent. He came up while they were engaged with the enemy, and when arrows and bullets were flying on either side. A bullet reached his temple and he was killed.

At this time it was reported to H.M. that Prince Daniel—who in accordance with the insistance of H.M. had for a time given up wine-drinking, and had broken his wine-vessels, and had taken an oath against drinking wine by the exalted head of H.M.—had at this time broken his vow and again fallen into drinking habits, and that in consequeuce of such fire-water his disposition had become immoderate. A monitory order was issued1222a to that nursling of sovereignty, inquiring why he did not take pity on his youth and beauty, and, why he did not take warning from the instance of his elder brother Prince Sulṭān Murād. What evils more than that were not produced by wine to the corporeal frame—which was the choice building of God's hand! If he desired to please the Creator, and also his visible deity (his father) he would withdraw from association with that injurious companion (wine), and would not, for the sake of a momentary gratification, call for his eternal ruin!

From the reports of the Ṣubahdār of Kabul and other officers there it appeared that1222b Aḥad Dād had stirred up strife in Tīrāh, and that the tribes of the Afrīdīs, Panī, Orakzai and Sūrī had joined him. Also that Takhta Beg, who in order to settle the disputes of the Yūsufzai and the Orakzai1222c was residing in Nagarkot, had on the receipt of this news gone to Peshawar, and from thence to Tīrāh, and that the Afrīdīs had submitted to him. Also that Aḥad Dād had gone from Tīrāh to Āhanposh and that neighbourhood. Also that Takhta Beg had punished a number of the Afghans who at the instance of Aḥad Dād had devastated fort Arkhail and Dūmandī (?) and had settled among the 'Alīzai. Also that he had established thānās and had closed the rivers, (rūdbandī) and that the Afrīdī chiefs had come in, and that the Orakzai leaders had made treaties, 815 and that Aḥad Dad's influence had been destroyed, and that he had failed and gone to Cauhāna (?). All these things were reported at length. As Ḥusain Qulīj the son of Qulīj Khān, had distinguished himself in the Panjab, and had made obedient Talūk Cand the ruler of Nagarkot, he received a robe of honour; Qulīj Khān, a special shawl and Talūk Cand also a shawl.

As Prince Sulṭān Selīm had committed great faults, and H.M. was very angry with him, no one could venture to petition for him. The great lady of the age, Miriam-Makānī and the Khātun of the chamber of chastity, Gulbadan Begam, begged for his forgiveness. Inasmuch as H.M. had a great respect for Miriam-Makānī and Gulbadan Begam, he granted their wishes and gave an order for the coming of the Prince to court, and ordered that the cupola of chastity, Selīma Sulṭān Begam should go and give the Prince the news of forgiveness, and bring him to court. That chaste lady in order to soothe the prince's apprehensions took from H.M. an elephant named Fatḥ Lashkar, a special horse, and a robe of honour and went off with them.

At this time also the faujdārī of Mewāt was conferred on Iftikhār Beg. On 2nd Ābān the solar weighment took place, and there was a feast of joy. The sovereign was weighed against twelve articles, and the needy had their wants supplied. The presents of Qāsim Khān, arrived from Transoxiana and were received. Shāh Beg Khān the governor of Qandahār was raised to the rank of 5000, and the government of Ghaznīn was taken from Sharīf Kh. and given to him. A strict order was also issued about the security of the Qandahār and Ghaznīn roads so that the merchants might have their minds at ease. Sālbāhan the head of the artillery received the title of Rajah. He was unequalled as a gunner, and was promoted on account of his long service. Petitions were received from M. Shāhrukh representing his illnesses and weakness and Benī Dās, physician, was sent to treat him. Manūcihr the ambassador of the ruler of Persia received valuable presents and was allowed to depart. Numerous productions of India were sent along with him as presents for his sovereign, and at the time of his departure Manūcihr received four lakhs of dāms in addition to what had already been given to him. News came that 'Irij the son of the Khān-khānān had fought a great battle with 'Ambar Jeo and that by H.M.'s good fortune he had been victorious and had captured elephants and other property. H.M. as a reward for this service gave him the title of Bahādur. Jādūn Dās the brother's son of Rai Bihārī Cand was sent off in order that he might convey favourable orders to Prince Sulṭān Daniel, the Khān-khānān and to 'Irij Bahādur. He was to bring with him 816 to court the elephants that had been taken. An ornamental waist-dagger was sent with him for the Prince. An order was issued to S. Abdu-r-raḥmān the son of 'Allāmī Abū-l-faẓl that he should join the Rai Rayān and exact vengeance from Bir Singh Deo for the murder of his father. His fief also was assigned to him in Mālwa. At the request of the intercessors for the Prince-Royal, a special robe of honour and a special horse were sent to him by Burhān-ul-mulk Khwāṣ, and many gracious messages were conveyed to him by the same means. Prince Sulṭān Daniel sent as peshkash a diamond weighing 27 surkhs1224a and a ruby weighing 4 miṯqāls. An order was issued to Ābū-l-qāsim Namakīn1224b that he should send to court M. Ghāzī1224c along with a confidential slave of his named Khasrū. Ḥāshim K., Qāsim Khān Parwāna and Ḥasan Qulīj came from their respective fiefs and paid their respects at court. Hakīm Raknū1224d and Ḥakīm Ḥaidar had the good fortune to come from 'Irāq and enter into the service of H.M. The first of these had accumulated a knowledge of medicine and of the current sciences. He had also a turn for poetry, and put into verse lofty sentiments. The other was a passed master in science, was well acquainted with physic and an able writer of prose and verse. He had inward and outward graces. A petition from the Prince-Royal was laid before H.M. The gist of it was that he had met the noble lady (Selīma Begam) two stages off and paid his respects to her. He also expressed in the petition a wish for the horses which the Persian ambassador had brought as peshkash. Kharram the Khān Ā'ẓim produced twenty Kachī horses (from Cutch) which had been sent from Jūnagarh as peshkash).

It was represented that Bir Singh Deo had taken shelter in jungles and difficult defiles and was practising robbery. The Rai Rayān had several times chastised him. When he learnt that Bir Singh had come into the fort of Bhānder, and when he was surrounded there by the imperial vanguard, that he had crept into the fort. of Īrij,1225a the Rai Rayān had quickly gone there, and Bir Singh had come out and fought on the bank of the river (the Betwa). There was a hot musketry fire, and the Rai Rayān crossed the river. As the bank was high, the men got over with difficulty, and there was a contest. Bir Singh was defeated and entered the fort of Īrij. The Rai Rayān set himself to besiege it. When it was nearly being taken, Bir Singh broke down the wall of the fort at night, and came out on the side of the battery of Rajah Rāj Singh. Probably the Rajah showed slackness in the matter of seizing him. The brave men pursued him and killed forty1225b of the wretch's followers. But 817 as the jungle was thick, and there were many ravines the pursuers were obliged to return, and the villain managed to escape.

One of the occurrences was the death of M. Badi'u-z-zamān. On account of want of equipments he had asked for some arms from the court and H.M. had sent him a supply along with Malik Muḥammad Badakhshī. Before the latter arrived, Bāqī K. the ruler of Tūrān came to Badakhshān with a large force. The Mīrzā though he was weak set himself to fight. The enemy was victorious and captured him, and put him to death.

One of the occurrences was the arrival at court of Payinda K., the brother of Bāqī K. It has1225c been mentioned that after the death of Tatam K. (Yatīm), Bāqī K. went to Tūrān and acquired the sovereignty of that country, and that Payinda became in the garmsīr country the prisoner of Shāh Beg K. He was now sent to court. After he had been produced before H.M. he was made over to M. Wālī and he, out of vengeance for his brother Badī-uz-zamān1225d whom Bāqī K. had killed, put that innocent man to death.

One of the occurrences was the death of Gulbadan Begam, the paternal aunt of H.M. When the time of her departure from this caravanserai arrived, she fell ill of fever for some days, and the medicine of the physicians was of no avail. On Monday the 6th Ramẓān 1011,1226a 7th February, 1603, she wrapped her face in the veil of annihilation. She had served God for 82 years in this unstable world. H.M. had much love for her, and from respect he supported her bier for some steps on his own shoulder. He won the hearts of the needy by giving them alms and so soothed the pure soul of that traveller to the abiding world. At the time of death—which is a season of silence and insensibility—Miriam Makānī the queen of the age, came to her pillow, but though she called her “Begam Jīo” (dear lady) she got no answer. As they had long used loving expressions to one another, she repeated the endearing expression.1226b The other opened her eyes on the blessed face of Miriam Makanī and died after uttering this verse.

Verse.1226c

I'm weak and dying, may you live long!

The petition of the chaste Selima Sulṭān Begam arrived. She described with fervour the beautiful tale of the devotion and sincerity of the Prince, and also represented that she had cleansed the stain of savagery and suspicion from his heart and that she would soon 818 bring him to court.

CHAPTER CLI.
BEGINNING OF THE 47TH YEAR FROM THE HOLY ACCESSION, TO WIT,
THE YEAR ISFANDĀRMAẔ OF THE FOURTH CYCLE.

On Friday, 8th Shawwāl 1011, 11th March 1603, after the passing of 2 hours 40 minutes the fiery-winged peacock (the sun) made his nest in Aries, and the twelfth year of the fourth cycle brought news of joy to mortals.

Verse.

New Year arrived, and the gardens became variegated,
The sun (shone) for the adornment of the season.
Inasmuch as air tempered water,
Bitter pools (of tears) in the eyes of lovers became sweet.

The palace was adorned by H.M.'s orders, and there were continual feastings up to the day of the culmination (sharaf). The world's skirt of hopes was filled by the desire-granting of H.M. The grandees acquired eternal bliss by presentation of offerings.

The chaste, secluded lady Selīma Sulṭān Begum had petitioneds stating that she was coming to court with Prince Sulṭān Salīm. As the news-writers reported that Prince Sulṭān Daniel never quitted hicups, and that he had become weak and ill from constant wine-bibbing, the kindness of the spiritual physician willed that S. Ilahdād should be sent to summon him. Perhaps by coming to court his illness might be cured by the medicine of the Shāhinshāh's counsels. S. Ilahdād reported1228a H.M.'s desires to the prince. At this time the prince represented, “When I was informed of my being summoned, inasmuch as the time was not proper for sending for the Khān-khānān to Burhānpūr I went off rapidly to interview him in order that I might instruct him about what was fitting to be done, and might give him advice. When S. Ilahdād comes, I shall proceed to the holy threshold.” When H.M. learnt this, his mystery-knowing mind perceived that the prince was not inclined to come, and that his going from Khandes to the Deccan was a pretext. Accordingly an order was issued to the effect that his going to the Khān-khānān was a subterfuge, and that his not coming was due to his habits of drinking and self-indulgence. What need was there for the Khān-khānān's receiving instructions from him? If he wrote such things again H.M. would be a thousand times more displeased. 819 An order was also issued to the effect that Khwāja Farāsat Khawāṣṣ— who had been left there on account of sickness—had several times been sent for, and also that the elephants which had been captured in the battle with 'Ambar and Farhād had been sent for, but that the prince had made improper pretexts and not forwarded them. He was enjoying himself in having fights of elephants which had not been produced before H.M. All these bad actions were proofs of the prince's unlucky star and perverted career. He must send all the elephants and also Khwāja Farāsat to court.

