RETURN OF THE AUGUST STANDARDS TO INDIA AND THE ARRIVAL AT
LAHORE.
H.M. enjoyed himself for three months and twenty-nine days in this country. When the rainy season occurred, it rained here 734 also. The sovereign had varied pleasures and accomplished his devotions to God. His idea was to spend the winter in this delightful locality, but from the beginning of Mihr (10 September) it became very cold. The inhabitants of hot countries became somewhat inconvenienced, and out of graciousness, H.M. announced that his design of remaining was abandoned. He resolved on going to India by the old route of Pīrpanjal, after he had seen the sight of the saffron1095a -beds (in Pānpūr). He gave money to the officers in order that they might make fitting preparations at every stage. On the 25th (Mihr = about 5 October) he embarked in a boat and proceeded towards the exhibition, on his way to India. Next morning he arrived at the saffron-fields. He stayed there seven days, and every day the flowers were harvested. They1095b were divided among the officers in order that they might superintend the cleaning. At the time when the peasants were impressed for this work, and when deficiency (in produce) was punished (?), two sīrs were obtained from eleven, and occasionally, from thirteen traks. Owing to the great remission (by Akbar) the same quantity was obtained from seven or eight traks. The gathering was done quickly and well owing to the numerous gatherers and the supervision, nor did the rain do any harm. When H.M. had enjoyed the sight, he resumed his journey on 3 Ābān and halted at Khānpūr. Next morning the solar weighment took place, and he was weighed against twelve articles. There was proclamation of liberality, and a world enjoyed success. At this stage the troops were divided, and the rules for traversing the mountains laid down. The Prince-Royal took leave as he was to be the last this time. Up to Pushīāna1096a the ladies accompanied. On the 9th H.M. himself set out, and on this day Āṣaf K. returned. On the way there fell some snow and rain, but afterwards it became fine. On the 15th he descended from Bhimbhar to Akbarābād, and crowds of men enjoyed themselves. On the 19th at Gujrāt, Maqṣūd Beg, the paternal uncle of Āṣaf K., arrived from Persia and was admitted to an audience. On the 22nd he mounted an elephant and crossed the Chīnāb while the army crossed by a bridge. He hunted1096b at Gujrāt, Daulatābād and Ḥāfiẓābād. On 3 Āẕar, 13th or 14th November 1597, he arrived at Lahore. He spent one month and ten days on the road, and there were 27 marches. He reposed in the new palace and engaged in returning thanks to God. By his orders the Daulatkhāna (hall of audience) and some sacred buildings which had been injured by the fire had been rebuilt.
735 One grievous occurrence was the death of Sulṭān Rustum, the son of Prince Sulṭān Murād. The affectionate sovereign loved grand-children more than sons, and he (Rustum) was habituated to exalted love so that the counsels1096c of father or mother did not become the vesture of his heart. From the beginning of discretion he was indignant at anything improper and any excess of anger made him ill. Great endeavours were made to guard his soul, and the noble1096d lady of the auspicious family cherished him with much affection. Though his age was (only) nine years, three months and five days by the solar calendar, yet he possessed the wisdom of mature men. The light of intelligence shone from his brow, and his behaviour showed nobility of nature. On the night of the 7th (Aẕar = November), after one watch, his stomach became disordered, and he grew delirious. On the 9th, at the third watch of Sunday, this nosegay of intelligence faded, and a world was plunged into sorrow.
The worthless, love-severing world is for the base;
Yea, 'tis so that you may not cleave to it, or be oblivious.
Many musky tresses has it laid in the navel1097a of the dust;
Many rose-like (gul) faces has it veiled in clay (gil).
Small and great uttered cries of grief, and there was universal weeping. What can be written of the faithlessness of fortune, and the jugglery of the spheres? And why should anything be written? For this is to measure water in a sieve, and to catch wind in a net. In this sorrow the wisdom of great and small becomes foolishness. H.M. by the Divine strength hasted to the pleasant abode of resignation, and from abundant wisdom applied balm to the inner wounds. If Time were really in confusion, as some say, this great one would not have attained to the government of the world!
They say that Kai Khasrū out of grief for his son became recalcitrant to wisdom and fell into perturbation. One of the enthusiasts and free of heart had friendship with him and had always access to him. Every now and then he would come from the desert to the city and go to the king's private chamber. On this occasion he went according to his custom to his private chamber and opened his lips in order to strengthen him. Why, he asked, was the king disturbed, and his heart sorrowful. The king told of the death of the darling of his heart (lit. the corner of his liver). The other said, “Did1097b you not expect him to die?” The king replied, “How can such a thought be regarded as wise? but I wished him to get some benefit from the world (to taste some of its pleasures).” The other said, “Did he take with him any of the benefits which he had received?” “No,” replied the king. “Then,” said the other, “Reckon that he got all that he desired seeing that he did not carry anything away with him.”
Likewise Alexander the two-horned with all his insight and fortune became confused on the occurrence of a catastrophe of this kind. The tongue of comfort of his intimates became dumb. Aristotle, who knew the condition of the world, went into his private 736 chamber and said, “Do not think that I have come to console you. My sole idea was that at this time which is one of distress for the tranquil and the wise I might obtain a regulation about patience from you who are the assemblage of excellent qualities.” He awoke on hearing this and had a meeting of instruction.
On 5 Bahman they let loose a cīta against a clever stag. The latter turned and so smote the cīta with his horns that he ran away. The spectators were astonished. Next morning a letter came from the Prince from the Deccan. Some elephants, swords, hawks and wrestlers were sent, and H.M. had some pleasure in their skill.
One of the occurrences was the death of the ruler of Tūrān, 'Abdullah K. He spent some portion of his life in doing justice, but on account of his worship of his son he could not put down his tyranny. The latter, from the idea that he was Regent, hunted the lives of many innocent people, and ruined families. Unmeasured kindness intoxicated that wicked one. He stretched out his arm against the lives, the property and the honour of men. The first duty of a ruler is to inquire from time to time into the characters of his sons, his relatives and his intimates,—for complaints against them are not soon preferred—and in the administration of justice, to make no difference between them and others. He must not slumber over his kingly duties. He ('Abdullah) from excess of affection could not give him paternal counsel, and after a long time he gave him the advices of a mother. Consequently that slumbrous-witted one increased his insolence. The old age of the ruler and the vogue of flatterers withheld him from acting rightly.1098a He regarded the remonstrances of the right-thinking and honest-speaking—who were not afraid for themselves—as prompted by self-interest. At last he (the son) gradually conceived the thought of attempting his father's life. He lay in wait for an opportunity. One day he ('Abdullah) was enjoying the pleasure of hunting along with some friends. That wicked one quickly proceeded to execute his project (of killing his father). A good man gave information to the Khān, and he speedily came to Bokhara. The wretch was ashamed of his failure and set himself to invest the city. Honest servants and sincere friends soon gathered together, and the worthless fellow withdrew with failure. The Khān set out to punish him. The latter did not find himself able to resist and crossed the Āmū, and destroyed the boats. At this time Toqal1099a Qazzāq came out of the desert (dasht) and attacked. The Khān returned to oppose him, and the latter returned without having plundered Samarkand. 'Abdullah fell very ill in that city and Muḥammad Bāqī Beg and some double-faced intimates (of 'Abdullah) sent for that wicked one ('Abdu-l-Mūmīn). He came quickly from Balkh. When the Khān got a little better, he sent him a message to go back. He did not accept it, but came on slowly. Muḥammad Bāqī—who was the prime minister (vakīl)—invited the Khān to an entertainment, and in that house of hypocrisy he died on 14 Bahman, 24 January1099b 1598. Prob- 737 ably that ingrate administered poison in his food, and so garnered everlasting disgrace. In order to refresh the fountain of my words I here record his genealogy.
By sixteen generations he was descended—through Jūjī—from the great Qāān Cingīz K. 'Abdullah K. was the son of Sikandar K., s. Jānī Beg, s. Muḥammad Sulṭan, s. Abu-l-Khair K. s. J. Daulat Oghlān, s. Ibrahīm, s. Pulād, s. Sūrānca Sulṭān, s. Maḥmud Khwāja K., s. Qāan Bāī, s. Rābil Bāk, s. Mangu1099c Taimūr, s. Badaqul, s. Jūjī Būqā, s. Shaiban, s. Jūjī, s. Cingīz K. Jūjī died before the Qāān (Cingīz), and no great sovereign sprang from him, though some were rulers of Dasht Qipcāq. Among these Abū-ul-Khair attained some distinction. Sulṭān Abū S'aīd M. with his help took, after a battle, Samarkand from M. 'Abdullah, s. of Ibrāhīm M., s. of the great ruler Shahrukh M. When he died, there was a great confusion in the Uzbeg tribe. After some time Shaibak K., s. Budāq K., s. Abu-l-khair, took shelter at the court of Sulṭān Aḥmad M., s. Sulṭān Abū S'aīd M., and was rescued from the hardship of fate.
When Sulṭān Abū S'aīd M. died, he raised up the head1100a of independence in Tūrān and after Sulṭān Ḥusain M.'s time Shaibak K. came to Khurāsan, and fought with his sons and took the country. Near Merv he fought with Shāh Ism'aīl Ṣafvī and was killed along with many others. The rule of Transoxiana then fell to Kotchkimji K., s. Abu-l-khair, who is also called Kocam K. When he died, his son Abū S'aīd K. succeeded him. After him came Ubayd-Ullah K., s. Maḥmūd K., s. Shāh Budāq, s. Abū-l-khair K., and Tūrān became somewhat civilised. He had two sons, 'Abdu-l-'azīz K., and Muḥammad Raḥīm Sulṭān. But the sovereignty went to Ubaid K., the son of Kocam K. Afterwards his brother 'Abdu-l-laṭīf mounted the throne. When he died,1100b Borak K., s. Soncak K., s. Abu-l-khair K., became ruler. He prevailed over Turkistan, Transoxiana, and some parts of Khurāsān. When his destiny was accomplished, there were provincial kings (Mulūk Ṭawāīf). Darvesh K. and Baba K., his 738 sons, ruled in Turkistān, and Burhān, grandson of 'Abdullah K., in Bokhārā. In Samarkand there was Sulṭān S'aīd K., s. Abū S'aīd K., s. Kocam K. In Balkh there was Pīr Muḥammad K., s. Jānī Beg K. 'Abdullah K. (his brother's son) was spending his days in his service. By skill and courage he prevailed over his kindred, and he said to Pīr Muḥammad K., “As there is no one in the tribe older than my father, it is fitting that in accordance with the ancestral laws, the proclamation and the coinage (khuṭba-u-sikka) should be in his name. Pīr Muḥammad was obliged to agree, and for a while the government was in his (Iskandar's) name while the real power was with 'Abdullah K. In the 27th Divine year Sikandar K. died and his son 'Abdullah K. had the proclamation and the coinage made in his own name. When he died, his son Abdul-Mūmīn succeeded him.
On the 28th Bahman the lunar weighment took place, and there was a great feast in the quarters of Miriam Makānī. H.M. was weighed against eight articles, and various conditions of men obtained their desires.
BEGINNING OF THE 43RD YEAR FROM THE ACCESSION, TO WIT, THE
YEAR MIHR OF THE FOURTH CYCLE.
On the night of Saturday, 13 Shābān 1006, 11 March 1598, after 9 hours, 1 minute, and 37 seconds, the sun entered Aries, and the old world renewed its youth. The seventh year of the fourth cycle began. For 19 days there was great feasting, and small and great received the material of enjoyment.
Omitted.
On New Year's day the news of the death of the ruler of Tūrān arrived, and many rejoiced. H.M. was indignant1102a and said that such rejoicing spoke of shortness of vision. He ('Abdullah) always showed himself well-inclined, and never dropped from his hand the thread of management. Even if this had not been the case, rejoicing was unseemly. From the time that H.M. came to the Panjab, his idea was to make an expedition for the conquest of Tūrān. When the ruler of that country had the dexterity to adopt submissiveness, the sovereign who loved to respect honour withheld himself from that purpose. When the tyranny of his son exceeded 739 bounds, for some time the former idea revived, but out of regard to dignity he desired that the expedition should march under the command of the Prince-Royal. That pleasure-loving youth, on account of the foolishness of flatterers, could not wean his heart from India. When the news came of 'Abdullah K.'s death, some leaders were eager for an expedition to Tūrān, but H.M. said, “Now that Tūrān is a seat of turmoil, how does an expedition there agree with our humanity? It is far better that an able ambassador should be sent to offer condolences, and to speak words of counsel. On the 5th Fort Rāhūtara,1103a a dependency of Daulatābād in the Deccan, was taken. M. 'Alī Beg Akbar Shāhī invested it and after a month the garrison capitulated from want of water,1103b and delivered up the keys. On the 7th Mukhtār Beg had an audience. He was the Bakhshī of the province of Bihar. When that appointment was given back to Ulugh Beg Kābūlī, he was called to court. On the 14th Mīr Sharīf Āmulī and M. Farīdūn arrived from their fiefs and performed the kornish. On the 25th Sālbāhan was sent to the Deccan. When it became known that Prince Sulṭān Murād regarded the winning of people's affections an easy matter, and went somewhat aside from propriety, and that the Khānkhānān, owing to the ill-success of his evil wishes, had gone back to his jāgīr, that conscientious servant was sent off to bring the Prince to court, in order that H.M. might send him back again with good counsels. Rūp Khwāṣ was appointed to rebuke the Khānkhānān and to make him return in order that he might take charge of the army and the country until the Prince arrived. On the 31st 'Ibād Ullah, the son of 'Ahdullah K., was released from prison. In the eastern districts he behaved rebelliously, and after that he was captured and placed in the school of the prison of Kālinjar. As Ḥusain, the governor thereof, reported his penitence he was pardoned and treated with favour. On the 10th Ardībihisht, Khwāja Āshraf and S. Ḥusain came from Tūrān and did homage. The ruler thereof was pleased by their coming and by reading the weighty letter of the Shāhinshāh, and regarded their advent as a mark of concord. He sent Mīr Qoresh with them with valuable presents. He ('Abdullah K.) had sent them back on 10 Amardād, 20 July 1597, of the previous year. On hearing of the misbehaviour of his son ('Abdu-l-Mūmīn) they had turned back in the middle of the road. On 29 Shahriyūr, 9 September 1597, they met in with the Khān ('Abdullah) in Qursī, and took1103c leave to return via Herat and Qandahār. Near Herat they heard of his death. The ambassadors by celerity and courage reached Qandahār, but Mīr Qoresh was not able to accompany them. On 14 Ardībihisht Abū-l-Qāsim, the son of Mīr 'Ādil, and on the 15th Sher K., the son-in-law of the Khān Kilān, died. Their survivors had the balm of princely favours applied to their hearts. On the 27th Rai Patr Dās came to court 740 from Bāndhū, and was exalted by princely kindness. From the time that he took that fort, he strove to develop the country. When the territory was given to Prince Daniel, he returned and performed the prostration. On this day Zain K. Koka came to Āhanposh1104a and conquered Tīrāh once more. By skill and courage he punished the wicked, and established forts in several places and located soldiers. The Tārīkī tribe retired into the ravines and their leader crept off to Koh Safed. The roads became safe.
One of the occurrences was the increasing of the vision of the writer. His idea was that he held a choice abode in the pleasant land of “Peace with all” and that he would not become agitated by troubles. In his simplicity (khāmkārī, rawness) he gathered pleasure from time to time and the hand of favour was stretched over the head of zeal. By good fortune he was awakened by a heart-lacerating blow and took up anew the task of spiritual amendment. Inasmuch as the world's lord kept him much employed, he was unable to attend to other matters. On this account he was unable to perform fully the outward service of attending upon the Prince-Royal and awkward explanations were not successful. From not fully considering the matter he (Selim) became somewhat angry, and base and envious people had their opportunity. The anger of that hot-tempered one blazed forth, and meetings were held for troubling his heart. Many untrue reports were (sold) as truths.
The painter is bold, for without fear of God
He limns Phoenix in full when he has never seen one.
Owing to the jugglery of the heavens the enlightened Shāhinshāh gave some heed (to these speeches). On 11 Khurdād, 21 May 1598, my soul was vexed by perceiving this and I withdrew my hand from everything and tucked my foot into my shirt. I shut my door in the face of both stranger and acquaintance. What the ancients used to say, viz. that “Service1105a quickly leads to high dignity, but owing to the triumph of envy even friends1105b rise up as antagonists” and what has not been said, becomes credited. Whenever he (Akbar) summoned me to court, and endeavoured to make me carry on my former duties I replied, “Since by the wondrous working of fortune, his (Akbar's) mystery-knowing heart has become somewhat loaded by the speeches of my old enemies, it is fitting that he leave me to myself, so that I may be lightened of the weight of life. If he1105c hold me captive, willing or unwilling, he will obtain (only) formal service. From the beginning of my years of discretion my mind was not turned to the world; it was princely kindness which bound me to it, whether I wished or not. If he look for the old zeal, let the lord of the world sit in judgment. Let him make a thorough inquiry so that my honesty may be made manifest, and the envious be put to shame. If he forget1105d the enmity of crowds of men and take not into account the old commotion and the new hostility, and base his inquiry upon witnesses, time servers1105e shall regard telling lies in order to injure me as Divine worship. The proper course is that like Siyāwash1105f I and my accuser1105g enter the furnace so that proof's countenance may shine forth. Enviers by profession and the fabricators of stories withdraw from this and set their hearts upon witnesses.1105h After this 741 discussion, though H.M. came to understand somewhat their wickedness, yet my levity of mind (my folly) increased. Suddenly, the Divine aid cured my internal commotion. The idea was suggested to me (by the Divine influence, apparently): “If there is a place of repose for mortals, and you can always retire there, why are you so much troubled, and why do you cast away the thread of knowledge? The tongues of ill-wishers cannot be stopped. Do you take the right path so far as you know it. Your choice is to do God's work; what matters it about this man or that man.” I came somewhat to myself, and intelligence returned. (But) because my eyes were not opened to my deliverance1106a and the farsightedness of the world's lord, feeling prevailed over wisdom, and sometimes I meditated my own destruction,1106b and sometimes I thought of becoming a vagabond. Suddenly1106c I passed to freedom and enlightenment; my condition changed unconsciously, and I reposed in calm. I said (to myself), “Do not suspect the farsighted sovereign of shortness of view. Your acuteness and steadiness have been impressed on his mind. Win over the hearts of ill-wishers. What are you thinking of that you should go headlong, and trouble yourself unnecessarily. Should you in a dream behold your sovereign and perceive him not to be vexed (with you), accept my (the internal monitor's) statement, and confess your own misunderstanding.” The saying came true that very night, and my mental disturbance diminished. At this time I read in my horoscope: “In this year the world's lord became somewhat alienated owing to the false speeches of cotemporaries, but soon the veil over the face of affairs was removed.” My distress entirely subsided, and when I read1106d that my sovereign was appreciative, the image of my former desire was erased, I went to court and was cheered by various favours.1107a
You heard how he urged on the steed of love's surcease
And how no dust of reproach rose from under the heel.
On the 17th Rai Patr Dās was made Dīwān. An order was given that as in the case of Moẓaffar K. and Rajah Todar Mal, he and Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn should help one another in carrying on the work. In a short time the affairs of the Panjāb were left to the Khwāja. Apparently interested motives prevailed and prevented the sovereign from looking closely into the matter. On the 27th Kaliyār1108a Bahādur did homage, and was exalted by royal favours, and received the title of Bahādur K. He was one of the army-leaders of Tūrān. 'Abdullah K. gave Herāt to him. When 'Abdullah K. died, and the old servants became dispersed on account of 742 his son's improper conduct, Kaliyār quickly came to Qandahār, and from there to court, and obtained his heart's desire. On 1 Tīr, Ḥasan K.—who was an old servant—died of illness, and Khwājagī Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ, the grandson of Khwāja 'Abdullah Marwārīd—who was for some time Ṣadr—died in Delhi. H.M.'s kindness took care of the survivors. On the 5th Jagat Singh, Ḥāshim Beg, and other soldiers from the northern mountains, obtained audiences, and were rewarded for their good service. They brought Malūk Cand, the Rajah of Nagarkot, to court, and he was exalted by gifts and forgiveness.
