Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 3

At this season, when the wise throne-occupant in his ample vision and with arrangements for the quest of Truth inaugurated the ²⁶⁵ feast of a spiritual Spring, the material Spring also spread out the banquet of joy.

Grace the assembly at this season, for with joyous leaves
The rose adorns the plot, and the Shāhinshāh the world;
The Alexander-like prince Akbar at attainment's feast
Like Elias drained the cup from wisdom's fountain.

On Wednesday 12 Muḥarram 987, 11 March 1589, after the passing of six hours forty seven minutes, the brightener of the temporal and spiritual world, the unveiler of wisdom and perception, the assayer of the jewels of creation, the watchman of the visible and the invisible, cast his rays on the mansion of Aries. Hearts felt the stirring of Truth, and forms received spiritual purity. The reasoning powers were refreshed by the waters of wisdom, the capital of the brains was enlarged, the flashes of light gave glory to inward and outward things, the skirt and the pocket of the Age were filled with the flowers of wish. Thousands of enchanting pictures robbed the critical and acute of steadiness. The world's lord sate on the divan of success, and opened the treasures of abundance. Crowds upon crowds of men attained their desires and gathered collyrium for the eyes, medicine for the heart, and the capital of life. May the Incomparable Deity keep the lord of horizons in joy in the deep shade of His permanence together with treasure showing wisdom and a jewel-scattering disposition!

For ever, so long as day follows yesterday,
For ever, so long as the current year follows the passed one.

May he abide, may his heart be green, and the world at his beck,
Heaven help him, dominion support him, God be his friend.

In the beginning of the year Moẓaffar K. obtained leave to go to the government of Bengal, and H.M. bade him wipe away the grief of the oppressed in that land. The first duty of just rulers is to make over countries, where tribes of mankind and various animals abound, to farsighted and just officers of wide capacity, so that the jewel of humanity may be polished and be weighed in the balance of equity, and the administration of justice and the augmentation of dominion may have their proper place.

…
(Some three lines of rhetoric.)

When Khān Jahān was dying, Moẓaffar K., who had an abundant share of choice qualities, was nominated to the government of Bengal and departed thither on 3 Farwardīn, 14 March 1579, after being loaded with salutary counsels. Riẓavī K. was made bakhshi. The civil business (Diwānī) was entrusted to Mīr Adham and Rai Patr^1386a Dās, while ḥakīm Abul^386b Fatḥ was made Ṣadr and Amīn. M. Nijābat K., Mīr Jamālu-d-din^386c Ḥusain Anjū and many others accompanied them, and they were all presented with robes of honour and select horses. An order was issued to Ism'āil^386d Qulī K. that he should make over the government to the new officer, and should himself repair to court so that the pain of his grief might be assuaged by the balsam of favour, and his disturbed heart be tranquillised. Orders were also issued to Qiyā K., Bābā K., and Jabbārī and others that they should continue to look after the army. At this time also H.M. erased the record of Moẓaffar Ḥusain M.'s offences and was gracious to him. He regarded his sedition in Gujarat as not having occurred. Though the world's lord shrinks from taking life, and always applies the remedy of kindness to the wicked, yet, with regard to this great benefaction, it appeared to him that the simple soul (of Moẓaffar H.) was not the source of wickedness, and that he had been led into strife by seditious and shortsighted persons. At this time M. 'Aẓīz Kokaltāsh retired into the defiles of obscurity on account of excessive imaginings and for some days was excluded from court. He had made over Mīr 'Alāūd-din collector^387a ('amlguẕār) to his servant on suspicion^387b of his dishonesty. The latter had a grudge against him and tortured him so that he died. The Mīrzā in his extreme justice capitally punished the daring wretch who had taken advantage of his opportunity. And this act of justice he performed, not at the request of anybody, but from piety to God. The Mīr's father came from Persia to ask for redress, and brought the oppression that had been exercised over the Mīr to the august notice. H.M., who in his court makes no difference between relative and stranger, and no distinction between a chief of chiefs (beglarbegī) and a tangled-haired beggar, ordered that the officers of justice should inquire into the matter and report the result without glozing over it. That delicately nurtured one suspected that he had lost favour and went into retirement, and won over the father by large sums of money.

One of the occurrences was the departure of the ambassador of 'Ādil^388a K. of Bījāpūr. Though out of somnolent fortune he did not obey orders in a proper manner, yet like the other rulers of the Deccan he always sent prudent men and choice presents and kept himself known to the august court. On this occasion also he had sent an able^388b and plausible man along with the rarities of the ²⁶⁷ country. H.M. granted the desires of the ambassador and gave him leave to depart. He sent Ḥakīm^388c 'Alī along with him, as the bearer of salutary advices, and to warn him ('Ādil K.) that if he did not hearken to them, he would be made war upon.

One of the events was the putting to school of Sultan Murād. Now that he had arrived at the age of eight, and had recovered from successive ailments, H.M. desired that he should learn his letters. It was signified to S. Abul-Faiẓ Faiẓī, who is singular for knowledge and practice, and who is renowned by his title of maliku-s-sh'arā, that he should instruct the prince. In a short time H.M.'s desire was accomplished, and the spiritual and physical window was opened.

One of the occurrences was the arrival at court of Mīr Niẓām. It has already been stated that 'Abdullah^388d K. and 'Ābdī Khwāja had been sent off along with the ambassadors of Badakhshān. M. Shāhrukh regarded their arrival as the stock of eternal bliss. As the Khānim was ill, and the star of her life was near its setting, she sent off her daughter Mihmān B., and the Mīr aforesaid who was her son-in-law (i.e. was married to Mihmān B.), to the holy court along with the rarities of the country, in order that she might bind herself anew to the saddlestraps of fortune. Several of the courtiers met them and conducted them with honour, and on 21 Urdībihist they paid their respects. On 16 Khirdād Wazīr K. did homage, and was well received. As the government of Gujarat had been entrusted to Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad K., he (Wazīr) had been ordered to Īdar. In a short time the Rai of that country submitted and fell to supplications. The country was given to him (the Rai) and he came to do homage. Shahbāz K. also arrived at this time. He had ²⁶⁸ settled the affairs of Ajmīr, and reduced the recalcitrant ones to obedience. He did homage on the 27th of the month.

The profound and judicious had perceived, from the dawning of the Shāhinshāh's personality, that he was the epitome of the volumes of perfection and had recognized him as akin to the spirit of holiness and as a gatherer of wisdom of the Divine school. From the beginning of the flashings of his intelligence up to his being seated on the throne of the Caliphate, and from the commencement of his daily-increasing fortune, those who could read the forehead of circumstance and were acquainted with mysteries, received fresh consolation; and, while congratulating themselves on their perspicacity, they redoubled their supplications and thanksgivings. Inasmuch as the increase of temporal duties had thrown a veil over his world-illuminating spiritual beauty, it was not every one who could bring far-sighted intelligence to the point of understanding His Majesty, and there was a brisk market of inappreciation. Especially this was so with paper-worshipping scholiasts, sunk in the mire of routine, and recognizing no knowledge except the garnering of old materials and market-worn beads of small value and writings in black and white on ancient folios which had been fabricated by servile decorators.

Without indulging in the excessive panegyrics of professional encomiasts, verbal lapidaries^390b who sell words at the rate of precious stones, whoever casts a glance at the great diurnal of events, or looks with honest eyes into this jewelled volume, knows that those glorious works (Akbar's) are above human comprehension, and that they furnish a splendid^391a spectacle to readers of the lines of the forehead. From the time that chooser of one-ness, adorner of multiplicity, turned his attention to scientific subjects, and to the varied pursuits of mankind, and when, by removing some of his veils, he allowed his profundity and farsightedness to deck the bridal chamber of manifestation, he scattered from his ocean heart such sublime words concerning the mysteries of vision and piety, and the apices of theory and practice, that the scorched hearts of instruction's furnace fell into amazement, and the crew of the schools sank into the abode of astonishment. It is not the case (dāstān) with revelation and vision that holy thoughts, lofty genius, sublime energy acquire by learning and experience clearness of heart, step by step. Such is the case^391b with the erudite and eloquent. To them these things come not without the alloy of effort. But those who by happy fortune obtain in the Academy of God the marks of things Divine and human without any intermediary, peruse the documents of Primary Reason and the Astrolabe of the heaven of holiness. It was fitting that ²⁶⁹ formalists who dwell within the four walls of routine should enter the defiles of amazement, and that the mental foot of the superficial and short-sighted should stumble, that the wide space of ignorance and little vision should be filled, and that the dustbin of their inward darkness should discharge black waters. Those who did not understand the case imagined that the whole life-time of the sovereign had been spent in study, while many in their blackheartedness and perversity plunged into the saline waste of envy, and were spiritually and physically ruined. A few, by a happy star and auspicious disposition, were guided to the forum of enlightenment and satisfied their eyes and their ears. Some open-eyed^392a ones who for many years had painfully striven in the quest of knowledge, and were now watching in justice's portico held a meeting to expound^392b the mystery, and after exchanging many extraordinary experiences, they all joined in saying, “It is the glory of the holy spirit which has come to the kindling point. On this day the light of saintship is casting a ray on his inner soul. It is from the right thinking of the world's lord that this great rank has been bestowed on him. Or has he in the pure temple of privacy kept burning the lamp of study, and now by the goodness of God is he exhibiting it? Or is it the result of magic and enchantment that the drum of enlightenment beats high and that the wondrous workings have shown themselves?”

Those who have by dint of auspiciousness and a happy star abandoned the following of routine, and opened the eyes of vision, and kindled the lamp of understanding, recognized the unique one of horizons as the leader (peshwā) of the spiritual world, and rubbed off the rust of astonishment. Nay, a set stained with the dust of routine (taqlīd) received a whisper of just appreciation by virtue of ancient records^392c and took the road of right thinking. “When the matted-haired of the desert of vagabondage, and the heavy-footed^392d ones of the abode of vertigo, obtain such high rank in fortune's divan, why should we be astonished at the success of a just and right-thinking king?” By the guidance of an open-browed fortune they became believers and made an active market for the new institutions (Āīn).

Those cognisant of the final result of things
Made a new prayer about the sovereign:

“So long as the revolving sphere be full of stars,^393a
And matter be composed of those two things,
May the Shāh's personality be the world's lamp,
May his cheek be brighter than the moon!”

When the sublime meetings were brightened by the lights of the Unique one of Truth's banquet and of intellectual power, and the luminary of recognition shone for the distant as for the near, the acute and awakened of heart, and the wisdom-choosing seekers after knowledge, who were stayed in various religions and divers paths^393b of the ancients, and in the winding-back alleys and ruined byepaths, and were seeking for relief from their confusion,^393c held a conference^393d with the blissfully wise and the right-thinking. (They said), “Assuredly if the rank of ‘Ijtihād,’ which is lower than the dignity of a pure soul (nafs-i qadsī), be a dispeller of the darkness of doubts, a wise sovereign shall by choice institutions become the pacifier of disturbed hearts. But^393e every one does not know the latter, while ²⁷⁰ every one is familiar with the first. It is fitting then that the happy hivers of wisdom should come together and refer the old, heart-gnawing pain to this new physician. The medicine suitable for the age is to address the king by the style of ‘Ijtihād,’ and then to represent to him the confusion of religions and creeds and to beg him to untie the knot.”

When their ideas were brought to the sacred hearing, the world's lord for a while, from his love for a veil, did not accept the proposal, and the enlightened body had to have recourse to entreaty. Inasmuch as the granting of desires forms a part of the laudable character of that circumspect Seer (Akbar) and his profession is that of a Healer, it flashed upon the vision-portico of the farsighted one, the understander of beginnings, the attainer of ends, that to come forth from the position of commander-in-chief of the spiritual world to this office and to apply his mind to it, was, in reality, an adorning of the veil and a choosing of a screen. He therefore rejoiced them by fulfilling their desire. On 20 Shahrīyūr,^394a Divine month, there was an assemblage of the enlightened, and the thoughts of the wise unanimously agreed upon this, “The world's lord is the Imām of the Time, and the Mujtahid^394b of the age.” When the rest of mankind accept whatever he selects from out of the contradictions of the ancients, and from the sects upon sects of eloquent truth-seekers, they will gather the Divine favour.” To this statement they attached their seals, and a record of enlightenment was executed. Maulānā 'Abdullah Sultān-pūrī, who had the lofty title of Makhdūm-al-mulk (served by the country), Shaikh Abdu-n-nabī the Ṣadr, who was celebrated as the Shaikh-al-islām, Ghāzī K. Badakhshi, Ḥakīm-almulk, and other great sages signed^395a and sealed it. Those who were giddy and straying in the desert of doubts, put the bridle of fixity on the neck of discipleship, and the sitters in darkness received the light of certitude. The lamp of knowledge lighted up the interior of ignorance, and distracted hearts received new comfort.

Also at this time the pulpit was honoured by the sky-touching feet of the Shāhinshāh, and the palace of wisdom received a fresh exaltation and a new heaven was revealed to the age. Inasmuch as the endeavour of H.M. is to carry out proper actions where possible, and various good things were accomplished by the exertions of that unique one of the banquet of enlightenment; every choice act which represented itself to his mind, or which he heard of as having been performed by God-worshippers in old times, was regarded by him as a means of pleasing God, and was carried into effect. As at this time it came to his hearing that the guiding Imāms and legitimate Caliphs did not leave worship to others, but took this weighty matter on their own shoulders, he resolved to imitate them in this, and to reap the reward thereof. As the administration of the world and the dispensation of justice are great occupations, he did not indulge in long discourses, but was contented with what was necessary. ²⁷¹ Several times he distributed enlightenment in the chief mosque of the capital (Fatḥpūr) and the audiences gathered bliss. One of the discourses (Khuṭba) which my most excellent of brothers, S. Abu-l-Faiẓ Faiẓī, put by his orders into verse was as follows:—

In the name of Him who gave us sovereignty,
Who gave us a wise heart and a strong arm,
Who guided us in equity and justice,
Who put away from our heart aught but equity;
His praise is beyond the range of our thoughts,
Exalted be His Majesty, Allah Akbar.