A gracious message, together with a shawl, was sent to Mālwa to M. Shāhrukh in order to exalt him, and noted horses and choice robes of honour were sent to the officers of the Deccan. Rajah Sūraj Singh was distinguished among his equals by the grant of a kettle-drum. As he had distinguished himself in the Deccan H.M. rewarded him with a kettle-drum. On 12th Farwardīn1229a Bīca Jān Anaga the mother of Zain K. Koka died. H.M. went to her house and consoled the survivors. M. Shāhrukh petitioned for leave to come to court. An order was issued to the effect that Prince Daniel had been summoned. If he had the grace to come, then it would not be proper for M. Shāhrukh to come, for in that case the country would be denuded of loyal officers. If the Prince from presumption, self-indulgence, bad companionship, and continual drinking did not come, then the Mīrzā might leave his troops in Mālwa and come to court. An order was issued to the Rai Rayān that as Bir Singh Deo had become a vagabond in the desert of destruction, he should come to court with the servants who were assisting him. Twelve elephants sent by Prince Daniel were submitted for the inspection of H.M., and from among them one named Shāhrukh was placed among the special elephants.

One of the occurrences was the coming of Prince Sulṭān Selīm. When he was approaching the centre of fortune, he sent a petition to the effect that Her Majesty the Queen of the world, Miriām-Makānī, might take his hand and cast him at the feet of His sphere-brushing Majesty. His petition was granted, and H.H. Miriām-Makānī went forward one stage and by renewed cordiality soothed the prince's terrified soul. Next day he was brought to court, and the prince laid the countenance of humility and ashamedness at the feet of the Khāqān of the world, and confessed his evil doings. The enlightened sovereign ostensibly accepted his inadmissible excuses, and held him in a loving embrace. But the fawning of the prince did not remedy the inward dissatisfaction of the sovereign. The 820 prince presented as an offering 12,000 muhurs and 977 elephants. Out of the latter 350 were accepted. An order was issued to Prince Daniel to the effect that as Rajah Sūraj Singh had long been in that province, and wished to come to court, and also wished to arrange the affairs of his native country, he should keep Gobind1230a Dās Bhātī, his officers together with his troops, and send off Sūraj Singh unattended to court, in order that he might reap benefit of good service and spend his days in his own country. The Prince Royal begged for the elephant Pūn (the Holy), which was unique for good dispositions and swiftness, and H.M. graciously granted his request. The generous Shāhinshāh in order to capture the terrified heart of the prince took his turban off his head and placed it on the prince's head. This was an omen of his adorning the crown and throne. Though the Khāqān did not approve of the Prince Royal's succeeding him, yet he involuntarily1230b put the crown of dominion on a head which had been made fit for the diadem of rule, and the auspicious Humā spread its shade. S. 'Abdu-r-Raḥmān the son, and 'Abu-l-barkāt the brother of 'Allāmī S. 'Abu-l-faẓl deceased came from the Deccan and brightened their foreheads by the prostration of service. The condolences of the King, the servant-cherisher, were balm to the inward wounds which they had sustained by the catastrophe of the sanctified Shaikh, and poured water on the fire of their heated livers! They presented three elephants, four swords, seven strings of pearls and some ornamented vessels as peshkash, and these were duly accepted. A special shawl (parm narm) was presented to S. 'Abdu-r-Raḥmān. Har Har Rai the son of Rajah Bīrbar brought the petition of Prince Daniel. It represented that he had left off drinking for six months, and it offered excuses for his not coming. Four lakhs of dāms were presented to M 'Alī1231a Akbarshāhī. Abū-l-baqī1231b Uzbeg came from Tūrān and from his lucky star turned his face towards the K'aaba of fortune. H.M. gave him a manṣab of 500 together with 150 horse. Qulīj K.—who was an old servant—received the rank of 5,000 zāt-u-sawār.1231c Ḥusain Beg S. 'Umarī was sent off to the charge of the provinces of Kabul and Bangash. Mādhū Singh received a manṣab of 3,000 and 2,000 horse.

The occurrences in Bengal were as follows. The zamīndār of 821 the Magh1231d country came with a large fleet and in the first place proceeded against Sonargāon, and invested the fort of Parmmahānī1231e (?)—where were Sulṭān Qulī Qalmāq1231f s. Moẓaffar Khānī and a number of servants. He came out of the fort and fought with the enemy, and by the might of H.M.'s fortune he was victorious. He thereupon proceeded to the fort which was held by Aḥmad the wife's brother of Yūsuf Kashmīrī. He fought with a number of Kashmīrīs, and some of his men were killed, and he himself was wounded1232a and fled at night from the field of battle. When the Rajah (Mān Singh) heard of the success of the enemy, he appointed Ibrāhīm Beg Atka, Rāghū Dās, Askaran, Dalpat Rai and others to render assistance. The enemy during several days fell upon the thanahs, and there were great co mbats. Ibrāhīm Beg set himself to put down the enemy and having arranged his forces bravely went forward to battle. There was hot fighting, and the enemy was chastised. Many were killed. The enemy regarded the river as a protection against the fire of the swords and took to their boats. They anchored their fleet and began a hot fire of cannon and muskets. The imperialists sank some of the boats1232b (ghrābs).

M. Shahrukh under the orders of H.M. led a force to put down the ruler of Bānswāra.1232c By great exertions he forced the landholder to fly and took possession of his country, and for some time preserved its tranquillity. That man without home or household found Mālwa without a caretaker, and made a disturbance there. On hearing this, the Mīrzā left the country he had subdued and returned to put matters straight. When he came to Mālwa the said proprietor came to his home (Banswāra.) The Mīrzā regarded the rainy season as an obstacle and could not go there a second time.

One of the occurrences was the chastisement of M. Ḥasan the son of M. Shahrukh in the neighbourhood of Qandahār. It has been written1232d in the (account of) end of the 45th year by the truthful pen of 'Allāmī that Ḥasan M. became foolish from weakness of character and went wrong in company with one of the Kashmīris. Up to this day no trace could be obtained of this wanderer. Now news came that he had in the first place gone to the ruler of Persia. Shāh 'Abbās, who had sent him to Ḥusain K. the governor of Herat at the time when the Shāh was going to Āẓarbaijān. When the Uzbeg army turned back from plundering the countries of Merv, Mārūcāq and Murghāb, Ḥusain K. took a suspicion into his head and wrote to the Shāh. “I do not think it right that a son of M. 822 Shahrukh should be here at this time.” The Shāh ordered him to be expelled, and Ḥusain K. sent him off to Badakhshān. When the wicked fellow found it was impossible to make a disturbance in Badakhshān, he went about with his retainers1233a and joined the Hazāras. The opportunists of the two parties united and extended the hand of plunder over the hilly1233b country north of Qandahār. It is an extensive country with many Hazāra villages. After the taking of Qandahār, the imperialists took it from the Uzbegs. When the disturbance increased greatly, the warders of the country found that to contend with Ḥasan was beyond their strength and sent word to Shāh Beg K. He set out from Qandahār to quell the disturbance. That raw fellow (Ḥasan) fled after a short contest. The imperialists followed and put to death many who surrendered. Ḥasan escaped half-alive and went off to the hills of Ḥaqcarān1233c (?) and sought protection there.

On the first of Mihr, Divine month, middle of September, 1603, Ẓīya-ul-mulk was raised to the rank of 700 zāt and 300 horse. At the request of Prince Sulṭān Selīm, the offences of Rajah Bāsū the ruler of Mau were forgiven. Tātār Beg Safarcī was raised to the rank of 700.

One of the occurrences was the dispatch of Prince Sulṭān Selīm to punish the Rānā. He had been sent off for this purpose in the 45th year. His going wrong and his hastening to Allahabad without orders have been described by the truthful pen of the 'Allāmī. At this time H.M. again ordered him to undertake the work. On 21st Mihr, Divine month, October, 1603, which was the feast of the Dashara, he sent him off after giving him weighty counsels. The pleasure-loving Prince—who took this task on the shoulder of his energy without a wrinkle in his brow—went off ten kos from the capital, and then made unfitting objections. He made the smallness of his forces and the want of equipment as reasons for not proceeding and stayed in Fatḥpūr. H.M., who had tested the prince's loyalty, accepted his excuses and with outward graciousness ordered1234a that “To return and gather the bliss of service at this time when the astrologers reported unfavourably would not be proper. As he had taken leave at a favourable time, it was better that he should go to Allahabad and enjoy himself.” On receiving this message the Prince joyfully, drinking wine, and pleasuring himself, crossed the Jumna at the ferry near Muttra and went off gaily. The enlightened knew the truth; this permission to depart and separate was a favour! Though the action of the Prince outwardly appeared to be entirely alien from governing, yet God had special designs with regard to him so that by such conduct he should be selected for reigning. Verily before the glorious and Almighty God, the 823 Distributor of Justice, acts are not regarded.

Verse.

Wherever Thy favour is, there it is,
What is not done is as done, and what is done is as not done.

On 10th Ābān, M. Moẓaffar Ṣafavī died. Muḥammad Beg Khubānī was ordered to convey his body to Delhi. As Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain Anjū had been long at 'Ādil K. of Bījāpūr's court, H.M. became aware of the latter's craftiness, and issued orders to Prince Daniel and the Khān-khānān to the effect that as by God's help his mind was at ease about the imperial domains, he would, if his servants advised, come to the Deccan and by chastisement awaken the slumbering 'Ādil K. These orders were entrusted to 'Inayat 'Ullah Kitābdār. When he conveyed them to the prince, the latter sent him on to 'Ādil K., and wrote him a letter of advice. H.M. sent his turban by Muḥammad Sharīf Kūlābī for Prince Daniel and a special horse called Har Parshād. Khwāja 'Abdullah,1234b being disgusted with the evil conduct of the Prince-Royal's officers set his face towards the court, and H.M. gave him a manṣab of 1,000 zāt and the title of Ṣafdar Khān. He was the sister's son of Khwāja Ḥasan Naqshbandī, and was at first with Sher Khwāja. He did good service in the Deccan. Afterwards by fortune's guidance he entered the prince's service and became an Aḥadī. Gradually he rose to the rank of 1,000 and the title of Khān. At this time he was guided to the threshold of fortune.

One of the occurrences was the subsiding of the commotion of 'Alī Rai the ruler of Tibet. Before this it had been reported to H.M. that he by conquering the ruler of great Tibet and getting possession of much gold had become presumptuous, and raised a great commotion in Kashmīr. An order was given to Qulīj K. the Ṯubahdār of Lahore to send a force to assist Muḥammad Qulī the governor of Kashmīr so that that gnat which was buzzing in the wine-cup might meet with his deserts. At this time it was reported that Qulīj K. had sent 3,000 horse and 500 barqandāzes (musketeers) under the command of his son Saif Ullah to assist Muḥammad Qulī 824 Beg. When 'Alī Rai heard of the arrival of the troops, his heart failed him and he fled without fighting. The imperialists pursued him as far as the horses could go, and then turned back. On 11th Ābān, Laharī Bandar was bestowed on the Prince-Royal, and a special horse called Shāh 'Inayat was given to Dost Muḥammad to convey to the Prince. It was settled that Prince Daniel should receive a lakh of rupis every year from the proceeds of the port of Cambay. At the request of the Prince-Royal, Khwājāgī Fatḥ Ullah Bakhshī received the rank of 1,000 and was allowed to go to the Prince. Muḥammad Qulī had sent twelve swift horses, natives of Kashmīr, and they were produced before H.M.