One of the occurrences was a fresh proof of H.M.'s knowledge of mysteries. During the lifetime of 'Abdullah K., the ruler of Tūrān, when news came of his son's indecent conduct, H.M. said: “If he does not refrain from evil deeds, he will not have any share of youth or of dominion, but will soon go down into the pit of annihilation.” When he took to troubling his father, H.M. said, “It is strange that his death is being delayed.” At this time that man of crooked ways did die, and heaped up everlasting disgust (for himself). When 'Abdullah K. died, Usbeg K., his cousin, invested Samarkand, and Muḥammad Bāqī defended it. He failed and returned to Akhsī. Tawakal came to besiege Bokhāra, and he, on hearing of the coming of 'Abdu-l-Mūmīn, retired without effecting his purpose. The garrison came out and fought and he was wounded and went off, and died of the wound. Ten days afterwards 'Abdu-l-Mūmīn came with a large force and sate on the throne in Samarkand, and made Muḥammad Bāqī his Vakīl. Qul Bābā, who was his father's Vakīl, and whom the son disliked for his honest speech, was seized by his faithless servants and brought from Herat. In consequence of an old grudge he put him to death. He also sent after him (i.e. killed) those who had brought him. Many lost their lives in these disturbances. From there he went to Tāshkend, and put to death Dastam1109a Sulṭān his own uncle with his two sons, who had long been living in retirement. Then he invested Akhsī in order to attack Uzbeg Sulṭān. After three days the latter died of illness. Then he returned to Samarkand and Bokhāra. On account of the heat he marched at night. Some lay in wait for him, and on the 9th (Tīr = 19 June, 1598) they shot him with arrows near Ẓāmin, and Transoxiana became subject to provincial rulers. On the 10th Āṣaf K. arrived. When H.M. was somewhat satisfied about the administration of Kashmīr he summoned him to come post. In three days he traversed hills and plains, and arrived at court, and was received with royal favour. On the 24th Bhāwal1109b Anaga died. She was the daughter of Rai Jogā Parhār. In the time of Firdus Makāni 743 (Bābur) her father sent her to serve Jinnat Ashiyānī when he was in the eastern districts. Her form and manners were approved, and for some time she was exalted by being in the harem. When Miriam-Makāni was married (to Humāyūn) she was united to Jalāl Goīnda (singer or reciter). She was the first to give milk to the world's lord. She spent her life in propriety. H.M. was grieved at her departure, and begged forgiveness for her from God. On the 32nd Jagannāth did homage. He took leave from Prince Sulṭān Murād and went to his own home, and came to court without orders. For some time he was not admitted to an audience. On this day compassion was taken on his simplicity and he was received with favour. In this year Pattan of the Deccan was taken. It is an ancient city on the banks of the Godavery. M. 'Alī Beg Akbarshāhī took it. The enemy fought and then fled. At this time great favour was shown to the cultivators in Afghanistan. On 25 Amardād 1/8th of the rental of Kabul and its dependencies was remitted for eight years, and many men rejoiced. On 31st M. Kaiqubād had a son. He was the elder son of M. Ḥakīm. H.M. married him to the daughter of 'Āqil Ḥusain M., the brother of Muḥammad Ḥusain M. At this time she brought forth a son. H.M. had a feast of joy, and gave him the name of Hormuz. On 1. Shahrīyūr Āṣaf K. returned to Kashmīr, after receiving many instructions. On the 9th Maulānā1110a Shāh Muḥammad of Shahābād died. He possessed a knowledge of rational and traditional sciences. He obtained his heart's desire by becoming a disciple1110b of H.M. On the 18th Sarmast, the son of Dastam K. died. He passed away in his youth from drinking. On the 31st Sher Beg Yasawālbāshī was sent to Bengal in order to get information about that country. He was also to choose some of the choice elephants of the officers as presents. In this year and month the folly of Moẓaffar Ḥusain M. of Qandahār was again pardoned. As improper Turks opened the hand of oppression it was arranged that he should have a money-allowance instead of administrative power, and his fiefs were made crown-lands. He took leave to go to Mecca and went off. At the first stage he got bewildered by the hardships and his own feebleness, and was ashamed of his volatility. H.M. recognised his rank and recalled him. On 1 Mihr he was exalted by doing homage. On the 11th the fort of Pūnā1111a was taken. It is one of the famous forts of Berār, and is situated on a hill. It has a river on three sides which is never fordable. Bahādur-al-Mulk and some brave men surrounded it. Naṣīb-al-Mulk was aroused by want of food and surrendered the keys 744 and submitted. On the 26th October 1598, Khwāja1111b Ashraf died. He was the son of Khwāja 'Abdu-l-bārī, and by the interval of two generations he is the son of Khwāja Aḥrār. After delivering1111c the message from Tūrān he fell ill, and died. On the 29th Sālbahān and Rūp had the honour of an audience. Prince Sulṭān Murād designed to come to court when he was summoned, but the leaders did not abandon their interested views and petitioned to the effect that the departure of the prince would cause confusion. After this, whatever order was issued would be obeyed, and the Khān-khānān represented that he would return and that the Prince would come. H.M. did not approve and was displeased. On the 30th the solar weighment took place. H.M. was weighed against twelve articles. The world rejoiced, and the empty-handed had happy times. On this day Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram came from Agra, and was exalted by favours. In this year and month Partāb Singh, the son of Rajah Bhagwant Dās, became mad and tried to kill himself. He put a dagger to his throat, and his condition became critical. By H.M.'s orders skilful men served up the wound and he recovered.
One of the occurrences was the taking of the fort of Gāwāl. There is not a stronger fort in Berār. It has abundance of good water and inside are the quarters of the governor. From the time that this country had been added to the empire, it had not been taken owing to the perversity of the generals. At this time Mīr Martaẓā1112a took upon himself to take it by craft. He made his quarters in the neighbourhood, and assumed some of the majesty of eternal dominion. Owing to scarcity of food, his pleasing speeches were accepted, and on the 9th Ābār Wajāu-d-dīn and Biswās Rai delivered up the keys. They received dignities, fiefs and presents and entered on service. On the 10th, near Pathrī, 35 wild female elephants appeared. Sher Khwāja assembled soldiers and captured them all. The strange thing was that their ordinary feeding grounds were 150 kos away. On 11th Ajmere was given in fief to Mīr Sharīf Āmulī, and he went off to it.. On the 12th the Khān-khanān came to court and was exalted by doing homage. The gracious sovereign forgave his crooked ways and summoned him to his presence. Perhaps counsels might make him straight. Next day Qulīj K. had the bliss of doing homage. He had been somewhat displeased while serving Sulṭān Daniel and had left him. From a desire of justice he was admitted to an audience.
745 One of the occurrences was the arrival of the Persian ambassadors. It was1112b reported that when Ẕīya-al-Mulk, and Abū Nāṣir arrived there, Shāh 'Abbās behaved like a dutiful child and made the Shāhinshāh's slipper—which the ambassadors had with them—the diadem of good fortune. He accepted the regulations (dastūrnāma) of the world's commander and gathered bliss by acting in accordance therewith. He sent Minūcihr1112c Beg, who was one of his special servants, with a submissive letter, and despatched choice presents. On the 23rd he had the bliss of an audience, and was exalted by princely favours. There were 101 choice 'Irāq horses, and among them was a horse which was five years old and had come from the sea of Gīlān (the Caspian). It had only two or three hairs on the mane and tail. It was very choice, and its performances were unrivalled, but it died on the way. There were choice mares (qisrāq), one of which was valued at 5,000 rupīs. There were 300 pieces of brocade—all woven by the hands of noted weavers—and fifty masterpieces of Ghīāṯ1113a Naqshband, and wonderful carpets, which cost in Persia 300 tumāns a pair; also choice coverlets (takyanamad), splendid pāīncas, also, turkish pavilions, embroidered mattresses, various seeds, and 9 goats (Murgaz) whose fleeces yield wool (ṣūf) and silk (khārā), as well as other rarities, and 500 Turkamans in rich dresses. There were also numerous 'Irāqī horses in the caravan.
On this day the Prince-Royal introduced Rajah Bāsu, and his wavering was pardoned.
EXPEDITION FOR THE TAKING OF AḤMADNAGAR.
The intention of the Shāhinshāh was to send the victorious troops under the command of the Prince-Royal to Tūrān, and to include that ancestral territory within the empire. As that nursling1114a of dominion, owing to the intrigues of some worshippers of India, did not give his mind to this enterprise, H.M.'s idea was that when his other sons should come to do homage, he would send whichever of them showed an inclination for the task. At this time foolish and envious talkers represented that Prince Sulṭān Murād had no intention of coming to court, and they quoted the unbecoming speeches of this and that person. They also pointed out improper behaviour on the part of Prince Daniel, who had already hastened off from Allahabad. H.M. resolved on making an expedition to the south by the route of Agra. If the reports were true, he would first give his mind to remedying matters there, and afterwards would conquer the Deccan, for the troops had long gone there, and the work had been protracted on account of interested motives. Afterwards, if fortune favoured him, he would make an expedition to Tūrān. As it was the 746 fourteenth year since his advent to the Panjab, and numbers of men had become attached to the place, they did not approve of this expedition (to the Deccan). While they made the disturbance of the homeless Tārīkīs a pretext for abstaining from it, and sometimes they brought forward the commotion of the rebels in the northern hills. From the activity of the market of dissimulation, there was some delay, but as Almighty God did not permit what was proper for eternal dominion's being passed over, H.M.'s first design grew stronger, and on 26 Ābān (about 6 November, 1598), after one hour twelve minutes of the night of Thursday, he set off on an elephant, Miriam-Makānī, and the other Begams, and Sulṭān Khurram, were left in Lahore. Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn was appointed to look after the court and the province. Mīr Murād was Mīr Bakhshī, and Malik Khair Ullah was appointed to be Kotwāl. On the 30th, Abu-l-qāsim Tamkīn1115a arrived from Kashmīr at the first stage, and had the honour of an audience. On 13 Āẕar H.M. crossed the river Bīāh (Beas) on an elephant at Gobindwāl, while the troops crossed by a bridge. On this day the house of Arjun Kūr (Kūrū) received fresh lustre by the advent of the Shāhinshāh. His forefathers had been, one after the other, the leaders of the Brahman caste. He entreated much, and, as his desire sprang from devotion, it was gratified. At this time the fort of Melgarha1115b in Berār was taken. Mas'aūd K. Ḥābshī held it. He also took Sika (?)1115c Jalgāon by craft. First he sent his family inside, and by that pretence conveyed some people thither, and so prevailed over it. Prince Sulṭān Murād sent Sundar Dās with some men. He invested it. On the 19th the garrison capitulated, and delivered up the keys. In this year Walī1115d Beg, the son of Payinda K., came from Bengal, and was exalted by doing homage. Part of his peshkash (offering) was twenty-two choice elephants.
One of the occurrences was the conquest of Narnāla.1115e Hamān,1115f a native of Zanẓībar, held it. He did not accept the persuasions of the enlightened. By the exertions of Rai Gopāl, Dangar1115g K. Gond took the side of concord, and some members of the families of the garrison, who had come out, were seized. He became helpless and made his submission. When the prince came out to see the spectacle of Gārwīl, he passed by that fort (Narnāla), and the governor came out and paid his respects. On the 20th he made it over to the imperial servants. It has few equals for height, strength, capaciousness and quantity of buildings. The Prince went to the top of it, and from there returned to Shāhpūr. On this day the fort of Mānpūr was taken. Mīrzā K. (the Khān-khānān) had invested it for some time, but as he made no special efforts, the Prince recalled him, and sent Naẕar K. with some men. Zangū Nānū, Haibat Rāo, 'Alī K., Garz Rai and others, several times came out and fought, 747 but from want of provisions they capitulated.
On the 21st H.M. crossed the Sutlej at Lūdhīāna on an elephant, and the troops crossed by a bridge. Next day M. Shāhrukh did homage. An order had been sent, summoning him, and on 1 Shāhrīyūr he took leave from Prince Sulṭān Murād. On the 26th H.M. halted at Sirhind. Abū S'aīd the collector there had long since built1116a some houses there. He begged for H.M.'s visit, and he accepted and came there at the close of the day. When it became known that he had built them with oppression, H.M. did not remain there long, and though his tents had not been set up, and the night was dark, he went off, and reposed in the fields.1116b Next morning he visited the delightful gardens, and practised both pleasure and piety ('īshrat-u-'ibādat). On this day Calabī1116c Beg paid his respects, and was favourably received. His ancestors were the chief men of Tabrīz. In early youth he devoted himself to learning. In Qazwīn he studied with Khwāja Afẓal Turk, who was the unique of the age for intellect—in Shīrāz he studied with M. Jān, who had few equals in philosophy, and acquired much knowledge. When his abilities and his princely lineage were made known to H.M., an order was sent for him to come, together with many presents. He obtained his desires at this seat of dominion, but afterwards old age and love for his home took him back again.
One of the occurrences was the remitting of [the increase of] the ten to twelve to the Panjab. When Lahore was for some time the seat of government, the imperial officers increased the government share1116d in the proportion of ten to twelve on account of the high prices. When it appeared that by the departure of the auspicious standards, prices returned to their former level, the just sovereign remitted the increase, and small and great were much relieved. On 4 Dai Ḥaidarī the son of the Khān-khānān1117a was burnt. He fell asleep in the serai after drinking, a fire arose and on account of insensibility he could not get out. On the 5th, M. Moẓaffar1117b Ḥusain (Akbar's son-in-law) came from Qanauj and obtained his wish by doing homage. As it appeared that from drinking he did not follow the path of justice, he was summoned to the presence to be warned. On the 7th Māh Bānū the sister of the Khān Ā'ẓim M. Koka died. She was wife of the Khān-khānān, and was distinguished for intellect and purity. Her illness increased in Ambāla, and she was left behind there. The two officers took leave for some days, and in that month and year she died. H.M. was grieved, and interceded for her pardon. On the 8th Rustum M. was wounded while hunting. The hawk1117c belonging to the son of Rai Sāl sate on a tree. The Mīrzā's companions seized it and some Rajputs fought. The Mīrzā went there to quiet matters. Suddenly he was struck on the arm with a sword. He had the 748 intelligence to send the misconducted ones to Rai Sāl. The far-seeing sovereign praised him for his endurance and humanity. On the 19th Abū-l-Qāsim Namakīn received Bhakkar1117d in fief, and was sent off to guard it. On this day S. Sulṭān1118a was hanged. He was one of the learned. The desire of a collectorship made him mad. Thāneswar, which was his home, was made over to him. Owing to the intoxication of the world, he renewed his old grudges and set himself to hurt the good. When H.M. came there, the circumstance was mentioned, and some of his tyranny was proved. He obtained the punishment of his deeds. On the 19th H.M. encamped at Delhi. Next day the desire1118b of S. Farīd Bakhshī Begī was granted. There was an offering of péshkash and scattering of money. Some of them were accepted (by H.M.). From thence he went by boat to the tomb of Jannat (Humāyūn) Āshiyānī, and paid the tribute of respect to the jewel of greatness. At this time the government of Delhi was made over to Mīr 'Abdu-l-Wahhāb Bokhārī. As it appeared that Shāham K. had made over the city to some avaricious people, and lived himself at his ease, while the weak were subjected to injustice, he was removed and censured. The Saiyid1118c was brought out from retirement and appointed to this service, and raised to the rank of 500.
AGRA, THE CAPITAL, RECEIVES GLORY BY THE COMING OF THE
SHĀHINSHĀH.
H.M. marched and administered justice for two months, twenty-one days. From every place he received new grandeur. Three days he halted in order to give men repose. Crowds of men obtained varied joys, and gifts were showered. The appreciative sovereign won the heart of every one by special consideration. He alighted in the august fortress. Everywhere there was feasting and banqueting.
See how the victorious standards arrive.
The news of victory and joy have reached the sun and moon.
The sphere-circle rejoices for the moon has come.
The world has got its desire now that the Shāh has come.
His intention1119a was not to enter the city but to proceed on southwards. But as his heart was uneasy on account of the delay in the arrival of the princes, and as praters continually wove new tales, he drew his rein and stopped to reflect. Fresh summons were issued to the princes. Inasmuch as the writer of the noble volume always held to his own opinion without respect of persons, and represented in an eloquent manner what was good for the State, those 749 who sought for an opportunity and were crooked in their ways represented their own interested views. In consequence of their intrigues I was sent off on the 25th1119b (Dai, about 5th January, 1599) to bring Prince Sulṭān Murād. An order was given that if the officers of the Deccan should take upon themselves the supervision of the country, I was to come to court with the Prince. Otherwise I was to send him off and to work in harmony with the others, and to act according to the opinion of M. Shāhrukh. On this account the Mīrzā received a flag and a drum and was sent to Mālwa in order that in his own fiefs he might equip the soldiers. When he was recalled to the Deccan he was to go quickly. On this day M. Rustum received Raisīn and its territory in fief and was sent off there. Shāhbāz K. was sent to Ajmere in order that he might chastise the Rānā's officers. Every one of the servants got a choice horse and a special khil'at. The writer of the noble volume received in ạddition a warlike (mast) elephant. On the 28th the ambassador of Kashghar arrived. The sovereign (Akbar) had sent skilful men with some presents, but on account of the inscurity of the roads they could not proceed. Muḥammad K. on hearing of this became (lit. grew big) exultant and remembered to return thanks. He sent off Mīr Imām to the court with presents, but on the way he was plundered. He arrived with the letter and was favourably received. On the day S'aīd K. arrived from Behar and did homage. On 1st Isfandārmaẕ1120a the fort of Lohagarha belonging to Daulatābād was taken. M. 'Alī Beg Akbarshāhī invested it for about a month, and the garrison being in want of food and water, capitulated and delivered up the keys. On the 3rd Mīr 'Ātrif Ardibilī died in Agra. They said he was the son of Sām M. Ṣafavī. He was an ascetic and a solitary. Wonderful tales are told of him. On the 11th the quarters of M. Koka were glorified (by Akbar's arrival), and H.M., by sympathetic words, soothed his mother who was in grief for Māh Bānū and was nearly dying. She had been detained for a while at the place where her daughter died, and now arrived. By the life-giving medicine of kindness she obtained existence.
At this time the Persian ambassador arrived. When the ruler of Tūrān died, Shāh 'Abbās conceived the idea of making an expedition to Khurāsān. He defeated Atam1120b Sulṭān, a relation of 'Abdullah K., in a great battle and took that country. M. 'Alī Beg Yūzbāshī was sent by him to court with a humble letter and some choice horses and other presents. He regarded this victory as the result of the amity of H.M., and recited his thanks. On the 25th he was exalted by performing the prostration, and was gratified by princely favours.
BEGINNING OF THE 44TH DIVINE YEAR FROM THE ACCESSION, VIZ.
THE YEAR ĀBĀN OF THE 4TH CYCLE.
On Sunday, 23rd Shābān 1007, 11th March, 1599, after the passing of 3 hours, 13 minutes, the world-lighting sun cast his rays on Aries. Now, Divine bounty took possession of the old world, and the withered-up earth assumed a new countenance. H.M. adorned the throne with thanksgiving, and sate on the summit of justice and liberality.
