Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 3

The Book of Akbar

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CHAPTER CXX.
LETTER OF H.M. THE SHĀHINSHĀH TO PERSIA, ACCOUNT OF THE
OTTOMAN DYNASTY.

Allah Akbar. Praise and supplication of the sublime threshold of the Unity—Glory be to the Name—are such that if all the niceties of Reason, and all the Categories of Intellect together with the armies of the Intelligences, and hosts of the Sciences, were gathered together, they would not amount to one letter of that book or to one ray of that sun, though, in the eyes of truth, all the motes of existence are a fountain-head of Divine praise, which with a tongueless tongue come forth and moisten the parched lips and burnt-up throats of non-existence with true praise! It is better then to shorten the lasso of thought before the pinnacle of eternal glory—to which the pure spirits (the angels) cling—and to apply oneself to the laudation of the glorious company of the prophets and apostles—on whom be benediction and peace! Let us proclaim in the pulpits of publicity; firstly, their glorious conditions, and secondly, the beautiful gifts whereby they have led mankind from the defiles of error into the highway of favour and guidance, and let us tell of the bounties and noble qualities of the “members of the household” (Ahl-i-bait) who are confidants of the great secrets, and unveilers of the mysteries of the prophets, and let us, relying thereupon, implore new mercy! But inasmuch as on a just view it appears that the praises1008a of those shewers forth of things Divine and human, and that the greatness of that assemblage of spirits who have been consumed in the search for truth and who are transitory in the midst of permanency, are a shadow of the praises of Omnipotence, it is fitting that we abstain from this likewise, and place on the preamble of our statement some points from the current performances of the masters of wisdom, with whose practical science the administration of mundane affairs is associated. For assuredly, in this way do the zealous travellers on the paths of faith, and those who slake themselves at the 657 fountains of truth—who have set before themselves the refreshing of the categories of the visible and invisible—become affused with auspiciousness!

Glory be to God the great and holy! The beholding of the pure and honoured letter which was sent along with Yādgār Sulṭān Shāmlū in the midst of spring and at the time of the equability of night and day made our loving soul to exult. The joyous breeze of the tulips and fragrant flowers became insinuated into the convolutions of the brain, for this nosegay of love and friendship conveyed the perfume of unanimity. What you have written about the delay in writing letters of affection is very appropriate. In truth, spiritual relationships require that there should not be such delays. But you must have heard from comers and goers what great affairs, and continued wars, have occurred to us against the princes of India, which has been reckoned by geometricians as four-sixths of the seven climes. During this long period, this vast country which was shared among so many independent chiefs and martial rulers has by the Divine aid been conquered by the imperial servants. From the mountains of the Hindu Koh to the shores of the ocean all the rebels and stiff-necked ones of three directions—strongfisted1009a rulers and arrogant rajahs, shortsighted Afghan mountaineers, swiftly-careering, desert-dwelling Balūcīs and other fortress-dwellers and landowners—have, one and all, come into the shade of obedience, and the tribes of mankind have enjoyed equability in concord. By the Divine aid that which was revolving in our truth-choosing soul has become accomplished fact. When the Panjab had become the seat of sovereignty it was our secret design to send an able ambassador, but some undertakings intervened. The chief of these was the deliverance of the inhabitants of the heart-rejoicing country of Kashmīr from the hands of villanous tyrants. In spite of the strength of the country, and the long marches, the lofty mountains, the dense forests, the numerous ravines—which can with difficulty be crossed by the forces of the imagination—were by grasping the strong cable of Divine aid by the support of the spirits of the holy Imāms—May Peace be upon them—traversed by the sublime army in an excellent fashion. Several thousand active stone-cutters went on, stage by stage, in advance, and put forth the hand of ability in eradicating 658 rocks and in cutting down forests and in making roads. Accordingly, that delightful country was conquered in a short time, and the standards of justice waved over the inhabitants in general. When that splendid country—which is lauded by all spectators who approve of beauty—was granted to us by the Divine favour, we ourselves went there and offered up our thanksgivings. We journeyed on to the hill-country of Tibet and then proceeded by the route of Paklī and Damtaur—which is a very difficult route—to Kabul and Ghaznīn. We chastised the carnivorous Afghans, the brigands who in the country of Swād, Bajaur and Bangash, are a stone of stumbling to travellers to Tūrān, and we punished the wicked Balūcīs, and other desert-dwellers who are of a bestial nature, and are deceitful foxes, and who are a thorn in the path of Persian travellers. There were incidents, but the root of the delay (in writing) was the confusion in Persia and the distracted state of that country after the inevitable event (of the death) of H.M. the Shāh (Muḥammad Khudābanda)—May God make his proof clear. At the time when the ambassador arrived with an auspicious message, it became known that the confusion was diminishing. Assuredly, our anxious heart was comforted on hearing this news. It was infused into our soul based upon truth that at this time it was not consonant to humanity and liberality merely to make inquiries. The consolation which it occurred to us was to give every assistance that could be desired. But the affairs of Qandahār intervened, for the Mīrzās there showed slackness in assisting the sublime family (that of the Ṣafavī dynasty), and on the occurrence of accidents and misfortunes—which is the time for testing the jewel of fidelity—they did not at all show marks of concord and unanimity. Nor did they repair to our sublime asylum, which is the native land of the masters of delight and ease. It therefore occurred to us that we should in the first place make over Qandahar to our own people. Should the Mīrzās come to comprehend the nature of our daily-increasing dominion and repent of their past deeds, and render service to the representative of the flower of the pure and holy, our victorious troops would join with them and perform every act of assistance that that darling of the Sulṭanate (Shāh 'Abbās) might desire. But as the Mīrzās had ancient connections with our holy family and as the sending of our victorious hosts without making previous inquiry would appear, to the short-sighted general public, to be a breaking of ties, we abstained from it. Meanwhile Rustum M. arrived, and the province of Multan—which is several times larger than Qandahar—was conferred on him. And Moẓaffar Ḥusain M. on hearing of our benignities sent his mother and his eldest son, and meditated coming in person. After his arrival the victorious army will proceed to Qandahār and will easily perform every kind of help. As in the rules of sovereignty and the religion of humanity, concord is preferable to opposition and peace better than war, and especially as it has been our disposition from the beginning of our attaining discretion to this day not to pay attention to differences of religion and variety of manners and to regard 659 the tribes of mankind as the servants of God, we have endeavoured to regulate mankind in general. The blessings of this lofty principle —which is in accord with magnanimity—have once and again showed themselves. At this time when the Panjab was the seat of government our firm intention had been to uprear the sublime standards towards Transoxiana which was the country of our ancestors, so that both might that country come into the possession of the imperial servants, and also that the family of the prophets (the Ṣafavī family) might be assisted in a suitable manner. Meanwhile the asylum of benevolence 'Abdullah K. the ruler of Tūrān sent, time after time, loving letters referring to ancient relationships, and confirmatory of affection, by the instrumentality of skilful ambassadors, and thereby set in motion the chain of concord and devotion and laid the foundation of affection. As to go to war with one who is disposed to be peaceable is contrary to the Divine decrees and is disapproved of in the balance of lofty reason, our head turned away from this project. Stranger still: As yet nothing which could be completely relied upon has been heard from persons arriving from that country about the reformation of the disorders of Persia and the Persians, nor has any truthful exposition been obtained about the fundamental character of that scion of purity (Shāh 'Abbās). We hope that knowing that our loving heart is disposed towards every kind of subject and enterprise, you will tread the beautiful path of correspondence and cause the arrival of truthful, diurnal reports. At the present day, when there are very few wise and acute men who look to the future in Persia, it behoves that cream of lofty ancestors (S. 'Abbās) to exert himself greatly in the management of the country and in the conciliation of all the inhabitants. In every undertaking he must regard caution and have a thought of the final result, and he must not let his heart be perplexed by the fictions of interested people and the lies of intriguing weavers of tales. He must practise endurance of burdens and the ignoring of the mistakes of hereditary servants and new employés, and advance the sincere, and by the light of graciousness cleanse the rust of darkness from off the hypocritical. He must also exercise supreme caution before putting any one to death and destroying what is an edifice of God. Many life-friends have been removed from their near position by the craft of self-interested enemies and have drunk the blood of death, and many enemies and seeming friends have donned the garb of loyalty and engaged in destroying the foundations of dominion. Ample thought must be exercised in studying the hearts and secrets of those men. The lent fortune of this transitory state must be made submissive to the Divine pleasure. The sections of mankind, who are a Divine deposit and treasure, must be regarded with the glance of affection, and efforts must be made to conciliate their hearts. It must be considered that the Divine mercy attaches itself to every form of creed, and supreme exertions must be made to bring oneself into the every vernal flower-garden of “Peace with all.” The increase of one's good fortune must always be kept in full view, for the eternal God is bounteous to all souls 660 and conditions of men. Hence it is fitting that kings, who are the shadow of Divinity, should not cast away this principle. For, the Creator has given this sublime order (that of kings) for the discipline and guardianship of all mankind, so that they may watch over the honour and reputation of every class. Men do not knowingly and intentionally make mistakes in worldly affairs, which are unsubstantial and pass away, why then should they be negligent in the affairs of faith and religion, which are permanent and everlasting? In fine, the position of every sect comes under one of two categories. Either it is in possession of Truth, and in that case one should seek direction from it and accept its views. Or it is in the wrong, and then it is unfortunate and suffering from the disease of ignorance, and is a subject for pitying kindness, and not for harshness and reproach. One must exercise wide toleration and knock at the door of inspection, for in this way will the veil be removed from the wide extent of spiritualities and temporalities, and there will be ample life and fortune. One of the advantages of this method is that at a time of want of leisure and of the predominance of wrath, friends will not be destroyed under the idea that they are enemies, and that enemies masquerading as friends will not have an opportunity for deceit. One must strenuously adhere to one's word, for this is a pillar of rule. Patience and endurance must ever be one's companions, for the maintenance of permanent dominion depends thereon. Let it not be concealed that it was our intention to dispatch one of our chosen confidants along with Yādgār Sulṭān in order that he might learn the real facts about Persia and report to us. Meanwhile a number of rebels and strife-mongers rose up in Kashmīr. We were in the hunting-ground with a few intimates when the news of this arrived. A Divine inspiration made us proceed thither rapidly, and we had not reached Kashmīr when gallant heroes—who out of necessity had become the companions of this rebellious crew—got their opportunity and brought the head of the ringleader to us. When that territory had become, by the blessing of our advent, a site of peace and tranquillity, we returned and came to Lahore. At this time the ruler of Sīwistān, Tattah and Sind—which are on the route to Persia —had the temerity and ill fortune to engage in war with the troops who are associated with victory, and the route to 'Irāq and Khurāsan became closed. Hence there has been delay in sending an ambassador. Now, that our holy heart is free from all cares, and that Sīwistān and Tattah have been incorporated in the empire, and that M. Jānī Beg the ruler thereof has appeared at our court and done homage, and that we have read on his forehead the marks of repentance and devotion, we have restored that country to him. The route to 'Irāq has thus become shorter and safer than before, and we have given him his dismissal (to Tattah). We send Zīyā-al-Mulk1013a who is the 661 essence of trustworthiness and devotion, and have confided to him some loving expressions which he will communicate to you in private. He will also ascertain the state of affairs in Persia and report to us. Some rarities of this country have been entrusted to Khwāja Abū Nāṣir. We hope that you will consider this abode of dominion as your own house and pursue a line of conduct contrary to that of former times, and will consider the despatch of letters—which are a spiritual conversation—as appertaining to the rules of concord. May God Almighty ever preserve that cream of a chosen family from deceits and wiles and succour him by secret aids!

On 24 Āẕar Āṣaf K. arrived in three days from Kashmīr, and reported the revenue of the country to be, according to the settlement of Qāẓī 'Alī, 31 lakhs of kharwārs, each of 24 dāms. He had pacified the soldiers and the peasantry and distributed the fiefs in a proper manner. On the 26th, 'Imād-ul-Mulk sent an excellent royal falcon to court. The connoisseurs were much astonished, and H.M. said that in the year in which he conquered Surat such a falcon1014a had been sent to him, and that he had sent it to Muni'm K. by the hands of Subhān Qulī Turk.

On 1st Dai the “king of poets” S. Abū Faiẓ Faiẓī presented the poem of Nal Daman, and was much commended. In the thirtieth Divine year that cavalier of the plain of eloquence conceived the idea of making the khamsa (Niẓāmī's Pentad) the arena of his heaven-embracing genius. He composed the Markaz-i-adwār after the model of the Makhzan-i-asrār in 3,000 verses, the Sulaimān and Bilqīs after the model of the Khusrū and Shīrīn, and the Nal Daman —which is one of the old stories of this country—after the model of the Laila and Majnūn. The last two consisted, each, of 4,000 verses. He also composed the Haft Kishwar in 5,000 verses after the style of the Haft Paikar, and arranged the Akbarnāma according to the metre of the Sikandarnāma. In the same style (as Niẕāmī?) he made in verse a catalogue of the glories of the Shāhinshāh. At that period (the 30th year) he commenced the first poem. Inasmuch as genius is attached to the antechamber of intelligence, his soul in no way grew cold, and he continually, by virtue of his inspiration and delightsomeness, produced new work. In a short time he executed the preambles of all five works together with several tales which increased the understanding of the enlightened and critical. As the foundation of poetry has been placed on fancy and fiction, H.M. pays less regard to it. Still that unique one of the banquet of appreciation on the appearance of a choice poem expressed a wish to discourse about it. He (Faiẓī) out of proper devotion and auspiciousness withdrew himself from the troop 662 of futile rhymesters. He preserved silence and studied deeply philosophical works. He reverenced great spirits and exercised himself in praise of the Deity. Though his intimates urged him to build up these five palaces, he did not assent. The whole design of spiritual conquests is to erase the marks of existence; not to adorn the antechamber of renown. At length,1015a in this year, the wise throne-occupant sent for that knower of spiritual and physical mysteries and bade him complete that Panjnāma (pentad). He also indicated that he should begin by putting the tale of Nal Daman into the balance of words. In four months, four thousand verses were completed in a variegated and decorated manner.

On the 4th S. Farīd Bakhshī Begī returned from the northern hills, and was exalted by doing homage. On the 6th, Ādat Dās Kashmīrī died. He was singular in that country for his knowledge and rectitude, and by his fortunate star he was admitted to the august society (of Akbar). On the 8th M. Yūsuf K. was made dārogha of the Artillery, and Shāh Beg Qandahārī was made the Dīwān of that department. On this day the Mota Rajah arrived from his estate of Jodhpūr and had an audience. At this time— when the vines in Hindustan did not bear—a grape was produced in Ḥasan Abdāl which was called ox-eye (dīda-i-gāo), and Mīr Ḥusain showed it to H.M. Next morning Hāshim Beg came from Kabul and did homage, and was exalted by princely favours. On the 24th, after the passing of 3 1/2 hours, a daughter was born in the harem of Prince Sulṭān Selīm by the daughter of 'Abdullah Bilūc. It is hoped that she may become a source of increased fortune. In the end of this month Sulṭān Murād, the ruler of Turkey, died. Twelve days afterwards, when his son Sulṭān Muḥammad was brought out of the fortress, he was buried, and Sulṭan Muḥammad, from somnolence of understanding and stony-heartedness, put to death his nineteen brothers, the eldest of whom was twenty years old. On hearing of this, H.M. said, “It is very strange that the river of sovereignty has remained full in his house. If some prosperity attends this malicious and selfish man, it apparently must be as a means of retribution for mankind. He who seeks to follow wisdom does not (try to) comprehend the marvels of destiny.”

Verse.

Faiẓī, open the ear of the heart and the eye of the mind.
Dedicate those eyes and ears to the work of the world.
Behold the wonders of the Age and close your lips.
Listen to the tale of the epoch and close your eye.

Sultan Malik Shāh Seljūqī took Syria11016a from the Christians and made it over to his connexions and servants. When the dominion of the Seljūq family in 'Irāq and Khurāsān came to an end, the Seljūqs in Turkey somewhat increased in prosperity. The first (of the Seljūqs of Turkey) was Sulṭān 'Alāu-d-dīn Qulīj Arslān, then came his son Sulṭān Raknu-d-dīn, then Sulṭān Ghīāṯu-d-dīn, then 'Azza-u-dīn Kaikāūs, and then Sulṭān 'Alāu-d-dīn Kaiqubād. Many reckon 'Azza-u-dīn as the last of this dynasty, others add two other descendants of 'Alau-d-dīn. Seljūq was descended by twenty-four generations from Afrāsiyāb. He had four sons: Michael, Israil,1016b Mūsā, and Yūnas. In 375 A.H., 985-86 A.D., they came from the defiles of Turkistan to Transoxiana, and from there to Khurāsān. Then the sons of Michael, viz. Toghril and J'aafir Beg, became great. Their dynasty ended after 1171017a years. Then the prosperity of the Quarāmān Begs (of Caramania) began. This too came to an end after 173 years in the time of Ibrāhīm Beg. The Oṯmān (Ottoman) dynasty began in 688 A.H., and the Oṯmān year and month are counted from him (?). It is said he was born in 648.1017b Various accounts are given of his success. He reigned 37 or 39 years. In some ancient histories he is said to be descended from Aghuz K. (His genealogy is) Oṯmān s. Ṭoghril s. Sulaimān, s. Qiyālat, s. Qazil Būqā, s. Payindar, s. Ajūl Ṣafī Āqā, s. Ṭughān, s. Qandasūn, s. Māītwaqūn, s. Bāqī Āqā, s. Sūncaq Āqā, s. Bakhtumūr, s. Būsāqī, s. Lak 'Alī (Kok Alp K.), s. Aghuz, s. Qarā K. They say that Oṣmān's grandfather Sulaimān Shāh possessed the city of Mahān (in Khurāsān). When the Moghuls disturbed the world, he proceeded with his family to Rūmistān. On account of difference of religion, he attacked and plundered the country. He fought battles at Amāsīa,1017c and from there went on towards Aleppo. He lost his life in crossing the Euphrates. Ūr Khān (Orkhān) his (Oṯmān's) son succeeded him, and died after administering justice for 55 or 32 years. His son Ghāzī Murād succeeded him, and conquered numerous territories. He became known as Murād K. With him began the practice of taking one-fifth of the captives1017d as the share of government. He also instituted the corps of the janissaries.1017e While he was hunting, Christian troops arrived and he fought bravely with them and was victorious. Suddenly some men in ambush came out of a cave and killed him. He died after 47 or 32 years of rule. He was succeeded by his son Īldarim Bāyazīd. He conquered Persia and Qirmān and attained high dignity. The accumulation of treasure, the keeping of accounts, and the drinking of wine in this country became current from him. He 664 fought a battle with Ṣāḥib Qarānī (Timur) near Angora and was made prisoner. For 14 or 16 years he was successful. He had six sons. Musṭafa Calabī was missing after that battle. Sulaiman, who was called Calabī, took some country. He sent presents to the court of Sāhib Qarānī, and was submissive. Some land was left to him. Mūsā, who was an attendant on the stirrup, obtained some of the land of Rūm. The brothers fought with one another. One day Sulaimān was drinking wine in his hot bath. Mūsā attacked him. He came out alone and took shelter in a village, and the villagers killed him. He reigned 7 years. Mūsā became sole ruler and indulged in arrogance. From excessive suspiciousness and deficiency of wisdom he degraded the great, and raised up the slaves of gold. Sultān Muḥammad his brother rose up to contend with him and there were several battles. While he was flying, his horse stuck in the mud and the lamp of his life was extinguished.1018a He reigned either six or three years. Sulṭān Muḥammad upreared the banners of sovereignty. One Muṣṭafa claimed to be a prophet. The Sulṭān fought with him and killed him. He reigned for 5 or for 2 years. When the pains of death came upon him, he summoned his son Sulṭān Murād from Roumelia, but died before he arrived. He arrived after forty days. They proclaimed his (S. Muḥammad's) death and committed the body to the earth. Some soldiers rebelled. An obscure man claimed to be Musṭafa Calabī the son of Īldarim Bāyazīd, and many believed on him. He took the country of Roumelia, and made an expedition against Anatolia.1018b The Sulṭān by the advice of some persons went to a saint, who was called Amīr J'aafirī,1018c and who lived a prayerful life in the city of Bursā (Brusa) which is the cemetery of the rulers of Turkey. The dervish inspired him, and in a short while the sedition-monger was seized and put to death. In the heat of success his heart grew cold to the world and he went into retirement, making his son Sulṭān Muḥammad his representative. He could not manage properly, and the violence of the Franks1018d somewhat disturbed the country. By entreaties, the leaders of the army induced that hermit to adorn again the throne. He quelled the disturbance and again retired into solitude. He left the administration to the same son. After some time the janissaries became unmanageable and conspired to kill Khādim Pāsha the chief councillor. He fled and took shelter in the Sultān's place of retirement. By endurance of burdens, planning and increase of pay, the mutiny was quelled. Able men by much supplication again brought the hermit to the palace, and victories showed their countenance. The whole time of 665 his rule was 27 or 30 years. When he went to the privy-chamber of non-existence, Sulṭān Muḥammad, after sixteen days, sate on the throne. Fortune rose up to do him homage. Apparently it was by her order that the tiara of rule did not show its glory during the lifetime of his father. He took Constantinople, which is famous as Istambūl, and made it the capital and chose it for his place of burial. He reigned for 31 years. On his death, his son Sulṭān Bāyazīd put the imperial crown on his head. The Egyptians prevailed against him, and some unfaithful soldiers joined his son Sulṭān Selīm. That turbulent one contended with his visible god (i.e. his father). And by the jugglery of the heavens he was victorious. He ended his (father's) life by poison1019a and acquired eternal abhorrence. Bāyazīd reigned thirty years. Afterwards the parricide obtained the sovereignty and fought a battle with Shāh Ismāīl Ṣ'afavī in the plain of Khāldārān between Dīārbikr and Aẕarbaijān. He defeated him and proceeded to attack the Egyptians. Sulṭān Qānṣūī (Qānsūh Ghūrī) the ruler of that country was killed, and the dynasty of the Circassians came to an end.1019b Malik Ṣāliḥ, who was the last prince of the Ayūb family, died at Cairo in 648. His clan and his slaves raised his mother1019c to the power, and 'Iẓzau-d-dīn who belonged to the family was made commander-in-chief. When some time elasped base and mercenary people raised 'Izzau-d-dīn to the sovereignty, and he is the first of the Circassian dynasty. From that time the power in Egypt and Syria fell into the hands of low slaves (the Mamlūks). The dominion of the Banī1019d 'Abbās—which was only nominal—also came to an end. He (Selīm) reigned for ten or for seven1020a years and was succeeded by his son Sulṭān Sulaimān. Shāh Ism'aīl sent choice presents and condolences and congratulations. He (Sulaiman) wrote “reply unnecessary”1020b and put his seal on the front of the letter (of Ism'aīl) and made Ism'aīl exceeding sorrowful. Sulaimān took Cyprus1020c and many countries from the Christians. He reigned for 48 years. Then his son Sultān Selīm (II) succeeded him. His brother Sulṭān Bāyazīd took shelter with his four sons with Shāh Ṭahmāsp the ruler of Persia, and lost his life. Sulṭān Selīm reigned seven or sixteen1020d years, and was succeeded by his son Sulṭān Murād. Though his empire became extensive the janissaries prevailed over him. They took the grand Vizier (buzurg dastūr) Muḥammad Pāshā (Sokolli) forcibly out of the palace and put him to a shameful death. He reigned for 25 years. In order to water my discourse I have gone somewhat out of my way to speak of this dynasty, and have provided a collyrium for the eyes. I return to the narrative of eternal dominion, which is my objective.