One of the occurrences was the success of the royal arms in Bengal, the downfall of Kedār Zamīndār, and the retreat of the Magh Rajah. News came that Kedār,—who was a noted proprietor in Bengal—had joined the Magh zamīndār with a large fleet, and used force against the thāna of Srīnagar. On hearing of this Rajah Mān Singh sent an army provided with artillery against that presumptuous man. Near Nagar Sūr1235a the latter appeared with a large force and a great battle took place. The enemy was defeated, and many were slain. Kedār was wounded with bullets and was flying half-dead. The brave troops followed him and captured him. There was a little life in him when he was brought before the Rajah, but he soon died. With his death the flames of disturbance in Bengal were extinguished. After this, Rajah Mān Singh—who had made preparations in Bhawāl for attacking 'Uṯmān heard of the commotion raised by the zamīndār of Magh and set out to put him down. The latter did not see his advantage in fighting, and went back to his own country, and the Rajah turned back to Bhawāl to deal with 'Uṯmān. He too fled, and the Rajah's mind being now at ease and having committed the thanahs to the charge of able men he went to Dhāka.

The gracious sovereign cast an eye upon the comfort of travellers and ordered that in the serais on the high roads, refuges and kitchens should be established, and that articles of food should be in readiness for the empty handed travellers so that when they had 825 undergone the fatigues of journeying and had sat down to rest they might put food into their mouths without trouble.

Mīr Gadai the son of Abū Turāb received the rank of 700 and 400 horse, and Mīr Martaẓā that of 2,000 zāt-u-sawār. M. Kaiqubād the son of M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm was put into the charge of Jagannāth in order that he be schooled in the prison of Fort Rantambhor. From bad companionship he had fallen into drinking-habits, and had committed evil deeds. This was his retribution. Shādmān and 'Abdullah the sons of the Khān A'ẓim were each raised to the rank of 1,500. The first was sent off to the government of Gujarat and the second to Jūnagarh. It was reported to H.M. that Mīr M'aṣūm Bhakarī who on 27th Āẕar of this year had been sent off on an embassy to Persia had waited upon Shāh 'Abbās when he was besieging the fort of Irwān (Erivan). The Shāh had received him with great honour, and had ordered a large sum of money to be given to him and had taken the letter of the Shāhinshāh in his two hands and placed it on his head. He had asked “How is His Majesty my Shāh Bāba? (royal father). In what condition is he?” The presents had been spread out and he had personally inspected all of them. He had for two or three days sent the ambassadors of Garjistān and the Sirdārs of Turkestan and other strangers to inspect them. He had marvelled at beholding these rareties which were objects of admiration to all.

CHAPTER CLII.
BEGINNING OF THE 49TH YEAR FROM THE ACCESSION, TO WIT, THE
YEAR FARWARDĪN OF THE FIFTH CYCLE.

On Monday, 18th Shawwāl 1012, 11th March, 1604, after the passing of 8 hours 20 minutes the Sulṭan of day entered Aries and the 49th year sounded joyfully in the ears of mortals.

Verse.

826 In the beginning of this year a son was born to Prince Sulṭān Daniel by the daughter of Dalpat Ujjainiya. The world's lord gave him the name of Farhang Hūshang. As Prince Sulṭān Selīm had asked for a robe of black fox—which Zain K. Koka had presented—it was granted to him together with another of white fox. At this time the thanks of the Prince were received together with congratulations on the festival of the New Year. Ḥasan Qulīj's manṣab was increased to one of 300 zāt and 500 horse. M. Bahrām, M. Anfās, M. Ism'aīl and M. Ḥaidar the sons of M. Moẓaffar Ṣafavī were raised to suitable manṣabs. It was reported that as Takhta Beg had inflicted severe chastisement on the 'Alīzaī tribe and was returning after capturing some of them, the Afghans had blocked the road in the defiles, and that the imperialists had fought and killed many of them.

As there were again reports of Prince Daniel's drinking, H.M. became very angry and sent off Ḥakīm Fatḥ Ullah the son of Ḥakīm Abū-l-fatḥ in order that he might reprove the prince and restrain him from his fatal propensity. After some days, a swift horse named 'Ayās1238a —which was one of the presents of the ruler of Persia—was sent off for the prince.

One of the occurrences was the death1239a of the mother of Sulṭān Khusrū. She was the daughter of Rajah Bhagwant Dās Kacwāha. As the Prince Royal always behaved improperly to her, her mind became jealous and she killed herself by taking opium. H.M.—who was very fond of Sulṭān Khusrū—was grieved at this event.

The Rai Rayān was exalted by the title of Rajah Bikramājīt. In gratitude for this favour he presented1239b two elephants and some other things. Qāẓī 'Izzat Ullah and Nād 'Alī Beg Maidānī came from Kabul and did homage. Khwāja Raḥmat Ullah was appointed Bakhshī of Kabul, and Malik Aḥmad was made accountant of the buildings in that city. Zāhid the son of Ṣādiq K. received his father's title.1239c Rajah Bikramājīt was raised to the rank of 5,000. S. 'Abdu-r-raḥmān was sent with him in order once more to punish Bir Singh Deo Bandīla. Rajah Rāj Singh, Rajah Parhār and others were appointed to assist the Rajah. Raḥmat K., faujdār, received the rank of 300. Rajah Rāj Singh received the rank of 3,500 zāt and 3,000 827 horse, a drum, and a shawl. Tardī Beg K. had been degraded on account of misbehaviour. He was now treated with favour and received the rank of 2,000 zāt and 500 horse and so was raised from the dust of failure.

One of the occurrences was the marriage of Prince Daniel with the daughter of 'Ādīl K. of Bījāpūr. When the latter petitioned that his daughter might enter the prince's harem, his request was granted, and on 29th Isfandārmaẕ of the 45th year Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain was sent off with the arrangements for the betrothal. When he came to Bījāpūr, 'Ādīl K. treated him with great respect and after three years and some months sent him away with many excuses and much cordiality. He also sent off his daughter and sent M. Maṣṭāfa K. with her as her Vakīl. When the Khān-khānān heard of her near arrival he sent his son Īrij with 5,000 horse to meet her. He met her at the distance of several stages and brought her to Aḥmadnagar. Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain hastened off from there and waited upon the prince in Burhānpūr. In accordance with the agreement with 'Ādil K. he brought the prince to Aḥmadnagar. The Khān-khanān accompanied him. On 9th Tīr the marriage-feast took place, and the lady was made over in a suitable manner to the prince's harem. At the same time Muṣṭafa K. received leave to return, and the prince went to Burhānpūr with the intention of coming to court. But excessive drinking withheld him from this privilege. When H.M. became again aware that the prince's weakness of body was increasing from constant drinking, and that he was in a very bad state, he sent a lady, in whose1240a bosom the prince had been born and grown up, and who was not afraid to speak strongly, and entrusted her with many messages of advice. He also ordered that by every possible means the prince should be brought to him.

A report was received from Rajah Mān Singh to the effect that his mind was at ease about the settlement of Bengal, and that he would spend the rainy season—when marching was impossible—in Nāẓirpūr which was a choice spot and centrically situated in Bengal.

828 One of the events was the chastisement of Ḥasan the son of Shahrukh M., and the fight of the Persians with Shāh Beg K. It has been mentioned that that wicked one fled from before Shāh Beg K. to Ḥaqcarān. At this time news came that Shāh Beg K. wished to pursue him. When he learnt that the zamīndārs of the garmsīr had in a shortsighted manner joined with the Qizilbāshes and seized the fort of Bast, he considered it indispensable to put down this commotion, and so withdrew from the presence of Ḥasan for a time and came back to Qandahār. Ḥasan in league with 'Alī K., who, by the influence of the ruler of Persia, was governor of Nikdar and Mazārajāt, gathered together a large number of men of Ghor, and its neighbourhood, and attacked the country of Zamīndāwar (?). On hearing this Shāh Beg K. hastened there with some good cavalry. Ḥasan fought an obstinate battle and then fled. Many of his followers were killed. After Shāh Beg K. had subdued Zamīndāwar he turned towards Bast, and set himself to fight with the Qizilbāshes. At this time he was attacked with fever, and had to take to a litter, and in this condition had to fight with Ism'aīl Qulī K. the governor of Ferāt who had come prepared for battle and had 5 or 6,000 horse. A hot contest ensued. Some of Shāh Beg's men behaved well, but most of them gave way and went to Qandahār. Shāh Beg K. in spite of his weakness made great efforts, and after some time reached Qandahār.

When H.M. learnt that Prince Daniel was in a bad state from excessive drinking, and that he was becoming weaker day by day, and that, though the chaste lady who had been sent exerted herself to bring him to court, shame prevented the prince from coming, he sent S. 'Abu-l-khair to bring him to court by every possible means.

CHAPTER CLIII.
DEPARTURE OF THE RETINUE OF FORTUNE FOR ALLAHĀBĀD, AND THE
TURNING BACK AT THE FIRST STAGE.

When Prince Sulṭān Selīm came to Allahābād, he, from bad companionship, love of flattery, self-indulgence, presumption and harshness, took to disobedience, and made many improper acts his glory. Whenever his improprieties were reported to H.M. he issued injunctions of guidance. At this time it was reported by truthful and disinterested persons that the heart of that cypress of fortune's stream had become excessively addicted to wine. He did not keep 829 his lips from the wine-cup for a moment. When he got habituated to wine, he drank more, but the intoxication was less, and so he added opium. Here a verse came to memory, and it is right to quote it.

Verse.

We cast the heart's1242a core into the limpid tears
The wine was without effect; we threw opium into it.