The old world became young again.
It assumed violet tresses and tulip-cheek.
The ground seemed from the abundance of flowers and verdure
Such that it might be called a sky full of stars.
There was joy upon joy till the day of the culmination (sharaf). The hearts of high and low expanded. On the New Year's day Prince Sulṭān Daniel had an audience, and glorified his brow by performing the prostration. He civilised the province of Allahabad by justice and activity, and in accordance with the Shāhinshāh's orders he abandoned drinking, in which he had exceeded. When Fort Bāndhū had been assigned to that nursling of fortune, and he had gone there to see it, and had come from there to Hājīpūr, Dalpat Ujjainiya—who had become rebellious on account of the strength of his place and of his abundant equipment—came forward and paid his respects to him. He presented choice elephants. Then out of smallness of wisdom he took the resolution to fly, but was arrested and brought to court. After this landowner had been put straight, he (Daniel) went on some way to hunt and to put down the rebels. When he heard of the stories fabricated by interested persons, he left off everything and returned and came to court. On 27th Isfandārmaẕ he sent a petition from the other side of the Jumna and did not obtain leave to have an audience. On the beginning of the august feast he was summoned and treated with favour. Among the choice presents were 206 noted elephants, nine of which obtained the special rank. H.M. was delighted to see his son and the praters and strife-mongers withdrew their heads into the pocket of shame. Kīcak Khwājah, Iftikhār Beg, Ḥasan Qulī, Walī Beg, and many companions, performed the kornish. On this day Lāla, the son of Rajah Bīrbar, came from Bengal. He had been sent to advise some officers and to bring elephants if he found any remarkable ones. He presented 16 choice elephants. On the 6th Rām Singh, the son of Madhkar, glorified his brow by doing homage. He had long been uproarious, but on the arrival of the august standards he awoke and took the path of service, and was treated with favour. On the 751 11th Āṣaf K. was exalted by performing the prostration. In compliance with the august orders he arrived within eight1122a days from Kashmīr and was exalted by princely favours. On this day Rajah Rāj Singh had an audience. He was in the Deccan army. He was sent for, and he obeyed. Also Catar Bhūj obtained this favour. His father Jagman was one of the proprietors of Mālwa. When he died, Catar Bhūj applied to the court and obtained the rajahship in his room.
At this time Kherlah1122b was taken. It is one of the renowned forts of Berār, and is on the border between it and Gondwāna. Prince Sulṭān Murād sent some people under the charge of S. Ibrāhīm, and it was invested. There were great fights. When provisions became somewhat scarce, Saiyid Ḥusain, Biswās Rai, and others of the garrison, awoke from the slumber of presumptuousness. On the 13th (Farwardīn) they capitulated and surrendered the keys. In return they received dignities and estates. On the 14th Samānjī K., Mīr Sharīf Āmulī, and 'Abdu-r-Raḥīm, came from their fiefs. On the 19th Jagat Singh came to court from Nāgor, and was received with favour. On the 23rd Qāsim Beg Tabrīzī died. He had undergone great sufferings in spiritual contemplation, and many delightful Ṣūfic expressions fell from his lips. On the 25th the Badakhshān ambassador arrived. When Transoxiana became held by provincial kings, a base fellow of that hill country gave out that he was Muḥammad Ẕamān, a son of M. Shāhrukh, while another called himself Humāyūn, the son of M. Sulaimān. They interviewed one another and divīded the territory. The first sent a supplicatory letter to court by N'iamat Ullah. He struck Shahinshāh coins from Kabul1123a gold and sent them with some horses as a present. He explained how he had escaped from the tumult in Kabul and expressed his ashamedness for the catastrophe of Qāsim K. Though many did not believe him and regarded him as an impostor, he was received with favours. On 8th Ardībihisht Nūrāī (?) Aḥadī was executed. He drank wine with an Armenian1123b (?) in the portico of Sharīf. They quarrelled and he went to his house and killed him. He met with his deserts.
One of the occurrences was the taking of Nāsik, which belongs to Aḥmadnagar. Two months previously Prince Sulṭān Murād appointed Baharjeo and some Khāndesh soldiers to that quarter. Aẓmat K. was appointed the Amīn of the force. He knit together the hearts of the leaders. There were great combats and on the 10th the troops prevailed. On the 11th the writer arrived near Burhānpūr. Bahādur K., the ruler of Khāndesh, received him four kos from 752 Āsīr.1123c He received as a servant the holy firmān and the khil'at, and performed the prostration. Though he showed a desire that I should stay some days with him I did not agree. Next day I left Burhānpūr and halted after crossing the Taptī.1123d At the end of the day it blew hard, and there was much rain. Next day I was compelled to halt. Bahādur K. came and spent the day with me. When I1123e had spoken many bitter-seeming but sweetly intended words of guidance about the Deccan expedition, he from self-indulgence proceeded to offer excuses (for not personally taking part in it), and sent off Kabīr K., his son, with 2,000 horse. He wished to take me to his house, and to show me hospitality. I replied that I would accept it if he accompanied me. When he saw that this avenue was closed, he sent me some presents. I represented that I had made a vow to God that I would not take anything from any one unless four conditions were fulfilled: “1st, Friendship; 2nd, That I should not over-value the gift; 3rd, That I should not have been anxious to get a present; 4th, That I should be in need of it. I grant that three conditions have been fulfilled. But how can we get over the fourth? The Shāhinshāh's kindness has erased the figure of wish. In1124a the market of enlightened action, silver and gold have become a burden.” He was astonished at the nobleness of the language.
DEATH OF SULṬĀN MURĀD.
It is a thousand pities that the wine of this tavern contains lees1125a and that the cane of this sugar-plantation is a coating to deadly poison. The intoxication of this joyous banquet is followed by the crapulousness of sorrow, and the wisdom of this feast ends in the vapours of failure. Whose liver does not bleed for this fatal event? Whose eyes do not shed tears of blood? This heap of earth must pass away and be abandoned, and this dark abyss cannot be lighted up. All the links that have been put together must be severed, and all must drink the bitter waters. Shall I rehearse the jugglery of the old world, or the strong-headedness of fate? He was good of action, and a lover of propriety. He had an open heart, and a liberal hand, and had courage along with gravity. He sought to win hearts and searched for inspiration from those who were outwardly dust-stained but were inwardly bright. Owing to the wickedness of selfish and presumptuous men, some vexation arose, and some leaders1125b of the army set themselves to hamper work. He returned unsuccessful from Aḥmadnagar and fell into chronic grief. The brightness of his discretion did not remain, and he gave up to some extent the task of conciliating hearts, and he could not distinguish hypocrisy from humility. When his son1125c died, the jewel of wisdom grew dim, and he set himself down to drink in company with foolish sensual- 753 ists. Excessive drinking brought on epilepsy, and he did not apply his mind to getting better. He concealed his pains and did not digest his food. On 13th Ābān of the previous year he went off to visit Gāwīl, and after seeing it he went to Elichpūr. There he got fever, and this increased when he went to the height of Narnāla. The abdominal pains also increased. His strength and sense diminished. On 9th Dai he returned to Shāhpūr, and physicians set themselves to treat him, and he got a little better. When he heard of the arrival of the Shāhinshāh at Agra and of his being summoned to court, he became excessively melancholy, for out of shame for his drunkenness he could not make up his mind to kiss the threshold. His officers suggested another course, and when news came of the approach of the writer of the book of fortune, he marched on 9th Isfandārmaẕ towards Aḥmadnagar. His sole idea was to make this expedition a reason for not going (to Agra). The New Year's feast of this year he celebrated at Tamurnī.1126a On the 16th Ardībihisht he was seized with violent fits near Ḍihārī (or Dihbārī) on the banks of the Pūrnā, 20 kos from Ḍaulatābād, and on the 22nd he died in an unconscious state.
Alas for this painful misfortune destructive of repose.
Alas for the calamity of this worship of the bowl.
A form that was destined for long life he himself destroyed.
A jewel that might have threaded many years he himself broke.
High and low grieved, and sorrow seized friend and stranger. When news came of the illness, H.M. sent off Ḥakīm Miṣrī the Galen of the age, and he also appointed Āṣaf K. in order that there might be no delay on the journey. The envoys heard of the event on the road and returned. I praise the world's lord for that with all his anguish he guarded against being distracted, and because he ministered to his inward grief. By the might of the lordship of the spiritual world he achieved calm, and he administered medicine to the unintelligent. Kaiqubād, on losing his liver-lobe, played away his patience, and gave himself up to impatience. Luqmān the hakīm applied himself to medical treatment and compounded a medicine out of fortitude. He wrote a letter of advice, and represented: “The departure of a child from this dark dustbin to the holy realms is not a grief to the sage, and the severing of the connection should not be regarded as sorrowful. The sorrow which has laid hold of me is lest wisdom's child, i.e. patience, should die, and the fulness of the cup of the earthly body cause the extinction of the celestial spirit.” This message brought him out of the sleep of neglect. He set about what was proper for the time and exerted himself in self-culture. He spent his time in thanksgiving. H.M. was wont to act the part of the Teacher ḥakīm. Though chained to so many burdens he lived 754 a free man and at the time of sorrow admimistered medicine for the grieved.
THE ARRANGEMENT OF THE ARMY OF THE DECCAN BY MEANS OF THE
WONDERS OF DAILY-INCREASING FORTUNE.
When the writer of the noble volume was sent off, some grandees set themselves to destroy the work, and in consequence of their tales many old comrades separated from me. I was compelled to look out for new soldiers and by good fortune an abundant force was gathered together. Though well-wishers spoke against the system of making loans,1128a I did not withhold my hand from making them. I kept my eyes open to the past disturbances. When I arrived within thirty kos of the prince's camp, swift couriers brought letters from M. Yūsuf K. and other officers. These stated that the prince was very ill, and that I should go on to him post haste. Perhaps, the confusion caused by wicked men could be remedied, and high and low be saved from distraction. Their hearts had been chilled by the intrigues of the grandees of the court. Though my companions told wonderful stories in order to keep me back, I hastened forward all the more. My sole thought was that I might spend my life's coin in the service of my benefactor, and express something of my gratitude for favours by the tongue of action. On the 19th I went on faster from Dewalgāon with a few men, and at evening, arrived. There I saw what may no other person see! Things were past remedy, and men were in a state of bewilderment. Troops of them were going off. The anxiety of the leaders was to bring back the prince to Shāhpūr. I represented that in such a confusion, when high and low had lost heart, and there was a great commotion, when the enemy was near at hand, the country was foreign, to return was to cause one's own loss. During this talk that nosegay (Murād) withered, and confusion rose high. Some from wicked thoughts, some in order to protect their homes, and some in order to look after their children, chose to separate. By the help of God I did not take them into account but set myself to put the troops into order, and to do what was necessary for the time. I sent off the body to Shāhpūr in the charge of the house-servants, and it was deposited there. Some Tūrānīs left the camp and meditated sedition. In spite of advice their presumption increased. At this time the troops who were behind, and who were more than 3,000 horse, came up. My words had now fresh importance, and the crooked in their ways listened to counsel. Still small and great wanted to return. They described the death of Mun'im K. Khān khānān, the reversal of affairs in Bengal, the coming of Shihābu-d-dīn and Aẖmad K. from Gujarat, and the disturbance in that country and the like. As my special reliance 755 was on God, and my eyes were full of light from the fortune of the Shāhinshāh, their words had no effect. A world became displeased and many got angry and went off. I set myself to do what was proper, and the design of advancing occurred to me. On the 27th (Ardībihisht) we marched to conquer the Deccan. This advance gave new strength to hearts. Some counsels were sent to the guardians of the frontiers and the other watchmen of the country. The narrow-minded were succoured. Whatever treasure the prince had, all the goods which were not fit to be sent (to court), and whatever I had myself or could collect by borrowing, were distributed. In a short time those who had gone away returned, and business became active. The whole of the prince's territory was guarded, except Nāsik which was far off, and the news of whose danger was later in coming. The news of the prince's death and of the despair of the officers dispersed the guardians there. Though, on account of the perfunctory conduct of the persons sent, that territory was not secured, yet much land was added to the imperial dominions. Though the intriguers at court did not fully read my report (to Akbar) and with evil intentions concealed those events, yet as I continued in prayer to God, and the attention of H.M, towards me increased daily, the management of the troops was carried on in an excellent way, and beyond the expectations of contemporaries. There was astonishment among far and near. It is beyond the power of mortals to return thanks to God. What can a powerless person like me do?
I did not behave moodily in his service,
For he said “he is worthy of praise.”
While indulging in thoughts I continued pious, and returned hearty thanks. Sometimes this occurred to me: “The secret knowledge of the world's lord has again been impressed on high and low Without my striving and without the recommendation of this one or that one, he took me from the dustheap of obscurity, and brought me out from the lane of knowledge-gathering, and advanced me to high rank.” Sometimes I thought how without the favour of this or that man I had been promoted to high executive work, and how silence and repentance had taken possession of the tongues and hearts of the court-witlings. Sometimes it occurred to me that by the efforts of envious people the tongue of suspicion had been loosed against me who only had one object, and they had sent me far away from court, but the true Disposer (God) had made this a source of high promotion, and marked them with enduring shame. The circumstance that without man's help this difficult task had been easily performed by me did not (unduly) elate me, and I prayed to God that this liking for difficulties might not darken my understanding, and that the efforts of private enemies might not work me injury.
756 One of the occurrences was the death of Maṣūm Kābulī. From the time when he became mad from ingratitude, and stirred up the dust of commotion in Bengal, he fell into distress. As the heart-lacerating blows of fortune did not waken him from his slumbers he fell into sicknesses, and on the 30th (Ardībihisht, 10th May 1599) he died.1130a The prosperity of the eastern rebels decayed. On 3rd Khurdād (13th May) a great member1130b of the harem died. The news arrived from Lahore on the 12th, and the royal ladies were seized with grief, and Shāhzāda Khānim, the daughter of the lady, was much upset. H.M. soothed her somewhat by sympathy and counsels. At this time Sitūnda1131a was taken. As after the death of Prince Sulṭān Murād, the writer of the noble volume took charge of the arranging of the army, the guarding of the country, and the capturing of places that had not been taken, he appointed Sundar Dās to take fort Taltūm.1131b He dexterously got some of the inhabitants to assist him. One of them called the governor of the fort to his quarters and then informed Sundar Dās. Active men set themselves to take the fort. The garrison made some resistance and then capitulated. On the 27th they delivered up the keys. On the 30th Miriām-Makānī came to Agra. As H.M. was going for some time to the South he sent a loving letter inviting her to come to see him. At the same time he sent for Sulṭān Kharram and many of the ladies. When they approached, the Prince-Royal went forward with some grandees to welcome them. On that day H.M. received them. Up to this day no one had told him of the unavoidable event of Prince Sulṭān Murād. The report of the writer had been represented in a different way. That great lady (Miriām Makānī) conveyed the news to him, and a world was plunged in sorrow. H.M., by dint of the strength of his lordship of the spiritual world restrained his feelings, and administered comfort to the mourning ladies. The assistance of that God-worshipper came into play, and the distressed acquired resignation.
THE SENDING OF PRINCE SULṬĀN DANIEL TO GOVERN THE DECCAN.
The cherishing of the weak and the chastisement of the rebellious are the great acts of devotion of just monarchs. The incomparable Creator wills that nothing should be greater for rulers than these two things. God be praised! H.M. holds high rank in the 757 recognition of those two duties. Neither joy or sorrow withholds him from them. In spite of his grief for his dear son and his sympathy for the troops of mourners, he gave his attention to the South in order to assuage the distressed. His heart desired to send the Prince-Royal on this service, but he, at the time1132a for being sent there, was guided by evil-minded persons and did not come to court. As the guarding of the country could not be delayed, he, in that happy hour, appointed Prince Sulṭān Daniel. On the eve of 2nd Tīr he was sent off after receiving weighty counsels. H.M. accompanied him to the first halting place. He spent the night there and occupied himself in fresh supplications and counsels. He favoured the prince by granting him a red tent (sarāca) which is only set up for the Shāhinshāh. A firmān was sent to the writer of the noble volume to the effect that H.M. desired to summon me to his presence, but that as he was sending the Prince there, I must endure the apparent separation, and must point out to the prince the management of administrative and financial affairs. From the beginning of my understanding I had had a daily-increasing longing for freedom, but by the strange working of the spheres my association with the world had increased. At this time when the brightness1132b of the jewel had been augmented, I wished deliverance from the burden of existence on account of the intrigues of wicked men, and the currency of liars. (At the same time) I acquired by God's help something of a great name, and my external workshop was raised to a higher rank. During this contention between the spiritual and the temporal, the sublime order came and furnished material for both resolutions. I was bewildered on account of absence from that fountain of intelligence, but I came to myself from thoughts of development (of the country). I resumed my work and waited in expectation of the advent of that jewel of sovereignty's mine.
At this time Saiyid Qāsim Bārha's days came to an end. Prince Sulṭān Murād had previously sent him on this expedition, and sent with him many brave and experienced men. When the prince fell into disorder, he returned rapidly. He entered into engagements with the writer of the noble volume and returned after gaining his desires. He took possession of some cultivated tracts and on the 6th he died of dyspepsia at the town of Kunhar near Daulatābād. On the 8th the writer sent M. Khān with a number of men to Nāsik, and he wrote to M. Yār, who had been sent there, to join quickly with his force. Though on account of his illness he had not a proper equipment, yet no special harm accrued to him from the enemy. On the 15th the mother of Prince Sulṭān Parvez died, and the ladies were grieved. H.M. comforted them. On the 17th Rajah Mān Singh paid his respects and produced a choice set of presents. Among them were fifty valuable diamonds. Bengal had become more quiet and he had an order permitting him to come to court 758 whenever his mind was at ease about the country. As there was some peace in that land he had the bliss (of attending the court), and received favours. On the 28th Qulīj K. came from Jaunpūr, and had an audience. Prince Daniel had been left to take charge of that province. As he was at ease about it he came to court. On 2nd Amardād, Barkhūrdār1133a the son of 'Abdu-r-raḥmān, the son of Muyīd Beg, was sent to prison. Dalpat Ujjainiya had been released and had taken leave to go to his home, after having obtained his desires. Barkhūrdār and some riotous ones fell upon him because his father had been killed in battle with that landholder. The latter cleverly escaped. H.M. censured Barkhūrdār and sent him to prison. H.M. wished to bind him and send him to the landholder, but at the intercession of some persons he was released.1134a On the 4th S. 'Abdu-r-raḥmān was sent to Daulatābād. As God sent the writer of the noble volume to quiet the Deccan, there was activity everywhere so that by (Divine) help, liberality and bravery the contumacious were set to right. At this time the garrison of Daulatābād represented that if safe conducts were granted them, and a place assigned to them for a residence, they would surrender the keys and accept service. But there were some Abyssinians and Deccanīs in that neighbourhood, and an army should be sent to punish them. On this account I sent off my son—whose forehead showed signs of propriety—and gave him 1,500 of my own horse and an equal number of other soldiers. At this time Āṣaf K. was exalted by being made Diwān-i-kul. H.M. always looked closely into the administration, and never neglected what was necessary. As Rai Patr Dās opened the hand of bribe-taking, and vexed people, he was on the 11th sent to Bāndhū and Āṣaf K. was raised to this high office. Qulīj K. was made Mīr Māl, but gradually he withdrew his hand from this. On the 26th M. Shāhrukh joined the southern army. As a great disturbance had arisen upon the death of Prince Sulṭān Murād, the writer called him to himself. The Mīrzā arranged to come quickly, but foolish talkers prevented him, and the general commotions,1134b which are got up at such times, also interfered. As it was the Divine will that this inexperienced and unassisted one (the author) should become known for ability and that the envious should be put to shame, although 1 expected that the Mīrzā from his singleness of heart would come at this crisis even if there was not an order for his doing so, yet from the untrue speeches of this man and that man he did not come. And though an order, which had an admixture of rebuke, followed, he made excuses and did not arrive. At last Ḥusain was sent as sazāwal and made him come, willing or unwilling. He arrived 759 this year with the victorious troops, and I received him and brought him to my quarters. I exulted at the arrival of so brave and pure-minded a man.