666 On 9 Bahman M. Yūsuf K. obtained leave to go to Jaunpūr in order that he might bring it into some degree of order and then return. On the 15th Shīdā Beg died. He was taḥwīldār of the Wardrobe. From self-indulgence and drinking he seldom appeared on parade (ba kashk). H.M. became angry and on one occasion had him stripped and soused1021a with cold water. He died of the cold. It appeared that he had laid presumptuous hands on the private dresses. H.M. said, “God has punished him with nakedness for having donned stolen garments.” At this time a supplicatory letter came from Khān Aḥmad Gīlāni. On account of long prosperity, the strength of his country, and bad company, he had been insolent to Shāh Ṭahmāsp the ruler of Persia, and had been sent to the school of the prison. Sulṭān Muḥammad Khudābanda released him, and sent him back to the government of Gīlān. Envious tale-bearers incited Shāh 'Abbās against him. Out of ill-fatedness he set himself to fight (with 'Abbās). He was defeated and took refuge in Turkey. He was not appreciated there and not treated with favour. On the 23rd his envoy had an audience and presented a petition. It stated that he had long desired to have recourse to the subliṃe court, but could not accomplish his desire on account of the distance and the insecurity. At present he was passing his time in distress in Baghdad, and his old desire was occupying the skirt of his heart. The envoy was favourably received and made hopeful of royal favours, On 1 Isfandārmaẕ, after ten hours, a daughter1021b was born to Sulṭān Daniel by the daughter of Qulīj K. It is hoped that her advent may increase prosperity.

One of the occurrences was the conquest of Sīwī (Sibi).1021c It is a strong fort near Qandahār, and in old times was held by the ruler of Bhakkar. For a long time the Afghans had held it. Saiyid Bahāu-d-dīn Bokhārī the fiefholder of Ūc, and Bakhtiyār Beg the fiefholder of Sīwistān, and Mīr Abū-l-Qāsim Tamkīn the jāgīrdār of Bhakkar, and Mīr M'aṯūm and other soldiers of the province of Multan, received orders to proceed thither and to make advice the material of conquest. If they did not listen, they were to be punished. On 23 Dai they went out with this intention. The zamīndārs of Ganjāba1022a and the other chiefs there—such as Daryā K. and Dāūd— submitted. On 3 Isfandārmaẕ they arrived at the fort. 5,000 men came out to fight, and after a short engagement they were defeated and retired into the fort. After investing it and preparing to take it, the garrison came to terms and gave up the keys. By this victory the country up to Qandahār, Kac1022b and Mekrān was included in the empire. The soldiers were distressed in that desert1022c from want of water. They made the world's lord the Divine instrument of worship and prayed for water. By the Divine favour in a short space of time, the dry bed of a turrent became full of water, and there came occasion for thanksgiving.

On the 27th41022d the festival of the lunar weighment took place. H.M. was weighed against eight articles, and the world sate down in the light of success.

CHAPTER CXXI.
BEGINNING OF THE 40TH YEAR, TO WIT, THE YEAR TĪR OF THE FOURTH
CYCLE.

On Tuesday, 9 Rajab 1003, after 3 hours, 33 minutes, the world-lighting sun illuminated the sign of Aries, and the fourth year of the fourth cycle conveyed the news of eternal dominion. The world's Commander returned fresh thanks to God, and adorned nineteen days with varied celebrations. The dejected of heart became exhilarated, the savage became sociable.

Verse.

Allah Akbar! What eternal bliss is this!
Allah Akbar! What a lamp of truth is this!
No particle do I see void of light.
Allah Akbar! What sunlight is this!

On 5 Farwardīn, Ḥusain Beg S. 'Umrī came with some men from the northern mountains, and brought with him Rāja Bāsū and some zamīndārs. Each received suitable favours. At this time the conquest of Busnah took place. It is a strong fort, and a populous country is connected with it. When Rāja Mān Singh came to Tānda, the capital of Bengal, he sent off troops in all directions. One body was sent under the command of Himmat Singh (the Rāja's son) to that quarter. On the 19th it prevailed, and a faction was chastised. When the world's lord had performed the thanksgivings of the New Year, he crossed the Rāvī and went to the Dilāmez garden, which had lately been made. From there he went with some ladies in retirement to Rāmbārī. Night and day he gathered the flowers of joy, and at the same time, his enlightenment increased.

One of the occurrences was the death of Burhān Niẓām-ul-Mulk. Whoever neglects goodness and practises ingratitude, soon, by his own efforts, reaps his retribution. Fresh evidence of this is afforded by the story of this base one. The royal favours he received, his coming to power, his ingratitude, and his non-acceptance of counsels, and the appointment of an army against him, have been described. On account of the distance and of slackness in making preparations, the army had not been gathered together when he died. He delighted in obstinacy, and flattery made him arrogant. He stretched out 668 his hands against men's property and lives, and destroyed the honour of families. He made no distinction between friend and foe, relative and stranger. He raised an army to attack Ādil K. and returned unsuccessful. Thinking that he would take the fort of Rewadanda,1024a which adjoins Caul, from the Christians, he sent Farhād K. and Asad K. Rūmī with a large force to that quarter, and then lasciviously defiled Farhād K.'s wife. Farhād felt ashamed and made terms with the Christians. Many Deccanis lost their lives, and Asad K. was made prisoner. In order to increase his virility Burhān used mercurial1024b medicines, and made himself ill by listening to quacks, so that he became hopeless of life. He brought his son Ibrāhīm Beg out of prison, and made him his successor. Ikhlās K. Abyssinian and some others did not agree to this and endeavoured to raise up Ism'aīl, another son, and who had formerly ruled. When he had recovered somewhat, he got into a litter and set out to fight. Three kos from Aḥmadnagar he fought and was victorious.1025a The strife-mongers had to go into retirement. This success made him more mad, and increased his arrogance. When he returned, he used more medicine, and increased his illness. On the 25th1025b (Farwardīn) he died. Many said that his sister Cānd Bībī poisoned him. The acute beheld in it the retribution of his ingratitude. The army-leaders raised Ibrāhīm to power, and he from shortsightedness first blinded his brother and afterwards put him to death.

CHAPTER CXXII.
ARRIVAL OF THE VICTORIOUS TROOPS AT QANDAHAR, AND THE TRANQUILLISATION
OF THAT COUNTRY.

When Qarā Beg and M. Beg—who had gone to bring Moẓaffar Ḥusain M.—approached, the Mīrzā received them and rejoiced over the royal order. He expressed submissiveness and showed a desire to proceed towards the court from there. As Shāh Beg K. had not arrived, he turned back at the instance1026a of the above-named persons, and for a time had other thoughts, in consequence of the foolish talk of wicked persons. Owing to his auspicious disposition he looked deeply into the matter and frankly surrendered the fort and came out. On the 28th, silver and gold were illuminated by the Shāhinshāh's stamp, and the pulpits were exalted by his honoured name. Shāh Beg K. encouraged the Mīrzā in various ways and sent him off with his family and 2,0001026b Qizilbāshes. A populous country 669 came into possession without a battle, and a noble family was delivered from confusion. The Uzbegs turned aside their rein from that country for a while, and the peasantry had some repose. The tribes of the Hazāra and Afghans and other presumptuous landholders received chastisement. At this time the great office of Vakīl was conferred on the Khān Ā'aẓam M. Koka. As ability and disinterestedness were seen in his forehead, he was, on 9 Ardibihisht, exalted by that great favour. Though the talents of the world's lord needed no help, and he accomplished everything by his own wide capacity, yet he, from wisdom and a knowledge of the world, entrusted business to an able officer. The thread of watchfulness was thereby doubled.

On the 19th1026c (Ardibihisht) a large caravan laden with choice goods arrived from the port of Goa. In it were several learned Christian ascetics—known by the name of “Padre.” By the favours of the Shāhinshāh their heart-desires were gratified.

One of the occurrences was the conquest of Zamīn Dāwar and the country of Garmsīr (the hot country). These two populous tracts belong to Qandahar. The Uzbegs had taken them from the Mīrzās. When the report of the approach of the victorious troops became current, the headmen of those places gathered together and were victorious. The Uzbegs retired after failure. At this time Sulṭān Muḥammad Oghlān, Tengrī Bardī, Murād K., and some others (of the Uzbegs) rose up to take revenge, and surrounded the fort. When Shāh Beg K. came, the inhabitants begged for redress. He was doubtful about helping them in the absence of orders. By good fortune some of that crew extended the hand of plunder to near Qandahar, and M. 'Iwaz took by force the fortress of Terī.1027a When he would not listen to advice, Shāh Beg K. proceeded to give him battle. He (M. 'Iwaz) made Terī strong and came out to fight and was soon made prisoner. The fort was taken. Then Shāh Beg crossed the Helmand and attacked Zamīn Dāwar. The enemy was disconcerted and hastened to the fort of Darghor1027b (?). When they were pursued, they fled without fighting towards Herat. The victorious troops returned and came to Zamīn Dāwar, and Garmsīr was also, without a contest, included in the empire. The Tūrānī soldiers had their eyes opened somewhat, and Qul Bābā, the Commander-in-chief of Khurāsān, became anxious about protecting it. Out of foresight he behaved in a friendly manner to the troops. On 28 Tīr the news came, and every one was rewarded in a suitable manner. On the 30th (Tīr), 10th July, 1595, the Mota1027c Rajah died from inability to breathe (nafas tangī), and four wives freely gave their bodies to the flames. H.M. went there by water to teach1028a the truth, and led some to fortitude by showing the unimportance of life.

One of the occurrences was the death of Ibrāhīm Niẓam-ul-Mulk. 670 From the time that H.M. turned away the eye of favour from the Deccan, fresh evils occurred from time to time in that country, and retribution for ingratitude occurred. When Burhān died, and Ibrāhīm succeeded him, improprieties increased. An army came from Bījāpūr to punish him. On 16 Amardād, 40 kos from Ahmednagar, there was a battle, and suddenly an arrow reached1028b Ibrāhīm, and he was killed.

The Bījāpūrians returned successful, and the Niẓām-al-Mulkians came home in a bewildered state. Many made Aḥmad the son1028c of Khudābanda their chief, and some chose Moti,1028d the son of Qāsim. Burhan Niẓām-al-Mulk, the 1st, had six sons, Qāsim, 'Abdu l-Qādir, Ḥusain, Khudābānda, Shāh 'Alī, Muḥammad Bāqir. When he died, the succession fell to Ḥusain,1028e and when the latter died his eldest son Martaẓa became Niẓām-ul-Mulk.

On the 31st, twelve dīwāns were appointed. Though the viziership was prosperously conducted by the truthfulness and industry of Khwāja Shamsu-d-din Khāfī, yet on account of excess of business and of farsightedness, a vizier was appointed to every province, and former wishes became fact. Ḥusain Beg was appointed to Allahabad, Bhārtī Cand to Ajmere, Rai Rām Dās to Aḥmadābād, Kahnūr to Oudh, Kishn Dās to Bengal, Rām Dās to Bihar, Rām Rai to Delhi, Khwāja Ghīāṯ Beg to Kabul, Mathurā Dās to Lahore, Khwāja Muḥībb 'Alī to Mālwa, Kēsū Das to Agra, Khwāja Muqīm to Multan. An order was given that every one should report his proceedings to H.M. in accordance with the advice of the Khwāja.

One of the occurrences was the victory of Bajranath.1029a At the royal feast he wrestled with Balbhadr—who was at the head of the wrestlers (Mals). The spectators were astonished to see that H.M. had commanded that slenderly-made man to contend with that powerful frame. In a short time by dint of courage it appeared that that strong one would be thrown. In order to preserve his reputation, they were separated as being equal.

At this time it became known that some persons exacted tolls at the ferries. H.M.'s justice was moved, and an order was issued everywhere that every exertion should be made to punish such conduct. From Lahore to the Hindu Koh this work was entrusted to Zain K. Kokaltāsh; from Lahore to Lower Bengal to Daulat K.; from Lahore to Gujarat to Rām Dās Kachwāha, to Zamīn Dāwar, to Daulat Khurd; and from Delhi to Oudh, to Mīyān Khānū.

CHAPTER CXXIII.
MOZAFFAR ḤUSAIN M. GLORIFIES HIS FOREHEAD BY PROSTRATING
HIMSELF AT THE HOLY THRESHOLD.

Whoever is exalted by fortune and whose star raises him from a humble position, enjoys prosperity, and has happy days without exertion. The condition of the Mīrzā11030a is an instance of this, and is a collyrium for the eyes. Out of dissatisfaction with the ruler of Persia, and from fear of his life, he did not submit to the Shāh, and from the turbulence of youth and bad companionship he did not attach himself to the sublime Court. Suddenly the Uzbegs prevailed over Khurāsān, and the position of the Mīrzās became difficult. They were disconcerted by the appointment of the victorious army. Owing to his happy star, Rustum M. bound himself to eternal dominion, and this increased the distracted condition of Moẓaffar. By the guidance of his star he sent his mother and his eldest son to make his excuses. They were kindly received and a comforting order was sent to him. He emerged from his disturbed state, and prepared to do service. When Shāh Beg K. arrived he made over the country and set out. The officers and guardians of the passes showed, under H.M. orders, great respect to this nobly born one. Every week, one of the courtiers arrived with choice goods. When he was three stages off, M. Jāni Beg, S. Farīd Bakhshī Begī, Ḥusain Beg S. 'Umrī and others were sent off (to him). When he was three kos away, Khān A'ẓam, the M. Koka, Zain K. Kokaltāsh and many others (met him). On 5 Shahriyūr the Mīrzā glorified his forehead by performing the prostration, and the rank of his auspiciousness was exalted. He presented one hundred 'Irāq horses and other things. Among them was a wonderful shell1030b which when rubbed on a snake-bite sucked out the poison, and caused a recovery. The Mīrzā was made a Panjhazārī, and Sarkār Sambal,1031a which is larger than Qandahar, was given to him as a fief. He was made happy by much money and many goods. His four sons, Bahrām M., Ḥaidar M., Alqās M., Ṭahmāsp1031b M., and his companions, received great presents.

In this year the officers (mansabdārān) were divided into three classes: 1st, those who had horsemen equal in number to their office; 2nd, those who had half and upwards; 3rd, those who had loss. The pay of each was fixed1031c (accordingly?). An account of this is in the last volume (the Āīn). On this day Tāsh Beg. K. was sent off to chastise the 'Īsā Khel, but as he fell ill, he could not accomplish the work properly. On the 6th a daughter was born in the harem of the Prince Royal by the daughter of Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. It is hoped that she may become a great lady of the Age. On the 9th S'aīd K. came from the Eastern districts, and received varied favours. He had long cherished the desire to come, and when he reached Bihar, he proceeded very rapidly. He presented 100 elephants and other articles. On the 11th1031d Ḥakīm 'Ain-ul-Mulk died in Hindia. The appreciative sovereign begged forgiveness for him, and bestowed favours on his children. He was one of the good men of this world. He exerted himself very much in helping men. On the 16th S'aīd K. presented the peshkash of 'Isā K. the land- 672 holder of Bhātī. It was accepted. In the beginning of Mihr, food was sent to Qandahar. There was somewhat of a scarcity in that country and the soldiers were in distress. Able men sent every kind of grain from Multan, several times, and soon there was plenty. Qul Bābā the C. in C. of Khurāsān became very anxious and strengthened his friendship with the officers in that quarter. On this day Bāqir1031e K. Safarcī died in Bengal. H. M. freed his children from grief by his kindness. At this time a different scale (barāward)1032a of pay (estimate) was made. On 11 Mihr an order was passed that Moghuls, Afghans and Indians who had three horses should get 1,000 dāms, those who had two horses 800, and those who had one horse, 600 dāms. Rājpūts of the first class got 800, and those of the middle class 600.

One of the occurrences was the illumination of the jewel of Truth. One of the foolish talkers brought a charge of impropriety against a chaste personality (a woman?). H.M.1032b sate to inquire into the matter. He said, “I have heard from persons of understanding1032c that when an inquiry was made and the facts could not be ascertained, recourse was had to the ordeal of fire.1032d The truth came out, the accuser was put to shame, and a world was astonished.” One of the Hindu ordeals is this: They heat a piece of iron in the fire and then placing leaves of the pīpal (ficus indica) on the hand (of the accused) they put the burning metal on the top thereof. If no burning takes place, they accept the statement (of the accused) as true. On this occasion the accused did not employ any leaves, but took a piece of fire in the (her?) hand, held it for a time and then slowly put it down.1032e No harm ensued (to the accused) though the ground was burnt by the heat of the thing. The truth-seeking of the ruler of the age produced these wonderful results!

On the 16th the sacred seal was made over to the Khān A'ẓam and his dignity received a fresh increase. Maulānā 'Alī Aḥmad, at the orders of H.M., engraved the names of H.M.'s ancestors up to the time of Sāḥib Qirānī and produced a masterpiece. An order was given that all the confirmatory1033a sanads and some of the secret orders (bayāẓī manshūr) should bear this adornment.

On this day the envoy of the Viceroy1033b of Ormuz had the bliss of kissing the threshhold. He brought two ostriches very remarkable in their shape and behaviour. They treated pieces of stone as if they were fruits. All forms of existence are full of wonderment, but much seeing has put many men to sleep, and they marvel at nothing except what they see rarely.

One of the occurrences was that the veil fell from off the face of the condition of the writer of the book of fortune. After divers fallings and risings, and after traversing many heights and hollows, the idea of “Peace with All” came to me and for a while I was rooted in contentment. I perceived that there was somewhat of the glory of being in every form of creation, and so I breathed the breath of 673 Love. I thought for a while that the calm spot of resignation was my abode and was in a state of wishlessness! Suddenly, the basin tumbled from the roof (a proverb),1033c and cruelty and sorrow were impressed on the hearts of high and low!

Verse.

I made 2,000 vows that I'd not go crazy.
For you my vows were shattered, for you my resolve failed!

On 21 Mihr,1034a Saturday, 10 Ṣafr 1004 (5 October 1595), the order came to the king of Poets, Sh. Faiẓī, my elder brother, and that free-souled and enlightened one on receipt of the call for the last journey proceeded with open brow to the holy city!

Verse.

A Joseph was lost to his brethren.
Nay, not to us, but to the whole world was he lost.
In Love's game our hands are empty,
He who has departed held the ring.1034b

The venerable and eloquent sate in sorrow, and crowds and crowds of men were grieved. The heart of the appreciative King was contracted because a veil had covered the seeker after wisdom, the maker of eulogies, and because the cup of the life of the chief guest at the banquet of loyalty had overflowed. The noble princes sate in sorrow because the wise-hearted teacher, and the imparter of wisdom and eloquence, had become silent. The great officers' nosegay of joy withered because the loving cup of the chief of the confidant of the banquet and the battle had become full. The spirits of those immersed in business were broken because the solver of the difficulties of the age had died. The travellers in the desert of exile were pained in their hearts and had a lump in their throats because the adorner of the stage of comfort had withdrawn his heart from mankind. Those who traversed the world of search sate with sad hearts and erased from their minds the thought of travel, because the fountain of the life of the eloquent exponent of truth had been choked. The thorns of failure increased in the feet of the empty-handed and the necessitous, because the unsolicited wish-granter had withdrawn from the world of society. Every section had its special lament, and drank the new and intoxicating wine of affliction. The tale of this stroke of lightning does not come within the mould of language. One cannot write with a wooden-legged pen. When such were the feelings of mere contemporaries, who can understand the sorrow of me who loved him, body and soul? How can my mental agitation and my bodily benumbment be described? I who am of sewn-up lips, wept like a child, and a tempest of lamentation arose. Patience, wisdom's first-born, expired in weeping, and that light-giver sate in a day of darkness! Blind feelings became dominant and light-headed fancies prevailed. I regarded his leaving the house of bones as death, and his choice of life eternal as annihilation! Life became a heart-calamity and a burden to the soul. Sleep and sustenance (khwāb u khūr) took the path of estrangement. My elemental ties were nearly being loosed, and I was nearly casting the burden of life from off my shoulder. Sometimes I strove, like a crazy person, with heaven, and sometimes I opened my lips to abuse Fate. The material removal of a brother wrought this effect on me, and the separation in 674 spirit from a beloved solver of entanglements made me mad. Except him, this privacy-admirer, publicity-practiser, had no confidant. He it was who applied the balm to the inward sore. I felt compelled to go into retirement and to sit down in affliction and in expectation of the end. I tore my heart, and squeezed out my liver. The exhortations and endeavours of the Shāhinshāh led me back with blistered feet to the valley of patience. His life-giving encouragements and endeavours were my palisade. Departed reason returned, and slumbering understanding awoke. This came from his truthful lips, “The incomparable Almighty calls His servants to Himself by means of Liberation (wārastagī) and Restraint ((dilbastagī). By these two opposed methods He confers upon them the desire of their hearts. If death be a reality, nothing befits the good friends of the departed save submission and resignation, and if life eternal be the lot of all men, then the friends of wisdom should wear an open brow and a cheerful visage, especially in this Caravanserai where there is nought which endures. If in future you adopt your present course (of excessive grief), the bonds of hearts will be loosed, and the city will cease to prosper. God shall be displeased, and harm shall be caused to realm and religion. If grief did not touch the hem of one who had a share of spirituality, and if he were not affected by it, his man's nature would be called brutish, and his humanity be termed bestiality. Hail to the domesticities (shahrbandī) which in this world cause every one's foot of wisdom to strike upon stones and which make the thread of self-control to fall from our hands and compel us to yield to various forms of sorrow! That impatience which you displayed was a necessary adjunct of the state of Limitation (wābastagī).” By1036a many cordial counsels did that spiritual physician administer remedies to me.