Inasmuch as his thoughts were pure, he by heart-enlightening words made an impression on the good, and communicated Divine aid to them. There were wonderful awakenings. And since saline soil depraves good seed, the hearts of the entirely bad were made yet more puckered, and the dark mirror of the disordered in brain and blackguards in action was made yet more distorted.^396b As it is an old custom that the stupid denizens of the demon-haunted^396c land of ignorance indulge in foolish talk about the pious servants of God, and that they term potsherds valuable jewels, and reckon a broken stone as a mirror of Divinity and a night-gleaming radiancy, every faction went about in the streets of ignorance and the back-lanes of wickedness speaking foolishly and spreading calumnies. On every side there arose the dust of commotion and the black smoke of darkness. Assemblages of wickedness congregated together. One set of those base ones who are nocturnal animals and blind feelers with their feet (pāī kobān) in the day charged that Unique of God's servants, who is the glory of his race, with claiming the Godhead, and by such improper talk they fell into the pit of external ruin. Apparently this God-displeasing crew were led into error by the circumstances that some of the leading unionists^397a who were of the school of Nosair^397b and had the enthusiasm of Ḥusain^397c b. Manṣūr recognized and spoke of the Khedive of spirituality as the “Witness of God” (Muẓhir-i-Ḥaqq). The throne-occupant of Fortune on account of his principle of “Peace with all” did not severely rebuke the idle talkers^397d and distracted ones. The foolish ones lost the footing of bliss, and fell into the mire of futile ideas. There was a market-day for the liars and falsifiers. Some of the heated fanatics of the desert of destruction said that the Prince of the Age wished to claim to be the prophet of the incomparable Deity. The proof of this imagination of the strife-mongers was that the Shāhinshāh was continually introducing noble laws, and making verdant the parterres of realm and religion, and pointing out the discrepancies in the doubtful ²⁷² expressions of the ancients. Bewildered hearts and short-sighted persons indulged in these thoughts, and the spectacle of his reciting the Khuṭba contrary to custom and his mounting the pulpit for the guidance of mankind helped the delusion. Many from acceptance^398a of hearsay and belief in idle words came to believe this. Thus there was a splendid market for strife-mongering and fabrication.

When the fact of the foolish talk of the wicked came to H.M.'s hearing, he, from his wide capacity and his contemplation of the wonders of creation, did not believe it, and said often “Good God.” “How could it enter into the narrow thoughts of the ignorant that recent creatures belonging to a dependent existence and of feeble intellect should ascribe to themselves a share in Divinity? And have the leaders of humanity who have by thousands of miracles expounded the prophetic office come into the world, and have cycles elapsed, that an opinion like this should be cherished and increase, and that the dust of unbelief be not yet laid? How could such a notion come into my mind? Why does such an evil thought bewilder the superficial and the worshippers of externals? Inasmuch as censure and reproach give a fresh lustre to hearts which are pure, it would be improper to reprove those black-thoughted ones who cause an increase of light.” A set of evil-thoughted, shameless ones imagined that the Prince of horizons regarded with disfavour the Muham madan religion (dīn i-Aḥmadī). The sole evidence which those wrong-headed wicked ones, whose understanding was rusted, had for this was that the wise sovereign out of his tolerant disposition and general benevolence, and extensive overshadowing, received all classes of mankind with affection. Especially did he search for evidence in religious matters from the sages of every religion and the ascetics of all faiths. Nor did he accept the replies of the headstrong and uninquiring. Above all, at this time Christian philosophers assailed the orthodox (matafiqqān, those in agreement) of the day in the sublime assemblies, and learned discussions were carried on. The calumniators^398b of the enlightened who by pretences had claimed for themselves a learning that did not exist, made a clamour in the court of sovereignty. They were put to shame in the daily market of justice and the heyday of discrimination, and lowered their heads into the folds of ignorance, but in the privy chambers of darkness they joined their confederates in the cry that they were mourning the loss of Faith, and that the king of the Age had, out of partiality, not accepted their replies. In their wickedness they cast suspicion upon that choice one of truth and that inwardly enlightened one. In their black-heartedness and shamelessness, they gave no heed to the fact that the honour and respect which this appreciative throne-occupant used to show to the family of the prophet had been rarely exhibited by other monarchs. Many good Saiyyids had been raised to dignities and high offices by the favour of H.M., and from time to time they were still farther promoted and the garden of their wishes kept watered and verdant. Nor did he permit that any member of this family should lay his head on the holy feet,^399a or rub ²⁷³ the forehead on the threshold of fortune. A set of squint-eyed, wicked people taxed him with Sh'iism; and so led astray simple-minded Sunnīs. The cause of the stumbling of this set was that in the sublime assemblies the proofs of those two sects, like those of other sects, were discussed, and that the Shāhinshāh from equity selected what was preferable.

When a statement is strong in argument,
It is unfortunate if you do not listen to it.

His likes or dislikes,^399b the greater or lesser numbers of the disputants, their being acquaintances or strangers, raised no dust of difference. The short-sighted and irreflecting on seeing his fondness for discussion indulged in idle talk. The favour shown to Persians, most of whom belonged to that sect (the Sh'iā), increased the evil thoughts of the turbulent. Out of ignorance, and worship of routine, they did not remember the precept about accepting the explanation that was conformable to reason.^400a And either the promotion of Turanians was hidden from the bigoted eyes of this set, or they wilfully remained ignorant of it and sought for pretexts. An impure faction reproached the caravan-leader of God-knowers with being of the Hindu (Brahman) religion. The ground for this improper notion was that the prince out of his wide tolerance received Hindu sages into his intimacy, and increased for administrative reasons the rank of Hindus, and for the good of the country showed them kindness. Three things supported the evil-minded gossips. First—The sages of different religions assembled at court, and as every religion has some good in it, each received some praise. From a spirit of justice, the badness of any sect could not weave a veil over its merits. Second—The season of “Peace with all” was honoured at the court of the Caliphate, and various tribes of mankind of various natures obtained spiritual and material success. Third—The evil nature and crooked ways of the base ones of the age.

By the right-thinking and truthful conduct of the world's lord, they were soon put to shame for their ignorance, and set about endeavouring to amend the days of their ignorance, but many as a retribution for their evil deeds descended into the tortures of failure.

(This chapter begins with some general remarks on humanity, and then launches out into a panegyric of Akbar and his son Sultān Selīm. After more than a page of this stuff it proceeds to relate how Quṭbu-d-dīn K. was on 22 Shahrīyūr (beginning of September 1579) appointed Atālīq, or tutor, of the prince, and received the robe of honour called a dūqū (see supra II, 121, 1. 7; it is the daq of the dictionaries, B. 333 spells it dāgū) “which holds a high rank in the holy family” and the title Beglārbegī).

(Translation resumed). He (Quṭbu-d-dīn in gratitude for this ²⁷⁵ great gift resolved upon holding a splendid banquet, and begged for H.M.'s presence at it. H.M. granted his wish, and the house of the faithful became the envy of the spheres by the arrival of the sacred feet. On this occasion eternal bliss was conferred (on Quṭbu-d-dīn) by the noble prince's being placed on his shoulder.^401a There was rejoicing and there was scattering of largesse.

There was a heaven-illuminating banquet-hall
Such as the stars seldom see in dreams
The spectators were fascinated by beholding it
Wisdom lost its tongue, and the tongue became ear.

The glorious sovereign from exceeding quest of truth, and an enlightened mind, pays no regard to himself and continually fares forward. From time to time he performs the part of a watchman and bestows a fresh market day on the world's market place, and irrigates the garden of faith. He looks out everything from head to foot and makes progresses in order to keep up his acquaintance (with people and places). Out of good thinking and for the acquisition of bliss he circumambulates the shrines of saints—a thing which even lofty-viewed collectors of truth little attend to. He thereby lights up the countenance of truth-worship, and ²⁷⁶ furnishes means of rejoicing to the superficial and the worshippers of externals. Varied delight too comes to the esoteric. At this time, when the lights of knowledge of Divine things had obtained manifestation, and the beauteous forms (of truths) were enlightening modes of life, it flashed upon his august mind that these good old customs (of pilgrimages) were not religious exercises except under certain conditions, and that royal expeditions were not meritorious if undertaken without consideration of the public weal. He made inquiries to find out if such conditions were absent and if he might, in contradiction to former years, put off his visit to Ajmere. When^402a it appeared that an expedition in that direction would be a means of calming the public and enhance the submission of the recalcitrant, he, on 26 Shahrīyūr, Diviue month, 8 September 1579, placed the foot of fortune in the stirrup of world conquest and set off thither. In accordance with excellent customs he enjoyed, stage by stage, the pleasure of hunting. He conferred new lustre on the administrators of justice. Crowds upon crowds of men obtained their desires and rejoiced. For some, worldly affairs and outward businesses were arranged, while many had their spiritual desires, and their wishes appertaining to the inner world, gratified. That cavalier of the field of enlightenment remained in communion with the Incomparable Deity, and adorned the external world. While involved in various employments he moved along with a free soul. From the time that the question (dāstān) of Society and Solitude made its appearance in the world, and the thread of the observance of the vestiges of one's predecessors acquired consistency, there have been few instances of such full co-existence of these two opposites in one worshipper of God. The acute of every sect on beholding the marvels of this Unique One sank their head in the folds of astonishment in such a manner as cannot be described, and does not come within the domain of audition. Every sect was convinced that the whole energies of the world's lord were expended on their special rules, and that his proficiency in them was the result of his long study of them. By God's aid, just as wondrous works appeared in the matter of calming worldly agitators, and as the glory of them reached the near and the distant, so still more abundant were his marvellous transactions in the wide sphere of the spiritual kingdom. The lamp of guidance for the seekers after auspiciousness shone brilliantly. A fresh instance, and one which adorns the pen, is the tale of the obedience of the tiger.

On 26 Mihr (about 6 October 1579) the glorious standards cast their rays on the tank^403a of Khwāṣ Khān. The landowners (būmīān) of that neighbourhood rubbed the forehead of supplication, and related as follows: “A traveller was passing through a dreadful forest in this vicinity, and a fasting^404a beast of prey rose up to destroy his life, but a remedy was found by the strong-souled, happy-hearted man. He immediately drew a line round himself and called upon the name of the world's lord (Akbar). On hearing the honoured name the beast stood still, and the man escaped from his mortal danger.”^404b The awakened men of the country placed anew the neck of auspiciousness in the noose of sincerity. There was a clapping of the hands on the part of those who had found their goal, ²⁷⁷ and there was an increase of devotion. When H.M. heard of this wondrous working of fortune he, from the greatness of his genius, and from his keeping behind the veil, set no store by it, but said, “If the tale be true I shall never hunt this animal again, nor seek to take his life.” The wondrous miracles of this Unique of the Age are higher than that the swift cavaliers of the plain of enlightenment can reach that tract, and the lofty rank of that unity-chooser, multiplicity-adorner, is too far off for the highflyers of soaring spirit to be able to spread their pinions in the atmosphere of the recognition thereof.

We, when we contemplate him,
Are the astonied ones of Creation,
What know we of his perfect substance?
We are the know-nothings of Creation.

On 3 Ābān (about 14 October 1579), Divine month, he cast his august shadow on that city. He performed his devotions and paid his visit to the shrine. The ministers thereof and the other wishful expectants reaped various joys from his liberality.

One of the occurrences was the sending of S. 'Abdu-n-nabī and Mullā 'Abdullah Sulṭānpūrī to the Ḥijāz. The treasure-like disposition of the Shāhinshāh desired that the empty-handed ones of the seven worlds, and the well-meaning ones of every country, might carry away an abundant provision from the table of his bounty. And he was ever sending for well-intentioned, active and skilful and honest men who would disburse his gifts in foreign parts, and would make the distribution without being sharers in oppression, and without partiality for their friends. He continually chose from among travellers every one who was distinguished for truth and righteousness, and put large sums into their charge, so that the largesse of the Shadow of God might be comprehensive, and that his gratitude for his lofty fortunes might brighten the face of dominion. As the multitude of the needy ones in the peninsula of the Ḥijāz, and the numbers of anchorites in that region, had impressed his mind, he every year sent off loads (kharwār) of gold under the escort of able and good men. His idea was that the ocean of his bounty should always be in motion. But as he became aware that the pushing and avaricious men of those shrines stirred up the dust of turbulence and did not make a proper division, and that no share came to the modest poor, or they only got a smaller portion, while the wicked and noisy took away large quantities by oppression, he resolved that in future his great bounties should not be proclaimed, and that the poor of that country should, like those of every other country, receive their boons in secret. Perhaps such canvassing of hearts, and such giving of joy to the melancholy, would be accepted (by God). At this time, when wisdom had obtained a high position, and there was a daily market for investigation, the veil over the deeds of S. 'Abdu-n-nabī ²⁷⁸ and Mullā 'Abdullah Sulṭānpūrī was withdrawn. They in consequence of fictions and phenakisms, and the backing of simpletons who did not know the facts, had taken their seats on the masnad of priority and were actively employed in ministering to their own desires, and in self-gratification. It was perceived that they had acquired nothing beyond the first elements of routine such as those on the lowest forms collect, and that they knew nothing of science and had nothing but a long tongue and a vending of stories (naql faroshī) as is the rule with the ignorant and the prating. With all this empty-handedness they had but a small portion of piety and of search for truth, and regarded pride and presumption as their greatness. The tolerant and benevolent prince did not, on account of his reverence and modesty, desire that this crew should be still more exposed in the assay-room of knowledge and perception for their ignorance and injustice, or that they should be disgraced and be pointed at with the finger of scorn of high and low. He allotted to them the office of Mīr Ḥāj (charge of pilgrims) and ordered them to look after the necessitous of that territory. In this way he expelled them from his empire, and he directed that they should remain perpetually at that place of worship. They were to improve themselves there and preserve their self-respect, and conduct themselves properly.

As they were slaves of money they did not appreciate this mystery and propounded a thousand objections and reasons for delay. Their base minds were set upon heaping up dirhams and dīnārs, and not on acquiring a name and reputation. But the wise world's Khedive, like a loving physician who makes ignorant patients, willing or unwilling, swallow bitter drugs, sent them away and insisted upon administering the remedy to them. Many of the empty-handed and necessitous received means for the journey.^406a

On 17 'Abān, Divine month, he commenced his return to the capital from the blissful city (Ajmere) by way of Mewāt. Meadows and mountains assumed the verdure of spring. Though in appearance he was enjoying himself in hunting, in reality he was worshipping God and cherishing his subjects. On the 29th in the neighbourhood of Sāmbhar^406b Shahbāz K. was sent off with some victorious troops in order that he might guard the laws of sovereignty in that province, and might exert himself in keeping the peace and in civilizing the country.

One of the occurrences was the happening of an injury to Zain K. Kokaltāsh. On 23 'Aẕar (about 3 December) H.M. was in Thīrah^407a and performing his devotions in private.^407b In front of the hall (daulatkhāna) a great tumult arose and then subsided. Bhūpat Cohān had from inverted fortune turned away his head for some time from obedience and gone off to Bengal. When that country was conquered, he of necessity took shelter at the august court. Since a bad habit with difficulty leaves a man's constitution, and especially does it not depart, if it be not regarded by him as blameworthy, that wicked one went again to his home in Etawah and took to robbery and oppression of the peasantry. As that town belonged to the fief of the Kokaltāsh, he obtained leave of absence in order that he might guide him and other arrogant ones in the right path by wise advices. Whoever did not listen was to have ²⁷⁹ his arrogance enlightened by the brilliancy of the Indian scimitar. When they arrived at that place the wicked inhabitants took upon their shoulders the burden of obedience, and all the headstrong had, under the guidance of the Kokaltāsh, the bliss of performing the kornish. That turbulent-brained one would not choose to accompany them, and an order was given that the land-holders there should arrest him; but out of terror he came to the camp of fortune and sought protection from Raja Todar Mal and Raja Bīrbar. He professed to bring forward the question of forgiving his offences and expressed a wish to serve H.M. But he was lying in wait for the Kokaltāsh and was meditating mischief. The Kokaltāsh reported his evil designs to Court, and in accordance with orders, S. Ibrāhīm^407c summoned him in order that he might be fully won over and might be appointed to some duty after the taking of security. He and some daring Rajpūts came forward about this time and petitioned, saying that if the Kokaltāsh would admit him to terms and S. Ibrāhīm promise to favour him, he would come to court. Otherwise he was prepared to sacrifice his life. The Shaikh, in agreement with the Koka, soothed the ignorant by sweet words and wished to bring him before H.M. As the place-ushers (cāūshān) do not admit armed men without orders, they in good faith put hands on his dagger and stopped him. The passionate man thought there was a trick and drew out his dagger and fought. The Koka bravely joined in the fray and was wounded. Some servants seized Bhūpat and sent him to the abode of non-existence. The Khedive, who possesses the Messiah's breath, went next day to the Kokaltāsh's quarters, and by his gracious words, etc., put balm on the wounds. By his attentions the dangerous wound was healed, and thanksgivings were offered. On the 29th^408a he alighted at Fatḥpūr.