On 3rd Shahriyūr1135a Malik Khair Ullah was killed. He was the night-watch ('asas) of Lahore, and he performed this duty satisfactorily. One day he sent for a noted thief, who was in prison, and was examining him in his private room. That wicked fellow brought in by pretexts some of his companions, and sent out Malik Khair Ullah's servants, and while the latter was alone, killed him as well as his son.
One of the occurrences was the subsiding of the disturbance in Bīr.1135b An extensive country is attached to this city, and it contains 1,001 villages, every one of which is like a city. A month before the death of the Prince, Sher1135c Khwāja had taken it with the help of some brave men. When the Prince died, most of the pillars of the State tried to give it up. As to give up a conquered territory without cause was to encourage the enemy, the proposal was not accepted (by A. F.). When things were going on well, envy made many persons mad, and they urged the enemy—who were more than 15,000 in number—to drive off Sher Khwāja during the rains when the river would be full. At the beginning of the rains the enemy assembled. Their idea was that as the imperial troops were not more than 3,000, they would be victorious when the river was in flood and help could not come. On receipt of this information, letters were written to the officers—who could easily join—and great efforts were made to cause them to help. Some from ignorance, and some from wickedness made delays so that the rains increased, and the river raged. 15,000 Abyssinians and Deccanīs with 60 elephants approached Bīr. Sher Khwāja who was unique for courage and skill, drew up his forces, and from ignorance and fieryness of disposition hastened1136a forward, passing over streams and broken ground. Though experienced men represented the superiority of the enemy, the advantages of caution, and the existence of heights and hollows, they were not listened to. Owing to this inconsiderate marching, the troops became somewhat disorganised, while the enemy were in good order. The van, which was composed of Rājputs, fought well, and performed prodigies of valour. The centre and the right and left wings did not act well. Meanwhile a force, which was in a hollow,1136b made a strong attack. Jagrūp,1136c son of Jagannāth, Gopāl Dās Rāthor, Sulṭān Bhātī, Muḥammad Amīn Cūlī, and many others, gave their lives in a worthy manner, and the troops were dispersed. The 760 enemy followed them and came towards the city. Sher Khwāja came forward and drove off the foe in front of him. Wafādār K. and a number of able men of the right wing joined. Y'aqūb Beg, Kūcak 'Alī Beg, and some others caused the jewel of courage to shine. When Sher Khwāja returned he found the field full of the fallen. Learning the success of the foe he became very sorrowful, and was compelled to proceed rapidly to the city. Here a hot engagement took place, and Sher Khwāja entered the city, wounded. Just then Bahādur-al-mulk arrived with some brave men and got into the city after performing prodigies of valour. The defeated got fresh courage. He had come instantly from a distance of ten or twelve kos, though the Khwāja was somewhat displeased with him. Though he heard that the Khwāja was killed, he did not turn back, but came on all the faster. S'aīd 'Arab and some companions showed great courage. By good fortune the enemy were tired out and did not advance that day or the following day, but looked after their own wounded, and dispersed. Had they pressed on with the same vigour as at first, things would have been very critical. The garrison made a fence (kocaband) round the city, and on every side there was fighting.
When the news came a council was held, and high and low were asked for their remedies. There was a great confusion owing to evil thoughts and bad opinions. I turned aside from the others and addressed myself to the True Disposer (God). On 4th Shahriyūr I set out rapidly in heavy rain.1137a I made over the camp, the artillery and the elephants to M. Shāhrukh and Khwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, to be brought after me to Jālnāpūr. I sent for S. 'Abdu-r-raḥmān from Daulatābād. My idea was to hasten on to the bank of the Ganges (Godavery) and to collect the troops. If any one of the good servants should have the courage to cross and fight I would send him, and remain myself on the bank, so that the work in front might go on, and that those behind might become composed. Otherwise I would personally go to the relief. As it was not believed that the expedition would take place, few even of the special men came forward. I was obliged to form a camp after marching five kos, but went on rapidly myself with a few men to Āhūbara. My idea was that M. Yūsuf K. would show energy in this work. After travelling twenty kos I joined him in the first part of the night, and stayed five days in his quarters. Though on the first day I came to despair of him, yet M. 'Alī Beg, and the army of Daulatābād, and other brave men, joined. I engaged in borrowing money for equipping the soldiers, and sent a number to the bank of the river, and got possession of the ford. M. 'Alī Beg took upon himself the guarding and the fighting of the force, and I sent on with encouraging words every one who came up afterwards. When my mind was somewhat at ease about the army I followed up quickly myself. My idea was that as all were not of 761 one mind, possibly an engagement would not have a good result, and so it was better that I should myself come to the battlefield. When the officers arrived, one after the other, on the bank of the river, they were unable to cross on account of the flood. When S. 'Abdu-r-raḥmān came to the bank, the Divine aid smote the waves and the river became at once fordable. When the army heard of this, they returned thanks to God, and they crossed over on horseback. Old natives of the country were astonished, and thought that it was magic. On the 20th I arrived at the bank of the river, and on hearing the news of the victory I halted. On the 18th when the troops crossed, the enemy—who were near the bank—had fought slightly with the skirmishers and had then fled. They lost heart on hearing that the tempestuous river had been crossed and that the writer had arrived. On the 19th they broke up the siege and went off in a confused state to Aḥmadnagar. Thanksgivings were offered upon the receipt of this news, and there were joyful meetings. The garrison had been in straits for nineteen days. Though on the first day they did not display much courage, yet during the siege they showed great valour, though their condition was wretched, and they despaired of help. Every day there were hot contests. The men had to eat horse flesh, and the horses ate the reed-thatching of the houses. The heroes were nearly slaying their families and coming out by sacrificing their own lives. In spite of the confusion of one's comrades, smallness of means, and the difficulty of the work, the Incomparable Creator produced so delightful a picture, and a world fell into rejoicing. My idea was that on this day when the Niẓāmu-l-mulkī troops were disordered, and many brave men were collected, an expedition should march to take Aḥmadnagar. But the resolution of my companions did not rise to this. Strange to say, they even wanted to abandon Bīr. Some out of evil intentions separated themselves, and a new commotion arose. It was remedied by endurance and forbearance. As the Bīr soldiers had undergone hardships, and were depressed on account of men's foolish talk, I wished to make over the guarding of it to S. 'Abdu-r-raḥmān. Sher Khwāja from the goodness of his disposition represented: “As I commenced the work, it is far better that I should finish it, but please place some men in Shāhgarha to help me. Though Bīr has a stone fort, an earthen wall shall also be put round the city.” On this account Bīr was left in his charge. The chosen servants there received promotion as well as robes of honour and horses, and suitable presents. I myself made my quarters on the bank of the river in order to encourage 762 them. By the Divine favour a great disturbance subsided, and the rebels everywhere had recourse to entreaties. There was new fervour in giving of thanks, and there was also acknowledgment of the Shāhinshāh's fortune. There was a wonderful old nīm tree in the fort of Shāhgarha. Its trunk had two branches, one sweet, and the other bitter. The first was good for preserving health and in leprosy, etc. I reported this to H.M., and in accordance with orders I sent portions of both to court.
At this time the arrival of treasure quickly brightened the face of dominion. As many had not fiefs, and the jāgīrs of some others were not in good order, the hall of wishes was opened (i.e. petitions were made). When H.M. heard of this he gave orders that the Gujarat treasure should be gradually conveyed and that more than three lakhs of rupīs should be sent from court by way of hundī. In this country the rule is that when one desires to have money conveyed without the expense and trouble of transit to distant places, he makes it over to a man of means and he thereupon gives a writing. This is conveyed to the desired place, and the person there pays the money on seeing the document. The singular thing is that seals and witnesses are not required. The writing is called by this name (hundī), and in consequence of difference in place and circumstance sometimes it is met at par and sometimes there is profit (?). H.M. distributed the money to the officers and ordered that each should dispatch it according to this custom. In a short time this was done and the soldiers got new support.
On the 21st the daughter of Qulīj K. died. This great lady was in the harem of Prince Sulṭān Daniel. She died near Gwaliyār. H.M. brought the mourners to patience by his exhortations. On this day the fort of Taltūm was taken. It is one of the choice forts of Berar. The writer sent Sundar Dās to take it, and he planted there the foot of courage. There were great fights. One night the garrison was overtaken by the slumber of neglect. The assailants mounted by ladders, Qatlū K. the governor fled and the other rebels submitted.
UPREARING OF THE AUGUST STANDARDS IN THE DIRECTION OF MĀLWA.
When Prince Sulṭān Daniel was sent off to conquer the South, and delayed somewhat on the road, H.M. conceived the idea of hunting in Mālwa so that he might urge on his son to greater activity in the carrying out of orders. On 6th Mihr, 16th September, 1599, he made over the charge of Agra to Qulīj K., and after 4 hours, 24 763 minutes, mounted his rapid steed and went off on his expedition to the Deccan. Sulṭān Khusrū, Sulṭān Parvīz, Sulṭān Kharram and many ladies accompanied him. On this day the Prince-Royal obtained leave to go to Ajmere. The gracious sovereign was continually increasing his kindness to him, but he from drunkenness and bad companionship did not distinguish between his own good and evil. On this account he was for some time not granted an audience.1140a At the instance of Miriam-Makānī he was allowed to make the kornish. He made fresh promises of discretion and of service. H.M. sent him to chastise Umrā the Rānā, and gave him many instructive counsels. Rajah Mān Singh, Shāh Quli Maḥram and many other officers accompanied him. At the request of the Rajah, his son Jagat Singh was sent off to take charge of Bengal.
One of the occurrences was the death of 'Īsā. He was a great landholder in Bengal. He had some share of prudence, but from somnolence of fortune he did not come to court. At the time when H.M. was marching to the South, Rajah Mān Singh thought in his ignorance that the guardianship of Bengal was an easy matter, and so took it upon himself while living in Ajmere. By wondrous fate that turbulent landholder died, and the thornbush of commotion was extirpated. On the 19th the Khān-khānān was sent to Prince Sulṭān Daniel. When the gracious sovereign learnt that the writer of the noble volume was very sad on account of his distance from the sublime court, he distinguished that great officer—who on account of the occurrences in the Deccan had somewhat fallen out of favour— and the latter made fresh promises of good service. He was allowed to leave at the second stage, and an order was given that when the prince arrived (in the Deccan), the writer should take the opportunity of coming to prostrate himself at the holy threshold. He was delighted at this news, and submitted his humble thanks. On the 22nd H.M. alighted, on the way, at the quarters of the Khān-khānān, and enjoyed himself there till the close of the day. Among the presents offered by the Khān-khānān was a horse which fought with an elephant, and excited astonishment. On the 26th Jagat Singh died. When he was sent off to Bengal he near Agra engaged in preparations for the journey. Suddenly he died, and the Kachwāha tribe was plunged into sorrow. Princely sympathy administered balm to the mourners. His son Mahā1141a Singh, who was of tender age, was favoured and sent off in his room. The garden of a world's hope was irrigated. At this time the capture of the fort of Narnāla brought joy. In old times the ruler of Berar made Taltūm the seat of government. The ruler of Aḥmadnagar conquered it. In the first place the son of Qatlū K.—who held both forts—fell into the hands of Sundar Dās and thereafter conceived a desire to enter service. On this day he through the intervention of ‘I’tibār K. chose service and delivered up the keys. Dalpat Rāo, Daulat K. 764 and others of the garrison obtained their desires. On 4th Ābān the solar weighment took place, and H.M. was weighed against twelve articles. The court of liberality and of gifts was thrown open. On the 5th the august retinue arrived near Dholpūr, and rested for a while in Ṣādiq K.'s garden. Zāhid his son acquired bliss by distributing money, and by offering presents.
At this time the writer sent to court the ladies of Prince Sulṭān Murād. When he died, some of them, who were with him, were sent to Shāhpūr. They were now all collected and sent with honour under the charge of suitable persons. The treasurer (taḥwīldār), the accountant, and the dārogha were sent with them, and a list was made of the properties. On account of the insecurity of the roads, and a shortness of money, there was some delay in the dispatch. Now that their minds were at ease, they were sent off on the 15th. The corpse was also sent. As wicked men intended war, and there was a great report of a forthcoming battle I retained one half of the 400 elephants. Rai Dūrgā, M. Farīdūn and other officers and aḥadīs were appointed to escort the ladies. I was relieved of a heavy responsibility. They joined the court in Mālwa. By H.M.'s orders the body of the forgiven one was conveyed to Delhi. On the 20th, H.M. halted at Gwaliyar, and he ascended the fort, and passed the night there. Rāj Singh1142a the governor paid his respects, and received honour. Next day he descended and visited the dwelling of S. 'Abdullah K. On the 26th Mīr 'Abdu-l-ḥai was sent to the Prince-Royal. As it was reported that he was loitering on the way, Mīr 'Abdu-l-ḥai was sent to him with counsels. As Rajah Mān Singh was discomposed by grief for his son, a horse and a robe of honour were sent to him, and consolatory messages addressed to him. On 1st Āẕar, 11th November, 1599, Shāhbāz K. died. He was addicted to the use of quicksilver. When he was over seventy, he got pains in his arms and loins. He got a little better, but in the city of Ajmere the illness returned, and the fever increased. The remedies of the physicians restored him to health, but in this year and month he suddenly died. He had few equals in every kind of service, and in the management of troops. If he had given up bigotry and had controlled his tongue, he would have possessed the embroidery of wisdom.1142b
At this time the writer proceeded towards Aḥmadnagar. Cānd Bībī had raised Bahādur, the grandson of Burhān, to the throne and was living there. She thought it was a strong place, and a protection for herself. Some soldiers were favourably disposed to her. Outside, Abhang K. the Abyssinian (zangī) was, along with many others, making a disturbance. Though the boy was considered as the ruler yet secretly that chaste lady was ruler. She continually 765 sent conciliatory messages to the army, and also at the same time affected friendship with the Deccanīs. She1143a practised the same methods towards the author of the precious volume. He replied, “If from foresight and a happy star you bind yourself to the sublime court, what can be better! You must observe whatever agreement you make. Otherwise it is improper to utter words to which acts do not correspond. The path of sending and receiving messages is not clear.” When the wickedness of those inside became patent to her, and she came to understand in some measure the good intentions of this person (A. F.), she sent well-wishers and confirmed the relationship of friendship, and in the treaty written with her own hand she inserted true oaths. She represented that “when Abhang K. was punished she would surrender the keys of the fort, but asked that Bīr might be made her fief. She also asked that she might be allowed to go there and take some repose, and said that thereafter she would go to court whenever it was wished, and would send Bahādur to wait upon H.M. From the upsetting of plans and the vexations of companions there would be some delay.”
When the stay in Shāhgarha had been somewhat prolonged, and some had gone away, and the report of the coming of the Prince died down, evil thoughts came into the head of Abhang K. He brought Sham-sher-ul-mulk, the son of Miyān K.—who was formerly the governor of Berar—out of prison and gave him position. He also gave him an army in order that he might go from Daulatābād to that country (Berār). As the families of the soldiers were there, the imperial army got perturbed, lest at this time he might prevail. As I knew for a long time of this evil intention, I sent M. Yūsuf K. with a large force to remedy matters. The Mīrza treated the affair lightly and fell into the slumber of negligence. He (Shamsher) came to Berar, and a great commotion arose. Many of the defenders of the country took to flight, and a number went off, without asking1144a leave, to comfort their families. By the help of able men I formed the idea of proceeding to Aḥmadnagar, of punishing the wicked who were inside, and of testing the words of Cānd Bībī. I set off on the 12th, and summoned to myself the brave men from every quarter. When I had advanced several stages, the enemy turned back from every place, and collected at Aḥmadnagar. At this time came the joyful news that Shamsher K. had fallen. The commotion awaked M. Yūsuf K. and he followed him (Shamsher) quickly. He also sent on in advance M. Khān, M. Lashkarī, 'Aādil K., Sundar Dās and others. Shamsher made an attempt on Elichpūr. The men sent in advance arrived, and he, on receiving this intelligence, became bewildered 766 and went off rapidly. They at the guidance of some landholders loosed their rein (i.e. pursued him). On the night of 7th Āẕar they fell upon his quarters from every side and poured in arrows. There was a slight battle, and suddenly he was killed by an arrow. The success of the wicked departed, and the drum of joy beat high. On the 27th the august standards reached Bhilsa, and M. Rustum arrived from his fief, and did homage.
At this time the writer abandoned his intention of proceeding to Aḥmadnagar. On 5th Dai he came to Mūngī1144b Patan, and wished to cross the Ganges (Godavery). There he received the orders of Prince Sulṭān Daniel to this effect: “Your energy is impressed upon every one. Your desire is to take Aḥmadnagar before we arrive, but you must restrain yourself from such intention. After this, there will be no delay on the road.”
On the 9th H.M. mounted his horse, and a world rejoiced. For some days he had pains in his stomach, and had proceeded in a litter. From God's kindness to mortals, he got well near Sajāwalpūr and returned thanks. At this time a fresh disturbance broke out among the soldiery. When the Prince arrived at Burhānpūr, Bahādur K. did not come down from his fort to meet him, and refrained from the auspiciousness of service. The Prince conceived the design of punishing him, and sent for M. Yūsuf K. who was about to go to Pattan. On seeing this, other men went to that quarter, and many left the writer. The enemy—who had been in trepidation—on seeing this inopportune delay and dispersion, made several night attacks, and failed. I continually exerted myself to put matters straight. Brave men set their hearts upon fighting, and fought well. Owing to the Divine protection, and one victory after another, the rebels dispersed, and Abhang K. took to supplications and flatteries. On 15th Bahman the lunar weighment took place at Ujjain, and H.M. was weighed against eight articles. There was a general proclamation of liberality, and crowds of men had their desires satisfied. On the 25th H.M.'s stomachic pains were somewhat troublesome, but after four days he recovered his health. High and low returned thanks, and there were joyful assemblages.
EXPEDITION OF H.M. FOR THE TAKING OF ĀSĪR.