At the time when a double intoxication (of wine and of opium) had taken hold of him, and when the brain was dried up, and his disposition unsettled, he for slight offences ordered unfitting, capital punishments. For instance, he had his Recorder1242b flayed alive in his presence. And he castrated one of the pages (khwāṣān), and had a khidmatgār (servant) beaten so that he died. They say the record writer was in love with the page and that the page was attached to the khidmatgār. All three became of one mind and took to flight. A party of men who pursued them caught them and produced them while the tongues of the fire of the prince's wrath were shooting forth, and the above-mentioned tyranny was practised on them. The gracious and merciful Khāqān was grieved on hearing of this atrocity and said: “We during the time of our rule have not tried to hurt an ant, and are not willing that a (dead) sheep should be flayed1243a —though that may appear to be no offence. How has our honoured son had the courage to do such things? and how has he ventured to spoil what has been built up by God?” Inasmuch as world-rule does not harmonise with self-will, presumption, tyranny and immoderation, his holy heart was deeply displeased by these deeds and other wickednesses, and he thought of going hunting as far as Allahābād and of exercising justice. If the prince should cast away arrogance and receive the retinue of fortune he would pardon his offences and bring him to court in his train. If he cherished evil thoughts, he would punish him, and awaken him from his slumbers. Accordingly he gave orders for the starting of his advance-camp, and fixed the halting place at three kos from Fatḥpūr, on the bank of the Jumna. The gold-embroidered tents were pitched, and on the night of Monday, 11th Shahrīyūr, 21st August, 1604, that river of Divine wisdom, that ocean of knowledge, embarked in an auspicious hour on the boat, and state in the ship of the Divine aid and protection. The sails were set and the anchor of purpose was raised. When he had gone a little way as there was little water the boat stuck in the sand. Nay, nay, the boat could not support the weight of the Caliphate and put its head on the ground. 830 Though the boatmen tried to move it, they could not succeed. They could not bring it from there into deep water. Of necessity he spent the night on the river. At sun-rise the officers and other grandees arrived in their boats and paid their respects. Though the awakened heart of the world's lord perceived the truth of the matter and inferred from the boat's remaining in its place that his desire (to make the expedition) was unfitting, yet inasmuch as it is not right for a sovereign to turn back without some great cause, he alighted at his camp, having still the resolution. Next day it rained, and it continued to rain heavily for three days. On account of the rain and high wind no one had a tent except the royal enclosure and some advance tents of a few intimate servants. The soldiers and the other men of the camp were in much distress. Suddenly news came of the illness of Miriam Makānī. As she did not approve of the expedition, H.M. did not believe in her illness. He thought her illness was feigned and did not contemplate returning. Till heart-striking news came, and trustworthy1244a persons reported that she was seriously ill and that the physicians had given up using medicines. Of necessity the loving sovereign gave up the journey and hastened to the capital to see his mother. She who had made ready for the last journey had applied her heart to God, and closed her lips to speech. He spoke to her several times but got no reply. On seeing her desperate condition H.M. fell into uncontrollable lamentation. He was helpless and made over that holy personality to the true Lord and sate down in solitude and indulged in grief.

CHAPTER CLIV.
THE DEATH OF MIRIAM-MAKĀNI, ETC.

On Monday, 19th Shahriyūr, Divine month, 29th August, 1604, the Queen of the Age shrouded her face in the veil of non-existence, and found repose in the sacred privy-chamber. Mankind lamented, and there was a daily-market of weeping. High and low lost self-control, and became impatient and restless. There was general regret, and tears flowed from the eyes. The inmates of the harem and the servants tore their hair and sent up cries to heaven. Who shall describe the grief of H.M. He shaved1245a his hair, moustaches, 831 etc. and cast off his turban and donned the garb of woe. He was the first to bear the body on his shoulder, and then the grandees conveyed it in turn. The cortege proceeded to Delhi.

Verse.

When H.M. had accompanied it some distance, he returned to the palace. At the end of the day, at the time of dismissing the guards, he came out with the same manner and dress and stood for a moment. The servants were astonished on seeing his tranquillity. He said to S. Farīd Bakhshī Begī: “As to-morrow is the Dusserah, tell the servants to leave off their mourning dress.” Next day he sate in the private and public window (jharoka), and received the salutations of those who were waiting there. First, a gold-embroidered shawl was presented to the Khan Āẓim. Similarly, gold-embroidered shawls were presented to all the servants from the rank of 5,000 to 1,000, to those from 900 to 500, dopatta Gujrātī shawls were given, to those from 400 to 100 embroidered (kalābatūn) shawls were given, and to the ranks below this, plain shawls were given. To the conspicuous Aḥadīs handkerchiefs (mandīl)1246a were given. The body was conveyed to Delhi in the period of eleven watches, and laid in the tomb of H.M. Jinnat Ashiyānī. A son was born to Prince Daniel by the mother of Ṭahmūraṯ. They asked H.M. what his name should be, and he replied, “Baisanghar.” A report came from Abū-l-khair to the effect that Prince Daniel had sent off his advance-camp with the intention of coming to court. Apparently it was his advance-camp to the kingdom of annihilation! On 3rd Ābān the solar weighment took place. H.M. was weighed against twelve articles, and the skirt of the hopes of the needy was filled. As the son of Mīr Ṣadr1246b M'uammāī (riddle maker) was spending his days in folly, he was expelled from the empire. Rajah Sūraj Singh confined that wicked one and took him to Pattan-Gujrāt, and Martaẓā Qulī the governor there sent him to one of the seaports, and had his boat put out to sea (?). Dost Muḥammad, one of the confidential servants of the Prince-Royal, took refuge at the sacred threshold. He had been bail for Khwājāh 'Abdullah and when the latter came to court, Dost Muḥammad pretended that he would bring him back and thereby took protection from the wrath of the prince.

One of the occurrences was the coming of31246c Ā'badī Khwājah the son of the Khwājah Kilān Jūībārī from Tūrān. When Bāqī K. behaved improperly to the officers and army-leaders, and exerted himself to trouble the grandees, all resolved upon putting him to death, and to put 'Ābadī Khwājah on the throne in his place. With this idea they sent one named Bihbūd to kill Bāqī K. That coward got his opportunity one day and wanted to draw his dagger from his armpit to attack the Khān. But out of awe he became dumbfounded,1247a and an attendant informed the Khān and at a sign from him arrested Bihbūd. On being harshly treated he confessed that he was acting under instructions from Īsham Līdar1247b (?) and his sons, but that his courage had failed him. He revealed the purpose of the officers. Bāqī K. executed the sons of Īsham Līdar, and expelled Īsham and 'Abadī from the country. The Khwājah made a pilgrimage to the K'aaba his pretext and came to the court which protected strangers, and rubbed his face on the holy threshold— which was the K'aaba of his purpose. H.M. gave him a robe of honour and a present of Rs. 20,000. Takhta Beg Kabūlī's good services were recognised, and he received the title of Khān. Rajah Siyām Singh, and Rajah Jagman Cohān were each distinguished above their fellows by receiving the rank of 1,000. The pargana of Bhangāon was given in fief to Rajah Jagman.

One of the occurrences was the arrival1247c of Prince Sulṭān Selīm. When he heard of H.M.'s setting out for Allahābād, and of that purpose as being given up in consequence of the illness of Miriam-Mākānī, he made a desire to express his sympathy a reason for coming to court, and on Thursday, 4th Āẕar, Divine month, paid his respects and cast his head at the feet of his visible God, and true Qibla. H.M. embraced the rosebush of fortune. The prince presented a diamond worth a lakh of rupīs, 209 muhurs each weighing 100 tolahs, 200 weighing 50, 4 weighing 25, and 3 weighing 20 tolahs, and 200 elephants. Payinda Muḥammad K., Makhṣūṣ K. Khwājahgī Fatḥ Ullah and other servants, who were with the prince did homage. The presents of each were accepted. As H.M. was displeased at the ignorance, waywardness, presumption, and self-will and other evil acts of the prince, and as although he had many times out of toleration regarded his deeds as if they had not been 833 committed, and what he heard as not heard, yet the prince had from bad companionship and self-indulgence not sought to please H.M., he determined at this time to give him a lesson by putting him in prison. In this way he would awake from the slumber of presumption, and seize the thread of enlightenment, and eye-salve would be applied to those purblind, inwardly bad men who could not clearly discern the Shāhinshāh's Majesty. He therefore had the prince arrested and conveyed to the female apartments.1248a He first reproached him, and after enumerating his transgressions gave him many censures. The prince cast his eyes on the ground and answered with streaming eyes. Then an order was given to the servants to put the prince into a closet and to deprive him of wine. This was the hardest of punishments. The prince grieved greatly and was much heart-broken. His sisters came and went and sympathised with and comforted him. They also represented the contrition and repentance of the prince to H.M. After ten days H.M.'s innate kindness prevailed and an order was given for his release. By H.M.'s orders he went to his own house. H.M. wished that the prince should remain there alone. But as he was especially hopeless about Prince Daniel, he stayed the retribution of his acts at this point, and allowed him his fiefs and his rank as before.

One of the occurrences was the flight of (Rajah) Bāsū the landholder of Mau. The account of his rebellion and punishment has been already written. At this time he came to Prince Sulṭān Selīm and begged to be allowed to kiss the feet (of Akbar). He begged1248b that by the intervention of the prince he might cross the river and do homage. He used forethought and stayed where he was. When the prince put a new colour on his (own) actions in the neighbourhood of the palace, H.M. privately summoned Mādhū Singh the brother's son1249a of Rajah Mān Singh and ordered him to arrest Bāsū. That past master in craft read the signs of the times before Mādhū Singh arrived, and fled.

At this time the Amīrs received promotion. Some got appoint- 834 ments and provinces, and some got presents. The list is as follows: (1) Āṣaf K., a 4,000 manṣab zāt, 2,000 horse, and the gift of a flag and drum, and the government of Bihar. (2) S. Farīd Bakhshī, also 4,000 zāt and 2,000 horse, a flag and a drum. He presented 5 valuable pearls, 4 rubies and an elephant. (3) S. 'Abdu-r-raḥmān received a special shawl, and the office of punishing the Bandīlas. (4) Mīr Abīr Tūrāb the son of Ashraf K. received a manṣab of 1,000 zāt and 500 horse, and his father's title, and the appointment of faujdār of Oudh. (5) S. Bāyazīd received a manṣab of 1,000 zāt and 500 horse, and was allowed to keep the Allahābād appointment1249b which the Prince-Royal had given to him. (6) Payinda K. got a manṣab of 3,500 zāt and 2,000 horse. (7) Amīnu-d-dīn K. was appointed to bring Sulṭān Daniel. (8) Muqīm the Diwān-i-bīyūtāt was in the room of Āṣaf K. raised to the lofty rank of Dīwān and had the title of Wazīr K. (9) M'uiz was made Diwān-i-bīyūtāt. (10) Kalyān Dās the son of Rajah Todar Mal got a manṣab of 1,000 zāt and 500 horse, and the charge of Fort Kālīnjar. (11) Iftikhār Beg got an appointment of 1,000. (12) M. Walī one of 500. (13) S. Kabīr one of 500. (14) Ṣādiq K. one of 1,500 zāt. (15) Khwājah 'Abdullah the charge of Kālpī. (16) Mīr Sharīf 'Amulī the charge of Bahraich. (17) Qāzī 'Izzat-Ullah one of 700. (18) Mīr Sharīf Kūlābī one of 1,000. (19) Ḥasan Beg Khākī was made diwān of Sarkār Jaunpūr. (20) 'Ābadi Khwājah got 1,000 zāt and 500 horse. (21) Rajah Bikramājīt Bahadurīa and Rai Mukand his uncle and Mīr Sharīf the Makhdūmzāda each got a suitable manṯab.

As at this time it was reported to H.M. that Bāqī K. had deserted the rules of administration, and was oppressing the weak and injuring them in their property and honour, and that injustice was current in the country, he conceived the idea of punishing that oppressor and of making an expedition into his ancestral domains. His sole idea was to rescue the inhabitants of those countries from the heat of the sun of oppression and to bring them into the shade of equity, and under the garb of world-conquest to worship God. As the Khān-khānān, Rajah Mān Singh and Qulīj K. the great officers of the State were not in attendance, he summoned each of them to come quickly and to deliberate profoundly about the expedition (īsīq = yāsāq) against Tūrān. Inasmuch as the Khān-khānān was leavened with 100,000 wiles and stratagems he represented1250a that the affairs of the Deccan were very important and that he therefore chose to remain where he was. Thus he sought remoteness from the blessing (of waiting upon Akbar). Rajah Mān Singh came from 835 Bengal and Qulīj K. from Lahore, but the idea and the conquest were not carried out. The juggler-sphere played another game!