One of the occurrences was that Yūsuf^408b K. of Kashmīr received protection at court. His father 'Alī K. Cak was ruler of Kashmīr. He was killed while playing polo (caugān) by a hurt from the pommel of his saddle, and the grandees chose him (Yūsuf). His paternal uncle Abdāl aimed at the throne and meditated wickedness; ²⁸⁰ Yūsuf acted with promptitude and surrounded his house. In the struggle and confusion he (Abdāl) was killed by a bullet. Things had not quieted down when Saiyid Mubārak, Abu-l-m'aālī his son, 'Alī K., Ḥaidar Cak, 'Alī Malik and a number of others agreed that Yūsuf the son of Ḥusain K., who was his (Yūsuf'Shah's) cousin and had the title of Khān-Khānān, should be made king. He out of foresight declined. The strife-mongers raised up Saiyid Mubārak and kindled the flames of sedition. A fight took place in the plain of the 'Īdgāh. Yūsuf K. prepared a force and proceeded to an engagement. Muḥammad K., who was in the vanguard, was killed after much fighting, and Yūsuf K. fled without coming on the field. He came through the pass of Pīrpanjāl and took breath in the neighbourhood of Thāna. The evil-doers sent fraudulent letters and brought him back. At Marāj Saiyid^409a Mubārak came forward to give battle. The double-faced triflers did not advance one step to carry their words (i.e. their letter) into effect. He prudently went by the route of Qirmiz (B.M.S. Add. 27, 247, adds here “which is in Jammū”), and sought protection from Rajah Mān Singh and M. Yūsuf K. They received him and brought him by the Panjab to Court. On 21 Dai (January 1580) he performed the prostration. The hand of the kindness of the world's lord raised him from the dust, and distinguished him by various favours.

Also at this time Peshrāu K. arrived from the south. He had been^409b sent to convey counsels to the Niẓāmu-l-mulk of the Deccan. He had performed his mission in a proper manner and had impressed many wise words on the Niẓām. Although the brain of the latter was oppressed by melancholy (saudā) and he refrained from society and spent his time in solitude, yet he came a little to his senses, and sent Āṣaf K., who was one of his confidants, along with the rarities of the country. He was well received.

One of the occurrences was the appointing an army to capture the European ports. Inasmuch as conquest is the great rule of princes, and by the observance of this glory-increasing practice, the distraction of plurality^409c places its foot in the peacefulness of unity, and the harassed world composes her countenance, the officers of the provinces of Gujarat and Mālwa were appointed^410a to this service under the leadership of Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān on 18 Bahman, Divine month (February 1580). The rulers of the Deccan were also informed that the troops had been sent in that direction in order to remove the ²⁸¹ Faringīs who were a stumbling-block in the way of the pilgrims to the Ḥijāz. They were bidden to regard this news as an opportunity for showing their loyalty, and directed to join the army with suitable equipments so that the protests of service which they were always making by their envoys might be fulfilled, and also in order that the peasantry of the southern districts might be preserved from the shock of the imperial forces.

At this time the Sarkār of Ghāzīpūr was granted to M'aṣūm K. Farankhūdī, while the delightful tract (khiṭṭa) of Jaunpūr was taken from him and given to Tarson Muḥammad K. The latter was sent off to that quarter and Maulānā Muḥammad Yezdī^410b was sent along with him as Ṣadr of the province. Orissa was assigned to M'aṣūm K. Kābulī. Subḥān Qulī Turk was dispatched to proceed rapidly in order to convoy him from Bihar to Orissa and to bring Qiyā K. Gang (or Kank) to Bihar.

One of the occurrences was the return of Mīr Ābu Turāb from the Ḥijāz. It has been stated that he had been appointed to the high office of leader of the pilgrims. At this time news came that he had completed his journey and was bringing an impression of the Prophet's foot; may the Peace of God be upon him and on his family!^410c He represented that this impression was the fellow (hamdast) of that which Saiyid Jalāl Bokhārī^411a brought to Delhi in the reign of Sultan Fīrūz. Although the Asylum of the Faith (Dīnpanāh) knew that the thing was not genuine —and acute experts have shown its falsity—yet from profound observance of the veil he regarded the respect due to that nobleman^411b of lofty lineage, and gloriously exhibited his administration of justice. An order was issued that the caravan should halt four kos from the capital. The court artificers prepared a delightful dwelling (for Akbar), and the Shāhinshāh came there with the great officers (nuyīān) and the men of learning, and he laid that piece of stone on his sky-touching shoulder and carried it for some paces. The stages were arranged, and the officers placed the stone on the head of reverence and conveyed it in turn to the capital. In accordance with instructions they placed it in the Mīr's house. All this honour was done out of abundant perceptiveness, respect and appreciation, and wide toleration, in order that the reverence due to that simple-minded Saiyid might not be spilt on the ground, and that jovial critics might not break out into smiles. Immediately the cup of the fancy of the short-thoughted was filled with dust, and the wicked and seditions sank into the pit of shame. The vain thinkers and ill-conditioned ones who had been agitated on account of the inquiries into the proofs of prophecy, and the passing of nights (in discussion), and the doubts—of which books of theology (kalāmī kutub) are full—were at once made infamous in the market of ashamedness, while those who had spoken idly and foolishly of the semblance of religion and piety in the spiritual and temporal pontiff, became ruined in realm and religion. The agitation of that day casts no cloud on the inner mind of that banquet-adorner ²⁸² of world-knowledge, nor has he any delight to-day from the fact of that crew's having sunk their heads in the collar of shame! The plant of the power of such a whole-hearted one increases from day to day, and from time to time fresh fortune brings the news of success. Profundity of thought always prevails, and the wonders of fortune increase watchfulness.

Ever march along the road of nobleness,
Ever cheerfully imprint the page of Time,
Casting a frank glance on the horizons,
Regarding as a spectacle the ways of the world.

What cares the right-thinking God-fearing man for joy or sorrow? But the sincere disciples of a new devotion acquired strength, and provision for the road was furnished to the general public.

One of the occurrences^412a was the division of the wide tract of India into twelve portions. It was unavoidable that the sovereign of lofty genius and protector of the weak should favour them by gifts and appointments (bakhshish u bakhshāīsh), and that he should reform the wicked and stiff-necked by the glory of counsels and the flashings of the scimitar. He distributed the territories according to suitable limits and laid out the garden of creation by appropriate methods. And he made it over to liberal and righteous guardians. He irrigated the world-parterres from the founts of knowledge. In this way did he make fitting division of the wide and fertile land of India, and in every province he appointed a viceroy (sipah-sālār), a Diwān a Bakhshī, a Mīr 'Aḍal, a Ṣadr, a Kotwāl, a Mīr Baḥr (admiral) and a Recorder (Wāq'anavīs).

One of the occurrences was the fixing of the revenue for ten years. Inasmuch as Time produces, season after season, a new foundation for rates, and there are great increases and decreases, there was a regulation that every year some experienced and honest men should send in details of the rates from all parts of the country. Every year a general ordinance (dastūr-al-'amal) was framed with respect to the payment of dues. When the imperial domains became extensive, and the territories of many great rulers came under the shadow of the world-lord's justice, these reports arrived late and at different times. The soldiers^413a and the peasantry suffered loss, and there were disturbances about arrears and about excess demands. It was also rumoured that some recorders of rates had gone aside from the path of rectitude. The officers at headquarters were harassed, and were unable to find a remedy. The wise sovereign gave relief to multitudes by introducing the new system of payment of dues. The gist^413b of the invention was that the condition of every pargana during ten years, according to degree of cultivation and the price of produce, was ascertained, and that one tenth thereof was fixed as the revenue of each year. This has been explained at length in the concluding volume of this great work. Though the carrying ⁸³² out of this great design was committed to Rajah Todar Mal and Khwājah Shāh Manṣūr, the Rajah was sent off to the eastern provinces, and it was the Khwājah who by dint of his sagacity comprehended the sublime instructions and arranged the exquisite plan.

How shall the extraordinary events of the protean world be described, and by what power shall its marvels be narrated? One of its evil qualities is that it exerts itself to cherish the evil and sedition-mongering, and in furthering the prosperity of the vain-thoughted, while it increases the grief of the right-thinking and auspicious, and uses a thousand stratagems for ruining the wise and honest! The far-sighted and sage do not extend the hand of courage to unveil the countenance of this strange picture, and keep their lips closed. They plant not their foot on the coverlet of enlightenment, and open not the tongue of “Why and Wherefore.” As that mystery-knower and awakened of heart sings

I had many thoughts about the past and future,
There is no road for any one to understand His designs,
In this garden it is proper to garner up the tongue,
Silence and bewilderment are to have the first place.

Though there are few events^415a which do not give a ray^415b of light to the minds of the acute seers of understanding, yet they are sunk in the contemplation of the Divine power, and owing to the non-procurement of just-minded listeners they give themselves out to the world as ignorant. They choose the sleep of repose instead of the turmoil of instructing those whose ears are stuffed with the quicksilver of neglect. Abul Faẓl, into whose heart the distress of the age has entered, and to whom a power of understanding has been given, why dost thou not remove the lid of the box, and why dost thou not open the casket of truth?

Thou hast a heart which weighs the niceties of knowledge,
Pour out the treasure from the ocean of wisdom;
The key of the door of science is in thy pocket,
'Tis thy fault if thou dost not open it for humanity.

Evidently, the unloosing the knot of this riddle is difficult when the spectators of events are shortsighted and of small capacity. Their eyes do not grasp the whole of the circumstances (lit. the heights and hollows). They think the thorn in their foot to be the calamity of a world, and they regard an individual grievance as the evil of the universe. Otherwise it is clear to the acute and truth-discerning that just as in the vegetable kingdom, poisons and antidotes (or panaceas) take growth and development, and among animals there is the production of the affectionate, and the murderous, so among men there is the appearance and the disappearance of the good and the bad. And just as in medicines for the body both kinds (i.e. poisons and panaceas) are of use, so in spiritual remedies both classes of men are beneficial. To the physicians of the age it is clear that the (eventual) success of the good and noble and happy starred, and the evil thoughts of the wicked, increase the glory of existence, and give finality to the methods of retribution. Also that the exaltation of those who disturb the world's repose is with the object of casting them headlong into the ²⁸⁴ pit of destruction.

The wine which the world holds forth
Contains one revel and a hundred headaches,
If it raise thee from dejection,
Beware, for 'tis deceiving thee.

There are many instances of the furnishing the garden of humanity with thorns,^417a and of the conferring increased refreshment on the young plants of auspiciousness. The wise man of the world recognizes that the success of the good is the ornament of God's beautiful attributes (jamāl), and that the advance of the wicked is the ornament of His terrible attributes (jalāl). And he who is acquainted with the privy-chamber of solitude is assured that the graciousness of God and the Divine Beauty display herein wonderful illustrations. It is possible^417b that the fires of the terrible attributes may not utterly consume, and that they make futile somnolence impossible.

I now leave this wondrous discourse about mysteries, and relate the circumstances of this instructive story. Though the occupant of the throne of fortune in his noble graciousness, abundant justice, and adornment of universal peace was most liberal and forgiving and like beneficent clouds rained kindness upon the fields of humanity, yet all of a sudden many of the Bihar officers—who had been reared in this dominion which is conjoined with eternity—nay, the garden of whose ancestors had been watered and refreshed by the streams of the Shāhinshāh's bounty—fell into the bitter land of rebel lion, and took the path of pride and presumption.

Time smiled^417c grimly and encouraged each one to bring forward short-enduring wishes!

The brief account of this long affair is that in the beginning of this year H.M. sent Rai Purakhotam, Maulānā Ṭayib, S. Mujdu-d-dīn,^418a and the eunuch Shamsher K., to Bihar in order that they might display their abilities in managing the province, and exert themselves in developing the country, in conciliating the soldiers, and in sympathising with the oppressed. Those base and narrow-minded men ignorantly fixed themselves at Patna and plunged into the wide expanse of cupidity. In the matters of reviews and drills and of branding, they exhibited harshness and malignity, and in their blindness neglected tact and the acceptance of excuses—without which the administration of the world cannot be carried on—and lost sight of prudence. One or two (of the soldiers and others) who were wont to repair to the pure temple of loyalty were saved from the narrowness of self-love by the wide expanse of the world of loyalty, and some who were leaders in the market of affairs made former favours counterbalance present disappointments and so did not convert the field of their souls into a thorn-brake of haughtiness. Other traders swallowed the saline water of toil and did not leave a stain on their garments. But many whose evil natures were only veneered (lit. gold-coated) raised the head of disturbance. They turned away from the king of realm and religion, and elevated the neck of opposition. There was no glory of loyalty in their secret ²⁸⁵ chamber, no distinction between loss and gain in their transactions, no right-thinking reason, no clearness of intellect, no noble courage which is the comrade of a wise heart. M'aṣūm K. Kābulī, who held Patna in fief, S'aīd Beg Badakhshī,^418b and 'Arab, the jāgīrdars of Sasserām, S'aādat 'Alī, who held pargana Tamodāīn(?),^418c Ḥājī Kolābī and some others whose fiefs were in Dilwāra,^418d S'aīd Badakhshī and his son Bahādur, and Darvish 'Alī Shakhrū,^419a who sat at the table of bounty in Tirhut, and its neighbourhood, and other unmanly men (mardam-i nāmardam) were made rebellious by the harshnesses of the officers of the province, and they led away from the path, by plausible speeches and flatteries, many men of the second^419b class, such as Shāham K. jāgīrdār of Ḥājīpūr, Mir M'uīzzu-l-mulk, Mīr 'Ali Akbar, and Samānjī K., who held Arrah and its neighbourhood, and so made a disturbance. On account of an evil nature, and under the guidance of a wayward and crooked understanding, they fell headlong from the portico of fidelity because their skirt^419c did not come up to the test of honest merchants. And so they fell unto an abyss of wickedness and ignorance and did not have fellowship^419d with a party who recognised nothing but a complete coparceny (mushārakatjinsi). If a person fall from a wall on to the ground he falls flat. What happens then if he fall from a hillock or a hill? Who can imagine the reduction to dust of the madman who falls from highest heaven upon the lowest stratum of earth? How then can we describe the ruin of those headlong dispositions which fall from the sky of fidelity to the dusty abode of disloyalty? O searcher after enlightenment, dogs and cats and the like, who are co-partners in vileness display affection and mutual help, and for human beings they have such affection and companionship that a wise man can only attain to the same degree by great effort. And the mutual affection of neighbouring nations, such as Persians, Turanians, Turks (Rūmī) and Indians is too well known to be described. Hence an acute man can understand what should be the feelings of acquaintances, of dwellers in one place and of those who are bound by various favours! Who can observe such degrees except a prudent and far-seeing man!