For two days that journey-chooser (Faiẓī) withdrew his heart from us all, and turned to the incomparable Deity. There was no sign of consciousness. Suddenly the world's commander, the lover of wisdom, came to his pillow. He opened his eyes and testified his veneration. The mighty sovereign yielded him to the gracious Deity and retired, and at the same moment my brother went to heaven. In his jewelled writings he has thus spoken of the final journey.

Verse.

Fayyāzī,1036b cease from this strain.
Thy bird1036c is moving (?), put him in the cage.

Pass away from this wide field.
Pass away, thirsty one, from this ocean.

Another1037a
(Verse).

Hail! Shāhinshāh the seeker after Truth,
Pearl of ocean, Majesty of heaven.
'Tis a pearl where a world annexes joy;
Thy reign is the heady wine of heaven.
I'm a musician whose notes are formed of blood;
My pen is like the stops ?? an organ;
If from this feast whe?? ??y fellowship is the cupbearer,
I depart, the melody will still remain;
The pitcher-drawers work marvels. 675
No musician, yet the feast is full of music.

Another (Verse).

No one can advance like me (?);
This is the work of the heart, not of the body;
What can vulpine men do against me?

Why do they prick the forehead of the tiger?
I've satisfied my gaze with the holy feast;
I've received the favours of the holy lineage;
Those dog-minded ones who wander in the streets
Are throatless (i.e. voiceless) devourers of carcases;
I liken1038a them to the vultures of the age;
I leave them to batten on carrion on a dung hill!
I took a morning-draught of life with Jesus;1038b
I asked for life long as Noah's;
When this word was born of ??y breath,
Khiẓr1038c came and gave me his ??n term of life.
If the Fates exalt me in my fortune
They will make the life of my words lasting.

The world's lord intended to go a-hunting. He who was prepared for the last journey (Faiẓī) expressed a wish that the writer of the book of fortune would take four days' leave and be with him. When I petitioned,1038d H.M. abandoned his intention. On the fourth day he turned aside from mankind, and his knowledge of hidden things became apparent. Four months previously, at the beginning of the illness, he had composed this quatrain.

Verse.1038e

Seest thou what cruel sport the heavens played.
The bird of my heart made a night-rush to leave its cage,
That bosom in which worlds could harbour
Is pained when I draw half a breath.

During his illness this verse was several times on his lips.

Verse.1039a

Should all the worlds together strive
One lame ant's foot would not get well.

From a long time he loved1039b solitude, and took the path of silence. In spite of the endeavours of the Shāhinshāh, he did not complete the pentad.1039c He himself speaks of this.

Verse

Many caravans set out, for the heavens
Never heard before such a noise of bells;
I fastened my pen to the foot of the bird;1039d
I formed the idea of composing a pentad;
It did not1039e adapt itself to the air of the skies
But stopped midway on account of the heavy weight;
I perceived that pigeons with feathered1039f legs

Were not capable of brushing the empyrean;
If the feet had not caught in his snare,
There was hope that it would carry a message
Of the seven caravan-sarais and1040a the four stages (?);
I placed five litters on camels,
676 There were four brides and seven tents (?),
Half-way did I convey them;
Some day, if Fortune give me repose,
I'll bring them one by one to the throne's foot;
I watered my soul with the thought
That ere I sank into slumber,
If heaven brake not my vow,
I'd bring Bilqīs1040b to the bosom of Sulaimān.

I now1040c write down something of each poem that I have obtained.

696 One of the occurrences was the marriage of Prince Sulṭān Daniel. On the eve of the 22nd Mihr (2nd October, 1595), there was a feast of joy, and that nosegay of fortune was united to the daughter of Rai Mal the son of Rai Māldeo. On the 2nd Ābān the solar weighment took place. There was rejoicing, and H.M. was weighed against twelve articles. A new door was opened for liberality. On this day Rustam M. obtained leave to go to Cītūr.1041a As his agents in Multān had cast away the thread of justice, Multān was made crown land and entrusted to Khwāja Muqīm. Amīnu-d-dīn accompanied him (Rustam) in order that an ignorant1041b Turk might not oppress the weak. On account of the illness (tabāhserai) of his companion, he sent him back from Sirhind.

At this time Ḥakīm Hamām died. For two months he suffered from a decline (diqq ranjurī) and on the 16th (Ābān) he died. He was of a good countenance, was a jewel of purity, and a sweetly spoken man. He laboured much for men's advancement. He had a knowledge of temperaments and some acquaintance with physic. He was exalted by the high office of Bakāwal Begī (steward of the kitchen). H.M. begged forgiveness for him, and consoled the survivors by various kindnesses.

CHAPTER CXXIV.
RAJAH 'ALĪ K., THE RULER OF KHĀNDESH, JOINS THE VICTORIOUS
TROOPS.

He always talked about service, but his acts did not balance his words. He did not have the august khuṭba1042a recited except in the presence of the envoys, and he became foolish from self-willed thoughts. When the Khān Ā'ẓam went to conquer the Deccan, he and other rebellious Deccanīs fought with him, and gravely repented of this afterwards. He was continually in fear and was seeking for means of escape. When the Maliku'sh-shu'arā Shaikh Abū-l-faiẓ Faiẓī went to give him advice, he emerged from his bewilderment, and when the Shāhinshāh's expedition for the conquest of the Deccan took place, he acquired fresh wisdom. His envoys were summoned to the Presence and his fears were removed by oaths and promises. When Prince Sulṭān Murād struck his tents in order to proceed from Gujarāt to the Deccan, and Shāhrukh M., the Khān-khānān, Shahbāz K. and other Mālwa officers proceeded with him, he had the auspicious idea of taking precautionary measures, and made an offer of his services. On the 27th he waited upon Shāhrukh M. and other imperial officers at the distance of thirty kos from Burhānpūr. The officers received him with cordiality, and by H. M.'s orders increased his territories by Nadarbār.

On this day Akbarnagar was founded. When Rājah Mān Sīngh was in Bengal he considered about a seat of government which could to some extent be safe from an attack1042b by boats. After much inquiry a place was found near Ākmaḥal (Rājmahal). Apparently Sher K. had approved of it. The foundation was laid in a fortunate hour, and in a short time there was a choice city, to which the glorious name was given. At this time much of 'Īsā's territory came into possession. On the 27th Āẕar Rājah Mān Singh led a force thither from the new city. The enemy not seeing themselves able to resist, crossed the Brahmaputra, and abandoned all this side of the river. On account of the approach of the rains the Rājah encamped in Sherpur, Hurra (in Maimansingh), and there built a fort which he called Salīmnagar. Also at this time the fort of Kākrūyiā1043a was taken. The zamīndār of it applied for help to Quṭbu-l-Mulk Deccanī (of Golconda), and Durjin Singh with some brave man was sent there. In a short time the zamīndār was punished and his house taken.

One of the events was the punishment of the Kākar tribe (an Afghān tribe). On account of wickedness and of the strength of their country they for a long time tormented the weak, and closed the road to Qandahār. In the beginning of Dai, Shāh Beg K. went off to punish them, and a great battle took place. Strong stockades were destroyed, and many were killed. Some fled, and some submitted. On 3rd Dai Rājah Sūraj Singh received favours and was sent to guard Gujarāt which was somewhat bare of troops. On the 16th the wardrobe was submitted for inspection. On seeing a coat (jāmah) H.M. said, “It seems that this is Ikhlās K.'s,” who had been one of the eunuchs1043b of Jannat A shiyānī (Humāyūn) and from great service had been made an Amīr, and had died 17 years before this. Many simple-minded persons made inquiries, and the old register showed that the statement was true. Also a merchant brought, by the august orders, all his horses for inspection by H.M., in order that he might choose the best. H.M. said, “It seems that with one exception1043c they are not his.” On a little inquiry this was found to be the case. A slave represented that he was called Balbal, and that this grieved him. H.M. gave him the name of Balkarn. He rubbed his head on the ground and said, “My mother and father called me by this name.” A separate volume would be required to describe the intuition into mysteries of the “gift of God.” The subject cannot be disposed of in a subsidiary narrative. On the 11th Bahman he, at the request of Zain K. Koka, visited his house and gave it fresh glory. He tendered 170 elephants as a present but only some were accepted.

At this time H.M. directed that an expedition should go to the Deccan As the hauteur1044a of the Prince and the duplicity of the officers were impressed upon him, and as unpleasant reports arrived one after the other, he determined to proceed thither. Though many courtiers from avarice and interested motives spoke against his going, their opposition was without effect. On the 21st the advance-camp was sent on. By wondrous fate there was some rain on that day. The Indian astrologers represented that whenever the sun was in one of the latter four signs and there was some rain, the despatch of the advance-camp should be postponed to another hour. After that there was heavy rain. On the eve of the 27th the throne-occupant himself came out. His idea was that if the rain lessened he would proceed on. On that day, after hunting, he alighted in the village of Bahāī Khān. Rain and hail increased every day. Though the clouds did not cease to send down rain, he every day enjoyed hunting. He turned back near Rām Tīrthā when thirteen kos off. On the 5th Isfandārmaz he by one march reached Lahore.

CHAPTER CXXV.
THE ARRIVAL OF THE VICTORIOUS SOLDIERS IN THE DECCAN, AND THE
SIEGE OF THE FORT OF AḤMADNAGAR.

When1045a an order was given for the conquest of this country, the Prince made preparations for the expedition. The Khān-khānān was delayed by men's not having assembled. Before he joined, there arose some dust of dissension. The Prince's idea was that the leaders of the troops should join him (in Gujarāt) and proceed from there to the Deccan. The Commander-in-chief's idea was that he should march by himself by the route of Mālwa. When1045b they had settled their plans, the Prince left Aḥmadābād on 20th Ābān of the previous year (about 30th Oct. 1594), and stayed for some time in Broach, waiting for troops.1045c On 22nd Khirdād (beginning of June 699 1595), he left that place. The Khān-khānān, after collecting his men, spent some time in Bhilsa (in Gwāliyār), which was his fief, and on 9th Amardād (19 July, 1595), proceeded towards Ujjain. The Prince was angry at this and sent him an indignant letter. The Khān-khānān represented that the ruler of Khāndesh was using the language of concord, and that, apparently he would join the imperial army. His (the Rājah's) mind was somewhat disturbed, and it would be proper (for the prince) to spend some time in Gujarāt in the enjoyment of hunting. The Prince from anxiety about the expedition, became somewhat angry, and tale-bearers and interested persons widened the breach. He proceeded to Aḥmadnagar with the Gujarāt army. While the imperial servants and Rājah 'Alī K. were marching to join the Prince, news (of his departure) came and filled them with sorrow. The Khān-khānān left his army, his artillery, and his elephants with Shāhrukh and the other officers, and went off rapidly with Rājah 'Alī. On 19th Aẕar (29th Nov. 1595), he joined the Prince near the fortress of Cāndor1046a 30 kos from Aḥmadnagar. From want of experience, and evil teaching, the Prince did not admit them to pay their respects. He went off1046b to a distance and only after much discussion granted an audience. When the army came up afterwards it was not treated in a soothing way. The Khān-khānān and many of the auxiliary troops (kumakī) became disgusted and he withdrew his hand from the work. Ṣādiq K. quarrelled with1046c Shahbāz K. on account of the old grudge and he (Shahbāz), out of apprehension, seldom went to the darbār. On 7th Dai the troops assembled half a kos from the city. Many soldiers and peasants received comforting messages (i.e. safe-conducts). On that day the K.K. and Shahbāz went to the city, and owing to their neglect some soldiers committed plunder.1046d With great difficulty they were restrained, but the citizens lost heart on beholding the breach of promises. On the 8th (18 December 1595), the fort was invested, and Cānd Bībi, the sister of Burhān, undertook the defence. When Aḥmad was raised to the sovereignty, Ikhlās came to Aḥmadnagar to support Motī. He was defeated and fled to Pattan.1046e When the victorious troops joined1046f together, Manjū took Aḥmad and proceeded with some money and elephants to Bījāpūr. He was nearly being made prisoner, but escaped owing to the neglect of the generals. The siege of the fort, which from that day commenced, became a tedious affair. Cānd Bībī, who was afraid of the fort's being taken, resolved, on hearing of the news (of the dissensions?), upon resisting. On the 9th Shāh 'Alī and Abhang K. with a large body of men made a night attack on the Khān-khānān's entrenchments. There was a great fight, and many of the enemy were killed. They returned to the fort, unsuccessful. If the success had been a little prosecuted, they would have been taken, or active men would have entered the fort along with them. Things became difficult on account of the dissensions in the army, the closing of the roads, and the want of food. Though ingenious and right-thinking persons represented that three great armies had assembled, and that each 700 should take upon itself one of three things: 1st, to take the fort; 2nd, to conquer the country; 3rd, to guard the roads, not one was done. On the 13th a party of scoundrels did injury to the camp and the animals, but retreated without accomplishing their object. Saiyīd1047a Rājah and several of his brethren died bravely and H.M. left his fief to his sons. On the 16th Sa'ādat K.1047b plundered a Gujarāt caravan which had almost arrived, and Sayyid 'Ālam and some others were killed. Shaikh M'arūf and a party moved quickly and made their escape, and Ṣādiq K. took Rājah 'Alī K. and others with him and set about chastising him (i.e. Sa'ādat K.), but was not successful. He only made himself and the ruler of Khāndesh too trivial. The thread of proper appreciation should not be cast aside and a tiger should not be sent to fight a jackal. On the 19th Sher Khwāja, Sh. Daulat, Kāmrān Beg, Daulat K. and some other brave men were sent to Pattan. After a severe engagement they defeated Ikhlāṣ K., and obtained much plunder. As there was no leader to stop oppression, the inhabitants of Pattan— who held writings guarding their quarters—were plundered to the uttermost,1047c and high and low were terrified by seeing the bad faith. On the 11th Isfandārmaẕ (21 February, 1596), the wall of the fort was somewhat broken. In the prince's entrenchment the foundations of the fort were made empty by extensive excavations. These were filled with gunpowder and set on fire. Thirty yards of wall were thrown down. Active men were ready to enter, but as the mine in Ṣādiq's battery had been discovered,1048a and emptied, the besiegers delayed till it should explode, being apprehensive that what had happened at Chitor might occur. So long did they delay that the garrison replaced the wall. Next1048b day some brave men ran to that quarter, but gained nothing except their own loss. The end of the day shone upon failure, and the darkness of the night prevented success. The garrison who—seeing the dissensions among the besiegers—had recovered their courage, became somewhat bewildered and proposed a peace. They represented that they would take Bahādur, Burhān's grandson, out of prison and give this child the title of Niẓām-ul-mulkī and would make him a servant of the sublime court, that the territory of Aḥmadnagar should be made his fief, and that as a thankoffering the country of Berār would be made over to the victorious army, and that jewels, choice elephants, and other varieties, would be given as presents. A party of men, owing to ignorance, and some, from interested motives, accepted these improper proposals. Though able men represented the want of food, the dismay and the trickery of the garrison, it was of no avail. Owing to the influence of bribes, and the listening to idle tales, the peace-proposals were accepted on 13 Isfandārmaẕ (23 February, 1596), and fighting was laid1048c aside.

701 On the 15th the lunar weighment of H.M. took place and there was a great feast. The holy frame was weighed against eight articles, and the wishful had their desires gratified.

CHAPTER CXXVI.
BEGINNING OF THE 41ST DIVINE YEAR FROM THE HOLY ACCESSION, TO
WIT, THE YEAR AMARDĀD OF THE FOURTH CYCLE.

On Wednesday 20th Rajab, 1004 (11th March, 1596), after 9 hours, 22 minutes, the world-warming sun shed his rays upon Aries. The world received glory, and the fifth year of the fourth cycle began, and conveyed the news of splendour to the world. Up to the day of culmination there were grand banquets, and the period of prosperity became more active.

Verse.

Joy once more came into movement,
Princely delights abounded,
Pearls and rubies cast such lustre
That ocean and mine became mingled.

Zain K. Koka and Ṣādiq K. were raised to the rank of Panjhazārī, Shāh Qulī Maḥram was made a Cār-hazāri (4000), and many received the reward of good service. On the 26th a blind1049a man came to court, and astonished great and small. In consequence of much study he talked quietly about things and discussed on every subject without exception. Some simple-minded persons thought it was jugglery, and some thought he was helped by a jinn. On the 28th H.M. went to the gardens, and enjoyed himself with the new beauties of the Dilāmez and Rāmbārī pleasure-grounds.

CHAPTER CXXVII.
INCREASE OF THE SHAHINSHAH'S DOMINION.

Inasmuch as H.M. regards the issue of every event to be dependent on supplication to God, the degree of eternal dominion continually increases, and the strifemongers and the rebellious sit down in the black day of failure, and evil-minded desceud into the pit of shame. Accordingly, at this time, of untimely disturbance, dissension and disgust of the army of the Deccan, and of the success of the foe, the country of Berār was conquered, and the wicked were put to silence. As the story of the peace was credited, they for a time looked to the fulfilment of the engagements, but before talk had become action, they (the imperial armies), on 10 Farwardīn (20th March, 1596), on a false report about the army of Bījāpur, 702 and from the destructive action of some of the leaders, retired from the investment of Aḥmadnagar.1050a Vagabonds followed them, and, stage by stage, laid hold of the baggage. On account of the dissensions there was no remedy for these things. On 14 Ardibihisht they reached the town of Maḥkar1050b in Berār. By great good fortune the enemy had left the territory, and a council was held about keeping it. Many thought that to guard it was beyond their power. Ṣādiq, under a happy star, took upon himself the guarding of the marches, and Mīr Murtaza became security for the cultivation of the country. At first he (Murtaẓa) made his residence in that city—which adjoins the territory of Aḥmadnagar. M. 'Alī Beg Akbarshāhī, Sh. Daulat, Sh. Mīr Moẓaffar, Muḥammad K. Sh. Sikandar, and many servants joined him, while others went to Īlchpūr —which is the capital of Berār. Ḥasan K. of Mīana, Abū-l-fatḥ, Qalb 'Alī, 'Abdu-r-raḥman Beg and other servants were appointed to assist.

One of the occurrences was the coming of the victorious troops to Tīrāh. When Qāsim K. was killed, the Tārīkīs rebelled and the Khaibar route became unsafe. Qulīj K. went off to administer Zābulistān (Afghanistan) and to punish them. Mubārak K., Jalāl K., Sher K., Naẓr K., Mīr 'Abdu-r-razzāq Mu'marī and many others followed him. When he had settled Kābul he proceeded towards Tīrāh. He crossed difficult passes from Bāzārak and approached that country. The Afrīdī leaders renewed their promises of loyalty, and on the allegation that their cultivation would be destroyed by the imperial troops, he (Qulīj), out of his simplicity, went to Begrām. He wished to enter the country (of Tīrāh) by the Īlam1051a pass, but on account of the difficulty of the ravine he could not do so. From there he proceeded to Kohat, thinking that he would attain his object in that way. The difficulty of the route kept him back, and he thought of going by Bangash. He came to Kharmāba. There was a slight engagement, and after being victorious, he laid the foundation of a fort. The Tārīkīs erected a stockade (shākh-band) and prepared for battle. Owing to the wondrous fortune (of H.M.) the inhabitants pointed out a secret path. The general left Mubārik K., Shāh Muḥammad, M. 'Alī Islāmābādī and others there and went on rapidly by this route. During the whole night and till midday horse and foot traversed difficult passes and arrived in the country. When Jalāla became aware of this, he exerted himself to close the road, but could not come up. He failed and without a struggle retired to difficult defiles. The army destroyed the stockade and passed by this route with the baggage. On account of the insecurity of the routes, and the deficiency of provisions, the victorious troops were put to trouble. Takhta Beg, Mīr 'Abdu-r-razzāq Mu'- 703 marī and other heroes were sent to Begrām to bring provisions. On 3rd Khurdād, Āhanposh—which is a central and strong place in Tīrāh —was made the site of the camp. As there was delay in the coming of the persons who had been sent, return was made to Kabul. This going from side to side and this returning were not approved of by H.M. On the 20th it was reported to H.M. that Mathurā Dās1051b Qūrbegī had died. Honesty and valour had brightened his forehead; when the misconduct of the army of the Deccan became known, an order of censure had been issued and instructions given; Mathurā Dās was sent by relays of horses, and many verbal messages were entrusted to him. Near Mulkāpūr robbers attacked his baggage. He engaged with them; when the robbers dispersed, he attacked them on foot, and was killed by a spear. One day before this, at the time of eating, when a shoulder-blade was brought before H.M., he said: “The bone shows that one of our favourites has been killed.” Next morning, a new proof was given of his knowledge of hidden things. At this time Shāhpūr became founded. When Prince Sulṭān Murād's mind was relieved somewhat of the guarding of Berār he, together with M. Shāhrukh, the Khān-khānān, Rājah 'Alī K., Shāhbāz K., Jagannāth, Rai Durgā and other officers made an expedition to the centre of the territory. He established himself on the 25th1052a six kos from Bālāpūr. In a short time a choice city was constructed and it became known to the world by that name (Shāhpūr). At this time a wicked man who had given himself out as Burhān was executed. When his fraud was discovered, the landowners put him into prison. When he showed signs of repentance he was released by H.M., and treated with favour. The base fellow took to the same crooked courses and fled. The landowners in the northern hills seized him and he met with his deserts.