On the 29th the great tent was erected at Ujjain. H.M.'s intention was to remain for some days in Mālwa and enjoy hunting, so 767 that the soldiers might set themselves energetically to the conquest of Aḥmadnagar. When the news came that Bahādur K., the ruler of Khāndesh, had, in consequence of the strength of his fortress and the amount of his equipment, not paid his respects to the Prince, and that the latter thought of taking the fort and of punishing him, an order was issued that he should proceed with his expedition against Aḥmadnagar. “Perhaps Badādur's not paying his respects was not the result of rebelliousness. Perhaps his intention was first to pay his respects to ourselves (Akbar). Otherwise the august standards will come to Burhānpūr and get to the bottom of the affair.” The Prince obeyed the order and went on. Bahādūr K. offered choice presents, and sent his son Kabīr K. with some men to accompany him (Prince Daniel). First, Khwājāh Mawadūd went from the court to give him advice. He sent four unsuitable elephants and made false statements about not paying his respects. Then Mīr Ṣadar Jahān was sent to give advices, and after him Peshrau K. Bahādur in his want of wisdom fell into absurd thoughts. As his ancestor (his father) had ended his life in obedience and service, H.M. had favoured him from afar and had given him his kingdom. From ill-fatedness he did not march with the army of the South, and did not wait upon the princes. H.M. was always making1146a allowances for him. Now when the august standards had arrived near at hand, and Bahādur did not accept advice, he unavoidably proceeded to punish him and to take his country from him. He marched by the route of Dīpālpūr and Dhār to Burhānpūr. On the 11th Isfandārmaẕ, Sālbāhan, the son of Mandī (?), S., Farīd1147a Bakhshī Begī, Hāshim Beg, Qarā Beg, Qāẓī Ḥasan, M. Yūsuf, Bāz Bahādur, Muqīm K., Bahādur K., Tolak1147b K., M. Barkhūrdār, 'Ulugh Beg Badakhshī, Raḥīm Haravī, Mīr Jalāl, Qazal Abdāl, 'Alāu-d-dīn Ḥusain, Bikramājīt, Lakhmān Sen, Bhangan (?) K., and some Saiyids of Bārha and many other brave men, were sent off to besiege Āsīr. On the 21st Fatḥ Ullah1147c Sharbatdār (butler) died. He was a good servant and right-minded. He was placed in a confidential position on account of his good service. He fell into habits of drinking, and was sent to the Deccan in the hope that the pain of separation might be medicinal to him. He had the auspiciousness to give up the habit, but suffered severe pains, so that physicians came to despair of him. The gracious sovereign called him to himself, and he got a little better. He went to visit Māndū, and suddenly died. On the 23rd H.M. arrived at the Narbada. Next morning he enjoyed swimming1147d therein. On the 26th he crossed the river and arrived at Bījāgarha. The New Year feast was celebrated in that delightful place.
BEGINNING OF THE 45TH YEAR FROM THE ACCESSION, TO WIT, THE YEAR ĀẔAR OF THE 4TH CYCLE.
On the night of Monday, 4th Ramẓān 1008, 10th March 1600, after 8 hours 40 minutes the world-lighting sun cast his rays upon Aries, and the 9th year of the 4th Cycle brought news of joy. The world put on the joy of youth from the air of Spring and the breeze of the morning. Thanks were rendered, and prayers offered up that there might be a new revolution of the heavens, and new delight to mortals.
The wise sovereign gave his mind to embellishment. He distinguished between Spring and Autumn and set himself to entertain the new arrivals. As an expedition was contemplated, he attended less than usual to outward decorations. On 5th Farwardīn he marched, but as many endeavoured to keep him back he halted at Kargāon Bījāgarha. On 10th Farwardīn, 20th March 1600, the writer paid his respects at this place, and obtained the desire of his heart by beholding the Shāhinshāh. When the Prince passed Burhānpur an order arrived that I should make over the soldiers to M. Shāhrukh and proceed to court. I was delighted. I went to the Mīrzā and held a council, and read the order. As on account of the proceeding of men to Burhānpūr some dispersal had arisen, the Mīrzā and the leaders of the army objected and represented that they could not manage this tumultuous place. I went sorrowfully back to my quarters and remained in expectation. When some time had passed, and things had quieted, and the Prince had come nearer M. Shahrukh, Mīr Martaẓā, Khwāja Abu-l-ḥasan and others took upon themselves the charge of the camp. I made over the treasure, the artillery, etc., but by the royal orders I took with me the elephants. I set out on the 12th Isfandārmaẕ and on the 17th I met the prince near Āhūbara, and stayed there three days. Meanwhile another order came, viz. that when I came to Burhānpūr, if Bahādūr should 769 on my counsels choose to come with me, I should give him the news of pardon and bring him with me, otherwise I was to leave the troops and the elephants there, and to come on more quickly in order that he might consult me about advancing and about going to Gujrat. When I came there (Burhānpūr) Bahādur came and saw me, and accepted my advice and became disposed to accompany me. When he went back to his house he fell into crooked ways, and sent an improper reply. According to the royal order I left the troops and the elephants and hastened forward. In a fortunate hour I rubbed my forehead at the sublime courtyard, and was exalted by princely favours. He repeated this verse with his pearl-laden tongue.
Serene be the night and pleasant the moonshine1149a
That I may talk with thee on every subject.
As the august standards had nearly come up, and an army had gone off to take Aḥmadnagar, it seemed good to advance. On the 21st Burhānpūr was made illustrious by the holy advent. From Agra to this city there are 226 kos and they were traversed in 69 marches in the course of 195 days. On the 22nd the Khān Ā'ẓim, Āṣaf K., S. Farīd1149b and the author were sent to besiege Āsīr and to establish batteries. In a short time the orders were carried out, and many soldiers were left to carry on the siege (?). The army, which had been sent under the charge of S. Farid Bakhshī Begī to take Āsīr, was small in numbers, while the enemy was numerous. It therefore acted with forethought and turned back when within three kos of the place. Some envious people gave another colour to this, and made H.M. rather vexed. When the writer had an audience, he represented the real facts, and H.M. was satisfied. On this day the charge of guarding Khāndesh was entrusted to the writer. On the 23rd1150a men were appointed in two places. From one side my honoured brother S. Abu-l-barkāt was sent with some experienced men, and from the other my son S. 'Abdu-r-raḥmān was sent. By the energy of the servants of God the rebels were soon chastised, and many submitted and enjoyed themselves. The soldiers of Khāndesh chose service, and the husbandmen were soothed, and engaged in agriculture. On 7th Ardībihisht Moẓaffar Ḥusain M. was sent to Lalang. As near there Fūlād K. Ḥabshī, Rūp Rāi, Malik Sher and some other Khandesh leaders spoke of submitting, Rai Durgā, Rai Manohar, Khwājagi Fatḥ Ullah, Mīr Zāhid, Mīr Gadai, Mīr 'Abdu-l-ḥai and many others were sent there under the charge of the Mīrzā. If they (the Khāndesh leaders) received words of counsel, they were to be sent to court, and the Mīrzā was to address himself to the taking of the fort (Āsīr). Otherwise he was to punish them. 770 By the excellence of fortune Rūp Rai died, and got the retribution of his crooked ways. He was distinguished in Khāndesh for his bravery and for the number of his followers. Before the imperial army arrived there, Fūlād K. separated from him in order to proceed to the holy threshold. When the writer was in Pattan, he guided him towards obedience, and made compacts with him. At this time he sent him a letter of advice and summoned him. An order (of Akbar's) was written to encourage him. On account of this document he came out from among the rebels. Masa'ud Beg was conveying one hundred of the Shāhinshāh's elephants to Gujrat, and he (Fūlād) joined him. Rūp Rai hastened to attack Fūlād K. When his words to him about going back had no effect, a fight took place. Rūp Rai was wounded and had to fly. His elephants and other property were seized, and he shortly afterwards died. The good service of Fūlād K. was manifested.
At this time there was some disturbance in Bengal. Rajah Mān Singh ignorantly continued to have charge of Bengal, while staying in the province of Ajmere. He thought the sedition-mongers there to be loyal and left them in that distant country to their own devices. 'Uṯmān, Sajāwal and other turbulent Afghans, who pretended to serve, raised the head of sedition. Mahā Singh and Partāb1151a Singh thought this could be easily remedied, and came out to fight. On the 18th (Ardibihist=May 1600) there was a hot engagement in Bhadrak, and the imperial troops were defeated. Though Bengal was not lost, yet some portion of it was seized.
At this time Moẓaffar1151b Ḥusain M. took to crooked ways. H.M. did not take his former slips into account, and exalted him by several favours. He from an evil nature took to drinking, and the brightness of his intellect did not remain. One day he quarrelled with Khwājahgī Fatḥ Ullah, and used violent language. In this year when the officers were four kos off from Lalang they started off to see that fort. Moẓaffar thought he had got his opportunity and went away into vagabondage. Owing to the discord among the soldiers, no one pursued him. Dalpat, the son of Rai Singh, went off on pretence of seeking him, but really went to his own home and proceeded to stir up strife. After three days Khwājah Wais1151c went out to search for him. As that wicked fellow (Moẓaffar) had gone off rapidly towards Gujarat, his companions fortunately deserted him gradually. His aims were upset, and he failed. He was compelled to disguise1151d himself as a devotee (as a qalandar) between Surat and Baglāna. While he was in this bewilderment the Khwāja came up and seized him on 5th Khurdād. On this day Rajah Partāb, the Zamīndār of Baglāna, came to do homage and was honoured, and rewarded by princely favours. He was raised to the rank of 3,000 and after receiving 771 a flag and a drum was allowed to go to his home. At this time Bahādur K. came forward with excuses and asked for quarter. When he emerged somewhat from somnolence of understanding he by the instrumentality of some double-faced persons at court sent off his grandmother1152a and his young son together with sixty elephants. He represented that “he had become terribly frightened on account of his backsliding and so was kept back from kissing the threshold. He wished that he might be left for some time to do foreign (i.e. not at court) service, until his fears should pass away and then he would come to court with the evidence of good service. He was making over his daughter (in marriage)1152b to Sulṭān Khusrū, and was sending abundance of presents.” His sole idea was that as provisions were dear H.M. would forgive him on receipt of this entreaty, and would march on. The reply was that nothing would be accepted from him unless he paid his respects. He should rely on a true promise and get rid of his fears, and come and serve.1152c At this time Ibrāhīm received the retribution of his deeds. When the management of Khāndesh was entrusted to the author he had sent Sundar Dās and many others to take the fort of Sambal1152d Dol, and Jāmū. That wicked fellow (Ibrāhīm) fought, but by God's help he was defeated and made prisoner. Many brave men were wounded, and Sundar Dās bravely yielded up his life. On the 10th that turbulent one met with the punishment of his deeds. On the 12th Fūlād K. had an audience, and was exalted by princely favours. He obtained the rank of 1,000 and a cultivated fief was given to him.
One of the occurrences was the death of Bīca Jīo.1153a Though she was the mother of the Khān Ā'ẓim M. Koka, yet she also held a inaternal relation to H.M. On the 16th she died after much suffering, and the world's lord was sad. In his grief he shaved his head and mustaches, and though he tried that none should shave except her children, his faithful servants followed suit. H.M. carried the bier for some distance on his shoulders. While old, she had a youthful mind. She was very well-disposed, and gracious of heart. On the 17th Moẓaffar Ḥusain was brought to court. His shortsightedness was pardoned, and he was sent to the prison of instruction. When it became known that the officers had not actively pursued and searched for him, they were censured, and Rai Durgā and Rai Manohar were appointed for this duty. Khwāja Wais had arrested him and brought him to Sulṭānpūr, and they too came there. Near Coprah1153b Khwāja Nāẓir, 'Ambar Ḥabshī and other Khāndesh rebels rose up to fight. By God's help they were discomfited and disgraced. On the 25th (Khurdād, 5th June 1600) the writer of the noble volume was raised to the rank of 4,000, and many sate down in the blackness of envy. On this day Sardār1153c K. came and did homage, and was raised to the rank of 1,000. He was the grandson of Rajah 'Alī K. and the sister's son of the writer. H.M. summoned him from Agra in order that he might favour him. The soldiers of the landholder of Khāndesh joined1153d him. On the 32nd the troops took the summit of the hill of Sāpan.1153e It is very high and difficult of access. The garrison of Āsīr used to come out to it and do damage. Qarā Beg, M. Yūsuf, M. Tolak, Raḥmat K., S. 'Allāu-d-dīn, Khwāja Abū Nāsir, Mīr Qāsim Badakhshī, 'Abdu-r-raḥīm, Shihāb Qandahārī, Niẓāmu-d-dīn Ḥaidar, and others stood firm in battle, and gradually drove off the enemy until they entered the fort (Āsīr). A grand victory was won. Qarā Beg and some others took charge of it. Things became somewhat difficult for the garrison (of Āsīr). In the beginning of Tīr Shāham K. Jalāīr had an audience. He had been summoned to this expedition. He arrived after providing equipment, and was exalted by princely favours. On the 3rd Nāsik was taken. When S'aādat K. submitted, the base Rājū,1154a his servant, enticed his followers by intrigues, and seized elephants and other things, and prevailed over that country. On receiving this news the Prince sent 5,000 men under the command of Daulat K. to punish him. Rajah Sūraj Singh, S'aādat Bārha, Rustum 'Arab, Shamsher 'Arab, Shahbāz K., Burhān-al-mulk and many others went with him. Able men showed a good fight, and by God's favour a victory was obtained. In this year Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn Khāfī died. He had been left in Lahore to manage the crown-lands of the Panjab. He did the work in whole and in detail, and in that city he died. He was one of the singular of the age for success, truthfulness and courage. His knowledge had the glory of corresponding action. Contrarieties did not disturb him. H.M. grieved at the departure of this able man, and implored pardon for him from God, and showed suitable favour to his survivors. He appointed his younger brother Mūmin, who was distinguished for propriety, to the same office. On the 27th those who had capitulated were sent to prison. When the victorious troops invested Aḥmadnagar, S'aādat K., Farhād K., Shuj'aāt K., Sharẓa K., 'Abdu-ṣattār and many Abyssinians and Deccanis made agreements and did homage. The dust of dissension subsided. The enemies who had passed themselves off as friends became mad, and set themselves to destroy the work. By dexterous means they excited the Prince, 773 and at their instigation he arrested many people. Farhād K. and others, who under the guidance of M. Khān were serving peaceably, took to flight. A cry that promises were being broken was raised and every one who wanted to come in turned back.
One of the occurrences was the improper conduct of the Prince Royal. When that nursling of dominion was sent to punish the Rānā, he from self-indulgence, wine drinking and bad company spent much time in Ajmere. Afterwards he hastened off to Udaipūr. The Rānā came out on another side, and increased his disturbance. He plundered Mālpūr and other cultivated places. He (the Prince) sent Mādhū Singh and a body of troops in that direction, and the Rānā returned to the hills. In his retreat he made a night-attack on some soldiers. Reẓa Qulī, Lāla Beg, Mubāriz Beg, Aliph K. stood firm and he retired without success. Before the Prince had accomplished his task in a proper manner, he at the instigation of evil persons showed a disposition to behave in a self-willed manner. He wished to go to the Panjāb, and he indulged his disposition somewhat. Suddenly, there was a loud report of the disturbances of the Afghans in Bengal, and Rajah Mān Singh pointed out to him that he should go there. On 1st Amardād he crossed the Jumna, four kos from Agra. Miriam-Makānī was astonished at his disobedience and at his not coming to pay his respects (to her?). In her loving kindness she followed him for some distance, thinking that she might by her counsels guide him to the path of auspiciousness. On becoming aware of this, he left the hunting-ground for his boat and went rapidly down the river. That great lady returned with a sorrowful heart. He went on to Allahabad and confiscated men's fiefs, and laid hold of the Bihar treasure, which was more than thirty lakhs of rupis. He also assumed the name of king. H.M. from his abundant loving-kindness and the views of tricksters did not believe everything. The grandees too indulged in the same language. When a firmān was sent inquiring about his misconduct, he dexterously spoke about his submissiveness and called himself innocent and expressed a desire to kiss the threshold.1155a
On the 4th M. Rustum was sent to the Deccan. As the capture of Aḥmadnagar was delayed, and the army was in some distress from the dearness of provisions, the wicked raised their heads here and there. The Prince (Daniel) asked for reinforcements. Accordingly Bāz Bahādur, Khān Qulī, Raḥīm Dād, Payinda Beg, and many others, were sent under the command of the Mīrzā. Many good advices were given to him, and one lakh of mohars was made over to Iftikhār1156a in order that he might convey them to the Prince. On the 22nd Khwājagī Fatḥ Ullah together with Zāhid, Mīr 'Abdu-l-ḥai and others had an audience. When they went on the expedition against Lalang, the garrison capitulated on account of want of food and delivered up the keys. He (Fatḥ Ullah) brought Malik Sher and some Khāndesh soldiers—who sought to submit—to court after having made treaties. Every one of them received suitable favours. 774 At this time Nāsik fell out of the hands of the imperial servants. The troops were exerting themselves to take Aḥmadnagar. Some Bījāpūr troops came to protect their boundaries, and this caused much anxiety. Interested persons, who were lovers of commotion, represented that their coming was for a different motive, and the imperialists were nearly retiring from the siege. Fortune prevented this, but they inopportunely recalled the Nāsik army, and so the conquered country had inevitably, and in the most disgraceful manner, to be abandoned. On the 14th they joined at Aḥmadnagar. On 5th Shahriyūr Shāham1156b Jalāīr died of diarrhœa. H.M. prayed for forgiveness for this old man and ancient servant.
THE CAPTURE OF THE FORT OF AḤMADNAGAR THROUGH THE FORTUNE
OF THE SHĀHINSHĀH.
Assuredly, dominion comes unsought to those rulers with whom increase of territory brings increase of humility and devotion. And what they desire is carried to the height of fulfilment in spite of thousands of stones in the way. The account of this great victory is another instance of this. The idea of those who had been sent on this duty was that they would give their minds to it after the rains. H.M. continually ordered exertion and his standards arrived at Burhānpūr. So they were compelled to undertake the work. Cānd Bībī made the same propositions as she had made to the writer, whilst Abhang K. came to the top of the hills with a large force of Abyssinians and Deccanīs and meditated fighting. On the eve1157a of 26th Farwardīn (about 5th April, 1601) the day of Fortune manifested itself gloriously. Dissension broke out among the Deccan soldiers, and this one and that one declared that some of the leaders were treating with the imperialists. The leader (Abhang) lost courage and disbanded without a battle. Next morning the Pass was crossed and a camp formed near Aḥmadnagar. On 2nd Ardibihisht (about 12th April) the batteries were distributed. First, there were the special servants of the Prince; secondly, Shāhrukh M., the Khān-khānān, M. Yūsuf K., Mīr Martaẓā, Jagannāth, Sher Khwāja, M. 'Alī Beg, Khwāja Beg, M. Iftikhār1157b K., Kīcak Khwāja, Muḥammad K. and other brave men. Cānd Bībī renewed her promises. On hearing of this Jītā1158a K., the eunuch, with some evil persons inside (the fort) put to death that choice lady, and with the help1158b of the 'Itibār K., Mīr Ṣafī, Mīr Taqī and Ḥājī Muḥammad they proceeded to fire the cannon. Owing to the love for delay of some of the leaders, an easy task became difficult, and several sallies were made from the fort, but they returned without success. By the energetic endeavours 775 of the Prince, able servants set themselves to make a glacis (khākrez). So they filled up the moat and came close to the walls. The moat was from thirty to forty yards broad and seven deep. The wall was of bluish stone (basalt?) and twenty-seven yards high. Though great efforts were made (everywhere) yet there was especial activity in the batteries of the Prince and of M. Yūsuf K. Mines were made in several places, but the garrison found them out and filled them up. Strange to say, they made a shaft from within and set fire to the mine, but it became extinguished in the glacis, and no harm was done. The explosion (sust-paiwandī rāh yāft) split a tower of the fortress. When this was discovered, they1158c (the enemy) tried to empty it (the mine), but as the crack was in the skirt (of the bastion) they did not succeed. 180 mans of gunpowder were put in and on 6th Shahrīyūr,1159a 16th August, 1600, at breakfast time, they were fired. Much of the tower—which was known as Lailā—and 30 yards of the wall were blown up. By the wonders of fortune the stones crushed the enemy to pieces and did not injure the besiegers. Active men entered by this route, and many penetrated from the batteries of M. Yūsuf K. 1,500 of the garrison were put to the sword. Some were saved by the instrumentality of their acquaintances. Bahādur, the son of Ibrāhīm and grandson of Burhān,—whom they had made Niẓāmu-l-mulk,—was captured. Valuable jewels, embroidered articles, a noble library and many other things, and 25 elephants, were obtained. The guns and powder were beyond computation. One of the wonderful things of fortune was that during the time of the siege—which was the rainy season—no rain fell, and the glacis was easily made. On the day after the victory it rained. The fortress was taken after four months and four days, and the drums of joy beat high. In two days1159b the news was brought to Burhānpūr and there was much giving of thanks. Bulletins of victory were sent everywhere, and there was a daily market of joy.