Now that I have said something of mines of fidelity, and of fountains of purity, hear (reader) the misconduct of the ingrates of that country, who were shaped like men! When those avaricious and ignorant creatures (the collectors) came to the province they opened the door of desire and became hard upon the common soldiery. Those who from being slaves to gold gathered it instead of soldiers, laid out money in bribes and failed in providing^420a horses, while those who did spend money for military things, were driven to distraction by having to conciliate and satisfy the cravings of the greedy officials. Both groups of men got a pretext ²⁸⁶ for discontent, and plunged into thoughts of sedition. Muḥibb 'Ali K, who had an ample share of loyalty and understanding, regarded obedience as the bliss of realm and religion, and exerted himself to carry out the work. He transferred those men from Patna to Muḥibb'alīpūr near Rohtās, and commenced the business of branding. He laboured to satisfy that bad lot of men. The other officers behaved with obstinacy and blindness. Whilst Muḥibb 'Alī K. was strenuously carrying on the work of the dāgh (branding), a large caravan^420b arrived from Bengal and the evil nature of the wicked crew now revealed itself. Moẓaffar K. had dispatched to court the accumulations (i.e. his goods and his revenue collections) of Khān Jahān, including his choice elephants. He had also sent Naulakā, the mother of Dāūd with other ladies (aghrūq), and the whole was under the charge of Fatḥ Chand Manklī. Many soldiers and many traders, bringing with them large possessions, accompanied the caravan. The ungrateful opportunists were lying in wait to plunder it, and were engaged in making arrangements for standing by one another. On becoming aware of this, Muḥibb 'Alī K. hastened to give them good advice: “Let not the veil of your honour be rent, and do not from ignorance and shortsightedness become dishonoured and disgraced in the retribution-halls of justice.” He joined the arrivals from the eastern provinces (the convoy) at Arrah, and it appeared that the rioters had not had the courage to act from not having been able to carry out the scheme of a general conspiracy. As the general body of the travellers was perturbed by the activity of the sedition-mongers, Muḥibb 'Alī sent them to his own quarters (yūrt) under the charge of Ḥabsh K. Meanwhile, the evil-doers cast off the veil of shame and plundered the city of Patna. Their wicked designs thus became manifest. Muḥibb 'Alī hastened off to Rohtās along with Ṭaiyīb and Majdu d-dīn in order to look after the fortress. Rai Purokhotam went off to Ghāzīpūr with the idea that he might bring M'aṣūm K. Faran-khūdi to a battle,^421a and Shamsher K. went off to Benares with the idea that he would collect Rajah Todar Mal's soldiers and give battle. Meanwhile the contentious 'Arab ('arab 'arbadajūī) went rapidly in pursuit of the caravan. The journeyers to the true K'aaba had under God's protection crossed the Causā ferry and nothing fell into his hand except some belated elephants. Ḥabsh K. did good service in that man-testing field and was made prisoner. That tumultuous-brained one ('Arab) sought to get at Muḥibb 'Ali to join him by means of vulpine tricks on the part of Ḥabsh K. The latter replied, wisely and judiciously, that he could not manage to deceive him (Muḥibb) by plausible speeches, and that under no circumstances would Muḥibb 'Alī join him. “But,” he continued, “every one knows that I dislike his company, and that I have long meditated separating from him. If you will make faithful promises to me and accept my wishes I shall go to Rohtās and win over all the garrison. The cup of the life of that governor (Muḥibb) will easily run over (i.e. he will be easily killed), a fortress which is like the heavens will come into your possession, and you will have a shelter in case of misfortunes.” That friend under the guise of an enemy by his plausible words and stratagems extricated himself from his dangerous position. He reported his scheme to his master (Muḥibb) and made the jewel of his fidelity be appre- ²⁸⁷ ciated by the experts of the world's markets. At this time the unavoidable catastrophe of Rai Purokhotam took place, and disturbed weak souls who did not understand matters. When he hastened to Ghāzīpūr, M'aṣūm K. Farankhūdī came forward with craft and deceit, and got rid of him by his promising him that he would join him near the Causā ferry. The simple-minded man was deceived and went off in that direction, and engaged at Baksar in collecting soldiers of that part. Kamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain Sīstānī, Saiyid Ḥasan, Dūdrāj and some other fief-holders in that neighbourhood joined him. One day he was engaged at the bank of the Ganges in his ablutions and Divine worship when suddenly 'Arab came there with a number of wicked men. Seizing his opportunity he pushed forward. The cowardly men who had joined Purokhotam withdrew on the pretence that they were going to prepare themselves, while he stood his ground and fought bravely. By heaven's decree he was wounded and cast upon the earth. His companions put him into a boat and conveyed him to Ghāzīpur. There, after two days, he yielded up with honour this transitory existence, and his days ended auspiciously and loyally. When Muḥibb 'Alī K. heard of this he marched against 'Arab and fought a battle with him. Ḥabsh K. drank the wholesome sherbet of life sacrifice, and 'Arab was stained with the dust of failure and went off to the wilderness of defeat.

In the middle of the month of Isfandārmuẕ, Divine month, these events were reported to H.M., and on the 23rd an order was issued to Rajah Todar Mal, S. Farīd Bakhshī, Mihr 'Alī K. Sildūz, Rajah Askaran, Rai Lonkaran, Naqīb K. Qamar-K., Shāh Khwāja Abu-l-Qāsim, Abū-l-m'aāli, Bāqir Safarcī^422a and others that they should hasten to that country and inflict chastisement on the evildoers. An order was also issued to Tarson K., M'aṣūm K. Farankhūdī, Ghāzī K. Badakhshī, Rai Surjan, and other jāgīrdārs of the provinces of Allahabad^422b and Oudh that when the victorious troops came there they should join them with their proper equipment and should act with concord and harmony, and not deviate from the instructions of Tarson K. and the Rajah. An order was also given that Ṣādiq K. Bāqī K. Ulugh K. Ḥabshī, Ṭaiyib K. and Mīr Abūl Muẓaffar should proceed rapidly from the neighbourhood of Chanderī and Narwar to the same spot. Although the world's lord kept an eye upon the guardianship of the material world, and made the time of retribution glorious, yet by virtue of his generalship, isbahabadī, over the spiritual world, he maintained a tranquil countenance with regard to the loss and gain of the day, and from time to time gathered the flower of joy from the garden of resignation and calm. Also during this time Qāẓī 'Alī Baghdādī, who was one of the singular^423a of the age for moderation and skill, was appointed to the high office of Bakhshī.

One of the occurrences was the appointing of an army to march to Badakhshān, and the recalling of it. It has been recorded that M. Sulaimān had from slenderness of reason, and the sway of imagination, taken leave to the Ḥijāz. Those who could read the fore- ²⁸⁸ head of his disposition and who could recognize the truth had perceived that he was taking the road of pretence, and that his design was to get into the hill country, and gain his ends by force or craft, and glut his vengeance on Shāhrukh. And so it turned out. He went rapidly from the place of pilgrimage to 'Irāq 'Ajam (Persia) in order that he might gain his ends by the help of the king of Persia. Shāh Ism'aīl, the son of Shāh Ṭahmāsp, who was governing the country in a violent manner, had regard to the nobility of his family and received him with honour. He gave him some soldiers to assist him and sent him away. In Herat the news came that the Shāh was dead. He (Sulaimān) read the inscription of despair on the forehead of fortune and went to Qandahar, and formed a relationship with Moẓaffar^423b Ḥusain M. As his affairs did not prosper there either, he went on to Kabul. M. Ḥakīm received him warmly. That ingrate's idea was that under the guidance of this old and experienced man he might go to Bangash^423c and cause a disturbance in India. The Mīrzā (Sulaimān) who had seen the might of the Shāhinshāh in India restrained him from such evil notions. On 10 Ābān, Divine month, 987 (20 October, 1579) in the midst of rain and snow they set out (for Badakhshān). When news came to H.M.'s court of this event, he resolved to assist Shāhrukh M. as he had allied himself to eternal dominion. S'aīd K., Rajah Bhagwant Dās, Mān Singh, M. Yūsuf K. and other officers of the Panjab and Multan provinces were ordered to proceed to that country. They were preparing to march when a report came that the ruler of Kabul had stopped and gone back. They represented this and stayed their departure. The brief account of this is that the Mīrzās had a battle in the neighbourhood of Tāliqān. Though Shāhrukh M. stood his ground bravely, yet, owing to the chatter of double-faced ones, the want of concord, and his inexperience, he was not successful. Idle talkers suggested that Mir 'Imād, who was the head of his officers, was on good terms with M. Sulaimān and wished to seize M. Shahrukh in the heat of the engagement and make him over. They stained the skirt of the loyal with suspicions. A party of the Badakhshīs also joined their old ruler and so increased his (Shahrukh's) suspicions. Before a decisive battle had taken place (?) Shāhrukh turned his rein and hastened to Qundūz. The army of Zabulistān (Kabul) which was apprehensive and in the thorn-brake of hopes and fears was delighted at this desertion and pursued him for some steps. The Mīrzā strengthened the fort of Qundūz and then went on to Kūlāb. He took Muḥammad Qulī Shighālī from the straits of ²⁸⁹ a prison and made him his minister (vakīl). The Mīrzās halted twenty days in the neighbourhood of Tāliqān. When they ascertained the condition of Shāhrukh M., they came to Rustaq by way of Qila' Ẓafar. Muḥammad Qulī craftily proposed an agreement. He joined with Farīdūn^424a and made a compact, and from foresight and vigilance M. Shāhrukh did not come to pay his respects to Sulaimān. By the wise arrangement of right-thinking and pacific persons the country from Tāliqān to the Hindu Koh, which had been the fief of M. Ibrāhīm, was assigned to M. Sulaimān.^424b He (Sulaimān) agreed to these terms and went off to Kūlāb. M. Ḥakīm waited for some time at Khwāja Cārṭāq^425a near Qundūz in order to complete the arrangements. When talk assumed the aspect of action he returned to Kabul.

Certainly, Fortune rises up to assist every one whose dominion is helped by Divine aid, and whose prestige is furthered by the stewards of Fate. She addresses herself to the doing of two things: 1st—To remove the veil from off those base and evil ones who, with vulpine craft, pose as the good; 2nd—To cleanse the garden of empire from weeds and rubbish and to exalt the virtuous and truthful who, by the unpropitiousness of the times and the vogue of the wicked, are obscured by the dust of irrecognition, and to make them joyous and successful. She develops the rosarium of dominion by watering it with the streams of appreciation. In general, Fortune works by making men prosperous and by heaping on them the materials of pleasure, and by granting them disastrous advancement, and (then) plunging them into the torments of evil. Thus she completes what she has begun. He in whom a right understanding is united with propriety of conduct is not misled by her malice (talkhkām), or removed from the pleasant abode of calm to the troublous home of discontent, nor is his wakefulness injured by abundant wealth and glory. Rather in these two seasons of trial he places the diploma of obedience and service on his head, and rejoices, and puts to silence by truthful speeches the spirit of foolish prattle. Whoever is radically wicked and of slumbrous fortune eats no fruit of the grove of knowledge. Or if he does become a partaker thereof, no breeze comes to him from the rose-garden of deeds. In the time of prosperity he exposes the lamp of wisdom to the draughts of the wind, and becomes infatuated, and in the day of adversity he turns aside from the highway of bliss, and takes the path of immoderation. The story of the Bengal officers illustrates this. The instructive tale is the inscription on the portico of enlightenment.

From success, the development of fiefs and increase of wealth, the night-gleaming jewel of vision became gradually darkened. ²⁹⁰ From ignorance and crookedness they thought what was their loss was their gain, and gathered gold, while they neglected the army. Evil thoughts found their way to their hearts, and they opened their eyes to lie in wait for a disturbance. At the time when Moẓaffar K. established himself, he did not recognize the measure of greatness, and did not exert himself to manage the country and the army. He gave up finance—which was his strong point—and always had the forehead of his heart full of wrinkles. Why then need I say that the brow of his head was full of knots? Nay he also blackened the tablet of his tongue with calumnies and rudenesses! When he was exalted to the government of Bengal, H.M. had, out of abundant graciousness, appointed a Diwan, a Bakhshī, and an Amīn to assist him. He from short-sightedness regarded them as partners and was displeased, and withdrew his head from business, and assumed grand airs. He left affairs to them and withheld himself from conciliating the soldiers and the peasantry. In private or in public he did not return thanks for favours received, but made complaints. That ruined intellect did not know that in administrative work the more one is helped and helps, the better is the work accomplished. Apparently, inward cupidity carried him to the house of trouble, and from darkness of heart he did not perceive what was proper for the time. I admit that there was loss in his profits, and that the rank of his glory was diminished. How was such a mode of life suitable in such a hotbed of strife, and how could he arrive at his goal if he put on the garb of practical life and yet did not take the path of forbearance.^427a

The country of Bengal is a land where, owing to the climate's favouring the base, the dust of dissension is always rising. From the wickedness of men families have decayed, and dominions been ruined. Hence in old writings it was called a Bulghākkhāna^427b (house of turbulence). The Commander of the forces (Moẓaffar) was haughty and did not conciliate friends and strangers. The other officials were greedy, and passing from gathering presents they had recourse to violence. Would that in their cupidity—on their heads be dust cast—they had not entirely departed from the path of shame and that they had been so far moderate as not to break the thread of practical wisdom! Whoever destroys the house of the weak and makes it the material for adorning his own abode soon loses respect and destroys the foundation of his life! Tactless officials began the disturbances by making inquiries into the accumulations of Khān Jahān. Ism'āīl Qūlī K. and the other Turkamāns rose up in arms. But as he^428a had a share of skill and loyalty they endured disagreeables and chose the remedy of satisfying the hungry craving of those avaricious men. A wolf's peace (i.e. an insincere peace) was made, and they proceeded to court. Afterwards, the officials vigorously set themselves, after the manner of the Bihar officers, to demand gold from all the Turkamāns in the country and to use severity towards them. Accordingly the head of the malcontents, Bābā Khān, frequently expressed his griefs by saying, “Up to now I've spent Rs. 70,000 in ²⁹¹ presents, and not one hundred horsemen have had the branding effected, and the condition of the other fief-holders of this province is still worse.” When the heartless officials opened the halls of demand, and from blackness of soul set themselves to procure their own enrichment and the loss of other people, the turbulent and mercenary, who felt themselves aggrieved, turned away their necks from obedience. On 8 Bahman, about 19 January 1580, they crossed the Ganges^428b near Tānda the capital, and separated themselves. On the 17th, which was the 'Īd Qorbān (10 Ẕī l-ḥajja—28 January 1580), they brought out their inward wickedness and stirred up the dust of strife. I admit^428c that the constitution of the world is grievous to the soul, and that the noble mind is trained by it, but why did they play away the coin of fortitude? Why were the obligation for favours received forgotten, and fidelity left out of sight? Why should a sore injury conduct the sincere to annihilation? From what wine did prudence, which teaches self-interest, choose infatuation? The heavens had for some revolutions stretched, for various designs, a veil over these wicked men and had kept some well-intentioned and loyal men under the dust of irrecognition. When the time came that by the glorious dispositions of the world's lord, the darknesses of the temporal and spiritual world should be illuminated, the managers of the halls of creation withdrew the veil from the inwardly darkened ones, and made the lord of their earthly elements, that is, right-thinking reason which loves honour, a despised ruin, while making it a source of favour to many who were unknown, but were honest. The ringleaders of the Bengal rebellion were Bābā K. Jabbārī and Wazīr Jamīl, but S'aīd Toqbāī, M. Ḥājī Lang, 'Arab^429a Bakhshī, Ṣālḥ, Mīrakī K. Martaẓa Qulī Turkamān and Farrakh Irghalīq^429b nourished the flame. Qīyā K. in Orissa, Murād K. in Fatḥābād, and Shāh Bardī in Sonargāon, spoke about concord, but had not the grace of doing good service. They did not vigorously bring the jewel of effort to the market.