One of the occurrences was the sending of an ambassador to Tūrān. In the year when H.M. came to the bank of the Indus and an order was given for levelling the Khaibar road, a great commotion arose in Tūrān, and 'Abdullah K. wisely sent Mīr Qoresh with a supplicatory letter and presents, and made promises of peace and friendship. The gracious sovereign received these, and by sending Ḥakīm Hamām delivered him from his consternation. When Aḥmad 'Alī Atālīq and Mullā Ḥusaini, who came, one after the other, with conciliatory letters, died of sickness, the Tūrānīans again became uneasy. On the 26th Khwāja Ashraf Naqshbandī was sent 704 with choice presents and Sh. Ḥusaini of Lucknow was appointed as custodian (taḥwildārī), and a friendly letter was written. It is here given without addition or diminution.

CHAPTER CXXVIII.
LETTER1053a
OF THE SHAHINSHĀH TO 'ABDULLAH K. UZBEG THE KING OF TŪRĀN.

Boundless thanksgivings are due to the Initiator who, by the marvels of His eternal power, has by so many glorious sciences, that is, the categories of His Wisdom, brought forth the varied universe from the privy-chamber of secrecy to the Court of manifestation, and has subdued, disciplined, and soothed the tribes of mankind and bestowed on them unity1053b of sentiment; at one time, by spiritual rulers, that is, the holy spirits of prophets and of our great apostles—upon whom be peace—and at another, has by the dread power of temporal monarchs, who are the princely pillars of the courts of His Majesty, given them the adornment of external unity. Therefore, let worlds of blessings be given to the spirits of the caravan-leaders on the highway of purpose who have conveyed spiritual travellers and worldly pilgrims from the desert of misery and the wilderness of contrariety to the metropolis of right direction and friendship, and have then departed to the privy-chamber of eternity. And may universes of sublime aids and celestial succours attend those great men who preserve the present time from the disturbance of strife and the accidents of fortune and expend al?? their lofty genius in keeping the whole of mankind, whether home or foreign, in peace and tranquillity, and in improving this evi?? dwelling-place (the world).

At the time of enjoyment when the season was auspicious and our heart glad and we were in the pleasant country of Kabul we read with delight those choice pages of friendship, which were the masterpiece of the pinacothek of concord, … (Here follows a string of compliments about 'Abdullah's letter and his expression of amity. They occupy about seven lines.)

705 What you have written with a pen perfumed with brotherhood on the subject of our mutually exerting ourselves to strengthen the foundations of Peace, and to purify the fountains of concord, and of making this Hindu1054a Koh the boundary between us, has most fully commended itself to us. Clearly, there is no nobler thing in the outward universe and social state than Love and Harmony, for the due ordering of the classes of human beings is linked and bound up therewith. Whenever this idea is manifested in the ranks of sovereigns—who are pillars of the courts of Majesty—it shall assuredly be fruitful of blessings, and procreant of beauties here and hereafter. By it thousands of souls and tribes shall take their rest in the cradles of safety! It1054b would have been fitting for us to begin the exposition of the ways of peace, and the demonstration of the rights of friendship, seeing that since the commencement of the unfolding of the morning of auspiciousness, the whole of our righteous practice has been—contrary to the ways of most of former rulers —to follow the path of amity and association with the various nations of mankind. As1054c your Highness has entered upon this subject, it is proper that at this time you should give your attention to instances of such conduct. For example, when at this time the ruler of Īrān, relying upon former ties, sent Yādgār Sulṭān Shāmlū to us and asked for help, we did not consent. Also, when Shāhrukh M. petitioned that he might have a fief in Kābul, or Kashmīr, or Sawād, Bajaur and Tīrāh—which are cold1055a countries—we did not grant his request, having taken into consideration the proximity (of 'Abdullah), but gave him a fief in the province of Mālwa. Also we summoned the Mírzās of Qandahār to court and committed the charge of that country—which belonged from of old to the imperial territories—to old servants of ours, lest the Tūrān troops should attack that quarter under the idea that it appertained to Persia, and also1055b that there might be a great commingling of your territories and ours. Also a wicked vagabond raised the head of disturbance in the hill-country of Badakhshān and claimed to be the son of Shāhrukh M. and was joined by the landholders there. Though he sent petitions and asked for help, we did not attend to him, and at last he became a vagabond in the desert of ruin.

As the keeping of one's word is indispensable to a great mind, we desired that when proposals of peace had once been made, they should be carried into effect. In fact, if the cordial expressions conveyed by messengers and letters be acted upon, what could be better? Or let a place be fixed and let us there have a feast of concord, and let us there discuss, without the intervention of any go-between, matters of religion and state, and things temporal and spiritual! It has come to our hearing that a number of fly-like creatures have made our being in the Panjāb their text and have spoken things contrary to the foundations of friendship. Alas, that things which never entered into our minds, should have been mentioned! or that actions should be contrary to one's avowals! Although the climate and the hunting in this country are agreeable to us, we have determined1056a to proceed to Agra the capital, in order that the mouths of praters may be closed. What you have written about there being a cloud on your heart with reference to the matter of Shāhrukh M. is a thing which gives rise to meditation, for if in the souls of great rulers who are the contemplators of divine lights, and the exponents of the ways of purity, the dust of rivalry settle, what can be the case with other classes of mankind? Especially when the cause of them is his (Shāhrukh's) youth and ignorance. Why should these not be obliterated by the waters of pardon? He by his self-will had committed faults against our family, and in retribution therefor became a bewildered one in the desert of exile. When he took refuge with us, and signs of repentance were visible on his forehead we passed over (his offences). As to what you have hinted, seeing that the coming of Shahrukh M. and the sons of Muḥammad Ḥakīm to our court are merely instances of our love for the noble family, why should you regard their approach in this light? What, on account of love and friendship, you have detailed about your victories has pleased us for we have considered these successes as the result of your good qualities. As to what you have written in the letter brought by Maulānā Ḥusainī to the effect that your son in consequence of tender years had made improper requests, and about your being vexed at this lest it should cast dust on the skirt of our friendship, and with reference to your lengthy apologising on his account—the courier was drowned on the way before his arrival and so the purport of the letter did not become known. We were sorry for the catastrophe. The ties of ancient relationship and the associations of renewed love are not such that, if it be granted that something should occur, any dust of vexation should settle on the skirt of friendship. Children are sportive with their real fathers, especially with your Majesty; if they behave in the same way to those who stand towards them in a similar relation, what marvel is it? Auspicious children who make the pleasing of their father their object, exert themselves to preserve the relationship. The glorious compacts and agreements—which have been ratified by skilful ambassadors, one after the other, are fixed in our mind. In the code of Islām and the rules of generosity one-hundredth part of them would be sufficient for making permanent the pillars of friendship and concord, and still more in the case of the liberal and the choosers of truth. What you have written about certain expeditions having been postponed till the arrival 707 of Aḅmad 'Alī Atālīq has been understood. You will have heard of his death which occurred after we had given him leave to return. He was intelligent and active-minded. If he had returned to you, you would have heard from him many secrets of affection. May every desire of your heart be accomplished! Every assistance that is due from friendship shall be shown (by us), so that praiseworthy endeavours may be manifested.

God be praised that from the beginning of our ascending the throne of rule till now, which is the tenth year of the second1057a cycle, and is the dawning of the morning of fortune, and the opening smile of the spring of dominion and glory, the whole righteous aim of this suppliant at the Divine court has been to disregard his own interests, and to work always for the healing and ordering of mankind. By the blessing of God, the vast territory of Hindustan,1057b * * * * * * *

When Maulānā Ḥusainī presented himself, an order was given to the officers to allow him to depart quickly. Meanwhile some ill-fated wretches in Kashmīr began strife and sedition (fitna u fasād) and contended against God-given dominion. The army 710 of fortune assembled, together with a number of courtiers, under the guise of hunting, when the eyes of instruction of the beholders of the Divine power were opened, and the report of the disturbances was heard. In spite of the violence of the rains, we hastened thither, and before the holy warriors had passed through the defiles, some right-thinking persons who, out of necessity, had become involved in the tempest of indiscretion, obtained their opportunity, and brought the head of their leader. As the army had nearly arrived, we went on to that autumnless garden, and tasted spiritual and temporal abundance in that bounteous rose-garden. The dispatch of the ambassador was delayed, and when the royal army returned, news was received by the way of the catastrophe of Maulānā Ḥusainī, who had passed away owing to a stomach-attack. This was a cause of much sorrow. Accordingly, we sent some loving words by means of that high officer Khwāja Ashraf,1058a who is an old servant of our family, in order that he might show the matter to your Highness, and also confirm the friendly ties which are based on correspondence. We hope that tidings of love and unity may ever refresh the garden of the heart. The end.

On the 30th1058b the privy chamber of wisdom was illuminated by a ray from the Shāhinshāh's glory, and some special intimates received joy. Suddenly there arose the noise of a marriage and H.M. ordered that the music should be stopped, as a foreign sound did not suit the banquet of enlightenment. The spectators received collyrium on beholding his mildness, farsight, fewness of words, and acceptance of remark.

At this time the Prince Royal became violently enamoured of the daughter of Zain K. Koka, and meditated marrying1058c her. H.M. was displeased at the impropriety, but when he saw that his heart was immoderately affected, he, of necessity, gave his consent. There was a great feast, and a new law for joy.

Verse.

They set up a spacious tent.
They made the ground a star-spangled heaven.
On all sides they put screens round the courtyard.
They gave to the curtain new moonlight.

On the eve of 8 Tīr (18 June, 1596) the nuptials were celebrated in the dwelling of Miriam Makānī, and the jewel of chastity was conveyed to the harem.

One of the occurrences was the capture of the fort of Busna. 711 Owing to the neglect of the custodians it had again fallen into the hands of the Afghans, and become a source of increased presumption. Rajah Mān Singh sent a chosen force thither under the charge of Durjan Singh. Sulaimān and Kedar1059a Rai strengthened the fort and set themselves to fight. The victorious troops invested the fort, and every day there were great combats. On the 10th (Tīr) a gun burst inside the fort, and Sulaīmān and many others were killed. Kedār was wounded, and fell. As he was helpless, he fled and took shelter with 'Isā.

On this day Bikramājīt the grandson of Rajah Rām Cand was exalted by doing homage. When his father died, wicked men made this youth the instrument of their own ends, and thinking that they would be sheltered at Bāndhū,1059b set about evil schemes. When Rai Patr Dās was sent, he by ability and courage took possession of much territory. The garrison craftily asked that one of the great men of the court should take them by the hand and bring them to court. H.M. consented and by his orders Ism'aīl Qulī K. brought them, and they received suitable favours.

One of the occurrences was the victory of the army of the Deccan. When Ṣādiq K. took up his quarters in Mahkar, and Berār recovered somewhat from its distracted state, Azhdar K., 'Aīn K., Ḥabīb K. and other Deccanīs rose up to make a disturbance. A chosen force under the command of M. 'Alī Beg Akbarshāhī went to put matters right. On the 12th he suddenly fell upon 'Ain K.'s camp and inflicted chastisement. He escaped with a few companions in a bewildered state, and much plunder was obtained. Some unquiet spirits came by a secret path upon them, but were defeated after a short struggle. Dancing1060a and singing women elephants, etc., were obtained. On the 16th Tolak K. died in Bengal. He was an old servant. On the 20th S'aīd K. was sent off to Behar after receiving many instructive advices. On the eve of the 22nd there was a feast of reason. Suddenly there were clouds and it came on to rain. H.M. said, “Be gentle, O rain, and do not cause the dispersion of this spiritual banquet. Soon the air became clear, and there was wonderful stillness. Everywhere else it rained heavily, but it kept away from the palace.

At this time H.M. had compassion on the simplicity of M. Moẓaffar Ḥusain Qandahārī. He from self-indulgence and carelessness left his work to greedy oppressors. Several times the tenants of his fiefs and some traders came to obtain redress. Advice 712 had no effect on him. He got disgusted with daily administration and begged permission to go to the Ḥījāz. It was granted, and after some time he repented and sate down in bewilderment. On the 24th H.M. recognised his dignity and recalled him, and granted him new favours. On the 27th M. Kokạ produced a plank to H.M. and said that at the time of splitting it a green animal came out from the middle of it. Shortly afterwards it died. In order that it might show how it was he had put it back again. H.M. said, when things come to life in an elephant's tusks, and on stones, what is wonderful in their doing so in a plank which is somewhat softer, but men are astonished at nothing except what they seldom see. On the 31st M. Rustum was sent to the northern hills. As Bāsū and some landholders had wickedly raised the head of disobedience, the Mīrzā was given Pathān (Pathānkot) and its neighbourhood in fief and sent off there. Āṣaf K., Hāshim Beg and many others went to help him. On the 11th Amardād Rām Cand was sent to Berār. When the misbehaviour of the soldiers of the south was represented to H.M., and it also appeared that Shahbāz K. with the Mālwa army had gone off to his fief without the Prince's permission, and that one lakh of muhars which had been sent for the equipment of the army had remained in Gwaliyar on account of the insecurity of the roads, that good servant was sent off in order to convey the treasure under a proper guard, and also to recall the Mālwa troops, and to give them counsels. At this rainy season, high and low were disquieted by the small amount of rain. On the 12th rain fell at the intercession of H.M. and withered hearts were refreshed. On this day Muḥammad Beg and his son Ṭāhir Beg arrived from Persia, and had an audience. They claimed to be descended from the poet Khwaja Shamsu-d-din Muḥammad (Ḥāfiẓ). They also knew something about divination (jafar). H.M. thought of the expedition to the Deccan and asked (them ?) for an augury.

This verse came out.

Verse.

March, march, march away.
March for you'll be victorious.

One1061a of the occurrences was the mishap of an accident to the holy personality. By the divine protection it ended well. On the night of the 18th (Amardād, 28th July, 1596) H.M. had a deer-fight. Men looked on from a distance.1061b Suddenly a deer ran and butted him with his horns. That athlete seized the horns, and though he fell, he did not relinquish his hold. One of the testicles was lacerated, and blood flowed. That strong-souled one did not regard it but continued to attend to the work of government. On the 7th day the injury1061c became serious, and the swelling increased. On account of the diversity of opinion among the physicians, the treatment was not decided upon, and the pain momentarily increased. After much discussion the case was left to Ḥakīm Miṣrī and Ḥakīm 'Alī. The application of the medicine was left to the writer of the book of fortune. Shaikh Bīnā11062a and Shaikh Hansū his son did good service in putting on the plasters and in opening and tying the bandages. Though the illness lasted one month1062b and twenty-two days, yet there were twenty-nine days which passed with difficulty. Though out of prudence he every day held public audiences, there arose great commotion, and the market of strifemongers and busy bodies became brisk. High and low were in a state of consternation. For seven days he did not go to the privy, and small and great became still more discomposed. On the eleventh day leeches were applied, and there were signs of improvement. On 24th Shahrīyūr M. Yūsuf K. arrived from Jaunpūr, and was exalted by royal favours. On this day Fatḥ Ullah the sharbatdār (butler) was sent to the Deccan, and 500 Aḥadīs went with him. On 7th Mihr the holy form bathed, and there was a great festival.

Verse.

There was a feast such as
The young had not beheld in dreams.
'Twas not a feast, but a picture of sky and stars—
An assemblage of the beauties of the seven worlds.

There were various forms of liberality and the world had new joy. Many prisoners were released, and ancient desires were gratified. The attainment of desires increased the thankfulness of every one. Misfortune did not cause him to abandon graciousness, and he civilised the world by justice and liberality, and took into consideration the happiness of every one. Such an inquiry cannot be considered as a retribution, nor as a message of warning, though this may not appear so wonderful to those who believe that after the body has decayed, the soul assumes fresh forms. As the changes in the method of Divine Government are not understood by every farseeing one—what can be the case with the superficial?—the searchings of heart diminished somewhat. Apparently (the cause of the accident) was to increase men's devotion and love. The illness disconcerted small and great, and they wished to give their lives and property in exchange for the world's lord.

On the 15th Qāẓī Nūr Ullah was sent to make inquiries into the tenures (sayūrghāl)1063a of the province of Agra, and an order was given that new land should be given to the necessitous. On the 26th H.M. mounted on horseback and gathered delight in Bāgh Dilāwez. He spent the night with pleasure in the Deer-house. At the end of that day the great lady of the family of chastity, the mother of Prince Sulṭān Daniel, died. Next day an old servant of the harem of fortune died. H.M. after making his supplications to God adopted resignation, and begged forgiveness for them. On the 28th he returned to his palace. On this day the wife of the Prince Royal, who was the daughter of the ruler of Khāndes, died.

One of the occurrences was the failure of 'Īsāk. When Rajah 714 Mān Singh took up his quarters in Ghorāghāt after the commencement of the rains he fell very ill, and experienced physicians began to despair of his life. 'Īsā and M'āṣūm K. Kābulī and other scoundrels came out to fight. They had come to within twelve kos, and the imperialists were prepared to give battle. By the wondrous working of fortune there was little rain and the river fell. With a great deal of difficulty they got away, and had much trouble in moving their boats. When the Rajah got well, he sent a choice army under Himmat Singh to punish them. The scoundrels got away from the interior of the country and came to Kinārā Sindur, and there rested. When the victorious troops approached, some in their confusion lost their lives, and much plunder was taken.

In this year1063b kitchens were established in every city. There was a deficiency of rain this year, and high prices threw a world into distress. In the beginning of the year a comet (ẕūẕūāba) appeared, and astrologers predicted that there would be dryness and scarcity. The gracious sovereign appointed able men to every place to give food duly to the necessitous. Petitioners constantly came before H.M., and had their desires gratified. Similarly numbers of beggars were made over to rich people (khwāstadārān.)(?)

On 2 Ābān the solar weighment took place and H.M. was weighed against twelve articles. Numbers of men had their desires gratified. On the 10th, which was a feast day, a Turānī farāsh (carpet-sweeper, etc.) lifted up (barkashīd) two camels with their loads, and astonished the spectators. On this day Shāham came from his fief and was exalted by royal favours.

The idea was that Rustum M. should be sent to guard Gujarat, and that Shāham should accompany him as guardian (atālīq) so that Prince Murād might gather enjoyment by the royal favour, and the near neighbourhood of his son (Rustum). But the idea was not carried out. At this time saffron flowered in Begrām.1064a H.M. recognized that that country was suitable for this crop, and sent seeds to Takhta Beg. On the 11th he learnt that they had sprouted and bloomed. On this day M. Yūsuf obtained leave to go to Gujarat. He obtained a fief in that quarter and was sent there in order that he might assist the army of the Deccan.

CHAPTER CXXIX.
ṢĀDIQ K. IS VICTORIOUS WITH THE HELP OF THE SHĀHINSHĀH'S FORTUNE.

When M. 'Alī Beg Akbar Shāhī prevailed, the Niẓāmu-l-Mulkīyān made in revenge a new plan (paimān). Khudāwand K., Ḥamīd K., 'Abdu-l-fattāḥ, Azhdar K., Jamāl K., Dastūr K., and others collected 10,000 men and nearly eighty elephants, and re- 715 solved upon battle. Though the imperial troops did not amount to 3000, yet, on the encouraging words of their general, they set their hearts on fighting. In the centre were Ṣādiq K., Sanwal Dās, Muḥammad Jān Beg, Maulānā Maḥmūdī, and other brave men. In the right wing were M. Khan, Saiyid Bāyazīd, 'Izzat K., Malik Rādhan and others. Shāh Qulī and Ṭāhir Aurganjī were on the flank, and on the left wing were I'tibār and others. In the vanguard were M. 'Alī Beg, Dost (s. Ṣādiq) and others. Mīr Ḥusainī and others were the archers (uqcīgarī).1065a They prepared for battle, 40 kos from Maḥkar, and halted 8 kos from Pāthrī on the bank of the Bān1065b Ganga. Having that river in front, and a stream behind, they had a strong position for their camp. On 7 Āẕar, 17 November, 1596, they drew up their forces and set their hearts on fighting. First, Khudāwand K. with 5,000 horse and 40 elephants fought in the van. M. 'Alī Beg displayed masterpieces of battle with a few men, and defeated them. Dost,1065c and Saiyid Lād and Ḥasan1065d showed valour and fell wounded. The right wing1065e on account of the numbers of foe turned back without fighting. Ṣādiq K. was keeping the stream in front of him, and observing the jugglery of the heavens. A large body of the enemy attacked him. He stood firm and used guns and muskets. By the Divine aid victory showed her countenance. Many of the wicked (enemy) were killed, and much plunder was obtained. Among this were forty chosen elephants. Of the victorious army none were killed except some obscure men.