On the 8th the disturbance in Kashmīr subsided. When H.M. marched to the Deccan, some turbulent fellows in that country raised up Ab-yā Cak, the son of Ḥusain K., and filled that pleasant land with vapour. 'Alī Qulī, the son of Muḥammad Qulī, Kalb 'Alī, Shāh Beg Nakdarī and other good servants fought a battle at Phāknagar,1160a and were victorious. So also a sedition was raised in Kamrāj. Jamāl Beg and some brave men punished them in Tīlagāon,1160b and that delightful country had repose. On the 12th Amān Ullah, the son of Saif K. Koka, died in Burhānpūr. That excellent youth, from observing 776 the ways of his contemporaries, fell into drinking habits, and threw away his life in that way.
One of the occurrences was the death of Jalāla Tārīkī. The Loḥānī tribe practised buying and selling in Ghaznīn. Before this, the Hazāras lay in wait and attacked them. For seven days they stood firm and fought. They were overcome by thirst and turned back, and sought help from the leader of the Tārīkīs. On the 9th he came as a merchant to Ghaznīn. The servants of Sharīf K. and the peasants made some fight and then withdrew. That wicked one set himself to practise trickery, and gathered many goods under the pretext of purchasing them. On the 16th he wanted to take the things home. Shādmān Hazāra and others opposed him, and after a little fighting were victorious. The Tārīkīs took to flight, and that illfated one was wounded and went to the hill of Rabāṭ. Murād Beg and some others came and finished him. The great material of sedition was easily disposed of. For a long time numerous soldiers had been appointed to punish him, and some years before this, Zain K. Koka and many brave men had made an expedition against him. By the strength of Fortune some unknown men did his business. In this year Bhān,1160c the son of Sujān Singh, died in Burhānpūr. He was a landholder in the eastern countries (khāwarī mirz), and was distinguished for bravery. An old servant of his had become mad, and at a time when he (Sujān or Bhān) was naked and had no weapon with him, the servant struck him some blows with a sword, and in a short while he died of his wounds.
In the beginning of Mihr Sādāt K. came to court. For some time no messages came from the garrison of Āsīr. By H.M.'s orders the writer wrote some counsels to Bahādur K. He sent that saiyid —who was his sister's husband (īzna) and chief swordsman (mīr shamshēr)1161a —with ten elephants. He obtained an audience, and made the same statement as before. As it was untrue, it was not accepted. An order was given for sending back the presents, and it was said that “the governor of the garrison has not awoke from his slumber. It will be well for him to come out of his sleep soon. Blandishments are of no use.” Sādāt said, “With great difficulty have I brought myself out of those difficulties, and have long had a desire to serve the sublime court.” As his speech had the glory of truth, it was accepted, and he was raised to the rank of 1,000. Shaikh Pīr Muḥammad Ḥusain, one of his companions, carried back the reply. On 3rd Ābān Akhairāj came from Aḥmadnagar. He had conveyed an order from H.M. The Prince (Daniel) sent some of the Niẓām-ul-Mulkī ladies with him, and every one of them received suitable favours. On the 5th the feast of the solar weighment took place, and H.M. was weighed against twelve articles. High and low had 777 their wishes gratified. On the 23rd the troops arrived at Junair.1161b That city was the abode of the Niẓām-ul-Mulki's ancestors. The fort is called Bīr.1161c When Aḥmadnagar was conquered, M. Khān was sent there. Burhān-ul-mulk, 'Imād K., Ḥabīb K., 'Alī Sher K., and others accompanied him. By God's help it was taken without a contest. No long time had elapsed when the Hindia landholder and some other ignorant persons had come to fight. They were punished. The garrison proposed capitulation and the delivery of the keys. On the 8th Āẕar H.M. visited the tomb of Bīca (Jījī). As the Khān Ā'ẓim M. Koka was sending the body to Delhi, the appreciative sovereign came there and begged forgiveness for her. From there he proceeded to Lāl Bāgh and took some repose. As the charge of that flower-garden was with the writer he made some humble representations, and the door was opened to auspiciousness.
THE CAPTURE OF MĀLĪGARH BY THE MIGHT OF DAILY-INCREASING
FORTUNE.
Āsīr is a choice fortress, and unequalled for height and strength. In its waist (kamargāh) on the W. and somewhat1163a to the N. side there is a noted fort called Mālīgarh. Whoever desires to enter the great fortress must first pass by Mālīgarh. Separate from it on the N. and N.E., there is a Mālī, and that they call Jūna Mālī. But the wall of it had not been completed. From the E. to the S.W., there are smaller hills. To the S. there is a high hill called Korhī (Koḍhī). To the S.W. there is a high hill called Sāpan. The wicked rebels had made all the places strong by means of guns and men. The last1163b (Sāpan) had been previously captured. Shortsighted persons thought that the place could not be taken. On account of the dearness of provisions and the distance from their homes, high and low were dejected. The scattering of gold by the garrison had seduced some of the intimate courtiers from their duty. One of the garrison joined Qarā Beg and pointed out a secret path by which one could come over the wall of Mālī. As there was no enquiry into work, no attention was paid to this. When the matter was reported to H.M. the informer was regarded as being mad, and by representing that many men would be killed they prevented H.M. from giving permission (for the expedition). Occasionally he sent the writer to look after the batteries. However much I tried, the men would not give their minds to the subject, and from an ill-timed humility I did not reproach or censure them. On 17th Āẕar I was sent back to that employment. As I knew something of the essence of the matter 778 I had got permission to the effect that whatever I should determine should be carried out by the others. When I came there, Qarā Beg described the path, and fresh vigour was imparted to my resolutions. I arranged with the commanders of the batteries that within this week they would turn their face towards the True Disposer (God) and would run to the taking of the fort. When the sound of the drum and trumpet reached their ears, every one was to come with the ladders, and beat the drum loudly.1164a Though they agreed, nolentes volentes, yet many thought it was madness.
On the night of the 18th (28th November, 1600), which was very dark and rainy, select men were told off and assembled on the top of the hill Sāpan. At midnight I sent off Qarā Beg first with a body of men. Similarly I sent off men gradually from the batteries, and also my own servants. At the latter part of the night some of the first body entered upon the secret path, and broke open the gate of Mālī. Many brave men entered the fort and sounded the drums and the trumpet. On account of the delay in the coming of the men (i.e., the men whom A. F. had ordered to follow), the garrison gathered together and stood to fight. On perceiving this, I myself followed. While traversing the hill the guide made some mistake. In the heat of the battle, and the rain of cannon-balls, at dawn1164b I mounted the scaling-ladder, and the imperialists, who had been in difficulties, acquired fresh vigour. In a short time the enemy retreated and fled in confusion to Āsīr. The True Disposer granted a great victory, and this weak and humble individual acquired a great name. When the glory of the sun took possession of the world, the men of the other batteries came from all sides. Peshrau1165a K., Mīr Qāsim Badakhshī, and Jagdeo displayed activity and took possession of Korhī. Āgā Mullā also followed up in a proper manner with the men of Āṣaf K. The men of Farīd Bakhshī Begī, Bahādur K., Raḥmat K., Siyām Singh, the sons of Samānjī K. (B. 441) and other heroes acted quickly and took possession of Jūna Mālī. Owing to daily-increasing fortune a great victory displayed her countenance, and many fell into the tortures of envy.
Morning came with blessing.
The dark night of sorrow ended.
Victory came from six sides.
Dominion uttered gratulations on two sides.
Where can I have the strength to return thanks to God? How can I set about doing so? 'Tis better that like guilty implorers I prostrate my heart's forehead in supplication, and that in acknowledgment of the Divine decree I abstain from associating myself with the Creator.
God be praised! The penetration of H.M. was again impressed on high and low, and the pearl of vision acquired fresh lustre. As 779 it was not imagined that the ruler of Khandesh would shut his gates in the face of the World's ruler, a siege-train had not been brought. Though, after arrival, by a thousand efforts some guns were brought from Parnāla, Gāwāl and Aḥmadābād, yet from inattention they were not of much use. In spite of this, H.M. was continually saying, “This fort will soon be taken.” And many accepting the soothing words continued to slumber. On the 27th Mīr Murtaẓā came from Aḥmadnagar and was exalted by doing homage. His good services were rewarded by a flag, a drum and a fertile jāgīr. On the 29th the Khān-khānān paid his respects and he brought Bahādur,1166a whom they had raised to the Niẓāmu-l-mulki. Kabīr K., the son of Bahādur K., Khwāja Abu-l-ḥasan, Kāmal-al-mulk, Wazīr K., and some headmen of Khāndesh—who were in charge of the Deccan—had an audience, and received favours.
One of the occurrences was the arrival at court of Bahādur K. On the same day that Mālīgarh was taken by God's help, he awoke from his somnolence, and sent an ambassador to the author. He spoke of capitulating and of paying his respects (to Akbar). I did not accept the statements and made no reply, but at his earnest entreaty I sent on the envoy to court. On 23rd Āẕar H.M. sent Rām Dās to him and on the fourth day he brought with him Muqarrib K., who was a chosen servant of his. The purport of his message was that if the fortress and the country were restored to him, and if the prisoners were released, he would hasten to submit. It is a custom of long standing that one of the Farūqīs sits on the throne, and the others—brothers and relatives—remain in confinement. They spend their days in obscurity with their families. H.M. accepted the proposal and granted life and honour. Next day the Abyssinian returned and petitioned. “Now his (Bahādur's) request is that the Khān Ā'ẓim M. Koka would take his hand and bring him to court.” This was agreed to and he (M. Koka) came to Mālī, and Bahādur K. descended from Āsīr. On the 30th he rubbed his forehead on the threshold of fortune, and obtained deliverance from various sorrows. His two young children, Afẓal K. and Khudāwand K., and many others, had an audience, and they were allotted a place in the advance-camp (peshkhāna) of S. Farīd Bakhshī Begī. An order was given for keeping them under supervision. On 17th Dai S. 'Abdullah K. and Rajah Rāj Singh came from Gwaliyar, and Mīr Sharīf Āmulī from his jāgīr, and Sher Beg from Bengal. Every one of them was gratified with princely favours. On 4th Bahman the feast of the lunar weighment took place. H.M. was weighed against eight articles, and high and low gained their desires, and there was renewal of joy.
THE CAPTURE OF ĀSĪR BY THE HELP OF FORTUNE.
780 There is no other instance of a fortress which had such abundance of stores, such numbers of guns, so many defenders, and other materials of defence. The extraordinary thing is that although H.M. had no equipment for a siege, yet he addressed himself to the capture. After the fortress had been invested for some time sickness broke out in it. Every day there were many deaths. When such mortality occurred among the commonalty, it did not awaken the great men of the garrison from their lethargy. From time to time they devised new stratagems. By the taking of Mālīgarh exit and entrance were stopped, and they were aroused somewhat, At last, at the instance of some servants of the Shāhinshāh, an agreement to this effect was made:1168a First, Bahādur should appear at court. Second, H.M. should restore to him the fortress and county, “otherwise, said Bahādur, the garrison will not submit to my proposals.” When the idea became fact, and a petition was made in accordance with what he (Bahādur) had learnt, the writer obtained leave to attack the fortress. This suppliant at the court of God proceeded to do this, and made supplication to God his forefront. Though exertions were made to push on the batteries from near Korhīaīh, and leave was obtained for the bringing of great guns, yet secretly all men engaged in enticing the garrison. By soothing words they drew their hearts towards them. The latter represented that some writing1168b of Bahādur should be obtained, addressed to such and such an one, so that no stain of a bad name might fall upon them for delivering up the fort. They also asked for a firmān from H.M., securing them their lives, their property and their honour. This was granted. Bahādur K. for some time hesitated to write, and made untrue remarks. When pressure was put upon him, he was compelled to write, and to put his seal on the writing. H. M.'s order was sent into the fort along with this writing, and the terrified ones had repose. I myself sate at the gate, and in four days 34,000 persons came out with their families and goods, and conveyed themselves to a place of comfort. On 5th Bahman Ikhtiyār K., Ulugh K. Ḥabshī, Marjān Zangī and others, who were the centre of the garrison, came down and were kindly treated. On the 7th I sent my son, 'Abdu-r-raḅmān, with some able men up to the fort, and the men inside surrendered the keys. A glorious victory adorned the face of fortune. Fifty-three persons,—learned men, brothers and sons of Bahādur,—some old, and some young, and some of the tender age,—came down. All who were considered fit were sent to court. There were seven sons of Mubārik K. who was formerly ruler of Khāndesh, viz. Dāūd K., Ḥāmid 781 K., Qaiṣar K., Bahrām K., Sher K., Ghazni K., Daryā K. The first had two sons, Fatḥ K. and Muḥammad K.; the second had one son, Bahādur K.; the third had three sons, Lāṭīf K., Dilāwar K., Murtaẓa K. The last of them had two sons, Ḥabīb K. and Ibrāhīm K. The fourth had three sons, Ā'ẓim K., Mūsā K., Jalāl K. The fifth had two sons, Ism'aīl K. and Aḥmad K. The sixth had one son, Aḥmad K. The seventh had three sons, Muḥammad K., Maḥmūd K., Moẓaffar K. The eighth son, Ṣāhīb K., who had died, had two sons, Ṭāhir K. and Ṣadaq Ullah. Sikandar K. and Ibrāhīm were the sons of Ṭāhir. Altogether the descendants of Mubārīk were twenty-eight persons. The descendants of Muḥammad K., who was the ruler before Rajah 'Ali K., were Ḥasan K., with his two sons, Qāsim K. and Ibrāhīm K. There were six sons of Rajah 'Alī, viz. Bahādur K.—who already had the blessing of presenting himself— with his five sons, Kabīr K., Muḥammad K., Sikandar K., Moẓaffar K., Mubārik K. 2ndly Aḥmad K. with three sons, Moẓaffar K., 'Alī K., Muḥammad K. 3rdly Maḥmūd K. with two sons, Walī K., Ibrāhīm K. 4thly Ṭāhir K. 5thly Mas'aūd K. 6thly Muḥammad K. There were also Dilāwar K., the daughter's son of Mubārik K. and his son Tāj K., the grandson of Farīd K. There were also Walī K., Nasīr K., Saiyid Ism'aīl, the three sons-in-law of Rajah 'Alī K., Muḥammad K., the son-in-law of Cānd K., 'Alī K., the son-in-law of Ḥasan K. H. M. presented them all with robes of honour and choice horses, and made over each of them to the hospitality of one of his servants. He issued an order that they should always perform the kornish. His idea was that he would test them and appoint them to offices. The treasure, the jewels and other properties were securely guarded. By the divine favour the work which had been undertaken was brought to a beautiful termination. The near and the remote had joy. Though there were many batteries, yet the most choice were those of the Khān Ā'ẓim M. Koka, Āṣaf K., and S. Farīd Bakhshī Begī. High and low worked properly and got their reward. The treasurers (ḥawālāladārān) and the accountants of Bahādur K. were left in the fort, and able men were appointed to every place. When my mind was at ease I prostrated myself at the holy threshold and received princely favours.
This unwise hill-man had conveyed more than 100,000 souls to the top of the fortress. On account of the crowd of creatures the atmosphere was affected, and a great sickness ensued. 25,00011170a persons died. Owing to daily-increasing fortune there was some delay in the rains, and corn was collected from all sides. This was a comfort to the victorious troops. The batteries were advanced, and owing to the marvels of fortune no injury was done to any person of note by the firing of cannon night and day. Only 'Ullugh Beg Badakhshī and Saiyid Abu Isaḥaq Ṣafavī were killed by musket shots. Looking to the rain of bullets it would not have been wonderful if more than a hundred persons had been killed daily. But the Divine protection guarded them, and was a source of wonder to the experienced. A wonderful thing was that near the time when victory declared itself, the lofty wall of the fort fell1170b down. The sound was louder than that of cannon. H.M. when he first came to Burhānpūr engaged in special acts of devotion, and took to repeating the Great Name.1170c He gave an order to the writer to send him at the end of every session varied sweetmeats, and to keep an eye on the arrangements of fate. This was excellently observed. At the end of the first session (khatam) was the capture of Moẓaffar Ḥusain M. Similarly, every time news of victory was brought to his hearing. There was the victory of Aḥmadnagar, the death of the ringleader of the Tārīkis, the taking of Mālīgarh, the conquest of Āsīr.1171a Whoever considers the disinterestedness and piety of the world's lord will not be surprised at these marvels, and will know a little out of many.
At this time, ambassadors were sent to Bījāpūr, Golkanda, and Bīdar. 'Ādil K., the ruler of Bījāpūr, first sent a valuable ruby and used supplications. So also did Quṭbu-l-mulk and Malik Barīd take to humble language. All their desire was that some persons might be appointed from the court to soothe their minds. Though during the disturbance caused by the death of the Prince, the battle at Bīr, and the investment of Aḥmadnagar, the Niẓāmu-l-mulkī people asked them for help, they did not cast away the thread of loyalty and paid no attention to their request, though many of the imperial servants sought a cause for the returning of the august standards. Their (the Deccan powers) petitions were accepted and on the 12th Sharīf Sarmadī was sent to 'Ādil K.; Mas'aūd Beg to Quṭbu-l-mulk, and Mūmin to Malik Barīd. Excellent counsels were sent by the tongue of the pen and by the ambassadors.
One of the occurrences was the death of M. Jānī Beg, the ruler of Tatta. He had some external knowledge, and was versed in Persian prose and poetry and in music. From the time that he came to court, loyalty shone from the forehead of his words and acts. His manners showed discretion and calmness. But from childhood he had been addicted to wine. It was extraordinary that it did not lead him into any impropriety, and that both in his acts and speech 783 he kept control over himself. In the privacy of his house the draining of cups was carried to excess, and as there was no one to advise him he did not refrain.
Why do you take a thing by imbibing which
A reed shows like a cypress, a cypress like a reed?
If you're merciful, they say it is the wine and not he.
If you're violent, they say it is he and not the wine.
That pure thing (wine) stained the limpid waters of life. That material of joy caused loss of life. Excess in wine made him ill, and he became paralytic and delirious. On the 13th (Bahman, 1009, 23rd January 1601) he packed up his goods from this caravan. Strangers and acquaintances regretted him.1172a The appreciative sovereign privately restored his territory to the son M. Ghāzī, and sent him a diploma and a valuable robe of honour.
One of the occurrences was the departure to the other world of Ḥakīm1172b Miṣrī. He had an unique knowledge of external and spiritual matters. He had such a knowledge of medicine that if medical books had disappeared he could have written them out from memory. He had gathered the pleasing language of Ṯufism. Openness and cheerfulness adorned his brow. Friends and strangers benefited by his kindness. He did not withdraw himself from any sick person but maintained an open brow and endeavoured to cure them.
He needs a panegyrist like himself.
At this time where is there one like him in the world?
Though he had reached eighty years, the head of youth boiled within him. He was attacked by a sudden chill, and he shrunk up. Fever increased, and on the 13th at midnight he became occasionally delirious. When he came a little to himself, he sent for the writer. I came to his pillow, and lost my senses on beholding him. Conscious and while remembering God he closed his eyes on this spot of trouble. Small and great were plunged into long sorrow.
Rise up that I may weep and lament.
I weep abundantly, and lament.