The first cause of the defection was crookedness of reasoning. This led to extending the foot immoderately and to thinking that what was loss was gain. The second was innate wickedness which increased the darkness of the heart, and took no light from the lamp of beauty. The third was increase of wealth which lowers the tone of the wise and good, so what cannot it effect with the foolish and bad? Fourth, the misbehaviour of Raẓavī^429c K. in Jaunpūr. He had stayed there to make up the accounts of the exchequer-lands (Khālṣāt) which were for some time in his charge. Before he rejoined (headquarters) the affair of the branding had been started. When the title of Bakhshī was conferred on this wicked man, his beggar-like disposition was stirred up. Instead of revising the former ²⁹² settlement, he made a new one. Things became more difficult for the mercenary, and they fell into bewilderment. Fifth, the retirement and sitting in obscurity of right-thinking men who could have by ability and good ideas suppressed the disturbance. No such person appeared in that market of discussion. Nor did the slumbrous and avaricious search for such a jewel. The active-brained seekers after knowledge cannot do without such leaders. Man's nature does not always receive wisdom. An independent counsellor is required who, without consideration of his own interest, will represent in private chambers what is proper for the time without any mixture of flattery. How will other men be desirous of undertaking this task? Happy-constitutioned, fortunate men are indispensable, who by virtue of right-thinking and magnanimity will not swerve from their principles, and who shall withdraw the foot of search from the college and the monastery, and exert themselves in the occasions of society, and meetings of daily life. They will also enquire among the matted-haired, bare-footed ones of the fields and of the street Mayhap they may meet with a stranger who is a friend and there may be thus good results. They will also choose one or two of their servants and acquaintances in order that the matter may be completed, and that they may remind them of the things proper to be done, and make suggestions in proportion to their knowledge. Their correct suggestions should be well rewarded. At critical times remedies should be chosen earnestly and with an open brow. Skilful alchemists by such means bring out brilliant jewels from the unregardeḍ dust, and in the year of scarcity of truth heap up joy, and are sheltered from the evils and injuries of the Age.

The sixth cause was the dishonouring of Khāldīn K. Jalesar^430a was assigned to Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain Ānjū and taken from his fief. As Khāldīn had collected a sum of money from it, Moẓaffar K. broke the thread of moderation—on which the management of the social state depends— and tortured him by having him hung up by one arm. All lovers of money were terrified. They formed long plans for cultivating their fiefs and suppressing^431a their soldiers. Also at the time of Khān Jahān's death Ism'aīl Qulī K.'s fief had been increased without H.M.'s order, for the purpose of conciliating the base and wicked. Moẓaffar K. demanded restitution in both cases. From somnolency of intellect he did not take note of the circumstances of the time. The seventh cause was the capital punishment of Roshan Beg. He was one of the collectors of the exchequer-lands. He embezzled and fled to Kabul. At the instigation of strifemongers he came from there to Bengal, and engaged in increasing the disturbance and in giving evil counsel. When this came to the august hearing, an order was issued that he should be put to death. Moẓaffar K. did not understand the times and thought that by putting him to death at the beginning of the rebellion he would induce men to be submissive. But it only enhanced their turbulence. From love of money and the instinct of self-preservation they set about taking vengeance. The eighth cause was the injudicious increase of the revenue by the Diwān Khwāja Shāh Manṣūr. When ²⁹³ Bihar and Bengal had been conquered by the might of the Shāhinshāh's fortune, the discipliner of mortals (Akbar) from knowledge and foresight, because that country is by its climate inimical to horses, and some parts of it also are injurious to men, had ordered for the encouragement of the army that the pay of the soldiers should be increased by 100 per cent. in Bengal, and 50 per cent. in Bihar. The Khwāja did not understand the situation and took upon himself the responsibility (jawāb girifta) of issuing an order to the effect that in Bengal the increase should be 50 per cent. and in Bihar 20 per cent. Moẓaffar K. was bound by the order and made out the accounts from the beginning^431b of the year, and so instituted heavy demands.^431c The avaricious and seditious got a pretext for wickedness. But if they had had a little sense of justice, they would have done nothing except petition the Shāhinshāh. What cause was there for ingratitude and rebellion? The ninth cause was the establishment of the principle of universal toleration (Ṯalḥ-i-kul). It has been mentioned that the throne-occupant of fortune from his abundant quest of truth, brought together the sages of different religions and tested them. By the irrigation of insight, that comprehensive genius and profound observer watered the four-square garden of concord. Base-minded people cast suspicions on the unique one of creation and fabricated materials for disturbance. They, out of cupidity and avarice, framed a pretext and ruined themselves for ever.

When the veil of reverence had been torn and they had become turbulent, Mozaffar K. sent against them Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, Raẓavī K., Timūr K., Raī Patr Dās, Mīr Adham, Ḥusain Beg 'Itrāt^432a Alī, Ḥakīm Abu-l-fatḥ, Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn, Jāfar Beg, Muḥammad Qulī Turkamān, Qāsim 'Alī Sīstāni, 'Iwaẕ Bahādur, Zalf 'Alī Yezdī Yaka-āwez (attacking singly), Saiyid Abū Isāhaq Ṣafavī, Moẓaffar Beg, Ḥusain Beg Gurd and others to the bank of the Ganges with the design of giving battle. Nijāt^432b K., in spite of his relationship, failed, from cowardice, to join them. Wazīr Jamīl did join them, but played a double-faced part. The rebels were now in a measure aware of the injury they had done themselves and proposed a reconciliation. The imperial servants did not trust them and paid no attention to the proposal. The rebels were in expectation that some well-intentioned servant would represent to H.M. their embarrassments and convey a gracious order. Inasmuch as in the court of the Caliphate an intermediary (wasīla) is not required before the forgiveness of offences, but pretexts for the acceptance of apologies are sought^433a for, an order^433b was issued, censuring Moẓaffar K. and making joyful those who had gone astray by the news of forgiveness. In the heat of the contest Qāsim Naula^433c arrived by post horses. The imperial servants had their eyes opened, and they set themselves to use soothing language and to accept apologies, while those who had gone astray got fresh life from the royal order and held a feast. As they had deviated from the right path they expressed the wish that Moẓaffar K. would, through the intervention of some officers of the army, confirm the promise of giving their case favourable consideration so that they might be freed from apprehensions and might return to service. In the first place Mīr^433d Abū Isāḥaq was sent to see what their intentions were. As he saw signs of repentance in their demeanour, next day Raẓavī K., Rai Patar Dās, Saiyid Abū Isāḥaq, Mīr Aḥmad Munshī were ²⁹⁴ sent to comfort the ashamed wanderers. Their leaders prepared in a submissive manner the privy chamber of supplication and spoke about fixing the foundations of concord. Inasmuch as the Divine decree was against their wishes, and the time was evil, the friendly meeting became contaminated, and the dust of dissension sprang up. It occurred to Narain Dās Ghelot^433e and some Rajputs belonging to Rai Patar Dās that there could not be a better opportunity for getting the upper hand, and that the proper thing to do was to put the handful of ingrates to death. One of them whispered^433f this to the Rai, and he from simplicity and inexperience of mankind communicated this to Raẓavī K. That wicked coward conveyed by hints and signs the proposals of the devoted followers to the perturbed brains (of the Qāqshāls). In a short space of time every one of them made an excuse for leaving the meeting of peace, and commenced a disturbance. Raẓavī^434a K. and Saiyid Abū Isāḥaq were admitted to quarter, and that ignorant renderer of the veil (Raẓavī K.) was imprisoned. Upright men who loved honour fought bravely and drank the last draught. On every side there was a fire of sedition, and the dust of strife rose high. The alert and wakeful of heart will draw from this story the moral that the breaking of promises, cowardice, disobedience, and the failure to recognize the proper place for telling secrets, build a house of evil and heap up the materials of ruin. Apparently the time had come for tearing away the veil over the double-faced, and for cleausing the earth of the dust of the lives of the wicked! When the news came to court, those who had the right of audience represented, and the opinion of the loyal and well-wishing was, that the royal standards should proceed thither. That far-seeing diviner of mysteries said to some of the courtiers, “It flashes upon our soul that the dust of rebellion will, in a short time, be laid by the good services of our loyal officers, and that every one of the rebels will meet with his deserts, and that these futile people will not be honoured by the movement^434b of our retinue. It is clear that the audacity of the rebels is being backed up by the ruler^434c of Kabul. It is not unlikely that flatterers may bring that light-headed, evil-thinking one into India. If the royal standards be transferred to the eastern provinces what will be the condition of the generality of my subjects? It is right that we remain at the centre of the Caliphate and address ourselves to supplicating the incomparable Creator. We shall make justice and equity our secret army and contemplate the spectacle of fortune. Our sagacity will be impressed ²⁹⁵ on mortals, and our sentinelship will be conspicuous.” In a short time what he had said was proved, and a collyrium was applied to the eyes of the short-sighted.

In this centre of hopes and fears
They kept watch with awakened hearts.

Praise be to God that the second cycle has been gloriously completed, and that the third cycle has begun. It is an occasion when I should raise a hymn of supplication to the World-Adorner and Giver of life, and should indulge in praise to the extent of my abilities. But what strength or courage has a clown from the country of contingent existence to strut like a peacock in this ever-verdant house-garden, or to advance the foot of recognition whilst receiving the kicks^436a of confusion in front, and the buffetings of ignorance from behind.

In that place where there is meditation concerning God
Our supplications have no substance,
O heart, refrain from words as far as possible
Thy foot is on an eminence, be careful, be careful.

On the night of Friday (i.e. Thursday), 24 Muharram 988, 11 March 1581, after 37 minutes had passed, the sun cast his rays upon Aries. There was a New Year's day for joy and delight. The rosebush of equity blossomed with the flower of fortune. Heaven became gracious to earth, and earth put on the grandeur of heaven.

There was a new ornament to the Spring of Reason,
Understanding was assured of existence,
The world had a period of growth,
The earth gave substance to the sky,
The mode of youth was renewed for the world,
Happiness returned to many lives.

Inasmuch as awakened hearts and active brains read the writings of the stars on the forehead of the beginning and perceived the beautiful conclusion from the preamble, the lights of the daily-increasing dominion of the august cycle brightened hearts and eyes. They (the astrologers) conveyed the news of the ruin of the seditious, and of the suppression of the rebellion.

One of the occurrences was the remission of the taxes (bāj u tamghā). Though in the beginning of the reign an order had been ²⁹⁶ given for this great boon, yet, as the world's lord remained behind the veil, and from the avarice of the guardians of the commands of the Caliphate it did not come into effect, for a long and dangerous disease is not cured without great exertions of the physician. Especially is this so if there be an element of avarice and cupidity, and if the spiritual physician be under a veil. At this time, by virtue of his mighty energy the order was issued anew, and he set himself to have it carried out. Though the wrath of the Ruler, and the Majesty of world-sway had reduced the rebellious to submission and supplication, and no one had the courage to transgress the sacred orders, yet, from abundant graciousness he treated and cured the long-standing disease by gentle words and said, “Ancient rulers and former pontentates exacted those dues in order to procure the materials of world-conquest and for administrative purposes. Now that the Incomparable Creator has put under my control the territories of so many great princes, and has made me the keeper of such vast treasures, how can this demand be right, or how can it be weighed in the scales of justice? Truth-gathering Reason had allowed the impost as the guerdon^437a of world-wardenship. Now that owing to the glory of right-thinking, great treasures are in my hands and that there is no need of this, it would assuredly be a deviation from the highway of obedience to Sultan Wisdom to demand it, and would be treading the path of cupidity with the foot of ingratitude.” In accordance with this well-founded idea, a general order was issued from the abode of graciousness of the effect that Bāj^438a and Tamghā—which yielded more than the revenues of climes—were remitted, and that the arm of demand should be shortened and should not reach the hem of traders.

Hail to the strong heart and capacious genius which rayed for the generosities beyond the comprehensions of this Age, and made worlds upon worlds of men eternally grateful. Where are Ḥāṭim^438b Ṭāī and M'aan, the son of Zāīda, and other illustrious scatterers of gold, that they may learn something of the degrees of generosity and rub the foreheads of bliss on the prostration-court of ashamedness?

For wondrous products it was Spring coming with Autumn,
For donations of treasure it was Autumn dressing Spring.

Assuredly the parterre-adorners of Fate give development from time to time to the nurslings of the dominion of a bright-starred seeker after power, the clouds of whose bounty pour out in this manner. The keys which open the world fall into his hand, and the treasures of the Age direct their countenances towards his threshold. The arrival at the court of the Caliphate of the revenue of Bengal is a new proof of this. It has been mentioned that Moẓaffar K. sent the collections made by Khān Jahān, together with many rarities of that country, to court along with Fatḥ Cand, and how they emerged in safety from the whirlpool of the base wretches of Bihār. They were now conveyed to the Treasury under the guard of celestial watchmen. A hundred and seventy-one noted ²⁹⁷ elephants took their places in the royal stables. There was a murmuring of joy upon the perusal of the writing of daily increasing dominion on the fron tispiece of the Age.

