ARRIVAL OF H.M. AT THE CAPITAL.
The achievements and success of the great ones of the realm and 39 religion and of the spiritual and material rulers are bound up with a right intention and a proper behaviour, the chief point of which is the seeking after the well-pleasing of God. The differences in the grades of mankind are connected with these two great characteristics. Whoever possesses these two qualities in a higher degree, becomes more and more prosperous, and his sacred personality becomes a source of great deeds. God be praised! Those two great qualities, which are the stock of realm and religion, exist in the sacred elements of the Shāhinshāh in a quantity and quality which exceed imagination, and which few of the great men of old times have attained to. Why then speak of leaders of the present time? Hence it is that he is perpetually successful in a special manner. His success in realm and religion makes him submissive to the incomparable Deity and gracious the humble. Just as his fortune increases, so his graciousness becomes greater. At this glorious time when such a vast country had been conquered in a short time, he with a thousand supplications to God arrived at Fatḥpūr the capital on the day of Dībādīn 23 Khirdād, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday 2 Ṣafar (3 June 1573). All the grades of mankind were exalted by doing homage, and their eyes and hearts were gratified by beholding him. Shaikh Mubārak the honoured father of this distracted one of the society of being (A. F.), who spent his days in retirement and devotion, and had a wonderful association with the lord of the world, and who, though in appearance he was little acquainted with H.M., yet always kept his heart full of light by his loyalty to that unique one of the age, and held high rank with him for purity and devotion, came to welcome him and to offer his congratulations. He represented that though the general public were presenting their felicitations to the lord of the world, yet what was now being shed upon his faithful heart from the unseen world was as follows: “Let that lord55a of the universe of blessing announce to the loyal and sincere that God, the Bestower of the World, hath on account of the abundance of our56a right thoughts and right actions bestowed upon us56b such a great boon and sublime blessing (viz., the holy personality of H.M.), in order that by his wide capacity and good administration of the outer world he may become the Primate (Peshwā) of the spiritual kingdom, and it is for this purpose that such glorious victories have been unveiled.” The great appreciator was much pleased by this wondrous congratulation, and dismissed that holy eremite with reverence. He often called the weighty announcement to mind and referred to it with his holy lips.
40 Also during this happy time the great officers came to court from the provinces, and attained their desires. Among them was Ḥusain Qulī Khān, the governor of Lahore, who came with many officers of that province to do homage. He brought Mas'aūd Ḥusain M. and all the prisoners, who had fallen into his hands in the battle, wrapped up in cowhides56c from which the horns had not been removed; and thereby excited great joy at court. The merciful Khedive pardoned their wickedness and immediately ordered that they should be set free from such a dress. For correction and from kindness he ordered that each of them should be made over to some place so that the real character of each might be ascertained.56d
Also at this time Kūār Mān Singh and other officers came by 40 way of Idar and were exalted by doing homage. The short account of this victorious army is that when it came to the borders of Dūngarpūr, the zamindar thereof behaved presumptuously and prepared for war. The brave troops punished that seditious one and killed a great number, and plundered his country. Darveshak, one of the officers of the victorious army, was killed. From there the army went, in accordance with the orders of the King who protects the obedient and punishes the criminal, to Udaipūr which is the native country of the Rānā. The Rānā came out to welcome them, and received him with respect and put on the royal khil'at. He brought Mān Singh to his house as his guest, but owing to his evil nature he proceeded to make excuses57a (about going to court), alleging that “his well-wishers would not suffer him to go.” He made promises about going to the sublime court, but raised objections, and gave Mān Singh leave to depart, while he himself stayed and procrastinated. Also at this time Ḥusain Qulī Khān was exalted by the title of Khān Jahān. Each of the officers who had done good service was rewarded with glorious favours. The throne-occupier sate on the masnad of appreciation and distributed rewards. He adorned the Sultanate with justice, and made justice glorious by grace and gifts. He adorned the heavens by praise, the earth by civilization, the age by tranquillity, the palace by decoration, and man by exaltation, and exerted himself to elevate every one in his degree. He shed light by suitable regulations, and joined spiritual to material sway!