On the 18th Qulīj K. came to court. He came to make his excuses as he had not managed well in Tīrāh, and H.M. had not approved of him. On the 23rd Ḥusain Beg, S. 'Umrī was sent off to Bangash, and the development of that country and the punishment of the Tārīkīs were made over to him. At this time a choice ship was made. On the first1066a occasion there had been much difficulty in launching on account of the deficiency of water. It occurred to H.M. that it should be built on the top of a large boat which could carry 15,000 mans and more, and it was easily brought to the station. It was begun on 24 Tīr and finished on the 28th Àẕar. Its length was 37 yards. Rs. 16,338 were spent on it. It was safely conveyed to Bandar Lāhārī. The spectators were astonished.

On 5 Dai Māmā Aghā1066b died. She was the widow of Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad K., and had led a good life. As she was related to Miriam Makānī H.M. went in the morning to her (Miriam-Makānī his mother) holy abode and administered consolation. From hence he crossed the Rāvī and came to the Ahūkhāna (Deer-Park). He intended to spend the night there. He1066c hurt his hand somewhat, and returned to the city. On the 11th he sent Shāham K. back to Qanauj and gave him valuable instructions.

One of the occurrences was the submission of Lacsmī1066d Narain. He was the ruler of Kūc (Bihar). It has 4,000 horse, 200,000 infantry, 700 elephants, and one thousand war-boats. It is a populous country: its length is 200 kos, and its breadth 40 to 100 kos. On the east is the river Brahmaputra, on the north is Lower Tibet and Assam, and on the south Ghorāghāt. On the west is Tirhut. A hundred1067a years before this a pious woman was praying in the temple of Jalpesh1067b —which is dedicated to Mahādev—and prayed for a son who should become a ruler. By God's help she became pregnant and bore a son. He received the name of Bīsā1067c and obtained the government of that country. His grandson Māl Gosain possessed much enlightenment, and was adorned with excellent qualities. By virtue of spiritual senses he got some idea of the greatness of H.M. and composed an address in praise of the Shāh-inshāh and sent it together with choice goods to the sacred court. He always gathered auspiciousness by supplications (to Akbar). He lived in a disengaged manner, and refrained from marriage. At fifty years of age he nominated his brother's son the Pātkunwar as his successor. His eldest1067d brother Shukl-gosain expressed a wish that he (Māl Gosain) should marry, and the latter out of love to him consented. He had a son to whom he gave the name of Lacmī Narain. When he died, the kingdom came to him (Lacmī Narain). The Pātkunwar raised the head of rebellion, and by the help of 'Isā had some success. At this time Lacmī Narain petitioned H.M. and through Rajah Mān Singh requested that he might be associated with eternal dominion. The Rajah (Mān Singh) hastened from Salīmnagar to Anandapūr (?). Lacsmī Narain received him at a distance of forty kos. On 13 Dai they embraced on horseback1068a (?) and there was a banquet of friendship. Afterwards the Rajah went to his quarters, thinking that he would then treat the chief with honour. On the way he observed that the latter was distressed and so he dismissed him with respect. After some time he (the chief) gave1068b his sister to the Rajah.

717 The ruler of Kūc did not pay his respects to the Ḥākim (governor) of Bengal, and Sulaimān Kararānī proceeded to make war upon him, and returned after failure.

At this time Multan was given in fief to the Khān Ā'ẓim. As he wanted to make amends for his former misconduct (in going to Mecca) he asked to have a fief near the court. His request was granted. On the 26th Rai Rai Singh was admitted to an audience. One of his favourite servants practised1068c oppression. H.M. called for an explanation. That wicked one was for some time excluded from performing the kornish as he kept the matter concealed and reported that the servant had fled. H.M. now remembered his former graciousness to him and sent him to the Deccan. Sorath was included in his fief with the idea that he might awake from his somnolence, and redeem his misconduct. That slumbrous-witted one remained some time in his home in Bīkānīr, and some time he spent on the road. Though counsels were given to him, they were not effectual. Ṣalāḥu-d-dīn was sent to him to tell him that if he did not hasten to his employment, he should return to court. He was obliged to come, and as he had no proper answer to give for his waywardness, he was for some time not granted permission to appear at court. On this day his bewilderment was forgiven, and he was allowed to perform the kornish. The star of his fortune shone anew. On the 29th the rank of M. Shāhrukh was increased. A grant of land (tankhwāh) was made to him on the scale1069a of 5,000 personality and half that number of (extra) troopers. Ujjain and other choice places of Mālwa were taken from Shahbāz K. and included in Shahrukh's fief. And as he was with the army of the Deccan, Amīr Kalān Badakhshī was sent (to Mālwa) to restrain the agents of the former jāgirdār (Shahbāz K.).

At this time each day of the week was assigned to a particular task. The sovereign always walked warily and kept an account (awāranawīsī) of his life. In accordance with the increase of business he every now and then made a fresh division. On 4 Bahman he fixed Sunday for the inspection of horses, Monday for the inspection of the camels, mules and bullocks. Tuesday for inspecting soldiers, Wednesday for the business of the Viziership, Thursday for dispensing justice, Friday for receiving the good, Saturday for the elephant-stables. The works mentioned were first performed and then others were done. On the 5th Rai Rai Singh was sent to the Deccan. Perhaps he would make amends for his misconduct and get fresh honour. On the 7th Rānā Kīkā1069b died. Apparently Umrā, his wicked son, poisoned his food. He had also hurt himself in bending a stiff bow.

CHAPTER CXXX.
VICTORY OF THE IMPERIALISTS AND DEFEAT OF THE DECCANĪS.

On account of the affair of Aḥmadnagar and the dissensions1070a (among the imperialists), the Deccanīs fell into evil thoughts. They did not open their eyes to daily-increasing fortune, and set their hearts upon fighting. Prince Sulṭān Murād formed the idea of giving battle, but the officers were critical and did not agree to this. A confidential meeting was held, and they sate down to consider how 718 things should be remedied. M. Shahrukh was chosen as the leader, and the Khān-khānān obtained leave to command many brave men. Treasure, elephants and artillery were also properly arranged for. They relied on the Divine aid and drew up in battle array. In the centre were M. Shahrukh, the Khān-khānān, M. 'Alī Beg, S. Daulat, I'tibār K., Wafādār K., Afẓal Tulakcī, Sher Afkan, Mīr Sharīf Gilānī, Muḥammad K., 'Alī K., Mīr Niẓām, Qādir Qulīkoka, Islām K., Mīr Quṭb-ud-dīn, Mīr Muḥammad Amīn Mandūdī, Hazāra Beg, Mīr Ṭūfān, Mīrak Beg, 'Alī Qulī, Sā'id Guāliyārī and others.

(Here follow long lists of names).

With devout hearts and high courage they marched from Shāhpūr towards the enemy and chose Ashtī 12 kos from Pāthrī as the battle-field. The enemy also arranged their forces and sought for battle. The Niẓāmu-l-Mulk's soldiers were in the centre. 'Ādil khānīān on the right wing, the Qutbu-l-mulk army on the left 719 wing. On the 28th Bahman, 8 (?) February 1597, when a watch of the day had passed, they crossed the river Ganges (the Godavery) and set their hearts on battle. The battle began with the Ūqlīs (archers ?) on the right wing, and Sher Khwāja performed wonders. The enemy had taken up a strong position and stood firm. They used their firearms and did not move. Active men came out on every side and fought. At the close of the day there was a great engagement, and brave men became intermingled. On account of the numbers of the enemy and their abundant firearms many lost the foot of courage. Jagannāth with some men, and Rai Durgā and Rāj Singh and other Rājpūt leaders, drew their rein and kept their ground. The 'Ādilkhānīāns attacked the ruler of Khandes. He stood firm and bravely fell. Thirty-five noted men, and 500 servants, gave up their lives in his company. M. Shāhrukh, the Khān-khānān and M. 'Alī Beg drove off the enemy in front of them and became spectators of the jugglery of fortune. Saiyid Qāsim and other warriors also prevailed over their opponents. The enemy thought that the ruler of Khāndes was in the centre and that his death involved the defeat of M. Shahrukh and the Khān-khānān. On that dark night the opposing forces separated and stood still. Both thought1071a they had won and mounted their horses. Many who had fled out of fear returned. The leaders of the army thought that Rajah 'Alī K. had joined the enemy, or had retired. On this account they plundered his quarters. Dwārikā Dās in the vanguard, and Saiyid Jalāl on the right wing, nobly played away their brief lives. Rām Cand, who had fought strenuously on that day, received twenty wounds in Rajah 'Alī K.'s army and lay on the ground. On that night he was mingled with the elect. On the morning he was lifted up and taken to a house.1071b After some days he died. In the morning, although the victorious army was 7,000 strong, and the enemy 25,000, they gave their minds to battle. As the whole night they had suffered from thirst they hurried towards1071c the river. The enemy, who were in two minds, thought of fighting on seeing this inopportune movement, but after a short contest they took to flight. Many of them were slain. Ankas K., Mīān Zainu-d-dīn, Haibat K., Sharīf K., Sarkash K., Bhīlun K., Sarmast K., Rūmī and other leaders of the 'Ādilkhānīs were killed. Shamsheru-l-Mulk, 'Āzīu-l-Mulk, Dilpat Rai, Yāsīn K., Azhdar K., of the Niẓamu-l-Mulkīs, were killed. Ikhlāṣ K., Ṭāhīr K. and some others of the Quṭbu-l-Mulkīs were killed. As the victorious troops were wearied with the long fighting they did not pursue the enemy, but remained where they were and returned thanks. Though the enemy were more than 60,000 horse, and the imperial servants 15,000, a great victory was obtained by God's help, and high and low1072a were astonished. Forty chosen elephants and a park of artillery were taken. 720 Next day Rajah 'Alī was recognised on the battle-field, and his body was taken up. The evil-thoughted and the foolish talkers were ashamed. The understanding of the story of a battle is like that of the blind men and the elephant. Every one relates it differently. He who knows about both armies is not to be found, and each party has a confused knowledge. It is better to stop contented with what has been said.

At this time Zain Koka was sent off to Kabul. As Qulīj K. had not managed Afghanistan well, this chosen servant was sent there after receiviug valuable instructions. Kabul was made his fief, and the jāgīrdārs there were enjoined to act under his orders. On the 6th (Isfāndarmaẕ) the festival of the lunar weighment took place, and H.M. was weighed against eight articles. There was a time of rejoicing, and high and low enjoyed1073a themselves.

CHAPTER CXXXI.
BEGINNING OF THE 42ND YEAR FROM THE ACCESSION, TO WIT, THE
YEAR SHAHRĪYŪR OF THE FOURTH CYCLE.

The sound of Spring took the world with delight, and the breeze of joy brought the disposition of youth. The world's lord (the Sun) gave a new form to Divine worship, and by the call to prayer furnished ornamentation to the Spring.

Verse.

Time gave colour and fragrance to Spring.
It put a nosegay into hand of wish.
It made over the garden to the night-breeze.
The plain1074a of Tibet and the Spring of Kashmīr.

On the eve of Friday, 2 Shābān 1005, 11 March 1597, after the passing of 3 hours, 12 minutes, the light-giver of creation arrived at the house of his exaltation. The sky rose up to paint and the earth sate to be painted. On 6 Farwardīn Himmat Singh, the son of Raja Mān Singh, died. He was distinguished for courage and management. He died of diarrhoea, and the Kachwāha tribe fell into grief. The affectionateness of H.M. administered balm and produced some resignation in them. On the 9th, Ṣādiq K. died. After the victory he was with Prince Sulṭān Murād in Shāhpūr. The latter commanded, and ruled well with the help of his service. In1074b everything he did he never ceased to do what was proper. Diarrhoea ended in dysentery, and he yielded up his breath with gaspings. A remarkable thing was that some time before this the Khan Ā'ẓim saw him in this condition in a dream. On the 17th H.M. enjoyed a banquet at Khwājahgī Fatḥ Ullah's. Suddenly some rue was burnt in the face of fortune. Fire seized the preparations for the New Year feast and the flames went from the court-yard to the holy mansion. Apparently, a spark from the royal bedchambers set fire to an awning,1075a and then there arose a conflagration. Efforts were made for several days to extinguish the fire.1075b H.M. had no mind this year for such a feast. His whole idea was to visit Kashmīr. A remarkable thing was that there was a similar fire in the quarters of Prince Murād (in the Deccan).

Next day there was an illumination on the same place, and the feast of the Sharf (culmination) took place. Qulij K. was raised to the rank of 4,500, and Ism'aīl Quli to 4,000. M. Jānī Beg and Shāh Beg were raised to 3,500. Far and near, high and low received suitable favours.

CHAPTER CXXXII.
THIRD EXPEDITION OF H.M. TO KASHMĪR.

H.M.'s idea was that, before1077a proceeding to Agra, he should first offer up prayers in that land of abundance to the Incomparable Creator. As on every other occasion, great and small sought to restrain him from this. Some represented that the victorious troops were contending with the Deccanīs. How then could it be suitable for the Shāhinshāh to march to Kashmīr? Though the inward vision of the world-adorner had tested them, yet from conventional motives he remained silent until, suddenly, the news came of victory. This gave support to his design, but still, in order to respect their feelings, there was some delay in his departure, and orders were given for the celebrations (of the New Year). Those illuminations enkindled his wishes, and on the eve of the 21st (Farwardīn1077b ) after two hours of the evening he set off, and reposed in the Dilawez1077c Garden. The brows of the foreheads of the hearts of the conventional were wrinkled, while the farsighted sate in expectation of the appearance of hidden knowledge.

One of the occurrences was the sending of Prince Sulṭān Daniel to Allahābad. Inasmuch as the exaltation of dutiful children waters the rose-garden of sovereignty, this jewel of the Caliphate was sent off on this night. He received the rank of Hafthazārī (7,000) both personal (zāṭ) and in troopers (suwār). He also received fiefs there. Qulīj K., Ism'aīl Qulī, Mīr Sharīf Āmulī and many others accompanied him. The first of them was made Atālīq. They were presented with robes of honour, choice horses, and had their rank increased. The weak in that quarter had new tidings of tranquillity. Many valuable counsels were bestowed. A few of them are here written down.

722 First: men should try to clarify their thoughts, and should reduce them into action. In eating, clothing, sleeping, and walking, they should seek to increase wisdom, and not the fattening of the body, or pleasure. In governing, the idea should be to protect the feeble from the strong arm of oppression. The improvement of the country and the army should be advanced. Company should always be kept with the good, for this supplies the material of propriety. The showy but inwardly bad should be avoided, for they are the fountain-head of everything that is disagreeable. Do not associate with praters, loquacious persons, drunkards, foulmouthed persons, buffoons, bad-hearted men, base people, hot-headed persons, the envious, the censorious, fluent and ignorant sellers of wisdom, handsome youths and young women. For man easily assumes the manners of his associates. There are some who though they regard this principle in the matter of their companions, do not account of it with regard to their servants. They forget that the evil disposition of this class is the most extensive in its effects, and that it is from them that an evil report rises high. Much inspection is necessary for appreciating men. One is life-giving, another is poison. Some are like food, and some like medicine. Many wicked, by craft and flattery, obtain a place in the rank of the good. Many right-thinking ones, on account of their silence, their honest speaking, reserve and retirement, get the name of evil-doing. Do not turn away from the bitter disposition of the truthful, and be not angry with them. Nor be vexed on account of the superior enlightenment of the well-intentioned. Consider abundance of well-wishing as an ornament of dominion, not as a reason for neglect. Judge1078a nobility of caste and high birth from the personality, and not goodness from grandfathers, (az niyāg nekī) or greatness from (the size of) the seed. You can attain the truth by considering that smoke is the child of fire, but has no portion of light. “Look up with same eyes as you look down and speak of the past as of the present.”1079a Be slow and profound in inquiries, and be not satisfied with writings, witnesses and oaths. Let varied investigations be made, and consider the lines of the forehead. Study the daily doings and manners of your companions. Be instant in prayer. Do not let reprisals pass beyond bounds, and do not attend to such matters when angry or hungry. Be not offended by diversity of religion. Struggle hard to sit in the shade of “peace with all.” Do not stain your soul with revenge. Do not take the path of deceit when inflicting retribution. Keep secrets to yourself, and except to one or two right-thinking and profound persons do not reveal your thoughts. Do not refer deliberation to an unsuitable assemblage. First, inquire separately, and then in full meeting consider what you have investigated. Do not indicate your (private) adviser. Do not distress the relation, the intimate and the neighbour by angry glances. If a thing can be remedied by kindness, do not have recourse to terror. Do not seek the destruction of the fallen, nor follow up the flying. Do1079b not open the lips to utter oaths. Receive warning1079c from others, not from oneself. Whoever gathers wisdom from the teaching of the world learns without the learner's pain. Forget not any one who does you ser- 723 vice, and strive to recompense it. Postpone not to the morrow the work of to-day. Reckon a good name as eternal life. Keep aloof from jesting, and toying, especially with one who is higher (or older) than yourself. Though our ancestors practised this somewhat in order to drive away melancholy, yet they did not indulge in it so as to make the heart cold, and to neglect duties. Be not arrogant to any one, and do not affront any one. Regard the shining sword and the pen as the two arms of power. Commit the first to the brave and frank-hearted, and the second to the contented and right-acting. Soldiers get a great name by four things: 1st, Loyalty to their master; 2nd, Love to their comrades; 3rd, Obedience; 4th, Experience. The general is famed who always looks after the pay, the arms and the cattle of his followers, and who is always prepared. And he wins their hearts by gifts and honours, and looks after the survivors of deceased soldiers. Nor does he lay hands on their properties. He is not lulled to sleep by success, and does not cast away caution at the time of action. He spends less than he receives. He consumes one portion, distributes another, and something he accumulates. He does not give himself up to intoxicants, nor is he devoted to hunting. He does not neglect secret inquiries. Especially does he seek information about those near to him and1080a about the thoughts of enemies. In every1080b business he employs some men who are unknown to one another, and he himself weighs their reports. If he cannot do so, he refers it to a truthful and abstinent master of peace with all. Otherwise he prosecutes his inquiries still further.

On 1 Ardībihisht S. Ẓīya-ullah1080c left the world. He was the son of S. Muḥammad Ghauṯ and had gathered some traditionary knowledge. He was familiar with Ṣūfī language. On the 6th the august retinue arrived at Amnābād, and the hidden knowledge of H.M. became again impressed on high and low. Inasmuch as the mountain air of Kashmīr, and the difficulty and delay in crossing into it excite the tranquil,—not to speak of the base and light-headed,—a low-born1080d person by name Jamīl mixed himself up in that country with the Aimāqs of Badakhshān and passed himself off as 'Umr S., the son of M. Sulaimān. The Mīrzā when he was in distress in Ḥissār had a son by a girl and gave him this name. When he (the son) came away from there, he passed to Uzbeg K., the cousin of 'Abdullāh K., and died. It is said that narrow-minded, envious people put him to death, while others say that he died of smallpox. Others said that he was still alive. That trickster resolved on making a commotion and secretly engaged in binding men by promises so that a thousand Badakhshīs and many Kashmīrīs joined him. The veil had not been removed from over his actions when the reports 724 of the august standards rose high. Some of those who knew the secret, arrested him and brought him to Muḥammad Qulī Beg, and he was conveyed to this stage (Amnābād). There he received his deserts. If H.M. had not made his expedition there would have been a great commotion, and many would have suffered. The eyes of vision of the superficial but well-intentioned were opened, and they who had controverted the expedition sank their heads in the collar of shame. On the 9th Khudāwand K. Deccanī, from his own self-will, retired. When in the fight with Ṣādiq K. he was disgraced and failed, he thought of entering into service, and joined Sher Khwāja. Soon afterwards he separated from him. Then a star of guidance, through the instrumentality of M. 'Alī Beg Akbarshāhī, brought him into the service of the prince. Inasmuch as he had not a strong thread of moderation, and his arrogance increased daily, he, in the same year and month, took to flight. On the 16th, Jagat Singh, the son of Rajah Mān Singh, was sent to the northern hills. Owing to the mismanagement of Rustum M. and Āṣaf K. there was delay in the work, and Bāsū made Māu strong, and became presumptuous. H.M. summoned the Mīrzā to his side when he was at the Cināb, and sent that choice servant in charge of the soldiers. On the 18th he arrived, hunting by the way, at the town of Gujrāt—which had been recently founded by his orders. He rested for a while in this pleasant city. On the 19th M. Yūsuf K. was appointed Atālīq of Prince Sultān Murād. The mystery-seeing sovereign had given him a fief in Gujarāt (the province) in the previous year, and had sent him there. When Ṣādiq K. died, he was raised to this high position, and an order was given that he should join the Prince quickly, and do what was necessary for the times.

One of the occurrences was the defeat of the Pātkunwar.1081a When Lacsmī Narain, the ruler of Koc, submitted himself, and was exalted, envy made his competitor mad. He collected an army and took possession of some territory. Lacsmī Narain retired into a fortress and begged the help of Rajah Mān Singh. A chosen force under the command of Jajhār K. and Fatḥ K. Sūr hastened to the spot. On the 22nd Ardībihisht (3 May 1597) they arrived there and after a great contest defeated (the Pātkunwar). Many were killed, and many were made prisoners, and much plunder was obtained. On the 23rd the august standards reached Bhimbhar, and the quarters of Mīr Murād the local fief-holder were brightened by the advent of H.M. The victorious troops were divided into ten sections. 1st, H.M. with some special men. 2nd, the ladies of the harem; and the writer was, with some men, put in charge of this 725 party. 3rd, the Prince-Royal and his men. The other seven were the guards for each day (of the week). On 1st Khurdād, 11 May 1597, the first defile was surmounted. On the 6th (Khurdād), which was the day of Jashn,1082a the halt was made at Rajaurī, and the Prince came to the presence without permission. On the ronte some impropriety1082b occurred, and for a while he was in disgrace and not allowed to pay his respects. The writer of the jewelled book was sent for in order that he might inquire into the matter. On account of the exceeding love of the world's lord and the contrition of the nursling of dominion he (Salīm) was pardoned.