One of the events was the appointment of M. Khān, the son of Bairām K., to the high office of Mīr 'Arẓ.^439a Though on each day of the week one of the principal servants was promoted to this weighty service, yet on account of the number of suitors, the increase of work, the brisk bazaar of cupidity, and the augmented stateliness of the august court, it occurred to H.M. that a choice, high-born officer of high ability who possessed profound insight, disinterestedness and honesty should illustrate this great employment. By the glory of his being at peace with all, he was to make no distinction between acquaintance and stranger, friend and foe, but to lay before H.M. all proper requests, and at a fitting time to receive the replies to them. If by the accident of fortune—which is inevitable in the world's tavern—he did not receive a gracious (pasandīda) reply, he should not allow himself to become melancholy, but should have the courage to repeat the request at another time. For in this world, which is full of evil, most things are not done wisely (bamaghzkār), and if they are so done, yet many things which ought to be said do not emerge from the defiles of the bosom on account of fear, cupidity (andokhtanipāra) and a non-observance of a fitting time, whilst many futilities are brought forward. The wise sovereign perceived the notes of praiseworthy qualities in that loyalist and advanced him by this great office. Every auspicious one who by wisdom and right-thinking has erased the marks of cupidity and hypocrisy, and by far-sightedness and judiciousness is not contented with his own knowledge, and always seeks for good principles, and commits the affairs of the people to good men, will ever have the stream of fortune full, and the garden of his fortune will be ever verdant.

Hail to the cavaliers who traverse the horizons,
Who bear away the ball in realm and religion,
In this land there is one of those cavaliers
For whom much praise is little.
Two words sum up the praise I give,
By qualities, Āfẓal (most excellent), by name, Akbar.

One of the occurrences was the arrival of the ambassadors of Quṭbu-ul-mulk. Though the rulers of the Deccan were not happy in their manner of service and obedience, yet they always, by sending petitions and presents, considered themselves to be bound to the saddle-straps of dominion. At this time the ruler^440a of Golconda showed fawning and submissiveness, and sent a petition along with the rarities of that country. Inasmuch as it was the age of increasing love and of acceptance of apologies, the ambassadors were well-received ²⁹⁸ and frightened hearts were soothed.

Also at this time there came the news that 'Ādil K. of Bījāpūr had prepared a collection of the rarities of his country and wished to send^440b it when Ḥakīm 'Alī, who had gone there on an embassy, should depart. Suddenly the cup of his life was spilled. The brief account of this is that this man of rusted^440c intellect and corrupt nature did not properly obey commands and was ever guarding himself by vulpine tricks from the onset of the armies of fortune From self-indulgence he quitted the road of auspiciousness and chose impurity, and conducted himself in ways unpleasing to God. He continually was staining the skirt of his chastity. Inasmuch as it has held good from old times that whoever lets the night-gleaming jewel of wisdom be fouled in the dustbin of carnality, works his destruction by his own efforts, that ignoble creature by great endeavours procured from Malik^441a Barīd—one of the rulers of the Deccan—two eunuchs who had the reputation of being of fair countenance. When the object of his desires approached, he became possessed with immodesty and baseness, and in the darkness of a private chamber stretched forth the arm of improper lust against one of them. That pure jewel of propriety, from purity and a love of honour, did not yield his body, and killed him with a dagger which he had the foresight to bring with him. Ibrāhīm his brother's son was made his successor by the exertions of Amīr Fatḥ Ullah^441b of Shīrāz—that compendium of former sages—and the leading men of the country.

One occurrence was the imprisonment of M. 'Alī 'Alamshāhī^441c and some others. Some wicked men of perverted fortune such as Mīrakī, 'Īdī Kor, Shihāb Badakhshī and Kocak K. Yesāwal had conspired together and, in forgetfulness of the favours they had received, were engaged in gathering together scoundrels and strifemongers. Their intention was to take a favourable opportunity for performing some exploit and then to proceed to the malcontents in the eastern provinces. Alert and truthful men discovered their evil intentions and brought them to notice before they had been carried into effect. The matter was first inquired into by far-sighted persons, and then it was investigated by the Shāhinshāh. As H.M. regards the body as having been built by God, he is not ready to dissolve the connection between it and the soul, and so he sent to prison this crew who were worthy of annihilation. But as the marks of incorrigibility were perceived in the forehead-lines of Mīrakī—who was the foundation of the conspiracy—he was capitally punished. This was a lesson to many of the turbulent.

²⁹⁹ One of the occurrences was the death of Moẓaffar K. As the wondrous and daily-increasing fortune of the world's lord shows itself in the victories of the imperial servants, so also does it sometimes show itself in their defeats. It has been mentioned how the executants of the royal commands had opened the divān of cupidity in Bengal, and how from presumption and ignorance their intellects had slumbered, and how the fief-holders had left the highway of submission. When there had been on the banks of the Ganges an interchange of shots, and when the malcontents, in spite of their numbers, had met with the shame of failure, and the avaricious officials had acquired fresh courage, it occurred to the confused minds of the rebels that they should send a force to Tānda^442a the capital, and so trouble the minds of the imperialists. With this evil idea M. Beg Qāqshāl and Hamzabān crossed the river at a distance from the imperial army, and stirred up strife in the direction of that city. Moẓaffar K. sent off Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn, Mīr Rafī'u-d-dīn of Nīshāpūr, Qāsim 'Alī Sīstānī, Ḥusain Beg Gurd, and others to remedy this evil. They bravely hastened there and defeated the enemy, sending many of them to annihilation. All at once the generality of the malcontents lost patience and they turned towards entreaties. But at this time when apologies should have been accepted, the obstinacy of the officials increased, and the supplications had no effect. Though they heard of the troubles in Bihar, they did not take them into account, nor reflect on the contingency of the rebels of that quarter joining with those of Bengal. As the drunkenness of arrogance is followed by the crapulousness of failure, these rebels did join the malcontents of Bengal and troubles began afresh. The haughty by their own action ruined the country. When there was a report of the coming of the imperial army to Bihar, the wicked wretches fell into the abyss of confusion. They could neither think of fighting nor of flying. While in this state, they became aware of the disobedience of the Bengal officers, and of the confusion of affairs in that province. By means of emissaries an agreement was come to between them, and they hastened to Bengal. When this became fully known, the good advisers of Moẓaffar K. induced him by thousands of expostulations to send off Timar K., Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn, J'aafar Beg and others in order that they might protect Garhī, which is the gate of that country. But the rebels took possession of the place one day before this party arrived. Though it gave battle, yet Timar K. and most of his ³⁰⁰ companions behaved with cowardice. Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn and some others who loved their honour distinguished themselves and returned wounded. At this time Babā K. Qāqshāl and a number of evil doers crossed the Ganges at Akmaḥal (Rājmaḥal), and joined the Bihar ṃalcontents. Moẓaffar K. sent Ḥusain Beg, 'Itrāt 'Alī and a number of brave men to take possession of the head of the cutting^443a from the Ganges and to stop the passage of the rebels. This cutting is a channel which the ancients had cut from the river. The loyalists were stationed there, when one night, when there was rain and tempest, and the sentinels were asleep, the rebels crossed the canal (jūibār), and made a disturbance. The other rebels, who were facing Moẓaffar K., joined them, and the imperial servants destroyed (barhamzada) the entrenchments on that side, and returned to their own side. Every day there were gallant fights, and there were hot struggles. Lives were lost in guarding honour, and the jewel of courage received fresh lustre.

The ocean of war grew tumultuous,
The combatants raised shouts,
Swords from the blood were like wine cups,
They made the earth drunken from quaffing these.
The birds of the bow flew swiftly,
They opened their beaks to drink blood,
The blood of the swords strained brains,
They cast the heads of head-men under foot.

One day a party of the rebels crossed the river and attacked 'Itrāt 'Alī. Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn with some brave men gave new lustre to the battlefield. By the might of daily-increasing fortune the hand of conquest prevailed. Though in this engagement Ḥusain Beg was slain, yet the enemy was stained with the dust of defeat. For nineteen days fighting went on between the two forces, and every time defeat fell upon the rebels. They were distressed by disaster upon disaster. They were also troubled by the news of the approach of the imperial troops. They held futile and dispirited councils and said: “The heaven-aided troops have not yet arrived, and we are in this condition! When the world-conquering armies shall have joined together, what will be our position? We must of necessity proceed to the Ganges by this stream (rūd) and take shelter in the direction of Orissa. But if we get a chance we shall lay the hand of daring upon the entrenchments.” On the night of the 20th they set off with this evil design. Qāsim 'Alī Sīstānī and a body of men who were in the farthest entrenchment regarded this movement as desertion (wairānī) and quickly seized some boats. On getting the news Moẓaffar K. beat high the drums of joy, but ³⁰¹ prudently stood ready for battle lest perchance the rebels were practising some stratagem. In the morning the predominance of the enemy overcame the endurance of high and low, and the retribution^444a of cupidity and presumption was complete!

The brief account of this warning story is that when the scoundrels were in confusion and had raised their anchors, the Qaqshāls and many other rebels came by the said channel to the Ganges, and some boats were plundered. This gave rise to negligence. When M'āṣūm came there and, on account of the understanding he had with the rebels, began to fire cannon at the imperialists in the entrenchment,^445a the latter lost courage and became stained with the dust of defeat, without a contest. Zulf 'Alī Badakhshī, and Kocak Qundūzī, who were leaders, and many other base wretches, cast the dust of disloyalty on their heads and joined the enemy. The ingrates gathered together and rejoiced. On receiving this news, Moẓaffar K. lost the thread of counsel and became foolish from suspiciousness and want of heart. He had neither the guidance of reason, nor the power of listening to advice. Though right-thinking and experienced men represented, saying: “What loss have you sustained^445b from the departure (wairānī) of that handful of short-sighted men, and what good will the enemy get from this success? The proper thing is not to give way to discouragement, and for the army to fight according to proper methods.” Their sound advice was of no use, and his perturbation increased.

Owing to his wrong ideas, the slipping away of his reason and misplaced fancies, irrecognition of enemies and love of life, his actious became disordered. He neither would himself arrange the troops nor would give permission to engage to the officers who were everywhere ready for service. After much talk he allowed some soldiers to go under the command of Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn in order that they might hasten to the spot, and render assistance and bring news of the state of affairs. Many, from thought of their families, and some from cowardice, had not the bliss of accompanying them. Many out of a wicked disposition took the road of dishonour. When the heart of the commander does not remain steady, what firmness can there be among the commanded?

The Khwāja related: “When I had gone a little way, I saw that men were going over to the enemy from every side, and that from time to time my companions were leaving me. In a short while no one remained except Muṭṭalib^446a (who had ties of association with him). It was evident that the warnings of God were administering kicks in front and buffets from behind to the arrogant, self-seeking crew, and that humility and entreaties only encouraged the wicked. Of necessity I became disgusted with life and set my face towards fighting in company with that loyal hero.^2446b Accordingly, that unique one of the arena of valour received several wounds and fell on the ground, and sold his life for honour. Meanwhile, Muḥammad 'Alī Arlāt (who had friendly relations with him) came up. I thought that he would help me, but the faithless and contemptible fellow hit me with a spear, and I fell and was nearly dead. Suddenly, M. Muḥammad, from whom I had no hopes, received me kindly and took me to M'āṣūm K. who encouraged me and made me over to the Qāẓīzāda.^446c In that field of instruction, when I was on an elephant where they had fastened me, I was a spectator of the marvels of the unveilers of fate, and was listening to the flattering speeches of fortune, and was gathering instruction. Though there was no contest, and their success was increasing from time to time, the wicked rebels were in a state of great dismay. Suddenly, a large force appeared, and they were nearly dispersing, when it appeared that it was Waẓīr Jamīl who was coming with friendly intentions. Their courage returned, and there was a murmur of joy.” This ten-tongued, two-faced man on this night which was pregnant with evil, took selected men along with him and, under guise of combating, became an idle talker. He spent the time of action in futile declamation, and confused many hearts that had been tranquillized. At last he became full of the dust of dishonour and displayed his real nature. He placed long-standing obligations on the shelf of forgetfulness, and joined the enemy. In spite of this the enemy was in trepidation and did not know how the affair would end, and how they would carry on the war with Moẓaffar K. Meanwhile, that commander took refuge in the fort, and gave away his opportunity in seeking what he ought to do. He was in such a state of dull-heartedness that no one stayed with him except Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain Injū, Ḥakīm Abu-l-fatḥ, J'aafar Beg, Bāqīr 'Anṣārī, Tardī Beg Yekkāwez, 'Isā Turkaman and some of his servants and comrades. At last, from evil fortune he preferred a wretched life to selling it boldly, and entered with the persons abovenamed inside the walls of Tānda. He now began to scatter his accumulations. What profit comes of good nature and liberality at an improper time: and what advantage is there in scattering gold and the distribution of goods unseasonably? The enlightened and prudent have, in the time of misfortune, conquered the hearts of tigerlike men by gifts and kindness, and have found a remedy for life-threatening evils by foreseeing them. The ungrateful cowards regarded his being shut up as something excellent and raised the palace of success. They took the path of courage and proceeded to besiege him. They represented to him that if he took compassion on himself and should join them, they would give him a high position, otherwise they would let him go and allow him to proceed to the Ḥijāz. As he had not the courage to sacrifice his life, he replied that ingratitude and evildoing were destructive of realm and religion. Let them preserve his honour and make him a voyager so that ³⁰³ he might go to the holy shrine and rub off the blackness of neglect, and atone for his faults. They replied by promising that they would let him keep one-third of his goods. As he had no reliance on their words, and the defence of the fort was beyond his power, he secretly sent some of his confidants to M'aṣūm K. and reminded him of old times when he had assisted him. He also sent him 20,000 asẖrafīs, and begged his protection. He represented, “It was not the part of wise and enlightened men to blaspheme at the Divine decree (meaning what had happened to himself), and that he now begged that in return (for the 20,000 ashrafīs) he would take upon himself the preservation of his honour so that no misfortune might happen to his household: in the confusion of plundering there would be no opportunity for grasping the collar of petition.” M'aṣūm accepted his entreaties and replied by promising him protection. During a night which was pregnant with disturbance, M. Sẖarfu-ḍ-dīn Ḥusain fled from the fort and came to M'aṣūm K.'s quarters. H. M.^448a had in the middle of the previous year released that man who was worthy of death and sent him by river with the instruction that if he showed marks of penitence he should receive a fief in that country, otherwise he was to be dispatched to the Ḥījāz. No signs of contrition were seen in the Kẖwāja's son. On the contrary he was continually engaged in strife-mongering, and was evil-thoughted to the extent of madness. Moẓaffar K. put him in prison and was waiting for the season for sailing when this typhoon of evils broke. On the second day, he intrigued with some of his guards and descended from the fort. A number saw this and discharged arrows, and he joined the enemy in a wounded condition. He informed the besiegers of the terror of the garrison and increased their courage. At dawn the wretches forgot their compact and proceeded to make disturbance. The Qāqśẖāls were foremost and stirred up the dust of plunder. Each set hastened to the fort and plundered it. M'aṣūm K. observed his promise and went quietly to Moẓaffar K.'s quarters so that the rioters might not dishonour him, and that the bulk of the property might come into his own hands. Moẕaffar K. stood with some of his slaves. They were all armed, but could think neither of fighting, nor of fleeing. M'aṣūm K. came with one or two of them and showed the zeal of double-faced people. Just then a noise in the female apartments robbed Moẕaffar of patience. He gave away such an opportunity^448b and hastened in that direction. That chief of strife-mongers and slumbrous-witted one (M'aṣūm) became awake to his situation and escaped with his life. He always blamed himself for his temerity. Though the empty-handed and shameless ones had their pockets filled, and they seized the accumulations of the servants of God,^448c yet it was M. Sẖarafu-d-dīn who by good luck got abundance of gold. In the time of confusion Moẓaffar K. sank^448d 80,000 rupees in a tank that they might be of use at the time of welfare. Sharafu-d-dīn came to know of this and got possession of the treasure. He filled the chests with stones and put them ³⁰⁴ into deep water. He used the treasure as a help to rebellion. During the plundering Moẕaffar K. was kept under observation in his house. Some persons were bound and sent to prison. Many from wickedness took refuge with the enemy. Ḥakīm Abūl fatḥ^449a and Rai Patr Dās by courage and skill obtained their release. Kẖwāja Sẖamsu-d-dīn was protected by Sáīd Beg on account of acquaintanceship. He saved his life, but was tortured in order to the production of money. Jáfar Beg by cleverness and plausibility was released^449b from such demands. The manner in which he had been sent to that country also contributed to his escape.