Sorrows lacerate my liver.
When I end, I begin again to weep.
The appreciative sovereign was grieved, and implored forgiveness for him.
On the night of the 23rd the writer was nominated to Nāsīk. From the time that those who had surrendered were in custody, from time to time disturbances increased owing to the want of care on the part of the administrators of affairs. Though by the marvels of fortune, Aḥmadnagar had been conquered, things went somewhat backward. High prices destroyed the troops. The self-willed men of the Deccan assembled together, and raised the head of distur- 784 bance. They elevated to the supremacy 'Ālī, the son of Shāh 'Alī, the uncle of Murtaẓā Niẓām-ul-mulk. They made that vagrant pauper the means of their own success. Though the whole affair was not disclosed to H.M., yet the wickedness of Shāh 'Alī's son and sedition-mongering of Rājū were current talk. On this account the Khān-khānān was in the first place sent to Aḥmadnagar to remedy matters, and the author was sent to Nāsīk. He obtained leave for that purpose this year. He was exalted by receiving1173a a choice robe of honour, a special horse, a flag, and a drum. Rai Raī Singh, Rai Durgā, Rai Bhoj, Hāshim Beg, Tolak, Muqīm K., Fūlād K. Kamal-ul-mulk and many others were nominated to accompany him. Next morning H.M. came to inspect Āsīr. On the way he granted leave to the Khān-khānān and the other servants to go on the above-mentioned service. He, during four days, inspected1174a the fortress and the spoils and then returned to Burhānpūr.
One of the occurrences was the punishment of the sedition-mongers in Bengal. It has been mentioned that the Afghans made Qatlū's son an instrument of commotion, and raised up the head of strife. Several times Rajah Mān Singh's people led out their forces and were defeated. Mīr 'Abdu-r razzāq M'amūrī—who was the Bakhshī of the army—was made prisoner. When the Rajah came to Allahabad with the Prince-Royal, he took leave to go to Bengal, and stayed for some time in Rohtās, making preparations. From there he went to punish the evildoers. Near Sherpūr 'Aṭāī he met in with the enemy. Both forces made forts and encamped opposite one another. On 1st Isfandārmaẕ they drew up in battle array, and after a slight engagement the enemy was punished. By the might of fortune a noted elephant of theirs was struck by a bullet and in his agitation he rushed into his own army and threw it into confusion. Many were killed. As the day was at its close they pursued for four kos and then turned back. Mīr 'Abdu-r-razzāq1174b Māmūri fell into their hands with a collar round his neck and chains on his feet. He had been mounted in this condition on an elephant, and a man had been appointed to kill him in case of defeat. Suddenly the man was killed by a bullet and the Mīr escaped from death. By God's favour the insurrection subsided, and the servants were exalted by favours.
On this day the intuition of the Shāhinshāh was made clear. The son of Shams Cak wickedly fled, and coming to the hill-country of Kashmīr stirred up sedition. H.M. said, “His head will soon come rolling down from the top of the mountain, and he will receive the retribution of his ingratitude.” In this year and month that unworthy one came down from the top of the hill, and was broken 785 to pieces. On the 5th an order came to the writer to the effect that many men had joined the son of Shāh 'Alī, and that it was right that I should return and go in that direction, and in conjunction with the Khān-khānān bring the affair to a successful termination. As many brave men had chosen to accompany me, and the materials for conquering the country of Nāsik and for punishing the rebels had been collected, envious people induced the sovereign to recall me. I do not know whether it was that the circumstances were not known to him, or that he was unduly influenced by complaisance (for his adviser). I was a little astonished at the pranks of fortune, but in accordance with the Shāh's order I set out for that quarter (Aḥmadnagar) from the town of Rānwar.1175a On the 7th Ḥasan the son of M. Shahrukh absconded. He was with his father in Aḥmadnagar and from weakness of character he became discontented. He joined in with a Kashmīrī and went off.
One of the occurrences was the coming1175b of Prince Sulṭān Daniel to court. From the time that Aḥmadnagar had been conquered, he had a great desire to kiss the threshold. By the royal order he made over Aḥmadnagar to M. Shāhrukh and some servants and proceeded to court. On the 10th he did homage, and was exalted by various favours. Āsīr was presented to him together with much property, and Khāndesh was given to him and received the name of Dāndesh.1175c On the 13th Daulat K. Lādū died of colic. He had an abundant share of courage and ability. For some time he served M. Koka, and he was much with M. Khān the Khān-khānān. Prince Sulṭān Daniel had made him his own servant, and had advanced him to the rank of 2,000. When the Prince came to court, he left him in Aḥmadnagar to assist M. Shāhrukh, and there he died. On the 20th Khwājagī Fatḥ Ullah was sent to Nāsīk. As Sa'ādat K. had retired in consequence of the breach of agreement, he1175d begged that he might be brought to court by means of an able man. Accordingly Khwājagī Fatḥ Ullah was appointed to this service. On this day Khwāja Malik 'Alī bakhshī of the camp obtained his wish. He had for some time been censured for tyranny, and Bābā Nāṯir had been appointed to the office. On observing signs of repentance, he was ordered to be received into favour. On the 22nd Bahādur K. was sent to Gwaliyār in order that he might get some enlightenment in the school of the prisoṇ. Out of kindness, his family was sent with him. Walī Beg, Sām Beg, Abū Nāṣir and some soldiers accompanied him. On the 29th Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Husain Injū was sent off to Bījāpūr. As 'Adil K. wished to make over his daughter1176a to the harem of Prince Sulṭān Daniel, the Mīr1176b was sent with the bridal presents.
Stein, J.A.S B. 1899, p. 122 and 167.
↩Cf. the account given by Faiẓī Sirhindī.
↩Stein, J.A.S.B. 1896, p. 78.
↩Faiẓī has 13 Rabī'-uṯ-ṯānī = 14 November.
↩The word dīd here does not, I think, mean “beholding” but counsel or opinion as in p. 811, line 18. The meaning is that the boy was not influenced by his parents' counsels but by his grandfather's.
↩Text, Mahīn Bānūī dūdmān-i-s'aādat. There is a word in the MSS. like Bīca or Pīca after s'aādat and they have not the word bacand as in text. A reference to Faiẓī Sirhindī, I.O. MS. 192, p. 215b, shows that the person meant is Jījī Anaga, mother of M. Koka. Rustum's mother was a daughter of M. Koka, and consequently Rustum was Jījī's great-grandson. Faizī Sirhindī says she brought him up. He says Rustum died on 29 Rabī'-uṯ-ṯānī = 29 November.
↩The conceit refers to musk being obtained from the deer's navel.
↩The story is obscurely told, and the darvish seems to have been but a poor adept at consolation. I am indebted to Maulvi Abdul Haq Abīd for a translation of the passage. The point of the darvish's remark is, says the Maulvī, that whether a man live long or shortly, it is all the same seeing that he cannot carry away with him the fruition of his desires. I do not find any mention in Firdūsī of Kai Khusrū's son. He was succeeded by his son-in-law.
↩Probably A. F. was in this sentence referring to the father.
↩Text Noqal, but MSS. have Toqal, or Tawaqal. See also Vambéry, Hist. of Bokhāra, 298, where we have Tökel: see his note, id.
↩See Noel's Akbar, translation II. 340 note. Vambéry in his Hist. of Bokhara, p. 294, gives the date 2 Rajab 1006 and then puts in brackets (February 6, 1597), but 2 Rajab 1006 = 30 January, 1598. Faiẓī Sirhindī has 5 Rajab 1006 = 2 February, 1598, Elliot VI. 132.
↩Cf. S. Lane Poole's Muḥammadan Dynasties, table of the house of Jūjī. I have altered the spelling of the names in text in one or two places.
↩Text sir-i-āmbāzī, but the MSS. have sir-i-be-ambāzī.
↩His real name was Nūrūz Aḥmad and Vambéry says he was a son of Mahmūd K. (the son of Yūnas).
↩Cf. the enigmatical remark at J. III. 387. Probably the meaning there is that Akbar would rather have 'Abdullah alive than see him succeeded by his brutal son 'Abdul Mūmīn. If therefore the darvish was one whose prayers were heard, his prayer for 'Abdullah's death would be injurious to Akbar.
↩Text Āhūbara, but the variant Rāhūtara is supported by I.O. 236, and by B. 482, and the Maaṯir U. III. 356.
↩Cf. B. 482, for remark of Maaṯir.
↩Text Āhūbara, but the variant Rāhūtara is supported by I.O. 236, and by B. 482, and the Maaṯir U. III. 356.
↩Girau-peristārī. Perhaps it also means here “betting” or “gambling.” B.M. 112, 1116 has gird peristārī “the following of service.”
↩All the MSS. seem to insert daulat after dostān “friends of one's fortune.”
↩Apparently this obscure sentence means that if Akbar keep him attached to the court, whether he will or no, he will get outward service, i.e. I will do my duty but there will be no spiritual zeal on my part.
↩The text is, “having swept from his mind,” and evidently this does not mean to disregard or dismiss from one's mind in a good sense, but means if he forget or take not into account. The MSS. have conjunction after rufta.
↩Nekwān-i-zamāna, lit. “good men of the age,” but here used ironically or as equivalent to the expression zamānasāz, i.e. a time-server or opportunist. Possibly A. F. wrote nakūhān “slanderers” though all the MSS. seem to have nekwān.
↩His story is told in the Shāhnāma. He is the Hippolytus of Persia, having been falsely accused by his step-mother Sūdāba. He was thrown into the fire, but escaped scatheless. He was the son of Kai Kaus.
↩Badgohar “wicked one,” but I.O. MSS. have badgo, and so have B.M. MSS. 1116 and 27247.
↩Badgohar “wicked one,” but I.O. MSS. have badgo, and so have B.M. MSS. 1116 and 27247.
↩Text rāstkārī, “honesty,” but I.O. MS. 236 has rastkārī, “deliverance,” and this seems a much better reading. The text has darbāzīde “played with,” or “staked” and so has the Newal Kishore edition. Probably this is the true reading.
↩Text rāstkārī, “honesty,” but I.O. MS. 236 has rastkārī, “deliverance,” and this seems a much better reading. The text has darbāzīde “played with,” or “staked” and so has the Newal Kishore edition. Probably this is the true reading.
↩The sentence is obscure. Possibly the meaning is that A. F. referred the matter to some independent and enlightened soul, and that the result was the advice given in the text.
↩Ordinarily the words would mean that Akbar sent for him, and perhaps this is the meaning here, but as apparently Akbar had done so before and A. F. did not go, I have thought that the meaning here is that A. F. saw from his dream that Akbar was favourably disposed towards him.
↩Presumably it was about this time that Prince Salīm showed to his father what he regarded as a proof of A. F.'s hypocrisy, viz. that he was employing forty clerks to make copies of the Qoran and a commentary thereon, while he was professing to Akbar to be a believer in the Divine Faith. See the Māaṯīr II. 610. The same authority says that the courtiers induced Akbar to send A. F. to the Deccan in order that they might get him away from the emperor. The Iqbālnāma says the same thing, and A. F. mentions, infra p. 749, top line, that his enemies procured that he should be sent to the Deccan to bring away Prince Murād. The Iqbālnāma version of A. F.'s disgrace seems to be different from that in the Māaṯīr. The latter seems to say that A. F.'s offence, as revealed by Salīm, was his privately reverencing the Qoran while to Akbar he professed to be a follower of the Divine Faith. What the Iqbālnāma says (under the 43rd year) is that Akbar was displeased on account of A. F.'s having made numerous copies of his father's commentary and sent them to foreign potentates. Akbar had been displeased with Mubārik for writing the commentary without reference to him, or perhaps for not dedicating it to him, and he was again displeased when A. F. sent out copies without permission. Cf. the Darbārī Akbarī, p. 471. If what Badayūnī says be true, B. XI. and Badayūnī III. 74, viz. that the preface to the commentary contained a claim by Mubārik to be the reformer of the Age, Akbar would naturally be displeased at the circulation of the work. The Iqbālnāma says that A. F. was guilty of many acts of presumption against the Prince and that Akbar excluded A. F. from the kornish for some days. It adds that Akbar finally had compassion on one whom he had himself cherished, and restored him to his old position of boundless favour.
Apparently A. F. resolved to take an omen, i.e. he said to himself that if he saw Akbar's countenance in a dream and perceived him to be well-inclined towards him he would be satisfied. The word namūdār in the text, p. 741, l. 11, has the technical sense of “the scheme of a horoscope.” It occurs also at p. 114, line 9, where A. F. describes another dream that he had. See alse II. 297 where the word namūdār is used with reference to a religious exercise undertaken by his father Mubārik in order to ascertain the future.
↩There is a variant and from the MSS. it would appear that the name is Kulbād Bahādur. Kulbād is a Turanian hero mentioned in the Shāhnāma.
↩Faiẓī Sirhindī has Dostam and speaks of three sons.
↩See translation I, p. 130, and Errata and Addenda, p. vi. Here A. F. says that she was the first to suckle Akbar, though at p. 130 he makes her third. Cf. Darbārī Akbarī 749. Bhawāl's husband is there called Jalāl Koka, but Goīnda seems to be the correct title. It is also said there that it was Bābur who sent her to Humāyūu, but it now seems to me that it was her own father who sent her. Would it not be firistadand if Bābur were meant, and why should it be said that she was sent in the time of Bābur if it was Bābur himself who sent her. Parihār is a Rājput caste. Tod has given an account of them, and states that they belong to the Agnicula section and that they are scattered over Rajasthan. He calls them Pritihara or Purihara. Their capital was at Mandawar, 5 m. N. Jodhpūr. Perhaps Bhāwal means Bhāwal in the Dacca district, and means that she lived there, or that she was sent to Humāyūn when he was in that neighbourhood. But most probably, the name is Bahāwal, a contraction for Baha Ullah, the value, or the gift of God.
↩ See B. 106 and 209. He appears
to have translated the Rajah Taranginī
from Sanskrit into Persian, and
Badayūnī was employed to revise it.
Lowe, 386. See also Rieu, Cat. I.
296. The text has some words to
indicate what disease Shāh Muḥammad
died of. But unfortunately I
do not understand them nor does the
variant, nor the readings in the
MSS. clear up the difficulty. The
text has ◌
Cf. B. 208, 209 and Badayūnī, Lowe, 386.
↩Panār of the Āīn, J. II. 229 and 233.
↩B. 512. He returned from Turān in April 1598: see p. 739. Probably the meaning is that he was Khwāja Aḥrār's great grandson. Khwāja Aḥrār died in February 1490.
↩B. 512. He returned from Turān in April 1598: see p. 739. Probably the meaning is that he was Khwāja Aḥrār's great grandson. Khwāja Aḥrār died in February 1490.
↩B. 449.
↩Guẕārada āmid. This expression would seem to imply that A. F. had already mentioned this circumstance but the passage does not occur in the text. The statement about Akbar's slipper seems extraordinary. Perhaps it is metaphorical. Perhaps guẕārada āmid only means that it was now reported (by those who came with Minucar) what 'Abbās had done. The letter which Shāh 'Abbās sent with Minuchr appears in I.O. MS. 2067, old No. 379, p. 41. It is very long, very obscure, and uninteresting.
↩We learn from Du Jarric, p. 77, that he was a Georgian Christian, and that the Jesuits baptised his children.
↩Cf. Jahāngīr's remarks, Price's Jahāngīr, p. 31, where he says that he derived from his father his inclination to make an expedition to Samarkand.
↩Should be Namakīn: see B. 470.
↩Sīlgarha in text, but Melgarha in MSS. See J. II. 229 and 234.
↩There is a doubtful word here. Jalgaon appears to be the place in Sarkār Narnālah in Berar mentioned at J. II. 234. For “and Sika” the text has “Wasika.” There is also a variant.
↩B. 518.
↩Parnāla in text. It is the Narnāla of J. II. 229 and 234.
↩Or Samān. Zangī nizād, a negro.
↩Dongar means a forest: see B. 494 2. 1. Dongar K. is mentioned at J. II. 229.
↩The Iqbālnāma says the houses were built under Akbar's orders, and the labourers complained that they had not been paid, etc.
↩Faiẓī Sirhindī tells the story with a little more detail.
↩The Iqbālnāma seems to call him Jagatī Beg. The text has Calpī. A letter of Akbar's sending for him to his court is the last letter of the first book of the Inshā.
↩The MS., lithographed and printed copies of the Akbarnāma have dah-doazdah. In the Board of Examiner's MS. copy, the word sāla appears to have been interpolated between dah-doazdah, and the following word Panjab, but it makes no sense. The original tax was increased by two, i.e. from ten to twelve, which means that the increase was by two-ten, i.e. 1/5 or 20%. (Note by Phil. Secretary).
↩There is the variant Khān Jahān. Haidarī is not mentioned by Blochmann as one of K. K.'s sons, nor does the Maaṯir Umarā name him. But see Darbārī A., pp. 620 and 645.
↩This Moẓaffar Ḥusain is called Khwesh in the text to distinguish him from Moẓaffar Ḥusain Ṯafavī. The Moẓaffar Ḥ. of the text was a Timuride and his mother was Gulrukh Begam d. M. Kāmrān. Akbar gave him his eldest daughter Sultan Khānam in marriage.
↩Bāsha. The text prints the word without any 'iẓāfat as if bāsha was the name of Rai Sāl Darbāri's son. But I think it must here mean a hawk. See the Maaṯir III. 440. where the story is told, and where bāsha is printed with an 'iẓāfat.
↩Text wrongly has Bihār. See MSS., and B. 471.
↩B. 104. The Iqbālnāma calls him a krorī, and says the ryots petitioned against him. Badayūnī also says he was a krorī. He spent four years in translating the Mahābhārat.
↩Apparently he was admitted to an interview. He is the Murtaẓa K. of Jahangir's Memoirs.
↩'Abdu-l-Wahhāb. He was a learned man, B. 546. Jahangir removed him on account of the misconduct of his subordinates. Tūzuk J. 35, p. 75 of translation. For Shāham K. (Jalāīr) see B. 410.
↩Cf. translation in Elliot VI. 96.
↩In the Āīn J. II. 191, A. F. speaks of being at Ujjain on his way to the Deccan on 23rd Farwardīn of the 43rd year, being a week after the Sipra had flowed with milk. I think this must be a mistake for the 44th year.
↩Cf. translation in Elliot VI. 97.
↩Or Tatam Sulṭān.
↩The text has twenty, but the variant eight is supported by the I.O. MS. 236 and the Iqbālnāma and is no doubt right. Āṣaf K. seems to have been famed for his rapid travelling and twice came from Cashmere to Lahore in three days.
↩J. II. 229. Cf. translation in Elliot VI. 97.
↩Text Kāmil. But the variant Kābul is supported by MSS.
↩So the variant. Possibly however the name is Sharīf Armanī. Or Sharif may here mean the royal portico.
↩J. II. 223.
↩The variant is supported by the MSS. See J. II. 223.
↩Though I have used the first person, the text uses the third.
↩The sentence is very obscure, but I think the meaning must be that money is an impediment to good service. B. in his life of A. F. has translated part of the passage. The text has bār dar bar, but the MSS. have bazārdar and this seems correct. The reading in text may mean, silver and gold have frequently detracted from good service.
↩“Durd” lees. There is a play on the words durd, and dard (pain). Cf. Elliot VI. 97.
↩An allusion to the Khān-khānān.
↩Referring to the death of Rustum in November 1598.
↩The Ṭamūrnī of J. II. 237, in Telingānah, or perhaps it is the Tamurnī on the same page, in Sarkār Mahkar. B. 309 says he died at Jalnāpūr. See his preface, page xxii. Price has Khānpūr and the Tūzuk, Jalnāpūr. 22nd Ardībihisht corresponds to about 2nd May 1599. Faiẓī Sirhindī says Murād died on Wednesday, 16th Shawwāl 1007, i.e. on 2nd May 1599.