One of the occurrences was the punishment of the ruler of Kashmīr.1250b As some of the Cak tribe who considered themselves to be descended from the ruler of Kashmīr and had an itching desire to rule and were stirring up strife there, Muḥammad Qulī set him self to put them down, and proceeded to punish the ruler of Kishtwār who was protecting them. When he came to the mountains of Kishtwār, he sent ahead his son 'Alī Qulī with a few experienced men. The ruler of Kishtwār from foresight sent agents and breathed submission and obedience. He took promises (of safe conduct) and came and waited upon 'Alī Qulī, and brought animals of the chase, representing that it was tribute. He promised that he would not give the Cak rebels a footing in his country, and that he would at all times be loyal and exert himself in putting down the sedition-mongers. Muḥammad Qulī, having had his mind relieved about Kishtwār, proceeded to punish the Caks who were in the mountain of Marū. Though the sun was then in Libra, and the hills were covered with snow, and the roads destroyed, yet he courageously advanced on foot and came to the top of the pass. He fought a battle with Aliyā Cak and Ḥusain Cak and was victorious. These two escaped with great difficulty. At night-time Zaida, a proprietor, joined with the fugitives and made a night attack upon the imperialists. The fight went on till sunrise, and when it was day the ill-fated ones went off. Muḥammad Qulī dug a trench round the camp and cautiously waited, and used threats and promises to the rebels. Some made treaties and came to Muḥammad Qulī, but Aliyā Cak, Ḥusain Cak, Zaidā, Jabbārī and others prepared for battle. Muḥammad Qulī set out against them. The rebels sheltered themselves behind rocks and made a strong fight, but were defeated, and the imperialists proceeded to their houses and set them on fire. After thoroughly defeating them they returned. Next day Payinda Beg the brother's son of Muḥammad Qulī attacked them with fresh men and reduced them to extremity. Zaidā came in and waited upon Payindā, and made protestations of service; and sent his son with some animals of the chase to Muḥammad Qulī, and promised that he would not again stir up strife, and that he would not assist the rebels. Similarly, most of the 836 zamīndārs submitted, and gave up their sons as hostages. Muḥammad Qulī Beg returned victorious to the city.

Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain Anjū arrived from the Deccan and did homage. Mīr Muḥammad M'aṣūm Bhakkarī—who had gone on an embassy to Shāh 'Abbās—returned and produced a letter from the ruler of Persia, and one which the Shāh's aunt had written to Miriam-Makānī.1251a

CHAPTER CLV.
BEGINNING OF THE 50TH DIVINE YEAR FROM THE ACCESSION, TO WIT
THE YEAR ARDĪBAHISHT OF THE 5TH CYCLE.

On the night of Saturday, 28th Shawāl 1013, 11th March, 1605, after the passing of 4 hours, 40 minutes, the world-warming sun illuminated the magic-house1252a of Mars (Bahrām) and the 50th year of the reign of the world's Khāqān commenced. The palace was decorated according to the yearly custom and the gates of joy and pleasure remained open till the sun had attained its degree of exaltation (sharf), and there were festivities. The officers presented their offerings and the world attained its desires by the justice and liberality of the sovereign. Tardī K. was exalted by getting a manṣab of 2,000 zāt and 500 horse, and a present of five lakhs of dāms. Raḥmat K., Faujdar, received a manṣab of 1,500 zāt and 600 horse, Partāb Singh 1,000 zāt and 500 horse, Ḥakīm 'Alī 3,000 zāt 200 horse, Sakat Singh 1,600 zāt, 300 horse, Kishak Bahādur 500 zāt, 50 horse. During this feast Prince Sulṭān Selīm presented one elephant, and Prince Daniel sent the elephant Gajpatī and two other1252b elephants. They were accepted. It was reported by S. 'Abdu-r-raḥmān and Khwāja 'Abdullah that Onḍca1252c (Orca) had been taken and that Bir Singh Deo had been severely defeated, and had with great difficulty escaped with a few others from the battlefield. Amīnu-d-dīn K. reported that the prince had conceived suspicions and that he could not come to court so long as the Prince-Royal was there. The manṣab of Rajah Rāj Singh was made 3,000, Ḥamza Beg got a manṣab of 1,000 and Mīr 'Abdullah one of 300. Rajah Rāj Singh reported that he had suddenly come upon Bir Singh Deo and had killed many of his followers. He (Bir) had 837 saved himself after being wounded. Bhao Singh, the son of Rajah Mān Singh, obtained a manṣab of 7,0001253a zāt and 500 horse. Mīr Jāmālu-d-dīn Ḥusain presented some jewels and other things from the Deccan, and they were all accepted. Ḥusain Qulīj produced 20 horses as peshkash. Rām Dās Kachwāha received a manṣab of 2,000 zāt and 200 horse. Salhadī got one of 700 zāt and 400 horse Saiyid Aḥmad Qādirī got one of 450 horse. Aminu-d-dīn one of 500, and 150 horse. Ḥakīm Moẓaffar 1,200 horse.

CHAPTER CLVI.
DEATH OF PRINCE DANIEL.

That wine-bibber did not hearken to the counsels of the Shāhinshāh, and however much H.M. restrained him from such fatal doings, he, inasmuch as he had formed the habit, sacrificed himself to wine, and listened not to advice. As H.M. had appointed undaunted guardians who took care that he should not be given wine, he plotted with his private servants and went off on the pretext of hunting. Those ignorant friends put some wine into gun barrels and some into the entrails of cows and put it under their clothes and wrapped round their waists and in the field conveyed it to that infatuated one. He put his foot upon his soul, and washed his hands of life, and boldly drank. He took no thought of his eternal ruin, and gave not a glance at his youth and his own destruction.

Verse.

What thought of headache has the devotee of wine?

Gradually his chief members and especially his brain became entirely upset, and he got severe pains and became very weak, and his constitution failed. His veins and members became benumbed, and he gave up food. No other word but wine passed from his lips. For forty days he lay in bed, and on Saturday, 28th Shawwāl, 11th March, 1605, he died1254a while longing for wine. He spent 33 years and 6 months in this world, and having drunk the wine of life he fell into the crapulousness of death. He left three sons, viz. Ṭahmūraṯ, Hūshang, Bayasanghar and four daughters, S'aādat Bānū,1254b Būlāqī Begam, by the daughter of Qulīj K., Māhī Begam, the sister of Hūshang, Burhānī Begam, the sister of Ṭahmūraṯ. The Prince was wonderfully attached to Jānān Begam, the daughter of the Khān-khānān. That excellent and faithful lady became inconsolable after this catastrophe and wished to go to the other world with the prince. She did not get this boon, and submitting to the prohibitions and 838 advices of others she remained in this abode of sorrow. But1255a she was consumed with grief for the departure of the prince. She lived for many years but till her last breath, each day of her widowhood was the first day. There were some wicked persons who secretly conveyed wine to the prince and who seeing their own good in his harm knowingly conspired to kill that drunkard. By the Khān-khānān's orders they were imprisoned. The first was Shamsī, the brother's son of Khwajagī Fatḥ Ullah, the second was Murshid,1255b artilleryman, the third 'Alī Beg Nadīm, the fourth Mubārak Koknārī, the fifth Shujā' the son of Ghīūr Beg Kābulī. There were also three eunuchs and two barbers. Three days afterwards, the well-wishers of the prince—whose hearts were lacerated —killed the whole of that crew by sticks and stones, clods1255c and kicks. When the fatal news reached H.M., owing to his perfect observance of the Divine Will, there was no upset in his disposition. But who can estimate his grief?

The presents of Quṭb-ul-mulk, the ruler of Golconda, consisting of 30 elephants with gold and silver equipments and other ornamented instruments and the rareties of that country were produced before him. Qulīj K. had sent 20 horses from Lahore, and they were shown to H.M. Hāshim K. presented four elephants. An elephant was presented to 'Abādī Khwājah. From the report of Khwāja 'Abdullah Ṣafdar K. it appeared that as Bir Singh Deo had thrown poisonous plants, etc. (zahrygiyā, aconite?) into the wells near Ondcha, many men had died of fever in the course of a few days. He could not remain there and so he had left the fort and the buildings1256a that had been erected and gone elsewhere. That great officer, Rajah Mān Singh, arrived from Bengal and did homage. He tendered 1,000 muhurs and Rs. 12,000 as a present. Nūran Qulīj and others who had accompanied the Rajah did homage. Yūsuf, the son of Husaīn K. (Tukrīya) received the distinguished manṣab of 2,000 zāt and 300 horse. The graciousness of H.M. desired to show incalculable kindness to the Prince-Royal. With this view he, without informing any one, entered a boat and went to the prince's quarters. The prince received him with the step of devotion and made the dust of H.M.'s feet his eyesalve, and opened his lips in thanksgiving. After one pahar H.M. returned to his 839 palace. Rajah Mān Singh brought numerous elephants from Bengal. Sharīf K. Kabulī received a manṣab ol 1,000 zāt and 500 horse. Nūran Qulīj presented 19 elephants. The charge of Jaunpūr was made over to him. As Rajah Rāj Singh had exerted himself very much in the matter of Bir Singh Deo Bandīla and had driven him into vagabondage, H.M. had regard to his good service and exalted him to the manṣab of 4,000. Farīdūn Barlās received a manṣab of 1,500 horse. On 5th Shahrīyūr, 15th August, 1604, Divine month, Sakīna1256b Bānū Begam, sister of M. Hākīm, withdrew her countenance under the veil of non-existence. On the 16th, the province of Bihar was assigned to Khan Ā'zim M. Koka, and on the same day Prince Sulṭān Khuṯrū received a manṣab of 10,000,1257a a drum and a tuman-togh (standard). Rajah Mān Singh received a manṣab of 7,000 zāt and 6,000 horse, and the charge of the guardianship of Prince Sulṭān Khusrū. The manṣab of Mahā Singh, the grandson of Rajah Mān Singh, was fixed at 2,000 zāt and 300 horse. An order was given that the diwāns should manage the affairs of the kingdom in accordance with the advice of Prince Sulṭān Selīm, and that his seal should be affixed to the grants of the officer's manṣab. On 14th Mihr, Divine month, S'aīd K. did homage along with his son and also Abu-l-qāsim Namakīn.1257b M. Ghāzī, the son of M. Janī Tarkhān, came from Tatta and did homage. He offered choice presents. On the 18th M. Ghāzī and Abu-l-baqā Uzbeg were each presented with a jewel and 'Ābdī Khwajah received a dagger.1257c

Faiẓī Sirhindī says that the illuminations at Lahore and Agra could hardly be equalled.

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The Iqbālnāma calls him Tātār Beg Safarcī.

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Text wrongly has Dhār. The place meant is the Dhārwār of the I.G. and the Dhāror of J. II. 234 in Sarkār Narnālah. The I.O. MS. 236 has Dhārwar.