On 8 Ardibihisht^449c Moẕaffar K. was put to death, and then appointments and territories were distributed, and the Kẖuṭba was recited in the name of M. Ḥakīm. On the first Khurdād the arrangements were made. The tent (bārgāh)^449d of Khān Jahān, which had been prepared for the receipt of presents (pesẖkaṣh), was erected, and it was adorned by awnings and carpets of various colours. They began by distributing honours and territories. There were disputes, but these were settled by ingenuity. Every one got something and was satisfied. The distribution of titles was as follows: M'aṣūm K. was made Vakil and chose the title of Khān Daurān; Bābāī Qāqshāl was styled Khān Khānān and was appointed to the government of Bengal; Jabbārī was styled Khān Jahān and made a commander of 10,000; Wazīr Jamīl was styled Khān Zamān and appointed to the office of Tūzak Begī; Khāldīn became A'ẓim Khān, Jān Muh. Bahsūdī became Khān 'Ālam; 'Abdu-l-Bāqī, Kẖudāwand K., and M. Beg, Bahādur K., Kḥwāja Shamsu-d-dīn was made Lashkar K., and Jáfar Beg Āṣaf K. Those two adroitly postponed their acceptance to another time. 'Arab was, in his absence (ghaibāna), made Shujā'at K., S'aīd K. Toqbaī was made Khān and a commander of 1,500. To every one there were granted a jāgir, a standard and a drum. M. Ḥajī Lang, Farrukh Irgāhlīq Farīdūn, Taimūr Tāsh, 'Azīz Dastam Beg, Muḥammad Toqbai, Muḥammad Qulī Turkaman, Ḥamza Beg Turkaman, 'Abdullah Beg Badakhshī, 'Alī Qāsim Barlās, Maṣqūd 'Alī Kor, 'Iwaẓ-Bahādur, Mīrzā 'Arab, Dost Muḥammad Tolakchī, Murād Qāqshāl, Tāsh Beg, Zulf 'Alī Lang, Khuda-bardī, Ghaẓanfar Beg, were made commanders of one thousand and received the title of Khān, as well as ³⁰⁵ a flag. Mīr Kalān, Wafā Beg, M. Kīcak, Yār Beg Muḥammad, Sheram Bahādur, Laṭīf Ḥusain, Ilān Caq, Bābā Dost Muḥammad, Mihr 'Alī, Muḥammad Beg, Qorbān Beg, were made Khāns and received flags and a command of 500. Several other vagabonds got the title of Sultan. It occurred to these lost ones, who had neither head nor foot, that they could, by heaping up money and by audacity, attain the dignity of Amīrs. They forgot that grandeur befits not the bad, and that designs cannot be carried out without the aid of the executors of fate.

Khāqānī, those who follow in your footsteps
Are crows, and crows desire the gait of the partridge.
I admit that asparagus^450a is shaped like a snake,
One is poison for foes; the other an antidote for friends.

When the talk of appointments and fiefs had come to an end, they considered that they would recite the Khuṭba in the name of M. Ḥakīm, and would then spend their days in pleasure. The wonder-working of the Sẖāhinsẖāh's fortune became glorious. A storm arose, and the clouds poured cataracts. The “Avaunt” of the Divine wrath rose on every side, and the structure of the grand tent, the canopies, the carpets, were scattered and cast into the mire. Each one of the wretches crept away to a corner. The auspicious and profound of sight read the failure of the wicked ones in the writings of the celestial aids, and raised the song of joy.

At this time there was a great rumour of the coming of the victorious troops. They left off adorning^451a the pulpit (of M. Ḥakīm) and fell into a long cogitation. From being drunk with gold, and from evil thoughts, they marched out from that country to fight. In appearance M. Sharaf-ud-dīn Ḥusain was the leader, but in reality the leaders were Máṣūm and Bābā K. They left many of the scoundrels in that cultivated country.

Having brought the story so far, I proceed to describe the events in Bihar up to the arrival of the victorious army. At the same time that the evil-doers in this part were stirring up the dust of strife, Bahādur was separately and earnestly prosecuting a course of ingratitude. He was the son of S'aīd Badakhshī. That black-hearted one (the father) had on account of his wickedness come out of his home, and had by feline tricks expatiated in the wide territory of India. At this time he was collector ('amilguẕār) of Tirhut. ³⁰⁶ When the Bihar officers raised the head of ingratitude, he left his son there, and joined the rebels, and exerted himself to help them. Meanwhile, folly took possession of the brain of Bahādur, and he used the exchequer property in conciliating the fly-like scoundrels. He raised a disturbance and assumed^451b a great name to himself. When M'aṣūm Khan heard of this, he sent S'aīd Badakhshī to him in order that he might give him fatherly advice and lead him to act in unison (with the other rebels). The wretch did not accept the advice and sent his own father into prison! In a short space of time he, from ignorance and cowardice, became still more arrogant. During this confusion the report of the coming of the imperial army became prevalent, and M'aṣūm K. with many of the disaffected hastened off to Bengal. He left 'Arab and some scoundrels in Patna, in order that he might exercise sway in that province, and might set about plundering. Shāham K., from innate auspiciousness, broke his promise^452a and hoisted the standard of loyalty in Ḥājīpūr. In order to prove his feelings to the imperial servants he sent a force against Bahādur, but it was defeated and returned. Bahādur's presumption was increased, but afterwards Shāham K. led a force in person and was victorious, and S'aīd (Badakhsī) was killed. Muḥibb 'Alī K. prevailed over 'Arab who had come out of Patna. When he was defeated and came back, Sa'adat 'Alī K., whom he had evilly instructed and had left in charge of his household, had the auspiciousness to turn away from him. That slumbrous-fortuned one went to his camp and made a fight, but was wounded and had to fly. About this time Muḥibb 'Alī K. took possession of that city. The troops spent some days in preparations, and then set out. Within the confines of Jaunpūr, Tarsūn K., Ṣādiq K., Gẖāzī K., Ulugh K. and many other officers joined the army. At a distance of two kos from Ghāẕīpūr M'aṣūm K. Farunkhūdī joined the camp. As his babbling and futility were known to all, it was decided that he should go one or two stages in front as a vanguard so that they might be free from his molestation and might come to understand him. On the banks of the Ganges they heard of the catastrophe of Moẓaffar K., and fools opened the mouth of ³⁰⁷ folly. Though some were disheartened, the acute and comprehending understood the depths of his (Moẓaffar's) misconduct and read in the writing of the age the rolling up of that carpet of presumption, and perceiving the breeze of victory to be blowing from the four portions of the earth, they raised the pæan of joy. Also near here Muḥibb 'Alī K., Sẖāham K., Samānji K. and Bāqī Kolābī joined the army. There was an assemblage in the vicinity of Patna, and the grandees made vows of concord and harmony. When their minds had been set at rest by this, they discussed the plan of action. Each one recognized his proper place. In the centre were Tarsūn K., Rajah Todar Mal, Rai Surjan, Rajah Askaran, Mihtar K. and others. In the right wing were Muḥibb 'Alī K., Shāham K., Mīr Abu-l-Moẓaffar and others. In the left wing were Ṣādiq K., Ulugh K., Naqīb K., Qamar K. and others. In the vanguard were M'aṣūm K. Farankhudī, S. Farīd Bokharī, Saiyid Abu-l-qāsim, Saiyid Abu-l-m'aālī, Saiyid 'Abdul Wāḥid, Saiyid 'Abdul Hādī and others. As some of the chief officers were faint-hearted and some were inclined to brigandage, so it was arranged that from this stage they should march armed, and prepared for battle. When 'Arab and Ḥabīb, and the other rebels who were stirring up the dust of strife in that neighbourhood, heard of the coming of the army, they retired. The traitors in the great camps—of whom the imperial servants were suspicious—did not get their opportunity. On 7 Khurdād the army encamped at Monghyr. M'aṣūm K. Farankhudī, who had long cherished evil thoughts, meditated the killing of Rajah Todar Mal, so that obedience might lose its head, and that he himself might advance some steps to his goal. He equipped a number of vagabonds for the purpose of a review,^453a and expressed the wish that the Rajah should come to inspect them. That auspicious one was apprized of the plot and made excuses, and did not tear away the veil over his (M‘aṣūm’s) conduct.

At this time the ill-fated and wicked ones of Bengal passed on from Garhī with the intention of fighting, and there was an engagement between some of the scouts of the victorious army and the advanced party of the enemy. Jalālu-d-dīn Mas'aūd, Jai Tawacībashī and some others distinguished themselves. Rajah Todar Mal held a council to deliberate on what should be done. Many brave men said that they should trust in God, and give battle. Some ³⁰⁸ prudent and profound observers represented that a storm of sedition had arisen on every side, and that fidelity and singleness of heart could not be distinguished from double-facedness, and that they were not satisfied about M'āṣūm K. Farankhūdī, who had received various kindnesses from H.M. It was proper that they should fortify themselves and be on their guard. Some persons who had of necessity joined the rebels, now came to the camp, and gave information about the circumstances of their companions. From skilfulness and caution the last-mentioned opinion was approved of. On the 16th entrenchments were made, and the officers exerted themselves in raising a wall and digging a moat. In a short time four high and broad walls were constructed, and the fortress of the city became a citadel. On the 24th the rebels raised the dust of disturbance round about the place. The imperialists replied by cannon and muskets. The brave men on both sides continually engaged in combats, and there were great deeds done. During these struggles many of the besieged threw the dust of disloyalty on their heads by joining the enemy. The ring-leaders were Tarkhān Dīwāna and Humāyūn Qūlī and Shāh Dīwāna.^454a By celestial aid the dust of destruction was soon laid, and crowds of the rebels came and made submission.

One of the occurrences was the favouring of M. Koka, and the sending of him to the eastern provinces. When H.M. heard from his confidants in the harem that the Kokaltāsh was ashamed and repentant, he accepted his apologies and increased his dignity. He conferred on him the high rank of a commander of 5000. At this time the report of the zealous servants arrived. The fortifying of themselves, the evil conduct of their companions, the predominance of the foe, and requests for assistance were mentioned. H.M. gave his attention to the management of the army, and the Kokaltāsh begged for this service. “Perchance he might do good service and redeem his faults.” His wish was granted, and on the 29th he was exalted by the title of Khān A'ẓim, and given leave to depart. Saiyid 'Abdullah K., Qāsim K., Mīrzāda 'Alī K., Ishqī K., Mukhtār Beg, Yūnān Beg, Sikandar Caknī, Ḥaidar Dost, Qādir 'Alī, Ustā Zakariya, Qambar Sahārī and others went with him. They were honoured by receiving khilats and horses. An order was issued that when the Kokaltāsh should join the army, the officers should act ³⁰⁹ according to his advice.

Also at this time Ḥakīm Abu-l-fatḥ came to court and represented in eloquent terms the confusion in Bengal, and the disaffection of the soldiers there. He also related how he had thrown himself out of the fort (of Tanda?) and had travelled with blistered feet, and had arrived at safety by the help of the holy influence (Akbar's). He represented that though Mīr M'uizzu-l-mulk had at first, from wickedness, joined the rebels, yet he had afterwards, out of foresight, separated from them. The strange thing was that at this time, when the predominance of the rebels was being broken, and the lights of fortune were increasing, this turbulent man was talking foolishly in Jaunpūr and was collecting the evilly-disposed. Maulānā Muḥammad Yezdī^455a was acting, shoulder to shoulder, with him in foolish talk and in strife-mongering. An order was given that Asad K. Turkamān^455b should hasten thither from Mānikpūr and bring the wicked ones to court. That loyal servant obeyed the order and arrested these men who were worthy of death. In the confines of Etawah the boat carrying the wicked men sank in the waves^455c of the Jumna, and the world was cleansed somewhat from the stain of the evil and crookedy-walking ones. An order was sent by Rām Cand, to the Khan A'ẓim that Mu'izzu-l-mulk's younger brother Mīr 'Alī Akbar should be sent to court in chains from Zamāniya. Though he had not joined the rebels, yet he continually, by messages and foolish utterances, fomented the rebellion. He behaved with disobedience and tricks to the Kokaltāsh. As the latter was acute and experienced, his (Mīr ‘Alī’s) wiles were not successful. Rām Cand and Ḥaidar Dost brought him to court. The king's kindness made him withhold his hand from capital punishment, and so he sent him to prison.^455d

One of the occurrences was the tearing away the mantle of deception of S. Qutb.^455e In Jalesar, which is a dependency of Agra, he had a hermitage of hypocrisy. He took advantage of the simple and spent his days in comfort. Suddenly, S. Jamāl Bakhtiyār fell into his snare. He thought his tricks were miracles and reported them at court. Inasmuch as H. M. is a seeker after excellence in man, he wished to see him. As the Incomparable Deity is his guardian, it occurred to him to send in the first instance some acute persons who could judge of the inner mind from outward actions, and could read hidden secrets on the tablet of the forehead. If the report was favourable he would visit his cell. If not, a large number ³¹⁰ of men would be converted (from credulity); M. Khān and Ḥakīm Abul-fatḥ were appointed to this service. They ascertained that he was bad within and without, and reported to this effect. The world's lord tried him in a strict balance and sent him to prison that he might abstain from deceiving men, and that truth might not be associated with folly; S. Jamāl returned thanks and became circumspect again. That empty-handed one and seller of deceits became ashamed of his actions and set himself to amend his ways.

God be praised for that by virtue of H. M.'s knowledge of spiritual and physical mysteries many of the tricksters of the age and employers of fraud left off their evil ways, and became travellers to the pure inn of auspiciousness. They turned their faces from the prayer mat of hypocrisy to the dust of supplication, and departed from egotism to worship of the Truth. The great men of former times exerted themselves chiefly in cultivating the false and superficial; on account of the difficulty of the task, and their inability, they paid less attention to the patronizing of the spiritual smiters of lies. At the present day, by the glorious Divine knowledge of the Lord of enlightenment this difficult task also approaches to completion. The wise and just man knows that the spiritual and material adornment, and the inward and outward cultivation of so many crowds upon crowds did not suggest themselves to any man in former times, and that the various classes of men did not emerge from the arid desert of imitation to the city of inquiry. Formerly, speech came forth from the privy-chamber to the court of publicity in proportion to the intelligence of the person addressed (mukhaṭab). At the present day it appears in proportion to the understanding of the speaker. How admirably has my noble brother sung in his description of that world-seeing one!