On this day it was represented to H.M. that Khwājagī1082c Fatḥ Ullah had misbehaved in the matter of guarding the road, and that one of the Prince-Royal's servants had been killed. H.M. sent him (Fatḥ Ullah) to the Prince in order that he might be punished. The latter was delighted at this graciousness and treated him with favour and sent him back to service. On the 8th the Prince obtained permission to proceed1082d as before, and the writer was also appointed to this service On the 11th H.M. marched from Pustīāna, and crossed the Pīr Panjāl, cutting and treading down the snow. A halt was made in Nārī Barārī at the lodging which Muḥammad Qulī Beg had prepared.

In this year the commotion of Bahādur ceased. He was the son of Moẓaffar Gujrātī. When the latter died in failure, his son took shelter with Tīwārī,1083a and he hid him and supported him. At the time when many of the fief-holders were serving the Prince in the South, Bahādur raised the head of sedition. Base, fly-like creatures joined him, and the town of Dandūqa was plundered. Rajah Sūraj Singh and some men took the resolution of fighting. On this day the troops were drawn up on both sides and there was some fighting among the skirmishers. By the good fortune of the Shāhinshāh that rebel was put to flight.

On the 14th, great Passes were traversed and H.M. halted at Hīrapūr. From this stage he went on to behold the spectacle of the Spring in Jamāl Nagarī,1083b and an order was given that the camp should keep the high road and enter the city. In old times this was a capital, and its ruin told an instructive tale. The plain expanded the melancholy heart. According to orders this humblest of individuals came to this pleasant place from Hīrapūr, and was exalted by performing the prostration at the holy threshold On the 19th H.M. spread out his tent in Punj Brāra1083c (Bij-Behara). The ladies joined him here. Near this place M. Yūsuf K. had thought of making a city on the top of a ridge. H.M. went to the spot, and gave it the name of Akbarnagar, and made over the establishing of it to Muḥammad Qulī Beg. At this stage the Prince-Royal performed the kornish. On the 23rd he proceeded with some intimates up the river and first halted at Anca.1084a From there he went to Machī21084b Bhavan and enjoyed himself and then took boat near Khānpul.1084c On both banks there were delightful meadows. H.M. enjoyed the pleasures of hunting.

One of the occurrences was the taking of the fort of Mau. Rajah Bāsū, on account of ill fortune and the strength of the position, took the road of ingratitude. He won over many proprietors to his side. When the victorious troops proceeded there, some landholders separated (from Bāsū) and joined them. That turbulent one entered the difficult fortress. The victorious troops invested it, but interested motives withheld them from prosecuting the task. When, by orders, M. Rustum set off for the court, the other servants made a compact of concord and addressed the foot of resolution to service. For two months great valour was displayed. In one place was Āṣaf K. with a number of strenuous men; on another was Tāsh Beg K. with some brave men. Hāshim Beg was there with some noted men and Muḥammad K. with a party of servants. On the 24th that slumbrous-witted one came out and took shelter in another strong place. The imperial servants took the fort and plundered the dwellings. They burnt his house and home. On the 26th M. Rustum did homage near Pampūr,1084d and was exalted by princely favours. On the 27th H.M. encamped near Koh-i-Solimān, and he went to visit the Dall Lake. From there he went to see Amartasar1084e which is a famous temple in that country. Near it is a delightful fountain. H.M. travelled 105 kos in 34 days. He halted on the way one month and five days. On the 28th he cast the shadow of his fortune on the city of Nāgarnagar.1085a Near Srīnagar there is a high hill, and there is a large reservoir (ābgīrī) near it. The far-seeing prince had chosen this place as the site of a city, and M. Yūsuf K. had, under his orders, peopled it. He built some residences and laid the foundation of an earthen wall. Suitable quarters were also provided for the soldiers. H.M. took up his abode in the quarters of Muḥammad Qulī Beg on the banks of the lake. An order was given that the fort should be made of stone. Every portion of the work was assigned to an officer. On this day it was shown how the commotion of that native of Ghor (ghorīzāda)1085b had arisen, and how it had been quelled by the report of the august expedition. He who had delivered him up received the reward of his good service. It also appeared that much evil had been caused by the tyrrany of the fief-holders. In their ignorance of affairs they demanded the whole rent in money and sought for gold and silver from that country which was regulated by the division of crops. H.M. made remittances to crowds of men, and established choice regulations. The oppressors received their punishment. And kindness was shown to the injured cultivators. The whole country was divided into fourteen portions, and to each of these two bitikcīs (accountants), one an Indian and the other a Persian, were sent so that they might study the settlement-papers (khām kāghaz) of 727 every1085c village and might ascertain the extent of the cultivated and uncultivated land, and of the collections, and might reckon one half of the produce as the share of the ruler,1086a and return any excess. Though they (the fief-holders?) always spoke about three heaps1086b (of produce), yet they claimed the third share of the tenant's uncultivated land. An arrangement was made for cultivated and uncultivated land. When the settlement was for more than ten years, one-sixth share was taken for the first year, one-fourth for the second, one-third for the third, and one-half for the fourth. When the settlement was for from ten to four years, one-fifth was the share for the first year, one-third for the second, and the usual rate (one-half) for the third. (When the settlement was) for from four to two years the share was one-third for the first year, and for the second one-half. In a short time great comfort was produced.

On account1087a of the deficiency of rain and the dispersal of the husbandmen, prices became somewhat high. Though by the coming of the victorious army the scarcity was increased, yet the Shāhinshāh's graciousness provided a remedy. By his orders twelve places were prepared in the city for the feeding of great and small (i.e. young and old). Every Sunday a general proclamation was made in the 'Īdgāh, and some went from the palace and bestowed food and presents on the applicants. Eighty thousand necessitous persons—more or less—received their hearts' desires. A great many persons also got their livelihood by the building of the fort. By means of the pay for their labour they were brought out from the straits of want. At this time some attention was paid to miscellaneous imposts. Fifty-five censurable customs were abolished. The husbandmen for a long time paid1087b these, and until the order of remission took effect they did not believe in it (the abolition). The case1087c of the saffron is one of these. The Government share of the produce was divided among the bazaar-people and the husbandmen to be cleaned. Though out of eleven traks, one was given as wages, yet two sīrs of dried saffron and buds (?) were exacted, and there was great loss, especially in the time of rain. It was also an old custom that the cultivator should cut and bring some wood from a distance. Otherwise they lost their pay. Similarly they took money from the carpenter, the weaver and other workmen. On 2 Tīr H.M. went to see the new quarters. M. Yūsuf K. had put up beautiful buildings on the top of a small hill near Nāgarnagar for the repose of H.M. On the 6th he went to Shihābū-d-dīn-pūr, and from there he proceeded to Lain Lankā.1088a When he came to the lake there were high waves, the boat was taken to the bank and he rested by the skirt of the mountain. In the morning he went to that charming spot, and got new enlightenment. On the 9th something improper happened on the part of the Prince-Royal while he was traversing that great lake. Khwāja Bhūl got angry1088b and conveyed a message from the Shāhinshāh. The Prince was angry at his rude words, and the gracious sovereign consoled him by cutting the tip of his (the Khwāja's) tongue. Meanwhile, by orders of the Shāhinshāh, a ghrīb31088c (vessel) such as those used at sea, was prepared. High and low were astonished, and on the 20th he sate in it and witnessed the spectacle of the river Behat (Jhelam).

One of the occurrences was the taking of Bāndhū.1088d As increase of territory and wealth augments H.M.'s devotions and he makes success an instrument for developing the spiritual world, all kinds of difficult tasks, which have not been accomplished by former rulers in spite of abundant efforts, are easily effected by his servants. The conquests of this formidable fortress speaks eloquently of this. Pannah is a populous country, and has a separate ruler. This fortress (Bāndhū) is the seat of his government. The territory extends to the east of it for sixty kos, and then comes the land of other Rajahs who are to some extent submissive to him. Then comes the territories of Sarguja and Rohtās. On the west it extends for twelve kos and there are the lands of other zamindars who are in a manner subject to him. After that comes the land of Gadha. On the north are the Ganges and the Jumna. The territory extends in this direction for sixty kos and joins the province of Allahabad. On the south it extends for sixteen kos, and then comes the territory of Gadha. Between the south and east (i.e. to the S.E.) is Rantambhūr after 45 kos. To the N.E. it extends for 70 kos and then comes the province of Allahabad. To the N.W. it extends for 50 kos and adjoins Fort Kālinjar. To the S.W. it extends for 25 kos and then is the territory of Gadha. The difficulties in the taking of this fort cannot be described. It is surrounded by low hills, whose vallies extend for eight kos, and whose high lands extend for more than 1 1/2 kos. On three sides it has hills close to it. On the N. it is surrounded by a stone wall. The first gate is called Ganeshpūr. Near it is a large reservoir. The second gate is Hindalīpūr; the third, Kampūr; the fourth, Harharpūr. Inside are the Rajah's quarters. The fort is an ancient building and has four fine old walls, and a charming lake. Inside is a large temple. Round about are the houses of the kinsmen and dependents. No ruler had laid hands on it. Sulṭān 'Alāu-d-dīn had the idea of doing so, and spent much treasure on the enterprise, and many lives were lost, but he was unsuccessful. At this time, by H.M.'s fortune, it was conquered with little trouble. When the garrison sent the young ruler to court, their idea was that they would put off an expedition against the fort by scattering gold. The acute sovereign did not accept the words of the bribe-takers and issued an order to the effect that the rule of service was that the fort must once be delivered up in order that it might be given back. Owing to somnolence of intellect, and the strength of the fort, the good advice was not received and they resolved upon contumacy. Rai Patr Dās exerted himself, and liberality was made the key for delivering up the fort. After severe engagements the country was conquered and in an auspicious hour the fort was invested. After eight months twenty days the garrison, or 22 Tīr, 8 July 1597, came to terms on account of want of provisions, and the fort was taken. Much plunder was obtained.

729 On 4 Amardād a son was born in the harem of Prince Sultan Daniel by the daughter of Qulīj K., and soon departed to the other world.

One of the occurrences was the appearance of a rainbow (qaus quzaḥ)1090a on the night of the the 5th (Amardād). On the night (shab) of 13 Zī-l-ḥajja, 18 July 1597, in the city of Srīnagar there was a feast of enlightenment. At the third pahar in the eastern heaven, a rainbow—which the Persians call the two-coloured bow—appeared. The variety of its colours was less than that of one (rainbow) which appears in the day. Though some think that the rainbow appertains solely to the day, they are without special knowledge. Some ancients allow that it is also produced by the rays of the moon, and that it does not acquire so many colours (as the solar rainbow). Maulānā S'aidu-d-dīn1090b Taftāzānī writes, “In the year 763 (1362) in Turkistan, on the opposite direction from the moon, I saw an appearance like a rainbow, but it had not the permanency and the bright colour of that.” On the 8th,1090c in the same city, after a watch of the day had elapsed, a halo round the sun (ṭufāwa) showed itself for two hours. The Indian sages did not think it auspicious, and directed the great towards kindness to the needy. H.M. gave large bounties to the needy, and won over hearts.

Though the present work does net deal with the causes of those two phenomena, and though it is treated of in cyclopaedias (farhang nāmhā), yet the contention of intellect leads me, nolens volens, to say something about them, and to enlighten the perception of the inquirer.

The Peripatetics regard this glorious bow, this halo, and other solar phenomena (shamsīyāt) as fantastic, unsubstantial appearances like the reflections in a mirror, while the Platonists (ashrāqīān) regard them as real and substantial occurrences.

[Here follow about two pages of disquisition on the subject of rainbows and halos. They are probably borrowed from some astronomer, and are difficult of translation. I think, I may neglect them].

On the 12th (Amardād) a piece of stone was shown to H.M. There appeared to be some water inside of it, and the spectators were astonished. Some Persians who were present represented that they had broken a stone in 'Irāq and that a frog1091a had come out of it.

Next morning a Turkish rope-dancer appeared and gave a wonderful exhibition. On the 16th Sāng1091b Panwār died. He was a noted Rājpūt. His survivors were comforted by royal favours.

At this time the ambassadors to Tibet were sent off. At the time that the royal standards came to Kashmīr, it had been intended that an army should be sent to conquer that country. As, owing to the scarcity of the year, it was difficult to provide the soldiers with forty days' provisions, and as H.M. wished to convey counsels, the design was not carried out. Umed 'Alī Jolak, Ṭālib Isfahānī, and Muḥammad Ḥusain Kashmīrī were sent to 'Alī Zād, the ruler of Little Tibet, and Ayūb Beg, Salīm Kāshgharī, 'Abdu-l-Karīm Kashmīrī were sent to Kokaltāsh Kaliyū, the ruler of Great Tibet. Rājū Rai, the commander-in-chief of that kingdom, had on account of his wealth become somewhat rebellious, and the ruler of the country had collected an army and deprived him of his fiefs. That rebel had gone into vagabondage. At this time 'Alī Zād rose up to avenge him (?) and by his guidance and wickedness he was successful and made (the ruler of Great Tibet) prisoner, and proceeded to his dwelling-place and gathered abundant moneys. He also took much territory. On hearing the report of the arrival of the sublime army he made the above-named (Kokaltāsh)—who was descended from former rulers—ruler and returned. An ambassador was also sent to Kashghar. When 'Abdu-l-Karīm died, and Muḥammad1091c K. (his brother) 732 became ruler of that country, it appeared that he wished to supplicate the sublime court. He had sent Shāh Muḥammad1092a with valuable gifts. On the way he was robbed, and out of simplicity and shame he went off to the Ḥijāz. At this time he came and was exalted by paying homage. He related his adventures. On the 20th he was sent back after being treated with favours. M. Ibrāhīm Andījānī was sent with counsels, and some choice goods were made over to Fattā1092b Hā (?). H.M.'s idea was that the ambassador would proceed to Khatā (China) as for a long time there had been no news of that country, nor was it known who ruled it. H.M. also wished to know with whom he was at war, and what degree of enlightenment and sense of justice he possessed, what kind of knowledge was current, who among the ascetics had a lamp of guidance, who was supreme for science? An order was given that these questions should be put to the ruler of Kashghar, and that an answer should be brought. On the 21st Gangā Rīshī presented himself at the assembly of the Justice of God (Akbar). He is one of the great Rīshīs, and the people of Kashmīr regard him as a saint. The Prince-Royal invited him to come, and that seeker after God came from a wish to see the Shāhinshāh. On seeing him, he received fresh enlightenment. At this time Shahbāz K. came to court, and was not admitted to the kornish. When Rām Cand was sent to recall the Mālwa soldiers, he, of necessity, returned with M. Shahrukh. Near Burhānpūr he learnt that the Prince (Murād) had taken some of his fiefs and given them to others, and that there had been a fight with the agents, and that some had fallen on both sides. His distress increased, and he stopped going further. He sent M. Shahrukh and the rest of the soldiers to the Deccan with Rām Cand and turned back himself (?). For some time he remained in Malwā, waiting for Rām Cand. When the latter died, he went off to Court. He was kept in disgrace and not allowed an audience. When it became clear that his coming was unavoidable, he was allowed, on the 26th, to make the kornish. At this time Āṣaf K. got a jāgīr in Kashmīr. One of the chief causes of the ruin of this country was that among the fief-holders there was no great officer whose opinion might be followed by all. For this reason he was sent for from the northern hills. On the 31st he was exalted by doing homage, and the charge of the country was entrusted to him. On 2 Shahrīyūr there was a grand display of lamps. It is an old custom in that country. On the night of the 13th Bhādūn, according to the calculation of the bright1093a fortnight (Shuklpacha), high and low lighted lamps, and implored blessings. They related that the river Behat—which flows through the city—was born on this day, and in thanks therefor they held a feast. On this account an order was given that the royal servants should light lamps on boats1093b and on the bank of the lake and the top of the hill. There was a glorious illumination and 733 men who had seen the world were astonished. On this day a delightful palace was completed by the Shāhinshāh's orders. In the Kashmīrī tongue it was called Larī. On the 6th H.M. had a feast there' and there was rejoicing. On the 13th it appeared that Ḥāfiẓ Qāsim had out of sensuality stained the skirt of the chastity of a woman. He was castrated, and though he got a little better, he soon died.

One of the occurrences was the death of Durjan Singh. When Lacmī Narain became successful by the help of eternal fortune, 'Īsā K., proprietor (bhūmī), collected an army and set out to help Pātkunwar. On hearing of this, Rajah Mān Singh sent off a force by land, and also sent some men by the river under command of his son Durjan Singh in order that the houses of the proprietors might be plundered. Inasmuch as domestic broils produce great injury, one of the double-faced and crooked ones gave information to those men. On the 25th the river-detechment plundered many places, and made an expedition against Katrabū.1093c Six kos from Bikrāmpūr 'Īsā and M'aṣūm arrived with a large number of war-boats. They surrounded the river detachment and after a hard contest the leader (Durjan) and many soldiers delivered up the coin of their lives. Some men were made prisoners, and some escaped. Though there was a disaster, yet the ruler of Koc was saved from injury. 'Isā, from farsightedness, had recourse to blandishments and sent back his prisoners.

On 11 Mihr after 3 hours and 4 seconds a daughter was born in the harem of the Prince-Royal by the daughter of the Mota Rajah, It is hoped that she will become a great lady. On the 20th H.M. entered the Behat through the Dal lake, and from thence proceeded to Shīhābu-d-dīnpūr, where he spent the night. Next morning he hunted and crossed over to Zain Lankā, returning at night to Shihābu-d-dīnpūr. Next day he visited the Lār1094a valley where the wonders of autumn surprised the critical. He received much pleasure and returned to Nāgnagar. The varied colours of the season of the fall of the leaf in this country put to shame the Spring of many other places. Especially the apple, the peach, the vine and the plane (chinār) tree.

Verse.

The beauty of decay was not seen save here.
The pomp of Autumn was more full of colour than the Spring.

There is a difference of reading here.

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Text has wrongly zerdast instead of zabardast. See Errata.

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B. 497, where he is styled “of Kāshān.”

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Text ◌. A note explains that a white falcon is so called. It appears from P. de Courteille's Dict. that the proper spelling is ◌ Tūīghūn. Apparently the bird was sent from Gujarāt. 'Imād-al-Mulk was a Gujarati title.

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Cf. Badayūnī, Lowe 410. In the preface to his translation of Ayeen Akberry Gladwin speaks of a poem by Faiẓī in six hundred couplets in particular commendation of every person who held even the smallest office at Court. This poem I have never been able to find. It does not occur in any copy of the Ain that I have seen.

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Nāqūsparastān “the worshippers of the nāqūs,” the wooden gong of the Eastern Christians. But the text seems corrupt. The MSS. I have seen have not the words nāqūsparastān, and this seems an absurd name for Christians. The MSS. vary, but I.O. MS. 236 has Armānūṣ tarsā 'Armenian Christians (?) and I.O. MS. 3296, No. 259 of Ethé, has az nāmūs tarsā “Christian leaders.”

All the MSS. have Rūmīstān, i.e. Turkey, instead of the Ardistan of the text, which is a town in Persia. Perhaps what A.F. wrote was Anthakia, i.e. Antioch. D'Herbelot says Malik Shāh's conquests extended to that city. Gibbon may be consulted about the Turks and Seljuks.

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Isrāfīl in text. The Ḥabību-s-siyar, etc., says there were 34 generations between Seljūq and Afrāsiyāb.

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The variant 170 is supported by B.M. 22,247.

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In 656 or 1258 according to Stanley Lane-Poole.

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Abāsia in text. Birthplace of Strabo, and old capital of Pontus. Spelt Amāsyah in Ayīn, J. III. 101. For genealogy of Uṯmān see the Shajrāt-ul Atrak, Miles's translation, p. 41.

↩

Bandīyān. See Gibbon cap. 65 where he speaks of the “royal fifth of the captives.”

↩

Nekcerī in text. Properly yenī cerī.

↩

See D'Herbelot for accounts of Sulaimān, Musā and Muḥammad.

↩

Text Ābādanī.

↩

I.O. MS. 236 has Jafiratī, which is also given as a variant.

↩

See Errata where karda is changed to giroh.

↩

D'Herbelot says s. v. Selīm Khān that it is only the Christians who charge Selīm with parricide.

↩

This was in 922 (1516). After this A.F. turns backward and gives the history of the Circassian or Mamlūk princes.

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This is Shajar-al-durr, but she was Ṣālih's widow, not his mother. The text has 348 but the variant 648 is right.

↩

The 'Abbasid Caliphs of Egypt. They had only spiritual authority.

↩

For 8 years 8 months according to D'Herbelot.

↩

Beniyāzāna pāsakh nigāshta muhur barū kard. I think that beniyāzāna pāsakh must be what Sulaiman wrote on the envelope. The text has barū “on it,” but I.O. MS. 236, B.M. MS. 27,247 and the Cawnpore ed. have bar rū “on the face.” Perhaps the sting of this consisted in his not opening the letter and merely putting his seal on the face of it. But from Dorn's Hist. of the Afghans, p. 124, it appears that to put a seal on a letter was an affront, at least if the person doing so was of inferior rank. The following passage occurs there. “In short the governors of Mālwa, obeying Sher K.'s commands, sent letters of allegiance and loyalty, with the only exception of Melloo K. who, from excessive folly and a wish to show his royal dignity, impressed his signet upon the letter, and notwithstanding the entreaties his well-wishers made to dissuade him, sent it off so. Sher K. on beholding the letter tore off the seal and preserved it, observing that the punishment for the impertinence would one day overtake him.” Naturally, Sulaiman would despise Ism'aīl as a Shīa, and it is rather strange that the latter should have gone out of his way to express grief at the death of Selīm his conqueror.

↩

Text ◌ Persia.

↩

So in text and in I.O. MS. 236, but 16 is probably a mistake for 8.

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This was in the month of Bahman which corresponds to January.