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The I.O. MS. 236 has basīa before agahī and apparently the meaning is that the Mīrzā lost his head. The word azīn “from this” is not in the said MS.

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Faiẓī Sirhindī I.O. MS. 192, p. 250a, says that on this day (that on which M. Yūsuf arrived) Bānkī Rai, the grandson of Rajah Bihārī Mal, and cousin of Rajah Mān Singh, suddenly died. Up to midday he was in the Darbār and was playing chaupar (draughts), when suddenly there was a change. He was taken to his quarters, but died on the way. This must be the person called in text Akhairāj, and he must be the Bānka Rai of B. 495, who served in Kabul. But the name in Bib. Ind. ed. is Balka, though there is the variant Bānka. The Iqbālnāma has Akhairāj, or perhaps Ughrāj, for there are no vowel points.

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B. 387. He was a son of Bihārī Mal.

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The MSS. vary and the text is probably corrupt. The Barīd princes were, some of them, called Amīrs. Perhaps the 'Alī here mentioned is the person who in 1010 became king of Bīdar under the title of Mīrzā 'Alī. See Ferishta's account of the Barīd princes, and Tiefenthaler l. 493. Ferishta speaks of M. 'Alī as reigning in 1018 (1609).

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See p. 782.

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badarūn but I.O. MS. 236 has badān. I.O. MS. 235 has, rebels brought in people from the fort and made a disturbance.

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The passage about Jānish Bahādur is in neither of the I.O. MSS. Faiẓī S., I.O. MS. 192, 250b, says that Jānish died on 4th Shawāl, 29th March, 1601, and that on 1st Zil q'ada 24th April, and on the same day as M. Shāhrukh presented himself, Janish's ten sons appeared before H.M. The eldest of them was only twelve.

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The Iqbālnāma has Lācīn Qāqshāl.

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In Dāndes, J. II. 225.

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Cf. 794, 7 lines from foot. The Iqbālnāma seems to call him Waskūī.

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Kālna in text. It is the Jālna of I.G. XIV. 29 which says that Abul Faẓl resided there for some time. Perhaps this statement is borne out by A.F.'s mentioning at p. 794 that he repeopled Jālnāpūr.

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Variant Dīman, but the MSS. seem to have Damman.

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The I.O. MSS. have teshkhāṉa, which I do not understand, and the Iqbalnāma has ātashkhāna “fire-temple.” The Maaṯir II. 157 calls the son Taman, and has the variant Naman which B. 483 adopts. Most of the MSS. seem to have peshkhāna. The word occurs again at p. 799, line 16.

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Faiẓī S. gives the corresponding Ḥijra date 26th Shawal, 20th April, and says Akbar left Burhānpūr at breakfast time, and halted after marching one kos.

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The sentence is obscure and I.O. MS. 236 has tā instead of bā. Possibly the meaning is that Akbar's departure was not known till the market day.

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Faiẓī S. says at Ghorgāon.

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Son of Ḥusain K. Tukriya (Iqbālnāma).

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They came now from Lahore and Agra. Akbar told them they would have to serve for one year in Deccan, and that after that their stay would be optional (Faiẓī).

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J. II. 228 and note. It is in the Nāsik district and about 50 m. from the Indian Ocean.

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B. XXXV.

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I.G. XVIII. 355. On left or north bank of the Godāvarī and 174 m. from Hyderābad. It is famous as the place where Gurū Govind was assassinated. The Manjarā is a tributary of the Godāvarī, and flows northwards.

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This is Malik 'Ambar.

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The I.O. MSS. and the Lucknow ed. say that Abul Faẓl sent 300 of his own horse.

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This is the Khān-Khānan. Cf. B. XXIV. It is curious that this passage about M. Khān does not occur in either of the I.O. MSS. The passage occurs in the Lucknow ed. III. 854, but the name Junair is not clear there. The text however seems right for at p. 777 we are told that M. Khān took Junair. Apparently he resided there from 23rd Ābān 1009, i.e. from first week of November 1600 to May 1601. Perhaps Hindīā bhūmī, pp. 777 and 792, means Hindīa, the proprietor, i.e. the Zamindar of Hindīā.

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Son of Akbar's half-sister, the daughter of Cūcak Begam.

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The sentence is very obscure, and perhaps the text is corrupt. Apparently what is meant is that those who wished Akbar to return to Agra set great store on the report that they made to him of Shāh Alī's son's submission. If “bought” instead of “sold” could have been read, the meaning might have been clearer, and I.O. MS. 235 seems to say that Shāh 'Alī's son's ambassador sold the report to those who wished Akbar to start. The son of Shāh 'Alī had been made Niẓām Shāh. He was the uncle of Martāza Nizām Shāh (B. 336).

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Presumably this is Akbar's envoy Har Bans.

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This name is very doubtful. I.O. MS. 236 seems to have Tīmā Deo Rais.

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Uḍesa or Orissa is clearly wrong. I.O. MS. 236 has Sarkārs Ugār and Owsa ◌ Ferishta mentions Ausa ◌ as a fort belonging to Malīk 'Ambar. Possibly what is meant is the fort of Odgir, but more probably it is Owsa.

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The MSS. call him Ḥasan Beg Shukr 'Alī and so does the Iqbālnāma which also says that he was a relation of the Khān-khānān.

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Text has har sūī Daulatābād rā pāsbān būd. This seems nonsense, and the I.O. MS. 236 has Harsūl. Harsūl is the name of a suburb of Aurangābād, and famous as the site of a great victory obtained by the Moghuls over the Mahrattas in Aurangzeb's reign.

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Faiẓī, p. 249b, last line, says, Akbar arrived at the Cambal on 10 Tīr, or 1st Moḥarrum 1010 = 22nd June, 1601. The river was fordable then and the emperor's peshkhanā (advance-tents) and a few men crossed. At night the flood came down and the river ceased to be fordable. There were only two small boats and these could only hold 10 or 15 men. The rain continued and the waters still rose. The people were greatly distressed by this obstacle so near their homes and when they had been so long away, and many flung themselves into the river and were drowned in trying to cross. The waters however subsided owing to the marvels of Akbar's presence, and to the wonder of the inhabitants. He crossed on an elephant on 14th Tīr. Farīd Bokhārī distinguished himself by his exertions to cross the people. The roads were terribly muddy, and there was rain and lightning and some men and elephants were killed by the latter.

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Apparently this is the Jālnah of I.G. and which A. F. has previously called Gālnāh.

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Faiẓī says on 20th Amardād = 11th Ṣafr 1010, 1st August 1601. He remained there eleven days and then went on to Agra. On the way he was entertained by Salīma Sulṭān Begam at the garden which Khwāja Ṣandal had laid out for her.

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I.J. II. 198. A.F. apparently repeats the account of Akbar's march. In the last chapter he speaks of Akbar's reaching Fatḥpūr and now he brings him back to Rantanbhor.

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This is not the Payanda of B. 387 but the son of Qutluq mentioned ?? p. 432 id. B. and the Maaṯir III. ?? gives the name as Asad K. ?? Asad K. Turkamān is mentioned at A. N. III. 309. Possibly it was this Payanda who translated Bābar's Memoirs. The MSS. have various readings and the text seems corrupt. B.M. MS. Add. 26 207 seems to have “Three large cannon were fired.”… That lion-hearted man did not give “way and died on 21st Shábān.”

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Called Katak Catwārā in Maaṯir III. 615.

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This does not seem to be the poet, but the Tulsī Dās mentioned at pp. 424 and 437. B. 502. He was a Jādūn.

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The text omits the preposition before maīgusārī.

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The Maaṯir II. 369 says Akbar was displeased with him because he had sent many horses from Kabul to Selīm who was in rebellion in Allahabad. Akbar also cherished a dislike of him on account of his having been accessory to the defeat and death of Bīrbar.

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I.O. MS. 236 seems to have Jāmgīr and N. 235 seems to have Khāmgarah.

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B. 506,

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Text Chūlī, but the variant Juwainī is to be preferred. See Blochmann 498.

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He died in this year.

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Apparently Parner 20 m. S.W. Aḥmadābād.

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Apparently the Ambād of the I.G., in the Haidarābād territory.

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B. 90 I.O. 236 has parm narm.

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Parsish. Perhaps here means “trouble.”

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Apparently by the phrase Fārūqī pisar is meant Bahādur K. Fārūqī, the young king of Khāndes who had surrendered Āsīrgarh.

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Gird. I.O, MS. 236 has bagazand “to injure.”

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I.O. MS. 236 seems to have Patang. The Iqbālnāma refers to this treaty and says that it is plain from the Akbarnāma that A. F. disapproved of it. It adds that the eighteen years which have passed since prove that his opinion was right.

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There is a Bānora, variant Pānora, in Sarkār Telingāna. J. II. 237.

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Nām bardand. I.O. MS. 236 has yām bardand, post-horses?

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B. 405. The Iqbālnāma says he ostensibly left in order to retire from the world, but in reality he went to Allahabad and entered the service of Prince Selīm. He was a commander of 200.

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B. 544. Younger brother of 'Abdūl Qādir.

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Text Māl, var. Tāl. Maaṣir II. 8 has Pāl and so has B. 503. There is a Pāl in Kathīwar. I.O. MS. 236 has Pāl.

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Darūnī. But there is a town in Persia called Darūn or Andarūn, and perhaps Darūnī is a man's name, meaning that he was an inhabitant of that town.

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In the Central Provinces.

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This is Bahādur Fārūqī. He was also called Khiẓr K. He died in Jahangīr's reign. Du Jarric calls him Miram and Miran. Ferishta (lith. ed.) says that Bahādur was taken to Lahore by Akbar and that he had a pension and died a natural death in Agra in 1033 (1624).

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Text “third” but it is “second” in the I.O. MSS. and in the Inshā, and this is right. The historical part of the Akbarnāma is considered by A. F. to consist of two volumes—at least till the end of the 46th year or end of the second* qaran. The third volume is the Aīn. But he also had another division in his mind. He believed, or affected to believe, that Akbar would live 120 years, i.e. four qarans, see J. III. 416, and that he too might live to write the acconnt of four cycles, In all he would write five books. In the verse he congratulates himself on having finished one half of his task, i.e. two qarans, and promises that if life be granted to him he will write the acconnt of the other two cycles.

The second qaran apparently did not end till about the middle of the 47th year! Akbar was born in October 1542 and so the sixty years of his life did not expire till October 1602. By that time Abul Faẓl was dead.

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Text wrongly has jūīhā instead of khūīhā.

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The Lucknow ed. has a sentence before this, aud it occurs also in the I.O. MSS. It is “The crooked, carnal, chameleon-like spirit has sought out a remedy and addressed itself to the work and has prepared itself anew for this great task.

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In the Bārī Doāb, J. II. 319.

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Ẓafarwāl in I.O. 260. It is the Patī Ẓafarwāl of J. II, 320 and was in the Rechnau Doāb. Bahlūlpūr was in the Chanpat Doāb, J. II. 322.