(He is) A light-handed bearer of the flagon,
A breaker of the goblets of infatuated rivals,
A cambist who tests the forgers,
An assayer of the hearts of the alloyed.
In wisdom and vision swift as the spheres,
Testing the Ka'aba and the church,
Seated on the masnad of greatness,
Breaking hundreds of idol-temples of hypocrisy.
Closer of the stalls of deception,
“Opener of the veil over earth, and elixir (i.e., the philosopher's stone).
On the throne he is content with poverty,
He joins silk to the blanket (of the dervish),
O'er the crown he spreads the sleeves (of the dervish),
On the throne he practises the Quadragesima.

(The first two pages of this chapter are taken up with a disquisition about education. There is nothing valuable or interesting in it beyond the use at p. 312, 1. 4, of the curious word “Babrīān” which has been supposed to refer to Bābur, but which is really a Turkish word, properly spelt Bāīrīān, and meaning “old servants.” Sharīf K. received his appointment on 8 Amardād, 18 July 1580. See B. 383. He was a brother of Shāmsu-d-dīn Atgah K.)

One of the occurrences was the death of Shujā'at K.^1458a At the time when the wicked men of the eastern districts were making disturbance, some loyal servants and experienced men were summoned from distant provinces, and an order was issued that the officers of Gujarat and Malwa should give up the expedition to the Deccan, and prepare themselves for service. Wajahī^458b (?) Yasāwal set off to bring Shujā'at K., and he set out in the beginning of Tīr from Sārangpur to do homage. At the first stage the cup of his life was spilled, and the star of stability descended into the hollow of annihilation. 'Iwaẕ Beg Barlās, Muḥammad Qāsim, Hazāra Beg, Khusrū, Khudā Qulī, and many shameless and ungrateful servants plotted together, and made Ḥājī Shihābu-d dīn their leader. They gave him a high-sounding name, and lay in ambush. At the end of the night most of the people started with their families and goods, and some marched on more quickly. The evil-doers made a disturbance, and there was a great outcry. His son Qawīm K. went out in search of news, and was killed. Shujā'at K. came out, and began to lament. He found that he himself was made a target and had to fly to his tent. On the way he received several wounds. There was still a breath of life in him when his faithful servants put him into a haudah ('amārī) and set off to Sārangpur. From prudence and tact they travelled in such a way that many thought he was alive, and some, from this idea, marched along with them. In a short time these rightly-acting persons took refuge in the fortress of the town. They gave out the good news of deliverance and beat high the drum of joy. The wicked went off into retirement. More wonderful still, in that unprotected plain, they did not lay hands on his family and household, and they reached the place of safety without molestation. Many of the ungrateful slaves of gold had thought that the affair was completed and had stretched out their hands for rapine. When the news of his being alive came, some took steps to protect property. The wicked grew frightened and took the road of obscurity. In a short time they were seized by the wrath of justice and received various kinds of punishment. The chief cause of the disturbance was the evil conduct of the servants (quluqcīān) and the harshness and unworthiness of the master. He withheld the payment^459a of the soldiers' wages without reason, and abused them in bad language. He did not show loyalty and right-thinking. How could the heart not be alienated under such circumstances, and the ³¹⁴ rosebush of gratitude not lose its leaves?

When the news came to court, H.M. craved forgiveness for this traveller to the holy land, and set himself to arrange the province. He dispatched Sharīf K. to gather together the dispersed ones, and issued an order that his son Bāz Bahādur should come from Gujarat and assist, and directed that the other fief-holders should not depart from his counsels.

Also at this time Shahbāz K. came to court. He had been sent to chastise the presumptuous ones in the province of Ajmere. Owing to his energy and good service Rānā Pertāb became a desert-vagabond, and fell upon evil days. He thought every morning would be his last day, and blistered his feet with running about in terror. He (Shāhbāz K.) also made a successful attack on the abode of Tejmāl Sesodiah. Many of the wicked were slain, and his houses were plundered. That neighbourhood was cleansed of wicked persons and made a military station. Great fear of him fell upon the ill-fated ones. When the dust of dissension rose high in the eastern districts, he was sent for in order that he might be dispatched thither. On 7 Tīr he did homage, and gathered material and spiritual advantages. About this time there came representations from the eastern army to the effect that in the absence of H.M. the settlement of the disturbances would take a long time. Though the prescient mind knew that this raw rebellion had not the leaven of stability, and that it did not require another army, and still less the presence of the royal standards, yet, to soothe the imperial servants, and from motives of caution, he ordered the dispatch of reinforcements. These left on the 15th. Bābūī Mankalī, Selīm K. Sarmūr, Qāsim Badakhshī, S. Adam, Naṣīb Turkamān, S. Kabīr, Ḥakīm Moẓaffar, 'Abdu-l-Qaddūs, Bahādur 'Alī and many others accompanied them and took with them large supplies of money.

³¹⁵ One of the occurrences was the falling of the enemies' fleet into the hands of the brave men of the eastern army. The presumption of the enemy had increased on account of their numbers, of the fewness of the imperial soldiers, of their being shut up in a fort, and of the double-dealing of some of them. As the food for the besieged came by land and water, M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain and M'aṣūm K. went by way of Patna and seized the land-route. They also fitted out their fleet and meditated closing the other means of access. When news came that the boats were nine kos away from the evil crew, Ṣādiq K., Ulugh K., Naqīb K., Bāqir Safarcī and many other brave men hastened by land, while Rai Patr Dās was sent with some brave men by water. Mihtar K. and a body of men were taken across the river in order that they might march rapidly on that side. The skilful and active men moved rapidly, and got possession of nearly 300 boats full of the munitions of war. There was a great accession of strength to the imperialists, while the enemy had their heads knocked against the stone of destruction.

Also at this time Khwāja-Shamsu-d-dīn Khāfī escaped from the rebels. When Moẓaffar K. was killed, M'aṣūm K. took the Khwāja into his own keeping on the suspicion that he had money. When he did not succeed by gentle means, he made him over to wicked, shameless men, and he was nearly dying under torture. By good luck 'Arab Bahādur, on account of old friendship, rose up, and took charge of him on the pretext that he would induce him to give up his accumulations. He took the chains off his feet, and set himself to soothe him. The Khwāja got his opportunity and escaped along with some others. He joined himself to Rajah Sangrām in Gorakpur. On account of the roads being closed, and there being little open country, he could not join the army, but he became a great cause of harassing the enemy. He continually attacked their convoys, and laid hold of their cattle when they came out to graze. In a short time Ḥasan 'Ali 'Arab, Āfāq Diwāna, M. Ḥusain Nīshāpūri, 'Alī Qulī, 'Azīz and many well-disposed persons, who had joined the enemy out of helplessness, waited upon the Khwāja. Nearly 1200 men collected together, and the assemblage of the enemy slackened, and there was some dispersion of them. Their prosperity suffered diminution.

One of the occurrences was the imprisonment of Shāh Manṣur Diwān. From his practice in accounts, and seeking after profit (for the government), he looked narrowly into the transactions of the army, and giving his attention to one side only of a Vizier's duties he pressed forward the rules of demand. He is a Vizier, who by acuteness and the strength of honesty preserves the revenue, and ³¹⁶ also looks after the servants of God (i.e. Muḥammadans, or here probably men in general) and considers the mean between liberality and rigour,^461a and between severity and softness, to be the highway, and regards the living with friends and foes on the same terms, as the middle course of truth. He does not abandon what is suitable for the time and place, nor does he regard the collecting of gold as the finest of occupations, but lives with an open brow, a sweet tongue, a strong heart, a gracious soul, and a constant justice. He closes the eye of envy and opens the door of wide toleration. He shuts the shop of fastidiousness^461b and hard-bargaining and drives away from men dealings at a high tariff. Mayhap, by this noble course the tribes of mankind may emerge from the market of loss and gain, and gather eternal bliss in the garden of devotion. Also the accountant (mastaufī) should have something else to do besides clerking,^462a and stirring up of strife, and collecting arrears, and increasing the revenue. He should remove interested motives and watch over the account-department. The Khwāja went out of his proper course and set himself to increase the revenue. Nor did he consider the disturbances of the time and the crisis of the age, but demanded payment of arrears. Rajah Todar Mal reported that the imperial servants were engaged in a hot war, and that the market of sacrifice of life (sirbāzi, lit. playing with one's head) was active. The government-officers were at such a time of contest acting without consideration or knowledge of the times, and had closed the purse of liberality and were demanding the payment of revenue^462b that had already been levied(?). What name could be given to this kind of presumption? And to what set could he belong who made demands out of reason? The just sovereign deprived him of employment and made him over to Shah Qulī K. Maḥram. He bestowed the high office of Vizier upon Wazīr K. The combatants in the eastern provinces bound anew the girdle of devotion on receipt of this great favour, and advanced the foot of courage. Many abandoned ingratitude and made submission. Would that they had also entered the pure spot of loyalty, and retired from soul-injuring wickedness and evil thoughts!

One of the occurrences was that Prince Daniel—the jewel of the throne of the Caliphate—was sent off to Ajmere. The^462c wise sovereign fashions and adorns, in the workshop of inquiry and enlightenment, the palace of dominion, according to two kinds of religious worship. Firstly, he, from enduring perception, bestows the glory of truth on the auspicious record of his deeds, and by the assistance of wisdom, which is the house-lord of this variegated dwelling (viz., the palace of dominion)—and the controller of the market-places of social intercourse—he holds his nature in check. In this kind of worship there is no topsy-turviness. But as the mastery of the transitory world has been made the veil over the leadership of the spiritual world, he also makes use of what the superficial regard as the worship of the incomparable Deity, and out of consideration for the feelings of contemporaries takes accounts of its defect and excess. For all his thought is how to preserve the simple from devious paths and wrong ideas, and to keep the ³¹⁷ world clear from the mist of shortness of thought. The visiting the tombs of departed men of awakened heart he considers as an instance of such shallowness. If union with the spirit of the saint be the object, then nearness or remoteness does not matter. If the idea be to reverence worn-out dust then it is polytheisṃ^463a and idolatry. At this time, when there was an increase of spiritual worshippers, and of the gatherers of truth, and those who saw into the substance of things had obtained vogue, and the short-sighted and superficial had put on the garb of true worship, the idea of the necessity of this kind of worship (visiting shrines, etc.) became erased from the mind of the world's lord. Moreover at this time there was no administrative work to be done in that quarter (Ajmere), and there were various things to be transacted at the capital. Of necessity he withdrew from his intention (of visiting Ajmere) and devoted his valuable time to what was fitting. But as that bounteous shrine (Ajmere) was an opportunity for displaying abundant liberality, and many indigent persons attained their wishes thereby, it occurred to his celestial mind that one of his children should visit the place, and gratify the wishes of expectants. On 19 Amardād, about 30 July 1580, the luminary of fortune's heaven (Prince Daniel) was given leave to depart. S. Jamāl, Mādhū Singh, S. Faiẓī, Jamāl K. and other intimate courtiers went with him. On 4 Shahriyūr he distributed various properties, and a world ran over with gifts.

One of the occurrences was the sending of Ḥakīm-al-Mulk^464a to the Ḥijāz. His avaricious heart was tied to the world, and this idea did not occur to him. He was given leave as a retribution for his vacillations. The means he tried to avert it were unsuccessful, and he left on the 5th (Shahrīyūr, August 1580) with all his accumulations, looking backwards with the eye of regret.

One of the occurrences was the arrival of the prince from Ajmere. He had reached that place quickly, and had scattered bounties. All the indigent reaped joy. On the 8th he did homage.

Also at this time one came to court who had no shape of ears and no orifice.^464b Yet he had heard perfectly what was said to him. Apparently, the melodists of the palace of fate communicate to mortals the glories of the dominion conjoined with eternity, and the wondrous, daily-increasing fortune quickens the audition of the earless ones of the Age!

One of the occurrences was the increase in the responsibility of I'tmād K. Gujrātī. H.M. always desired to reward him for his good behaviour at the first conquest of Gujarat. At this time, when th inscription of auspiciousness and happy augury was read on the tablet of his forehead, H.M. the granter of desires, showed him favour, and gave him the Sarkār of Pattan in fief. The care of the ³¹⁸ crown-lands in Gujarat was entrusted to him. Thirty elephants and one hundred horses were given to him when he was sent off, and Mīr Abū Turāb was sent with him as his counsellor.

One of the occurrences was the return of Yūsuf K. Cak to the government of Kashmīr. It has been described to what distress he had been reduced by the wickedness of the people of that country, and how he had, by the guidance of good fortune, come to the court of fortune. Saiyid Mubārak came to the throne by the plausibility and magical strains of sedition-mongers. Before two months had elapsed, evil and shameless men had consigned him to the cell of obscurity and had raised to power Lohar Cak the cousin of Yūsuf K. When he (Yūsuf) had done homage, he received various favours, and was given leave to go to Kashmīr. An order was issued that the Punjab officers should give him the convoy of a suitable army. The Kashmirians awoke from their sleep of neglect, and proceeded to adopt remedies. From fear of the victorious troops, they had recourse to entreaties. They impressed him with the thought of the evil that would be caused by the coming of the army and sent for him to come alone. Before the force had been arranged, and before communicating the secret, he went off quickly, and was received in Baramgala^465a by several of the noted men of the country. The new ruler got information of this, and appointed Shams Cak, Ḥaidar Cak, and many others to effect a deliverance. They came forward in battle array. He (Yūsuf) did not see in himself the power of fighting, and left this road, and went off to Sonpūr.^465b Lohar Cak opposed him with some troops. As the flower of his army had gone off to the other place, Yūsuf K. took him at a disadvantage and on 28 Ābān, 8 November, 1580, crossed the Bihat (the Jhelam or Vitasta) and dispersed the opposing force without a serious engagement. Lohar Cak fell into his hands. From foresight he deprived^466a him of the light of his eyes, and in consequence of the great help thus received, the water that had strayed^466b fell into its channel, and he attained the government of Kashmīr.

One of the occurrences was the disgrace of Candar Sen the son of Māldeo. Though this foolish wretch had had the bliss of kissing the threshold, he out of short-sightedness and perverse fate took to insubordination, as has already been related. He went off to the corner of obscurity in terror of the world-conquering army and waited for an opportunity of making a disturbance. Then he came out from the defiles, and stirred up strife in some of the estates of the province of Ajmere. An order was issued to Payinda Muḥammad K. Moghal, Saiyid Hāshim, Saiyid Qāsim, and other fief-holders of that neighbourhood that they should be alert and harmonious, and should inflict due punishment on that turbulent fellow. They ³¹⁹ obeyed the order, and turned their faces towards executing the service. That ill-fated one confronted the army of fortune, and a severe engagament took place. He suffered thousands of losses and retired into the desert of failure.