↩Wām. Cf. III. 249, 1. 12. Apparently A. F.'s friends warned him of the danger of making advances to soldiers.
↩A son of his, by name Shujā', was thānadār of Ghaznī in Shah Jahan's time and had the title of Asad K. Bādshāhnāma I. 451. See Maaṣiru-l-Umarā III. 295.
↩The name of the lady is not given, but it appears from what follows that she was the mother of Shāhzāda Khānim. Farzandān in text should be farzand-iān, as in I.O. MS. 236. In Price's Jahangīr, p. 46, the mother of Shāhzāda Khānīm is described as Bībī Selīma Begam, who of course is not the Selīma who had been Bairām's wife. In the Tūzuk, p. 14, the name of Shāhzāda's mother is not given, but she is described as one of the special concubines of Akbar.
↩“About 50 m. N.E. Aurangabad.” Elliot VII. 25.
↩Taltam in Bādshāhnāma I. 370.
↩From what follows it appears that this refers to the astrological hour which was auspicious for sending off the Prince.
↩Text roshnī-i-gohar. But the expression does not seem intelligible and neither the I.O. MSS. nor the Lucknow ed. have roshnī. I.O. MS. 236 has guẕashtī and so has the Lucknow ed., and perhaps the meaning of this is that A. F. had become older. The whole passage is obscure.
↩B. 512.
↩Faiẓī Sirhindī says the affair happened on 2nd Muḥarram 1008, 15th July 1599. Barkhūrdār had gone out from Agra to hunt, and came to hear that Dalpat was having his food on the river-bank. Barkhūrdār and Ḥusain Beg s. Shiroya and a number of servants drew their swords, and went off to attack Dalpat. The latter and his men had stripped and were eating, They swam across the river. Mān Singh, then on his way to court, reported the circumstance and H.M. put Barkhūrdār and Ḥusain in prison.
↩ ◌
Faiẓi S. says the news came on 13th Muḥarram, 26th July 1599. The thieves said they would give information in private, and when they were taken in, they killed Malik Khair Ullah and his son by striking them with the wooden clogs on their arms. At p. 746 Khair Ullah is called the Kotwāl of Lahore.
↩I.G. VIII. 117. Probably it is the Bīragarh of J. II. 229 and 230 which is described as on the eastern part of Berār. It is to the east of Aḥmadnagar. It is described in the Historical and Descriptive Sketch of Niẓām's Dominions by Syed Hossain Bilgrāmī and C. Willmott (Bombay, 1884, p. 207), where it is called Birh. It lies on the left bank of the Bendsūra river.
↩The text has the words ṭarḥ shuda, which apparently means that Sher Khwāja was with the army, in the reserve.
↩The text has the words ṭarḥ shuda, which apparently means that Sher Khwāja was with the army, in the reserve.
↩Ghanjī, said by Vullers to be a mistake for ghafacī, a hollow, a place where water collects.
↩Cagrūp in text. This son is not mentioned by the M'aaṯir in its biography of Jagannāth, who was a brother of Rajah Bhagwān Dās.
↩Text garmī-i-bārish. But I.O. MSS. have yāzish.
↩Possibly this refers to the Anarkalī affair.
↩The Iqbālnāma says that though Mān Singh had other grown-up sons, yet according to Hindu custom the son of the deceased got his appointment.
↩Cf. Faiẓī Sirhindī's account. He says that the governor spread carpets from the gate of the fort to the rooms which Humāyūn had occupied in the beginning of his reign. He also says that H.M. visited the tomb of Muḥammad Ghauṯ.
↩There is a Shahbāz K. mentioned by Jahāngīr, Price 35, but though there is a resemblance in the characters of the two men, this Shahbāz K. can hardly be the man who died while Jahāngīr was still only Prince Royal. Faiẓī S. says Shāhbāz died on a Friday in Jamāda-ṯānī. The Maaṯir says Jahāngīr took possession of all Shahbāz's property and went off to Allahābād. If the Shahbāz mentioned in Price's Memoirs be really the Shāhbāz of the Akbarnāma, the mistaken account of him in the former work is strong evidence of its spuriousness.
↩In the first letter of the 2nd book of the Inshā A. F. reports the arrival of Cānd Bībī's messengers and of her expressing her regret at Prince Murād's death, and of her describing her circumstances. The messengers arrived on 14th Khurdād 1007=24th May, 1599.
↩Text nā rasīda. But the variant nā parsīda is supported by the I.O. MS. 236.
↩A large town on the east bank of the Godavery forming the residence of Salivahan who defeated Vikramāditya (Tiefenthaler I. 487).
↩Apparently the literal meaning of the original is “was always furnishing a support for his stumbling (feet).”
↩Faiẓī Sirhindī gives a list of names, but it does not agree altogether with A. F.'s. He mentions Gulbād, Bahādur Uzbeg, Hāshim who, he says, was the son of Qāsim K. Mīr Bahar, Muqīm the son of Shujā'at.
↩Faiẓī has Būlaq the son of Tolak.
↩Faiẓī S. also notices Fatḥ Ullah's death and says he was a pupil of his father's and that when he came to Mandū and saw the tombs there he expressed a wish to die there.
↩Text ābbāri, but I.O. MS. 235 has ābbāzī which seems right. It may mean swimming or any aquatic amusement.
↩Ramẓān, the day on which A. F. arrived, would be a moonlight night. The Iqbālnāma has a different reading. For Mahtābī, moonlight, it has tahanāī, solitude. The couplet is quoted in the story of the two pigeons in the introduction to the Anwārī Suhailī. The reading there is somewhat different.
↩Apparently, this Farīd must be a different person from Farīd the Mīr Bakhshī, for the latter had been sent to Āsīr in the previous year, viz. 11th Isfandārmaẕ 1008, 22nd February 1600. See ante, p. 76. We see too from the sentence that follows, that Farīd Mīr Bakhshī's force had not attempted to take Āsīr, but had halted some six miles away, and that on this account Akbar had been displeased till A. F. explained matters. However the S. Farīd mentioned as now accompanying Akbar may be the Mīr Bakhshī as he may have returned from camp. Faiẓī S. has a long story about negotiations between Farīd and Bahādur.
↩I.O. MS. 236 has a different reading here, and so, it appears, had Chalmers. They have, instead of 23rd the date, the statement that A. F. established 22 posts. The Lucknow ed. has also this. The Maaṯir also, II. 613, speaks of A. F.'s establishing 22 thanas. It says A. F. sent his men with his son and his brother and established 22 posts. The Iqbālnāma says, apparently, that Akbar distributed the lands of Khandesh among his troops, and gave the produce to A. F. so long as H.M. remained in the country.
↩Mān Singh's brother and in charge of Mahā Singh. B.516. The Iqbālnāma remarks on this occasion that the earth of Bengal was leavened with the water of sedition. Apparently Mahā Singh was then a lad of 15 or 16, for according to the Tūzuk J. 186 he died in 1617 (1026) at the age of 32, and in the 12th year of Jahangīr; translation, p. 377.
↩This is Gulrukh Begam's son and Akbar's son-in-law.
↩Or Waisī.
↩See Iqbālnāma and B. 463.
↩Faiẓī S. calls her the mother and perhaps the text only means “venerable mother.” This Bahādur was the ruler of Khandes and owner of Āsīrgarh.
↩The phrase is ba mashkūī-Sulṭān Khusrū, Mashkū being the name of the palace that Khusrū of Persia made for Shīrīn.
↩The grandmother and the son were sent back (Iqbālnāma).
↩The Pīpalḍol and Jāmod of J. II. 224. The dots below the first letter may represent either an S or a P. Jāmod is the proper name. We are not told any particular as to who this Ibrāhīm was. Apparently he was put to death.
↩This is Jījī Anaga, the wife of Shamsu-d-dīn, and not Pīca Anaga who was the wife of Khwāja Maqṣūd. The Iqbālnāma calls her Jījī Anaga. It says Akbar shaved his hair, his eyebrows, etc., according to the rules of Cingīz Khān.
↩J. II. 224-25. The Chopda of I.G. X. 327. ??t had a temple of Rameshwar at the confluence of the Girnī and Taptī.
↩B. XXXIV.
↩Presumably on account of his relationship with the Khāndesh royal family.
↩Sāpan is referred to, later on, at p. 777. It was a hill to the S.-W. of Āsīr, and one of its outworks.
↩Evidently the Rājū who afterwards gave so much trouble. He is called Rājū Deccanī and Rājū Mannū. Ferishta says in his account of the Niẓāmshahī dynasty that two men of no family—'Ambar the Abyssinian, and Rājū -preserved the dynasty from the Moghuls. A. F. never calls the scion whom they raised up anything but the son of Shah 'Alī. Ferishta calls him Murtaẓa Niẓām Shāh. Rājū and 'Ambar were on bad terms with one another, and the K. K. made use of this, and sent an army under his son to attack 'Ambar. A great battle occurred at Kharkī in 1010 A.H. and Irij was victorious (B. 491). Afterwards, the K. K. was on good terms with 'Ambar.
↩Salī?? had been for a good while on bad terms with his father, and it appears that he never had a separate command, or was entrusted with much power until he was sent to Ajmere. The inscription on Anarkalī's tomb (Murray's handbook for the Panjab, 186) bears the date 1008 (1599-1600) in letters and figures. But this cannot be the date of her death, for Akbar was not at Lahore in that year. He left it for Agra on 26th Ābān 1007=6th November 1598. Either the story about her being buried alive is untrue or the date is not that of her death, but of the building of the tomb. The Iqbālnāma makes excuses for Salīm. It says nothing about his wanting to go to the Panjāb and says Mān Singh begged him to go to Bengal on account of the recent defeat of the imperialists. As Salīm's servants' jāgīrs were near Agra he exchanged them with those of Aṣaf K. and others who had lands near Allahabad. Though some servants, and especially those who had lands in Allahabād, put a wrong colour on Salīm's proceedings, Akbar behaved lovingly and sent a kind letter of advice to Salīm by Khwājah 'Abdu-ṣ-ṯamad.
↩B. 516. Probably this is the son of Bayāzīd Biyāt, the writer of memoirs.
↩B.410. The statement there and in the Maaṣīr-u. II. 605, that he died in the last month of 1009, May-June 1601, seems incorrect. According to A. F. in the 2nd month of 1009, it was August 1600. It was his father who lost his life at the battle of Chausa when trying to save Humāyūn's queens.
↩Ferishta's account is that Abhang (called Nihang by Briggs) had 15,000 horse, and was guarding the mouth of the Pass, but when he heard that the imperialists were approaching Aḥmadnagar, and were devastating the country, he burnt his tents and fled to Janīr. Cf. Meadows-Taylor's A Noble Queen, chapter on the second siege. It would seem that Abhang gave up the defence because he learned that some of the other leaders were intriguing with the imperialists.
↩The MSS. have I'tibar. But the Iqbālnāma has Iftikhār Beg.
↩ Text Ḥabsha K., i.e. the Abyssinian
Khan, but the Lucknow ed.
I.O. MS. 236 and Farishta call him
Jīta K., and this seems the correct
reading. It was very easy to mistake
◌
The sentence is obscure but it appears from the Iqbālnāma that these persons were Deccanis and that after they killed Cānd Sultan they proceeded to fire at the imperialists. Neither Abul Faẓl nor the lithographed (Lucknow) edition of Ferishta gives the date of Cānd Sultan's death, but a MS. of Ferishta in my possession says she was put to death in the beginning of Muḥarram 1009. This would be 3rd July, 1600. Her death was not immediately followed by the storming of the fortress, for that did not take place till 16th August.
↩The sentence is obscure. In Elliot VI.100 it is rendered: “efforts were made to clear out the chasm, and this being effected, 180 mans of gunpowder were placed therein.” The text and the MSS. say the attempt to clear out the place did not succeed. I think that the words khālī sākhtā must mean the same thing as the tahī karda of p. 700, line 13. A. F. writes elliptically and possibly a word has been left out in his MS. Some mines were destroyed by the besieged, but with one, or perhaps with the chasm caused by the explosion, they failed. This was then filled by the imperialists and exploded. Cf. Faiẓī's account, I.O. MS. 192, p. 245, which is fuller and better than A. F.'s account. Faiẓī uses the word surang “a mine.” B.M. MS. 27247 has a slightly different reading. It has chūn az īn shigāf gāh ke dar dāmna būd niyārastand yāft. Perhaps the meaning is that the fissure in the base of the tower prevented the besieged from crossing in order to destroy the mine. There is a full account of Aḥmadnagar in Campbell's Bombay Gazetteer, but apparently it is not stated of what kind of stone the fort wall is composed. The fort is situated half a mile to the east of the city.
↩Faẓiī Sirhindi seems to have 8th and says about 70 yards of the wall were thrown down. He adds a chronogram made by M'āṣūm Bhakkarī. “Dānyāl Aḥmadnagar ba namūd faṭh (1009).” Instead of 8th Shahriyūr, Elliot VI. 145 has 20th, but hashtam and bīstam are much alike in Persian. Faiẓī also says id. 144 that the fort was taken on 18th Ṣafr, i.e. 19th August, 1600.
↩Faiẓī S. says the news was brought to Burhānpūr on 21st Ṣafr, 22nd August 1600, after three hours of the night. The fortress had been taken on 18th Ṣafr. He calls Cānd Bībī Cānd Bāī. Faiẓī's account may be compared with A. F. Elliot VI. 144. But the translation there is not complete. Farishta assigns the chief merit of the capture of Aḥmadnagar to Khwājah Abūl Ḥusain (Āṣaf K.) the dīwān of Prince Daniel.
↩Text Bhāk. See J. II. 369.
↩Probably this is the Telkām of J. II. 371.
↩I think that the text is corrupt. The sentence is certainly obscure and I am not sure if I have understood it. The MSS. say nothing of Bhān. According to them it was Sujān who was killed. What they say is, “In this year and month Sujān was killed.” The variant also leaves out the name of Bhān.
↩Apparently means his best officer.
↩The Joonair of Meadows-Taylor, the Djounar of Reclus and the Junnar of the I.G. It is 56 m. north of Poona.
↩So in text, but evidently this is wrong. Probably Shivner I.G. XXII. 294 is right. There is the variant Sīr. Shivner is the birthplace of Sīvajī.
↩It appears from the I.O. MSS. and from B. XXIII and the Maaṯir II. 614 that the text of the Bib. Ind. is corrupt. Not only is the word lakhtā “somewhat” missed out, but also it appears that what A. F. wrote was that there were two forts or outworks, viz. Mālī and Antarī Mālī, and that whoever wished to get to Āsīr must first pass through these two forts. Cf. II. 223 where it is said that Āsīr is encompassed by three other forts. The third fort, apparently, is Jūnī or Cūnī Mālī. But perhaps it is Korhīh. Faiẓī S. has a very long account of the siege of Āsīr, but he dwells chiefly upon the exploits of Farīd Bakhshī, and says nothing about A. F.'s capture of Mālīgarh. See Elliot VI. 132 et seq. which however is not a complete translation. See also the account of Āsīr in Noer's Akbar, English translation, II. 353 et seq., and in the I.G. Ferishta in his chapter on the kings of Khāndesh has a description of Āsīr from personal observation, and Tiefenthaler has a notice of it, accompanied by a rude drawing of Burhänpūr and Āsīr. The best description occurs in Campbell's Bombay Gazetteer, volume for Khandesh. At p. 576 there is a plan of the fort. The name is there spelt Asīrgad.
↩See p. 772.
↩Cf. B. XXII.
↩The passage is a difficult one, and I am not sure of the meaning. The I.O. MSS. and the Cawnpore ed. have farogh before subahgāh or ṣubahgāhī, but this does not seem important. I suppose that ṭanāb must here mean rope-ladders, especially as there already had been an order about bringing ladders (zīna). I am not sure whether bar shud means arriving with the ladders or mounting on them. The Darbárí Akbarí, p. 481 top, makes A. F.'s conduct even more heroic than A. F. himself makes it, for it makes A. F. the first to enter the fort, saying the others then followed him like ants. It also apparently says that A. F. had the ropes or ladders put down on the inside of the wall. Apparently A. F. means to signalise his own bravery by saying that he mounted or arrived during the rain and the cannonade, and while the morning revealed him to the enemy.
↩Possibly this is Asad Beg, the author of the Wiqāya, though according to Elliot VI. 150 he did not get the title of Peshrau K. till Jahāngīr's reign.
↩He was sent to Gwaliar and he was there when the last Niẓām Shah was sent there in 10 43, 1633. See Elliot II. 43 and Badshāhnāmah 540.
↩Apparently it ought to be “proposed.”
↩It will be remembered that by this time Bahādur had personally surrendered, and was in Farīd Bakhshī's camp.
↩Ferishta, who visited Asīr in 1013 A.H., says in his account of the rulers of Khāndesh that he was told by Āṣaf K. and another that after the fortress was captured 80,000 persons—men and women—came out of it, and that 40,000 persons had died of the plague during the siege.
↩Cf. Elliot VI. 143.
↩For an account of the Great Name see Hughes' Dict. of Islām, 220b and 226b. Cf. also Badayūnī, Lowe, 203, and B. 170, where it is said “H.M. passed whole nights in thoughts of God; he continually occupied himself with pronouncing the names Yā hū and Yā hādī.” The Lucknow editor says that the name is the name of God, and that the custom is to repeat verses of the Qoran for the destruction of enemies, and that this is done, either alone, or with 3 or 4 persons up to 40, and that perfumes are burnt and sweetmeats are distributed. Apparently it was for these ceremonies that A. F. was told to bring sweetmeats (halwā). Cf. Badayūnī, Lowe, 205: “Quantities of perfumes were used.” It was, perhaps, in connection with these incantations that the word Arnās, “destruction of enemies,” was used for presents made to Amirs and troopers.
↩A. F. does not mention the picturesque story told by Faiẓī S. about the suicide of Muqarrib K. Elliot VI. 146. Faiẓī adds in the original (I.O. MS. 192, p. 248b) that Sīdī Yā'qūb, the father of Mubārak, afterwards poisoned himself. The story seems referred to in the Darbārī Akbari, p. 481, but it is told in a different way.
↩B. 361 and Maaṯir III. 302. He is said to have offended Akbar shortly before his death by saying that if Āsīr had been his, he would have held it for a hundred years.
↩Faiẓī S. gives the date, Monday, 1st Shabān, 26th January, 1601.
↩Faiẓī S. gives the date, viz. the night of Monday, 8th Shabān, 1009, February 1601, and says that 100 officers were put under A. F. He also calls him Nawāb.
↩Faiẓī says such a crowd followed Akbar that H. M. had personally to keep them back with a stick.
↩Cf. Stewart's Hist. of Bengal, 189. Sherpūr Aṭai is in the S.W. of the Murshīdabad district and in the Kāndi subdivision. See Masnad of Murshīdabad 268.
↩Rānū in text. Cf. J. II. 225, but there is a variant.
↩Faiẓī S. gives the date, 26th Sh'abān, 18th February, 1601, and says that Akbar took the prince in his arms and involuntarily danced. He afterwards took him into the harem.
↩Apparently a pun was meant. The name Dāndesh was given both on account of the Prince's name being Daniel and because Dān means a gift.
↩Perhaps the meaning is that A. F. begged that he might be brought to court. The breach of the agreement probably means A. F.'s failure—on account of Akbar's commands—to go to Nāsīk.
↩Ferishta calls her Begam Sulṭān.
↩The Mīrzā of text seems wrong.
↩