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The Iqbālnāma has Totam K., and the notice at p. 817 of the Bib. Ind. Akbarnāma shows that Tatam Sulṭān is more correct, but the real name was Yātim Sulṭān which was another name for Dīn Muḥammad. The Turān news here given is stale, for the battle in which Dīn Muḥammad lost his life took place in the beginning of 1007 (1598). See 'Ālam Ārāī. Of course, Abul Faẓl is not responsible for the paragraph. Probably Hāshim is only a copyist's error, for at p. 817 we have Tatam.

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To Khwāja 'Abdullah and Khwāja 'Abdu-l-laṭīf (Iqbālnāma).

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Son of Khān Jahān (Iqbālnāma).

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Tāj K. is the Tāsh Beg K. Moghul of A. F., B. 457 and of the Maaṯir I. 482. Apparently a negative has dropt out of the text and we should read napardākhta instead of pardākhta, for the M'aaṯir says that Tāj K. went on to Pathān, i.e. Pathānkot, B. 616, without waiting for his auxiliaries. However, the Iqbālnāma also omits the negative. The text speaks of the enemy appearing at the time of marching, hangām-i-koc, but the M'aaṯir says it occurred at the time of pitching the tents, khaima ẓadan, and it is so described in the continuation in I.O. MS. 260 and in Chalmers and the Iqbálnāma. The word koc has been improperly used by the continuator. Immediately before he speaks of Tāj K.'s selecting a camping-ground. There is a notice of Tāsh K. Beg in Price's Jahangīr, p. 41. See also Tūzuk J. 13, where he is called Furjī, i.e. from Furj or Furg in Persia.

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300 (Iqbālnāma),

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Text Berār, but the variant Bīdar is supported by the Iqbālnāma.

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“Near Bīdar” (Iqbālnāma).

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Fort of Pāthrī (Iqbālnāma).

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The Iqbālnāma says that two provinces were formed. The Khān-khānān was to have Berār, Pāthrī, Telingāna, and the duty of suppressing Shāh 'Alī's son, and A. F. was to have charge of Aḥmadnagar and the duty of putting down Rājū and the other rebels. Apparently these were the arrangements reported by P. Daniel who also sent ten elephants to the Khān-khānān.

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From MS. No. 260 in the I.O. and the Iqbālnāma it appears that the petition was conveyed by one 'Īdal barqandāz. The Iqbālnāma gives an abstract of the petition and quotes two lines of poetry that it contained. At this place the same work notes that at this time the cold in Kashmīr was excessive and the lakes were frozen over.

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Text 1,000 but the Iqbālnāma has 30,000. It seems plain from the animus shown in this account that Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ or Ināyat Ullah was writing in Shāh Jahān's reign and not in Jahāngīr's? The Zubdata—Tawārīkh I.O. MS. 1805 says Salīm set out in Shawwāl 1010, March, April 1602, and that he had with him more than 30,000 horse, about 1,000 elephants, and 2,000 boats. He arrived at Etawah which is ten leagues from Agra. Akbar re

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B. 468. The Iqbālnāma gives an abstract of the letter. It throws the blame on the hypocrites who poisoned Akbar's mind, and says that in reality the affection between Akbar and Jahāngīr was like that between Jacob and Joseph!

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I.O. MS. 260 says he was a descendant of Muḥammad Ghauṯ of Gwaliyār. The present is there called sācaq.

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B. 450.

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The Iqbālnāma seems to have Bāsim and this is probably right. See J. II. 235.

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In Sarkār Pāthrī, J. II. 236.

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B. 491.

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Iqbālnāma has Kahandahar (?)

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Malik 'Ambar was severely wounded in this battle. See Ferishta. The victory was followed by a peace between 'Ambar and the Khān-khānān.

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The Iqbālnāma has Māu instead of Jalāl.

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The Iqbālnāma has Agrā or Akrā Maldah. It is evident I think that the Agrā of text is the Akrā of the Aīn, J. II. I.O.M. 260 has Maldah quite clearly. The text wrongly has Mālera. ◌ Jalāl Kahakrawāl. There are no vowel-points and so the proper spelling is unknown to me. B. 479, n. 3, speaks of a Kokrah or Khukra which is the old name for Chutīā Nāgpūr, but evidently this is not the place meant in the text. The Kahakra or Kakra there mentioned was in Bengal and must, I think, be identical with the Bāzkhokrā or Bār Khokrā of the Āin, J. II. 131. Tiefenitihaler has Bārghora and Gladwin Bāzghogera. He has Jawaragra as the heading for the 14 parganas. This was in the Sarkār of Jannatābād and was one of the 14 parganas belonging to Jawār Akrā or Agrä. As pointed out by Mr. Beames, R.A.S.J. for 1896, p. 110, Jawār here means a division of country. One of the parganas of the Jawār is called Havelī Akra and Beames says, “Probably Agra on the Pūrnabhāba river now absorbed in the Shīkarpūr pargana of Barbakābād.” Mr. Beames refers to Jalālgarh as the name of a fort N.E. of Purniah.

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Probably this is the Mahānandā river. See Beames l.c., p. 90. Chalmers has Mahānanda.

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The Iqbālnāma says nearly 100 were drowned and so does Chalmers and I.O. MS. 260.

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Chalmers has Rabnābād, but probably Purniah is right.

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I.O. MS. 260 adds “in Purniah.”

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Cf. Elliot VI. 106.

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This is Moẓaffar K.'s slave who had become loyal.

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The Iqbālnāma does not name the river. It has sār for sāz-i-atish and perhaps this has been read as Bihār 29. Perhaps the Īcāmatī in the Pabna district.

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In Sarkār Tājpūr, J. II. 135. A small pargana ten miles N. of the town of Purniah (Beames).

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This name seems certainly wrong, I.O. MS. 260 apparently has Mahūrī and Tīrah.

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Chalmers has Shere Ghuzny miscopied in Elliot as “Then Ghuzny.” It is also Sher Ghāzī in I.O. MS. 260.

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Harīpūr in I.O. 260.

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A Bābil is mentioned as in Sarkār Gāwil J. II. 232.

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In Sarkār Bayānwān J. II. 188, A. F.'s tomb is there.

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The writer of the Iqbālnāma says that he repeatedly was an eye-witness o this grief.

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They yield 1011.

The circumstances of A. F.'s death are described in B. XXV, in Asad Beg's Memoirs. Elliot VI, 154, in Jahangir's Memoirs, and in Tiefenthaler, who from his connection with Narwar had perhaps special means of information. I myself have seen A. F.'s tomb at Antrī and have described it in an article in the “Calcutta Review.” It would be interesting to know if the body under the tomb wants the head as that is said to have been sent to Jahāngīr who had it flung into a privy. There are discrepancies about the date of the murder and about the place. It appears however that the true date is 4th Rabī I. 1011 or 12th August 1602. Apparently A. F. had passed Antrī and his body was afterwards carried back there. The murder appears to have been committed about a mile from Serai Bar, B. XXV. Tiefenthaler says, I, 184, it took place at a ferry of the Sindh river at a place called Dūmghāt about two leagues to the west of Dehala which again is ten leagues west of Dattia. Of Dattia there is a plan in Tiefenthaler, and the same plate gives a view of Āsīrgarh. The Iqbālnāma says, A. F. was killed on Friday 1st Shahrīyūr =the beginning of Rabī-al-awwāl, at a place between the Sarai of Bar and Antrī. The Maaṯir II, 616 may also be consulted. Chalmers says, A. F. had reached Serai Bunga, two stages (in Persian text du rūza) from Gwaliār when he was attacked on 1st Shahrīyūr. There are two copies of Asad Beg's Memoirs in the B.M., and both belong to the Elliot MSS. I have seen one, Or. 1996, Rieu's Cat. III., 979, and also Mr. Chapman's translation, Add. 30,776. In a note at Elliot VI, 156 it is stated that Bir Sing is invariably called Nar Sing in the MS. and that this is the more likely name of the two. This note is reproduced from a note, apparently by Sir Henry Elliot, to Chapman's translation. As printed in Elliot, it conveys the impression that the name is Nar Sing in the original Persian MS. and there is a similar remark at p. 107. But this is not the case Mr. Chapman has written Nar, but in the Persian MS. it is clearly Bir Sing, so that there is little doubt that this is the real name. Āsad Beg strikes one as having been rather a futile person. He was not to blame for being absent at the time of the murder, but surely he might have done more than he did after he heard of it. Instead of sallying forth from Sironj and recovering the body, or attempting to punish the murderers he proceeded to fortify himself as if there was any danger after the robbers had gained their object! The date he gives for the murder is Friday 7th Rabi-ul-awwal 1011 (not 1010) and he adds that it occurred at the time of prayer—apparently the Friday's prayer which occurs after midday. If Asad's date is correct the murder occurred on 15th August 1602. He parted from A, F. at Sironj which is placed in the Āīn in Mālwa, Sarkār Canderī, but which is now in the Rajputana State of Tonk. It is 78 m. N.W. Saugor. Sarai Barār was the last stage reached by A. F. and it was shortly after leaving it that he was attacked and killed. It is described by Asad as being two or three stages beyond Sironj, on the way to Gwaliyar, It was beyond Kālabāgh. Asad represents that he was left behind at Sironj to punish Indrajīt the brother (?) of Bir Sing and he throws the blame of A. F.'s not being properly escorted on Gopal Dās Nakta. He says that Bir Singh sent for a firmān and told A. F.—as he was dying—that “Haẓrat Jahāngīrī” had sent for him. This would seem to indicate that Selīm had already called himself Jahāngīr.

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He was soon afterwards defeated and put to death by Bāqī K. See below p. 817.

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The Iqbãlnāma says the rebuke was conveyed by Bīr Naraīn.

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I.O.M.S. 260 has Aḥadād ◌

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The Iqbālnāma says “The Dilazāk.”

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It is the seed of the Abrus Precatorius and is the same as a rati. B. 16. n. The Iqbālnāma gives the weight of the diamond as 4 miṯqāls and 5 surkhs.

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Tamkīn in text.

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This is the son of M. Jānī Beg of Ṭattah. See infra p. 839, M. Ghāzī had shown a disposition to rebel, and S'aīd had been sent to bring him into order. See the Maaṯir III. 345. The Khasrō here described is called by the Maaṯir Khasrū Cirkis (Circassian) and is described as having been the vakīl of Jānī Beg's family for one hundred years. He took part in the struggle for Scinde's independence against the Khān-khānān. M. Ghāzī died in 1021 (1612), in the 7th year of Jahangīr's reign. Iqbālnāma 67. There is a story that Akbar wanted to poison M. Ghāzī, and that by mistake he himself took the poisoned pills and died. See Manucci I, 150 who, however does not give M. Ghāzī's name. No doubt the story is false.

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See Maasiru-l-Umarā II, 683 article Rahmat K. Ḥaidar's name was Rafīu-d-dīn Ḥaidar. See B. 593. But of course this Ḥaidar must have come before the 47th year for A. F. mentions him. Probably the Ḥaidar of text is the Naṣīrī of Maaṯir, II, 683.

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Apparently the proper spelling is 'Iric. See B. and Elliot vi, 108.

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The mention of an elephant in Chalmers and Elliot is apparently a mistake, cahal having been read as fīl.

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This may refer to page 804 of Persian text but the reference is not clear. The real name is Yatīm and this was a sobriquet of Dīn Muḥammad.