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Būlāqī Begam A.N. III. 837. Afterwards married to M. Walī. Tūzuk, J. p. 272.

↩

In Baluchistan. The district is now British. See I. G. XXII. 336. The town is S.E. Quettah and on the Sind-Pishīn railway. See J. II. 328 n. and B. 362, and Elliot I. 237. It is a long way from Qandahar.

↩

Elliot 1. 238.

↩

Text Kīc. Cf. J. II. 336. It is Cutch.

↩

Cf. J. II. 328 where it is said that there is a vast desert between Sīwī and Bhakkar.

↩

The solar month was Isfandarmaẕ, the last of the solar year. The birthday was on 5 Rajab, and in this year, 1003, Rajab began on 2 March. The last clause of the sentence refers, apparently, to the charities that were bestowed on the anniversary.

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I.G. X. 184 and XXI. 273. Rewadanda is also called Lower Caul. The two towns are in the Kolaba district and about 30 m. S. Bombay. There is an account of Burhān's attack on Rewadanda in Noer's Akbar II. p. 309 of translation. The siege began in April 1594.

↩

Shangarf, Cinnabar. The Iqbālnāma has sīmāb kushta, ashes of quicksilver. For kushta, quicksilver, see B. 563, n. 1.

The story about Farhād's wife does not appear to be correct. Danvers in his “The Portuguese in India,” II. 90, says that Farhād and his wife and daughter were captured at Chaul in 1592 (should be 1594), and that the wife was ransomed, while Farhād and his daughter became Catholics and went to Portugal. Faria Y. Sousa, however, says that Farhād died of his wounds after he had been baptized and showed signs of conversion, and that only the daughter went to Portugal (III. Part I, c. 8). Ferishta says nothing about Farhād's wife's having been outraged, though he says that Burhān ordered every beautiful woman to be brought to his palace. Among others, he sent for Shujā'at's wife, but dismissed her unharmed. However her husband was so affected by the disgrace that he committed suicide. He also says that Burhān's licentiousness made his officers reluctant to serve him, and so led to the triumph of the Portuguese. (Newal Kishore's ed., 3rd vol., p.155). The Portuguese victory occurred on 16 Ẕī-l-hajja 1002 (September 1594). Akbar seems to have been highly pleased at the defeat of Burhān and expressed to Xavier his admiration of the feat of the Portuguese in taking the Morro at Chaul (J.A.S.B. for 1896, p. 109).

↩

The battle was fought near Humāyūnpūr, which was a place founded by Burhān's mother.

↩

5 or 6 April, 1595. According to Ferishta, Burhān died on 13 Shābān 1003 = 18 April 1595: A. F.'s account of Burhān may be compared with the more detailed one by Ferishta. Ferishta says nothing about the alleged poisoning by Cānd Bībī. Badayūnī, Lowe, 416, also speaks of reports that Burhān was put to death. According to Ferishta Burhān died at Aḥmadnagar in consequence of fatigues of his campaign against Ikhlās K. According to Ferishta it was Burhān and not Ibrāhīm who put Ism'aīl to death. Burhān did this partly because Ism'aīl belonged to the Mahdī religion.

↩

Apparently they suggested his return, as owing to the non-arrival of Shāh Beg things were not ripe for his departure. See the Maaṯir. III. 299-300.

↩

Chalmers and the Iqbālnāma have 1,000.

↩

Or 29th April, 1595. The Pādris were Jerome Xavier, Benedict of Goes, and Emmanuel Pinheiro, and the date given for their arrival in Lahore is stated by Maclagan, J.A.S.B. for 1896, p. 68, as 5th May, 1595. I presume that the difference between 29th April and 5th May is due to the missionaries using the Gregorian calendar. Jerome Xavier was the nephew of St. Francis Xavier.

↩

Text Hari, i.e. Herat, but immediately afterwards Tīrī is mentioned, and this is the reading in I.O. MS. 276. It is the Tarīn of J. II. 398 and the Terī of the I. G. XXIII. 281. It is in the Kohāt district.

↩

Perhaps dar ghor, i.e. in Ghor. The Iqbālnāma has “the fort of Ghor,” B.M. MS. 27,247 has “from the fort hastened into Ghor,” and this is probably right.

↩

The Mota, i.e. the fat Rajah, is Udai Singh s. Rai Māldeo of Jodhpūr. B. 429. Apparently his corpulence caused his death. Tod has an extraordinary story about his having died in consequence of a Brahman's curse. Apparently he died in or near Lahore. His daughter was the mother of Shāh Jahān. The last clause is obscure, but I think that the meaning is that Akbar was present at the satīs or arrived shortly afterwards and took the opportunity to encourage his followers to despise death by showing how little value the widows put upon their lives. Compare his remark, J. III. 398. “The women of Hindustan rate their dear lives at a slender price.”

↩

Baḥaqiqatāmozī. Perhaps the meaning is to learn the truth.

↩

The Lucknow Ferishta says he was killed by a spear. But a MS. says it was an arrow that killed him. He met his death on 20 Ẕī-l-ḥajja 1003, or 16th August, 1595.

↩

The alleged son. Apparently he was really the son of Shāh Ṭāhir. See Ferishta's account of the Aḥmadnagar dynasty. Aḥmad was made king on 10 Ẕī-l-hajji 1003, 6th August, 1595, but was soon deposed in favour of Bahādur, the infant son of Ibrāhīm. Mīyān Manjū however supported him for a time and called in Prince Murād to help him.

↩

Mūsā in text, but Motī in I.O. MS. 236 and in B.M. 27,247.

↩

Text nakhastin “the first,” but the true reading is “Ḥusain” as in the I.O. MSS. Aḥmad said to be the son of Khudābanda was apparently the son of one Ṭāhir who claimed falsely to be Khudābanda's son. Aḥmad reigned for a short time, and then was succeeded by Ibrahim's son Bahādur. The history of Aḥmadnagar at this time may be studied in the 2nd volume of Noer's Akbar, Mrs. Beveridge's translation.

↩

B. 253, where both Bajranāth and Balbhadr are mentioned. It is there said that the Mals came from Gujrat.

↩

B. 313.

↩

Mahra. Perhaps here it only means an antidote.

↩

Badayūnī, Lowe 416, says, Sambhal was taken away from A. F. and given to the Mīrzā.

↩

The Maaṯir and I.O. 236 have Ṭahmās.

↩

Cf. B. 238, 1. 6, and also the Table, p. 248. At p. 241 B. remarks, “The three classes differ very slightly (in emoluments), and cannot refer, to p. 238, 1.7. Here, I think, he forgets that the salaries were monthly. A difference of Rs. 1,000 a month is considerable, especially when we remember that the contingent of the 2nd class was one half and upwards. See Irvine's Army of the Indian Moghuls, p. 6.

↩

Cf. Badayūnī, Lowe 417.

↩

He is called Bāqī K. in B. 408 and 534. He was s. Ṭāhir K. Mīr Farāghat who again was s. Mīr Khurd the guardian of Hindāl. See Gulbadan Begam trans. 106 and n.

↩

Perhaps barāward has a technical meaning. A. F. says, B. 231, that poor troopers who have not their horses branded are called Barāwardī. The rates there are Rs. 25, 20 and 15, corresponding to 1000, 800, 600 dāms. It is curious that the three horsemen get only 200 more dāms than the two horse troopers. Also that a distinction should be made between Hindi or Indian horsemen and Rājpūts. I.O. MS. 236 has Sindī for Hindī.

↩

Dād Khudā “The gift of God.” One of A. F.'s names for Akbar. See below, p. 698, line 5.

↩

The text has beṭār “a farrier.” This is obviously wrong, but the right reading is not clear. Most MSS. have dark naẓẓāra “spectators of intelligence,” and this I have adopted. But perhaps the true reading is behār the Hindi form of vyavahara “the administration of justice,” which is the heading of a chapter in the Āin. See J. III. 261.

↩

The word is saugand “an oath.” Cf. Badayūnī, Lowe, 368.

↩

Text has the word andākht “threw,” but most MSS. have farūd award “brought down,” and this seems more appropriate as it agrees with the word “slowly.”

↩

Ṯabtī asnād = firmān-i-ṯabtī, for which see B. 260. They were issued for three purposes. Biyāzī manshūr = farmān-i-biyāzī, i.e. “Blank orders,” for which see B. 264. They were called biyāzī or blank, because they were folded and sealed in such a manner that their contents could not be seen.

↩

The text, and all the MSS. apparently, have wazīr, “vizier.” But the word should probably be ◌ wazrī representing the Portuguese viserei “Viceroy.” See A. N. translation I. 323. It is the Portuguese Viceroy of Ormuz who is meant, and he must have procured the ostriches from Africa. As Tatta and Sind were in Akbar's possession, the Portuguese would be anxious to conciliate him.

↩

The conjunction is wanting in the MSS.

↩

Cf. Badayūnī, Lowe 420.

↩

The allusion is to a game which consists in hiding a ring in the hand of one of the players. See Vullers, s. v. kacha; and also Bahār-i-'Ajam. The text has kujja, a hockey-stick. This does not agree with the MSS. and seems wrong.

↩

Akbar's exhortation is obscurely worded, and it is impossible to believe that he ever uttered it. It bears the impress of A. F. himself. The MSS.—of which I have consulted many—differ, and the text is probably corrupt. I find it difficult to understand the meaning of the phrase nekūwān-i-nakhastīnrā at line 8 of page 674. Perhaps nakhastīn means here those who have died first, and is opposed to pasīn later on. But some MSS. do not seem to have pasīn. I.O. MS. 3257 has nekūwān nakh. In line 9 the text has khird dostān “lovers of wisdom, philosophers,” but nearly all the MSS. have jiz dostdārān-i-īnān (or īnānrā), i.e. “except their friends.” But this does not seem intelligible unless we read with I.O. MS. 3288 nabāshand for bāshand. The meaning then might be, “If there is immortality then no one should rejoice at the death of their friends except when the latter were good, the allusion being to the doctrine of transmigration—in which Akbar was a believer. At line 10 the text has agar pasīn īn ṭaraz peshgīrad,” which I do not understand. I.O. MSS. 3238 and 3257 have agar bastan etc., and this seems likely to be right; bastan ain ṭaraz would mean “to adopt this course.”

Apparently the gist of the discourse is that if death ends all things, then resignation is fitting, but if there is another life then the friends of the good should rejoice.

↩

Fayyāzī is the later name assumed by Faiẓī. From a remark by Faiẓī Sirhindī it would seem that our Faiẓī surrendered the title because the Sirhindī had a prior title to it. But according to Badayūnī Faiẓī called himself Fay yāzī in imitation of his brother's title of 'Allāmī. According to A. F. (B. 949), Faiẓī adopted the new title to express the abundance of his spiritual love. It appears from Badayūnī III. 307 that Faiẓī only adopted the title Fayyāzī in the year before his death. See the verse there.

↩

◌ banawā ast. I take nawā to be used here in the sense of hopping or jumping. This seems to be the Lucknow editor's opinion, for he says that the meaning is that the bird, i.e. his genius, is about to fly. The word cannot, I think, here mean singing, or being in voice, for the verse occurs in the extract given at p. 686 of the A. N., line 11, and is followed by the couplet,

“Be silent, for the tale is a long one.”

It (the bird or the genius) is a sparrow and not a noble falcon. The word mastasqī which occurs in the last line of the quatrain means “a drawer of water,” and also “a dropsical person” and “one who is thirsty.” No doubt Faiẓī plays on all three meanings.

↩

Badayūnī quotes some of these lines—and many others—in his third volume p. 306, and says they come from the conclusion of a poem in supplication of Muḥammad which at the instance of friends he wrote when near his end. Like most of Faiẓī's poetry they are obscure, and justify Badayūnī's criticism of his writings. In the fourth line there is a play on the word daur which means both reign, and a cup that is handed round. Badayūni has a different reading of the line, and it seems an improvement. He has “Daur-tu shrāb ??u āsmān mast.” “Thy reign is wine and heaven is intoxicated thereby.” The 7th line perhaps means that the pearl is not a material one but a pearl of the soul, and that Akbar's companionship takes the place of wine.

↩

The Lucknow ed. says that the verb māndan has in this line the force of likening or comparing, and that in the next line it means “to abandon.”

↩

Alluding to the life-giving breath of the Messiah.

↩

Khiẓr is Elijah, and drank of the fountain of life. The last four lines occur in Badayūnī's extracts p. 309, and they come there after many other lines which do not occur in our text.

↩

The third person is used, but I think A. F. means himself. Badayūnī says that Akbar visited Faiẓī at midnight, just before his death.

↩

These lines, with some verbal differences, are quoted in Badāyūnī, Lowe 420, and text II. 406. The word in the second line is shabāhangī, and shabāhang means the morning star, and also a nightingale. Here, I think it means a night-journey, on the analogy of shab-i-khūn, a night-attack. Apparently the meaning is that Faiẓī wished to sing, but was prevented by his asthma. The Darbār-i-akbarī, 365 reads bad āhangī “an evil design” (?) instead of shabāhangī. Price reads qafs-i-shab “cage of night,” but the metre will not allow of this. Mr. Lowe renders the line, “the bird of my heart out of its cage became a nightingale.” According to Price, Jahāngīr, p. 76, these lines were quoted by Akbar on his death-bed. They are more appropriate to Faiẓī as he was a poet, and was dying of breathlessness. Price's rendering of the second line is, “My soul is on the wing to escape this cage of darkness.” Apparently, Badayūnī's remark, “One of his acquaintances invented this chronogram,” must refer to the chronogram immediately preceding. Otherwise, there must surely be an omission in the MS.

↩

I presume the verse to mean that all efforts are vain unless God, or Fate, wills. The Darbār-i-akbarī quotes the lines at p. 366, but reads ba jang instead of ba tang. It is ba tang in the M'aāṣīr II. 588. By the lame ant's foot Faizī perhaps means his pen which he is fond of describing as a foot.

↩

I adopt the reading of the MSS., which is dost dāshta. The text has daulat dāshta; dost seems correct as it also occurs in the M'aāṯīr II. 587.

↩

Faiẓī wished to write five poems in imitation of Niẓāmī. A list of them is given in the Darbār-i-akbarī, p. 370.

↩

Meaning his genius.

↩

Text bagirifta, but MSS. have nagirifta.

↩

Parpā. The text has bar pāī “with weights on their legs” and this may be correct, but probably the true reading is parpā, for there is a kind of pigeon which has feathered legs, and in consequence does not fly high. See Vullers and the Bahār-i-'ajām s.v. kabūtar. Faiẓī feigns that he fastened his quill to the leg of his genius and consequently it could not soar. Parpā pigeons are referred to at B. 302 where the passage probably means that such pigeons only take short flights, in contradistinction to the nishāwarī who fly up till they are out of sight.

↩

I borrow the conjunction from I.O. MS. 236. I do not know what the line means, but probably the four stages mean four of the five poems. Apparently they are also the four brides mentioned two lines after this. The seven tents there referred to may be the Haft Kishwar which Faiẓī intended to write in imitation of Niẓāmī's Haft Paikar, or they may be the seven climes. The five litters are the five poems of his projected pentad, of which only two were completed.

↩

The Queen of Sheba and the heroine of one of Faiẓī's poems. “Sulaimān” here stands for Akbar.

↩

Here follow twenty pages, from 676-696, of extracts from Faiẓī's poems! A. F.'s account of Faiẓī here may be compared with Badāyūnī's III. 299, etc., of which there is an abridged translation in Elliot V. 544, with the long account in the Darbār-i-akbarī, p. 359, etc., with B. 548, Elliot VI. 147 and Badayūnī, Lowe 420.

↩

See Badāyūnī, Lowe, 416.

↩

Text nāsipās, but the variant nāshīnās is more reasonable and is supported by I.O. MS. 236. Perhaps the next sentence rather means that M. Rustam through wickedness turned back Amīnu-d-dīn al Sirhind, B. 314, and M'aāṯīr III. 437, understand the passage to mean that Akbar recalled Rustam al Sirhind, but the verb is gardānīd, and not gardānīdand as would be the case if Akbar were the nominative.

↩

He only had the proclamation of Akbar's name made when the ambassadors were at his court.

↩

Āsīb-i-kishtī. But the word kishti seems a little doubtful as one does not see how Rajmaḥal was safe from an attack by boats, unless perhaps from the Maghs, who were not likely to come so high up the river. Possibly the words mean that the place was a safe anchorage.

↩

So in text. From the mention of the ruler of Golconda it would appear that this sentence has nothing to do with Bengal. I.O. MS. 235 seems to have Gāgrūn, which was a fort in Mālwa (see Jarrett II. 209), and probably this is right.

↩

An I.O. MS. seems to have Khwāja Pisar instead of Khwāja Sarā. But “eunuch” is probably right. See B. 405. The Ṭabaqāt-i-akbarī says he died as governor of Delhi.

↩

Perhaps the meaning is “one part is not his.”

↩

Cf. Badāyūnī, Lowe, 391.

↩

Partially translated in Elliot VI. 29.

↩

Elliot has “As their opinions did not agree,” and this seems to make better sense. But text and I.O. MS. 236 have “When their ideas became of one colour.” Either a negative has been omitted, or the clause refers to the generals having both agreed to march.

↩

According to the Iqbālnāma, the troops that Murād was waiting for were the Khān-khānān's. It says Rājah 'Alī joined the K.K. 30 kos from Burhānpūr, but Murād waited in Broach, thinking the K.K. would join him there. When he found they had gone by another route, he became very angry. When Akbar heard of this he sent Rām Chand to rep?? both of them, and dispatc?? mohars for ??ldi??

↩

Cānd in text.

↩

There is the variant rāī, instead of rāhī, and perhaps the meaning is he assumed a distant manner.”

↩

Elliot VI. 93 makes Ṣādiq the one who rarely went to the darbār, but the text, as pointed, makes the statement refer to Shahbāz, and this seems right. Ṣādiq belonged to the darbār, being Murād's guardian, and ??āz came from Mālwa. The ??ays it ?? Shahbāz who ??āma calls Ṣādiq the make-bate who stirred up Murād against the K.K. and says that the first day the latter was not allowed to pay his respects, and that next day the prince received him “with a thousand frowns.”

↩

Firishta lays the blame of this on Shahbāz. Text has rezah sipāhi, but probably this is a misreading.

↩

On the Godavery.

↩

Text, ba ikbar, as if it were a place, but probably it only means “gathering together.”

↩

The Iqbālnāma says, he went out on a foraging expedition. He belonged to the Sayyids of Bārha. See B. 452.

↩

Sa'ādat K. is probably the person mentioned in B. 478 and note, who afterwards entered Akbar's service. Shaikh M'arūf may be the Ṣadr of Bhakkar (B. 471). He was in the caravan, and fought his way out.

↩

Cf. Firishta who says the inhabitants, men and women, were stripped naked.

↩

Firishta says, a Persian in the Moghul army gave information of the mine to the garrison, and so they destroyed it, without the besiegers knowing that this had been done.

↩

Dīgar roz.

↩

Khāfī K.'s account of the siege is unusually detailed, and he does justice to the heroism of Chānd Bībī.

↩

The text is not quite intelligible to me. Chalmers translates: “At this time also a blind man appeared at the court who undertook to tell all things that should be asked of him.” The author of the Iqbālnāma refers to the incident and says he saw the man, but the precise nature of the marvel is left by him obscure. The text has ba dū dast-u-baghal sakhan sarāīde. Lit. “He spoke with two hands and with his armpit”! The Iqbālnāma has “placing his hands under his armpit.” According to Vullers this is a phrase for standing quietly, and not moving.

↩

An obscure clause, beginning u lakhte badān sū is left untranslated.

↩

Bhakkar in text, but the variant Maḥkar is right: see J. II. 237.

↩

Ilam gaẕr, perhaps the Ailum of Elphinstone I. 129. Or it may be a ferry on the Kabul river as Shah-Alam is another name for that river.

↩

B. 523. He was a Khatrī.

↩

Eight miles south of Bālāpūr, and now in ruins. B. XXII. note. Bālāpūr is in Berār. I.G.I. 458. See also J. II. 229.

↩

This letter is the first in the letters (Inshā) of A. F., though in point of time it is not the first letter to 'Abdullāh K. The letter also appears in Gladwin's Classic Selections I. Calcutta 1828.

↩

Wāḥdat-i-irādī. The word wāḥ dat is used both to express Unit and Unitarianism.

↩

According to Bāyazīd Biyāt (I.O. MS. 216, p. 59a) Akbar changed the name of these mountains from Hindu-kush to Hindu Koh in 994 (1586), but it would appear from this letter that 'Abdullah used the term in his letter, and it is not likely that he would borrow it from Akbar.

↩

I am indebted to the commentator whose notes are given in the Newal Kishor edition of the Inshā for an explanation of this passage. Evidently 'Abdullah K. had read Akbar a lecture about friendship and pacific dispositions, and Akbar replies by hinting that such remarks were unnecessary as he had always been peaceful. The remarks therefore should rather have emanated from him (Akbar).

↩

I am not sure if I have understood this sentence. But I think that the recurrence of the word bādī seems to show that the clause refers to Abdullah. “I should have begun the subject, but as you have done so, then I beg to draw your attention to the following acts of mine.” The pronoun mā “our” in the tenth line does not occur in the I.O. MSS. or in the Lucknow ed., and is, I think, wrong. The Lucknow commentator says, wādī in the phrase bādē-īn wādī refers to the path of peace, and it may be that it refers to this as well as to “the subject” of 'Abdullāh's remarks. I have taken ān wālā qadr to mean 'Abdullāh, but possibly it refers to the princes of past times who trod the path of peace. I.O. MS. 236 has bāshand and I.O. MS. 275 has bāshad, and lower down Akbar refers to 'Abdullah as “ān wālā shaukat.”

↩

This is put in because naturally Shāhrukh would have preferred a cold country.