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This Badi'-uz-zamān was the son of Khwāja Ḥasan Naqshbandī and Fakhru-nisā Begam called by Jahangir, Tūzuk 68, Najību-nisā, the sister of M. Ḥakīm and half-sister of Akbar. He went to Badakhshān from Ḥisār and defeated an imposter who claimed to be a son of M. Sulaimān and took possession of Badakhshān in Akbar's name in the 46th year. See A. N. III, 792 and 813. He was however killed by Bāqī K. next year. The M. Wālī who killed Bāqī K.'s brother Payinda was another son of Khwāja Hasan. It was he who was married to Bolāqī Begam, a daughter of M. Daniel. The Maaṯir is in error in saying, III, 460, that the M. Wālī who married Bolāqī B. was another person. See Tūzuk J, 272. It is also wrongly stated in Maaṯir that it was Akbar who gave Bolāqī B. in marriage to M. Wālī.

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The Iqbālnāma gives the date of her death as Monday, 6th Ẓi-ḥijja (1011), 6th May, 1603, but this seems certainly wrong as she died in the 47th year. Gulbadan Begam says she was eight when her father died. Bābar died on 26th December, 1530, consequently if she died in February 1603, she was then in her 82nd year.

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Jīo Begam Jīo. Jīo seems to be properly Jīv and to be connected with jīvan life.

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The text has 'umrat, “thy life” but this does not appear in the Iqbālnāma, nor in the B.M. MSS., 1854, 1858 and 3271. Instead of 'umrat they have bādā.

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Perhaps it should be, S. Ilahdād would report.

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So in text, but the Iqbālnāma seems to make it 12th Ardībihisht for just before it an occurrence of 2nd Ardībihisht is mentioned, 12th Ardībihisht is = 22nd April, 1603. She is also called Pīca Jān and Jījī.

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This is the man who was afterwards killed in Ajmere. See Tūzuk J, 143.

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Bekhwāst, which Vullers and Stoingass render as voluntarily, but surely here it means involuntarily.

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See B. 482.

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The Iqbālnāma calls him Abū-'Alī and says he was for a long time governor of Mashhad.

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See Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, p. 9.

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The text has ◌ Makna, and there is the variant Manka, though why the editors should say this occurs in various copies when, as appears from their preface, they had only one to work from, I do not understand. The correct reading seems to be ◌ Magha as given in a note to Chalmers translation. The Maghs are spoken of in the Āīn as the qaum-Magha, the Magh tribe, Persian text, I, 388, and J. II, 120. There is a possibility however that the zamīndār Mukund is the person meant, though I do not think it likely. The Bangu of Elliot, VI, 109, is the Banko of Chalmers who in a note to his MS. suggests that it is a mistake for Pegu. In I.O. MS. 260, it appears as Bangāla, and the remark is added that it appeared to the Rajah that it would be easy to take Bengal.

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I.O. MS. 260, seems to have Barmīānī, or Barhyānī. Possibly Sonargāon may be a mistake for Sātgāon, and even without this being so it may be that Barmhattar in Sātgāon, J. II, 141, is the place meant. The Iqbālnāma seems to have Barmhāttī.

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The word Qalmāq does not occur in I.O. MS., but it does in the Iqbālnāma. He assumed the name of Bāz Bahādur.

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I.O. MSS. 260 and 261, say he had three wounds. Probably nīz in text is a mistake for seh (3).

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The account in Chalmers is fuller and speaks of 100 boats having been taken.

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Cf. Elliot, II, 109. The account is abridged from the Iqbālnāma which gives the name of the Rajah as Rāwal Ūgar Sen. In text and in Iqbālnāma the country is called Bānswāla.

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See above p. 785.

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This has been copied from the Iqbālnāma. The word in text is aḥshām and denotes militia or other untrained soldiers.

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This too is abridged from the Iqbālnāma. It calls the country on the northern hills Tulsī. Chalmers has Loosy.

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The Iqbalnāma and Chalmers have Cakḥarān.

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The Iqbālnāma says that this message was conveyed by Princess Shakrunisā (Akbar's daughter).

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This is the man who afterwards became famous as 'Abdullah Fīrūz Jang, and a servant of Prince Selīm who is so often mentioned in the Tūzuk J. He left Selīm because he could not get on with Muḥammad Sharīf. See M. Hādī's preface to the Tūzuk, p. 6, and Maaṯir II, 777.

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Apparently this is a mistake for Bikrāmpūr which is the name mentioned by the Iqbālnāma. The Iqbālnāma gives in this place an account of the Magh Rajah, and describes his white elephants, etc. It states that in the battle near Bikrāmpūr many Feringhīs and Ikāli (query Portugālī) were killed, and that Kedār received two wounds.

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The Iqbālnāma has 'Abbās and this is probably right.

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Cf. Elliot, VI, 112 and 294. In the latter extract, Jahāngīr ascribes her death to grief at the evil behaviours of her son and brothers to himself. He gives the date as 26th Ẕi-ḥajja 1013 = May 1605.

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The Iqbālnāma says “ten.”

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i.e. he was called Ṣādiq K.

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Apparently she was not his mother,

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Suwaidāī dil. The heart's core and also a black spot of the heart, hence compared to opium.

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Wāqā navīs. Apparently equivalent to the “story writer,” or recorder of the 'Apocrypha, 1 Esdras 2, 17.

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It appears from Khāfī K. that Akbar meant the flaying of a sheep that had already been slaughtered. The horrible story is true for it is told by Jahāngīr's panegyrist M'utamid K. and by Khāfī K. It appears that the unfortunate men were going to join Prince Daniel. Akbar's full remark, as shown in I.O. MS. 260 was that he could not bear to see a sheep flayed. The same MS. says that the third man was nearly killed.

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Khāfī K. says Akbar sent Kharram (Shāh Jahān) to ascertain if the illness was real, and that he returned on hearing his report.

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Asad Beg mentions in his Memoirs that when he came to court he found that Akbar and his courtiers had shaved their head, eyebrows, etc. and that he followed suit. The Zabdatu t-tawārīkh says the death occurred on 18th Shahriyār, 1012, and that the body was conveyed to Delhi in eleven prahars—about 24 hours. Perhaps we should read 1013 in the Zabdatu-t-tawārīkh. If the death was in 1012, then it occurred in 1603. Beale gives 29th August, 1603 as the date. Elizabeth, Queen of England, had died in March of that year.

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Perhaps this is the same word as mantle.

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So in text, but should be Ḥaidar, as in Iqbālnāma. I.O. MS. 260 gives the name of the son, viz. Mīr Sanjar. He was a poet. See for accounts of him and his father B. 593 and 595 and n. 3. According to the M'aaṯir Raḥīmī Akbar imprisoned him and afterwards he went to Bījāpūr. He died in 1021 (1612). He was from Kāshān.

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According to Chalmers he was Bāqī's K.'s son-in-law, and the Iqbālnāma also seems to say so, and so does I.O. MS. 260.

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I.O. MS. 260 says he put his hand several times to his armpit, and so was detected.

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The word is marked doubtful, and Chalmers has Hāshim, but the Iqbālnāmā has Isham. I.O. MS. 260 has Isham Bahādur and perhaps Līdār is only a mistake for Bahādur.

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I.O. MS. 260 says he left behind him at Allahābād Sharīf who had been at the bottom of the murder of A.F. For Sharīf, who was son of the court-painter, see B. 517.

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I.O. MS. 260 says Selīm was taken to the female apartments by the route of the 'ibādatkhāna. Perhaps he was imprisoned there. His servants were also put into confinement. Cf. the Anfa-u-l-Akhbar, Elliot, VI, 247, where it is stated that Selīm was imprisoned for twelve days in a bath, meaning, I suppose, the ghusalkhāna or private parlour.

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As this passage is pointed in the text, it would appear as if Bāsū crossed the river and did homage But the facts, as shown by I.O. MS 260, are different. Bāsū was too cautious to cross the Jumna, and when Mādhū crossed in order to seize him, he fled. See also Maaṣiru-l-Umarā II, 160.

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He was only a brother. Mān Singh was his father's adopted son.

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That is, he was allowed to remain in charge of the fort o Allahābād (I.O. MS. 260).

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The Iqbālnāma gives an abstract of his opinion. Apparently he was not asked to come in person to advise.

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So in text, but apparently a mistake for Kishtwār.

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I.O. MS. 269 states at the end of this chapter that the pargana of Caund was assigned to Rajah Mān Singh in order that he might by its revenues provide for the maintenance of the fort of Rohtās.

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Aries is one of Mars's Houses.

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Female elephants. I.O. MS.

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“The strongest fort in India. I.O. MS.

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So in text, but must be a mistake for 1,000. It is clear from the Iqbālnāma the haft in text is a misreading of manṣab in the original i.e. Iqbālnāma.

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The Iqbālnāma says that with the exception of the last year of his life the Prince always abstained from wine during the month of Ramẓān.

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Her mother was Sulṭān Khwajah's daughter. (Iqbālnāma.)

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The text calls her Khān-khānān Begam but her name really was Jānān Begam (the beloved lady). The remark in the text about her last breath shows, if proof were needed, that Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ or Inayat Ullah wrote after the Iqbālnāma for in the latter, she is mentioned as still living. The Iqbālnāma says that she was burnt from head to foot with the scars of separation and that she always wore cotton, and the text evidently copying from this, says apparently, that she burnt herself from head to foot with scars. I do not know if this is metaphorical or if it means that she really burnt marks on her body. Probably the latter is meant for it was a practice with lovers to burn themselves on the hands and breast, and Bābur says his father had such marks n'al u dāgh. (The passage does not occur in P. de Courteille or Erskine, but is in the Turkī). See Vullers s.v. n'al and dāgh. Jānān is not mentioned in I.O. 260, nor does it give a list of Daniel's children.

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Cf. Price's Jahangir 47, where it is said that it was Murshid Qulī who brought the spirits in the barrel of a fowling piece.

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Kisht but Iqbālnāma has fists, musht, and this is right. See I.O. 260 which adds the picturesque touch that the beating took place at the instance of Daniel's wives.

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Apparently, what the Iqbālnāma says and which is probably correct, is that 'Abdulla reported he had left the fort after destroying it and its buildings. That this is so is clear from I.O. MS. 260 which says distinctly that the fort and its buildings were levelled with the ground “ba khāq tīrā bārabar sakht. The tartīb of text must be a wrong reading The MS. adds that the officers reported that 1,000 men had died in fourteen days.

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Daughter of Humāyūn and Māh Cūcak. wife of Ghāzī K.

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Text has 2,000 but Iqbālnāma has 10,000, and this is likely right, for Khusrū was a manṣabdar of 5,000 in A.F.'s life-time.

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The text wrongly makes Abū-l-qāsim his son. S'aīd K.'s son was S'aad Ullah. See M'aaṯir III. 346 and I.O. MS. 260 which gives the son's name.

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The text omits the name of M. Shāhrukh from the list of those who received honours. I.O. MS. 260 says he received a manṣab of 7,000, and 5,500 horse. It also says that Ḥamza Beg, mentioned at p. 836 as getting a manṣab of 1,000, received one of 1,500. According to I.O. MS. 260 it was a dagger that Abū-ul-baqā got, and this is probably correct.

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