↩

The word nīz occurs in the MSS. though not in the text. Possibly the word khallaṭ has to be taken here in the sense of confusion.

↩

Akbar did not abandon Lahore for Agra till the 43rd year of his reign and after 'Abdullāh's death.

↩

Qaran. Here it means a period of thirty years, the letter having been written shortly after the completion of the fortieth year. The reference to the dawning of the morning of fortune, etc., seems to be to the circumstance that the letter was written in the early spring.

↩

'Abdullāh's letter is very long. As it has already been published (in part) in Mrs. Beveridge's translation of the Life of Akbar (Vol. II, page 227), the reader is referred to that book from page 228 line 6 to page 231.

↩

Son of Khwājah 'Abd-ul-bārī. B. 512.

↩

This is a rather mysterious paragraph, and there are different readings. Instead of khilwat kada-i-dānish I.O. MS. 236 has khilwat kada-i-uns, “the privy-chamber of friendship,” and instead of farmūdabudand it has farmūdand.

↩

It would seem from B. 345 that Akbar objected to the marriage, because the Prince was already married to Zain K.'s niece. Akbar objected to marriages between near relations. It appears from Saiyid Aḥmad's Aṣār Ṣanādīd, p. 48 of Lucknow ed. of 1895, that the lady was known by the name of Khāṣ Maḥal, and that she was alive in Shāh Jahan's reign in 1042, 1632-33.

↩

Text Kedā.

↩

B. 407, etc.

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The text has ramān, but it should be zanān. The words are ramānakhāra, For akhāra see J. III. 258. The word means a palaestra or theatre. The Iqbālnāma has “singing and playing girls.”

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See about deer-fights. B. 218. The Iqbālnāma puts the occurrence into the 40th year and says it occurred on a moonlight night. Cf. B. 221 and 212 about nocturnal combats. The special night for such sport was the 14th of the Muḥammadan month, i.e. the full-moon night, and the 18th Amardād, 1596, corresponded to about the middle of Ẕī-l-ḥajjah 1004. Faiẓī Sirhindī, Elliot VI. 131, says the occurrence was on 15 Ẕī-l-q'ada. This was 1004, and corresponds to 1 July, 1596; Faiẓī (Elliot VI. 131) seems to put the occurrence into the 39th year, 1002, but this is an error, as is also the use of the words stag-hunt. In the original Faiẓī speaks of a deer-fight. The word “night” shab, does not occur on the text, but it is in the B.M. MS. 27,247 and in the I.O. MS. 236, and so I have inserted it, especially as it is supported by the statement in the Iqbālnāma.

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Az dūr naẓẓāragī. But perhaps it should be az daur and the meaning be that the spectators sate round in a circle.

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Text āsīb-i-āftāba. Āftāba means a water-bottle and surely can have no application here. On referring to B.M. MS. 27,247 and to I.O. MS. 236 it appears to me that the true reading is āfatā or āfatāna, and that the ba, if there be such a letter, belongs to the word rasīd. Āfat is an Arabic word meaning a calamity, and āfatāna might be formed from it. Or the word may be uftā, falling or occurring. Possibly, however, āftāba is A.F.'s euphemism for the urethra.

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B. 543. The Iqbālnāma calls him S. Bihīnāi (?) and refers to Hansur's afterwards receiving the title of Muqarrab K. See B. 543, and Tūzuk J. 12, etc.

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That is, from 18 Amardād to 7 Mihr on which day Akbar bathed, this being always considered by the orientals as the day of recovery.

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Rent-free. B. 268.

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Cf. Elliot VI. 94. The word “rice” is used there, but the word is not birinj, but ba-ranj. The famine seems to have been a very severe one and to have even led to cannibalism. See Elliot id. 193. The extract there given speaks of its lasting 3 or 4 years. The Iqbālnāma, writing of the 40th year, says it lasted for six months and that many persons died of hunger. It certainly lasted longer than that in some places for it was very bad in Kashmīr in 1597 when Xavier and Benedict Goes visited that country along with Akbar in the summer.

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Near Kabul. For Takhta Beg see B. 469.

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Though this word properly means archery, it probably here stands for skirmishers. See Irvine's A. of M. 226 and 91. See also Timur's Institutes, p. 389.

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That is, the Godavery. But there is also a tributary of the Godavery known as Penganga.

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Ṣādiq's son, says the Iqbālnāma. See B. 357.

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Text Aḥasan. I follow the Iqbālnāma.

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The Iqbālnāma seems to make it the enemy's right wing that fled, but this does not seem to be correct.

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I think this must refer to the ship that was previously built. See ante.

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The Maaṯir calls her Bābā, not Bābū as in B. 333. Āghā: I.O. MS. 236 has Pāpā Āghā. We know that Shihābu-d-dīn was related to Māham Anaga. Apparently he was her son-in-law, and Māmā Āghā may have been her daughter.

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Text dast-i-mubārik, “his blessed arm,” but the word mubārik does not occur in the MSS.

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Cf. Gait's Koc kings of Kāmarūpa, J.A.S.B. for 1893, p. 284, and Blochmann's contributions. In the Āīn, J. II. 117, it is said that the ruler of Kūc has 1,000 horse and 100,000 infantry.

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B.M. MSS. 27247 and Or. 1116 have 500 years, and the Lucknow ed. has 15! The B.M. MSS. also have a different reading after the word Jalpesh, to the effect that Jalpesh or Jales is the same as Mahādeo in India.

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Jales in text. See I.G. s.v. Jalpesh.

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Bashnu in text. The variant Bīsū is preferable. See the story in Gait, l.c. 284, who writes the name as Bīsū. The Gaur Pāsha referred to at pp. 291 and 297 seems to be 'Īsā K. and not Dāūd.

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So A. F. says, but the local authorities say that Shukl-gosain or Sukladhvaj was the younger brother and had the title of Sīraraī. A. F.'s words might be taken to mean that it was Shukl-gosain who married and had a son, but probably this is not the meaning. The Pātkumar was Raghū Deva. Perhaps we should read babuzurg and translate “he showed to his elder brother a desire to marry, and the latter consented. The B.M. MSS. and the I.O. 236 call the son Lacmī Narain. Māl Gosain seems to be another name for Narain. With reference to the suggestion above about A. F.'s meaning, it should be observed that the words used are “khwāhish-i-kankhudāī namūd,” and that these words are used at p. 732, line eleven, to mean that another person should do a thing, e.g. Prince Salīm invited, khwāhish namūd, Ganga Rīshī to visit Akbar.

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Suwāra, but B.M. MS. 27247 has dar suwārī in an equipage and Or. 1116 has suwārī.

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The Vamsāvali says, the Kūc Bihar chief gave his daughter to Akbar. A. F. does not expressly say that the sister was given in marriage to Mān Singh, and would a Rājput marry a Koch?

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See B. 358 where it is said that the servant complained of Rai Rai Singh. The text, however, does not, I think, say this nor does the Ma. aṯar II. 152.

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See Irvine, A. of M., pp. 5, 6; and B. 238. As Shahrukh's extra troopers were half the number of his manṣab he belonged to the second class of the 5,000 division. The jagirs were taken away from Shahbāz as a punishment for misbehaviour at Aḥmadnagar.

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Text Khankār, but it really is the famous Rāna Pratāp or Kīkā of Udaipūr. Tod says nothing about Umrā's poisoning his father, and the story is probably quite untrue. The Iqbālnāma also refers to the story. It gives his name as Rānā Kīkā. Perhaps Khankār is Kahnkār “the old Rānā.”

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The 'iẓāfat in text after shorush is wrong.

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It would be better sense if the meaning were, both sides doubted if they were victorious, and perhaps the words of the original will bear this meaning.

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Rām Chand was a Chohān, and not a Deccanī, so it could not be his own house that he was taken to. There is a notice of him in Maaṯir U. II. 138.

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Daryā sū gām bardāshtand. Professor Dowson, Elliot's History of India, VI. 96, has made one word of sū and gām and calls the river—the Sūgām. But I do not find this river in Hyderabad, and I think that gām bardīshtand means “they hurried,” literally “lifted their places.” Blochmann, p. 336, says, Ferishta has “near Sūpā” but the leading account of the battle of Āshtī is in Ferishta's description of Akbar's 41st year, and I do not find Sūpā mentioned there.
H. B.

Daryā sū = Sū-i-Daryā = towards the river. (A. SUHRAWARDY, Phil. Secy.).

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Text gaurān, but the word should be kūrān. The story of the elephants and the blind men is a well-known apothegm, and is told in Mill's History of India. A. F.'s account of the battle should be compared with Ferishta and Faizī Sirhindī. The battle lasted two days. The account in Noer's Akbar II, trans. II. 337 et seq., should be consulted. A. F. evidently has said as little as he could about the Khānkhānān's victory. It was Suhail the Abyssinian who commanded the Deccanīs on the 2nd day, and it was his being wounded which decided the day. See B. 336. I do not know the source of the story about Daulat K.

Ferishta's account is that the imperialists broke the treaty that had been made on the retreat from Aḥmadnagar by plundering Pātrī and other places outside of Birār. On this account Suhail, who was 'Ādil Shāh of Bījapūr's general and was returning from Aḥmadnagar— whither he had gone to help Chand Bībī—attacked the Moguls and fought the great battle of Ashtī. On the first day he was victorious, but on the second he was defeated by the Khān-khānān. After this Murād and his guardian Ṣādiq wanted the Khān-khānan to proceed against Aḥmadnagar. He objected on the ground that it was necessary to take other forts. They complained to Akbar and he recalled him, but afterwards was fain to reappoint him.

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Text has 'ashratnāma, a letter of rejoicing, but I.O. MS. 236 has 'ashratmaya which is more probable.

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Apparently, the allusion is to Tibet as the fragrant land of musk.

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The author of the Iqbālnāma praises him for his abilities, but says he was unequalled for hypocrisy and trickery.

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Ṭanābī = ṭanbī. See Vullers and Bihar 'Ajam s.v. Apparently, the ṭanābī was a large, temporary building open on all sides (Elliot VII, 204). The Iqbālnāma calls it bāngāh. The Jesuit fathers have the word “tentorium,” and describe it as belonging to Prince Selīm. They say the fire extended from it to the Palace, and destroyed brick-buildings and Akbar's throne.

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The fire is described by Faiẓī Sirhindī. He says it began on Sunday 17 Shābān at one watch of the day remaining (26 March 1597) in the great tents in the courtyard. The farāshes were atop, and flung themselves down. Akbar was then, according to custom, visiting Khwājāgī Faṭh Ullah. Maclagan, J.A.S.B. for 1896, says the Jesuits' account is that the fire came from heaven. But the Annual Letter for 1597 (Naples 1607), which seems to be the General's source, does not say what was the origin of the fire, though there is a reference to the Divine Providence. The words, for which I am indebted to my brother, are—“Cum sacro resurgentis Christi die in area quaeest ante Regiam, magnâ procerum manu stipatus inambularet, repentino incendio, Principis filii tentorium, quod pretiosissimâ gazâ instructum juxta Regiam obtendabatur, correptum est.” Easter Day, 1597, seems to have been on 6 April whereas A. F. seems to give the date of 26 or 27 March. Perhaps a difference of styles explains the discrepancy. General Maclagan says the bad news that came was of Murād's defeat at Aḥmadnagar, but the original letter does not mention Murād, and his repulse belongs to the 40th year, up to February 1596, or more than a year before the fire. What the letter must refer to is the bloody battle, called a victory by A. F., of Ashtī of 27 January 1597 in which Rajah 'Ālī K. and many distinguished officers were slain. A. F. refers to the fire as “rue” sipand, meaning that it was a means of averting the evil eye. Faiẓī Sirhindī speaks of the fire as lasting two days and a night. He speaks of it as a very great fire and says nothing like it had occurred before except once when in M. Kāmrān's time a fire was caused by the anger of a darvesh. Here it may be noted that Maclagan speaks of the church at Lahore's having been opened in September 1597, but what the letter says is that Divine service was held in it four years previously, viz. on 7 September, 1593.

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That is, before removing his capital to Agra.

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About 1 April, 1597. Xavier and Benedict Goes must have left after Akbar, for Xavier says they left Lahore on 13 May.

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Faiẓī Sirhindī describes this garden. Akbar had it made by Khwājahgī Muḥammad Ḥusain.

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The meaning is that he should reverse the process, and when he finds a man to be of high character he should presume him to be of noble lineage, and not infer from high birth, nobility of character.

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The passage is very obscure.

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Cf. J. II. 37. “Refrain from the use of oaths.” Perhaps saugand “oath” is here used in the sense of ordeal. See A.N. III. 672 (text), line 11.

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That is, instead of learning from your own mistakes, do so from those of others.

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I have inserted the conjunction because it occurs in the I.O. MSS. and in the Cawnpore edition. The passage is illustrated by the remark at p. 736, line 10, to the effect that rulers should first of all make inquiries about the dispositions of their sons and intimates (nazdīkān), as people are slow to complain against them.

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Cf. Jarrett II. 38. “In every affair he should associate several who are unknown to each other,” etc.

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Called Ziya-ud-dīn by Badayūnī, Lowe 123. See B. 457 at p. 204. Lowe, Badayūnī, calls him Ẓiya-ullah.

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Text ◌ ghorīzāda, which may mean “one born in low estate.” The Iqbālnāma seems to have “az mardam gharībī” “of poor people.”

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The Raghū Rai of Mr. Gait's paper (J.A.S.B. for 1893), and Raghū Deva of the Hayagrīva temple-incription, Gait 295.

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The 6th Khurdād is called Jashn. The Iqbālnāma seems to take the word as meaning a feast and says Akbar's weighment took place on this day, but apparently this is a mistake.

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Apparently this was not the affray between the Prince's servants and Fatḥ Ullah, but something that had occurred previously.

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Khwajagī Fatḥ Ullah was Bakhshī, see B. 499 and 528, and the Iqbālnāma says he was placed by Akbar on the top of the Bhimbar Pass and told to let nobody through without orders, the object being to prevent men crowding into Kashmīr and the consequent occurrence of a famine. In executing these orders an affray occurred and one of Salīm's servants was killed. But apparently this occurred after the Prince had fallen into disgrace for some unexplained cause.

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Apparently Salīm and A. F. were sent back to the charge of their respective divisions.

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The Iqbālnāma has Tarwārī, the ruler of Rājpipla, and says Moẓaffar left in his charge a son and two daughters. Bahadūr lived into Jahangir's reign and died a natural death in 1614. Elliott VI. 340, Tuzuk J. translation, 274.

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This is the name of a place, but I do not find the name in Stein or elsewhere. The Iqbālnāma has Jamālnagarī as the name of a place, and it is mentioned as such by Faiẓī Sirhindī who says Akbar arrived there on the 17th (Shāwal). He adds that many men suffered from asthma here. Perhaps it is the burned city of Narapūra referred to by Stein, p. 172, J.A.S.B. Akbarnagar may have been built on the Cakradhara “Uḍar.”

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The Vijayesvara or Vijabror of Stein. It is a famous place of pilgrimage.

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I think this is the famous fountain of Acebal or Acabal which A. F. in Āīn, J. II. 358, calls Achh Dal. See Stein, J.A.S.B. for 1899, p. 99.

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Martand or Matan. See Stein, J.A.S.B. for 1899, pp. 176, 177, where Matsyabhavna, i.e. abode of fish, is given as one of its names. The place is famous for its temple of the Sun. J.II.358. Faiẓī Sirhindī describes Macī Bhawan.

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Kanbal the port of Islāmābād, the Khanabal of Stein.

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Banpūr in text.

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So in text ◌. I.O. MS. 236 has ◌. Apparently it is the Amaresvara of Stein 164, N.N.W. of Srīnagar, now Ambarhar, but it may be Amartabhavana, Stein id.

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The Haraparvat and the hill Sārikā of Stein, pp. 147, 148, the Harī Parbat or “Fort Hill” of the I.G. The hill is on the northern outskirts of the city and about 250 feet high, and crowned by the fort. The date given in the I.G. is wrong. The wall was built in 1597 apparently and the Fort still later according to Stein. At all events the stone buildings of the Fort appear to have been erected in 1597, though evidently something had been done in M. Yūsuf K.'s time, and we find from p. 618 that Ḥusain Beg and Qāẓī 'Alī took refuge in the fort of Nāgarnagar in July 1592.

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Perhaps it means “low-born” or it may mean “untimely born” and be connected with ghaura. See Badayūni's II. 379 where the word ghaura, an immature grape, is used with reference to Murād.

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Text har dū “of both,” but the I.O. MSS. have har dih and I think that the reading must be har dih or har dīh and not har dū. Evidently Chalmers also read har dih for he translates “to read all the documents of each village.” The two bitikeīs were appointed to be a check on one another, or in order to get through the work, but I dont think they were to make out two sets of papers, and the khām kāghaz must, I think, have been the settlement-papers already drawn up, and not those which the two accountants were to prepare.

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Farmāndihī. Here I suppose it would mean the fief-holder to whom Government had transferred its rights.

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The word “three” does not occur in text nor in the MSS. In text the words are hamwāra toda nām bar nihand. I.O. MS. 236 and Mr. Irvine's MS. have būda for toda and perhaps this is the true reading. I have inserted the word “three” because I think that the passage is explained by p. 570, Vol. I, of the Āīn, Jarrett's translation II. 366. The lit. translation of that passage seems to be, “Though they from of old used the name of one-third share, yet they took more than two-thirds. H.M.'s justice has made it one-half.” Jarret translates, “Although one-third had been for a long time past the nominal share of the State, more than two shares was actually taken, but through His Majesty's justice, it has been reduced to one-half.” Gladwin's translation is to the same effect. If būda be the true reading, then the meaning would seem to be, “Though they professed to go by ‘actuals’ yet they wanted to take even the one-third of the husbandman when nothing had been produced.” Perhaps hamwāra does not mean here “continually” but “even, equal,” and the translation of hamwāra tūda should be “equal heaps.” The author of the Iqbālnāma avoids going into particulars, and says it was Abul Faẓl who, under orders from Akbar, put matters to rights. Apparently the settlement in force in the 42nd year was the one made by Āṣaf K. in the 39th year. See ante, p. 661. A.N. III. 548, and B. 346, and Maaṯar I. 110 should be consulted. Blochmann has made a curious slip. He says, p. 411, Āṣaf K. only stayed three days in Kashmīr. He could not have made a settlement in that time, and what A. F. says, A.N. III. 661, line nine, is that Āṣaf made the journey from Kashmīr to Lahore in three days. Āṣaf was made governor of Kashmīr in the 42nd year: see infra, p. 732.

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From the accounts of Xavier and others it appears that the famine was very severe.

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Text basān-i-sābiq, but the MSS. have basān-i-māl.

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A. F., as usual, writes obscurely. Fortunately the passage is elucidated by the account of the saffron-cultivation in the Āīn, B. 84, and J. II. 357. See also Elliot VI. 375, the Tūzuk Jahangīrī 315, and the Iqbālnāma Jahangīrī, 168. It would appear from Jahāngīr's account that the practice of paying for the labour in cleaning the saffron by barter, viz. by salt, was still in force in his time. After the words khushk z'afrān we have the words u tarah ◌ which I do not understand. I.O. MS. 236 seems to have ṭazhā buds, and I have adopted this. But what we should expect to find would be khāliṣ “pure” which occurs in the Āīn, B. 84. I now suggest the Arabic word watarat instead of utarah. This would mean choicest (saffron). At p. 734 A.F. says that owing to Akbar's abolition of forced labour two sīrs of dried saffron were obtained from seven or eight traks instead of from eleven or thirteen as formerly. Possibly the text is wrongly punctuated, and the hyphen or stop should come after jahānbāni rā. The sentence would then be, the case of the Government-share of the saffron is an instance of this. The saffron, etc.

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In Lake Wular, J. II. 364. It is described by Xavier in a letter published by L. de Dieu.

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Or perhaps, conveyed an angry message from the Shāhinshāh.

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Cf. B. 280. It was a model.

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Bāndhū is now in the Rewah State, and is the Bāndhogarh of I.G. VI. 358. Apparently, it was regarded in A. F.'s time as belonging to Panna State. See also B. 407, 469, and Elliot IV. 463 n. A minor, Bikramajīt by name, had taken possession of the fort. See I.G. XXI. 281, and also VI. 359. Can the local legend about Akbars, having been born at Bāndhogarh be connected with his alleged re-birth at Allahabad?

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. Quzaḥ is an angel who presides over the clouds. The third pahār must mean the third watch of the night for A. F. goes on to say that it was a nocturnal phenomenon and depending on the moon.

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An author who lived in the time of Timur and who is called Taftāzānī from his birth-place. See Beale s.v. Taftāzānī and D'Herbelot s.v. Takhtazānī. He died in 1390. As he was born in 1322 he was about 40 when he saw the lunar rainbow.

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Faizī Sirhindī says the halo was seen round the sun at midday on 10 Zī-l-ḥajja, the day of the 'Id Qorbān.

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Wazaqī. Text wrongly has waraq.

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Evidently this is the Sāngah Punwār (Powār) of the Āin, B. 526. The text has Banwār.

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See ante, p. 556.

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B. 506. He was a son of Qoresh Sulṭān and nephew of Muḥammad K.

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The Iqbālnāma adds the title Shīrāzī to his name. The letter which Akbar wrote on this occasion appears in the first book of the Inshā. The name, in the Newalkishore ed., is Fattā Ḥā as in text, and he is described as being a merchant and as wishing to go to China. The questions in the text are inserted in the letter.

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See J. II. 17, and Akbar's fīrmān about reckoning from the increase of the moon.

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The text has ferāz-i-koh kishtī. But B.M. MS. Add. 27247 has u kishtī “and boats” which makes better sense.

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Katarabū; and is mentioned as a Dacca estate by Mr. Douglas in a report of 26 May 1790. See my history of Bākarganj, p. 417. App.

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J. II. 363. It is there described as bordering on Great Tibet.

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