One of the dominion-increasing events of this time was that the Shāhinshāh addressed himself to the conquest of Bihar and Bengal, because the peasantry were suffering from the dominion of the evil Afghans. The Khān 'Aālm, Ashraf Khān, M'uīnu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, Qāsim 'Alī Khān, Mīrzā 'Alī, and a number of other officers were sent off to the eastern provinces. An order was issued to Mun'im Khān Khān Khānān to the effect that “when the sublime standards were engaged in purifying and sanctifying the country of Gujarat, the faithful servant (Mun'im) had recognised the circumstances of 41 the time, and chosen the path of discretion and delay. Now when by our dominion and fortune our throne has been made illustrious by our justice, it is right that on receiving this missive you proceed to conquer that country and to chasten the erring and seditious.” Though the loyal officers who held fiefs in those parts were, by the favour of God, sufficient, yet as the more they were, the easier the task would be, many others were appointed, and from excellent foresight Rajah Todar Mal was sent to Mun'im Khān in order that he might impress upon him many of the rules of conquest which had been imparted to him (by Akbar). He was also to inquire into the capabilities and harmony of the officers and to report thereon to H.M. For if they had the energy for world-conquest, there was hope that the country would soon come into the possession of the imperial servants. Otherwise it would be necessary for H.M. to proceed there in person. The Rajah went there quickly and returned and reported that there was abundance of troops and that the officers were of one accord, and had sincere intentions and lofty aspirations. Accordingly the mind of H.M. was set at rest.
THE EXPEDITION OF THE SHĀHINSHĀH FOR THE SECOND TIME TO
GUJARAT, AND HIS RETURN WITH VICTORY.
Though in the eyes of the superficial many things are the cause of joy to the envious and those of narrow capacity, yet in fact, they are the beginnings of increased dominion and the vanguard of brilliant fortune. They are at once the key of hope and peace, and the bolt upon sedition, and both the material of increased loyalty, and the leaven of destruction for the hypocritical. Of this nature was the commotion which now arose in Gujarat, to quell which the world's Khedive went there in person. The brief account of this instructive occurrence is that when H.M. the Shāhinshāh dismissed the Khān A'aẓam M. Koka and went on to the capital, the latter, as he knew that Ikhtīyār-il-mulk had raised the head of sedition in Īdar in conjunction with Rai Narain, the zamindar thereof, and that the sons of Sher Khān Fūlādī had joined him, in order not to delay the affairs of the State, went off straight to that province without going to Aḥmadābād. Mīrzā Muqīm,59a who had a fief there, left it on account of the predominance of those evil conspirators, and joined himself to him.
The Khān A'aẓam was in the act of extirpating that crew when 42 the dust of Muḥammad Husain59b M.'s strife rose up again. The brief account of this is that Muḥammad Ḥusain M. heard in the territory of Daulatābād in the Deccan of H.M.'s proceeding to the capital, and came to Surat and stirred up commotion. Qulīj Khān shut himself up and attended to the defence of the fort. The Mīrzā left that place and came to Broach which he took owing to the unfaithfulness of Quṭbu-d-dīn's servants. From there he went to Cambay and also got possession of that place without a battle owing to the carelessness of Ḥasan59c Khān (Khazāncī) who came away to Aḥmadabad. The Khān A'aẓam sent Saiyid Ḥāmīd, Saiyid Bahāu-d-dīn, Shaikh Muḥammad of Monghyr and a number of others to assist Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān. Just then Ikhtiyār-al-mulk and the body of men who were in the defiles of the hill-country acquired strength60a and came forward. The Khān A'aẓam took protection in a strong place and stayed there. The rebels could not venture to attack him. They considered, “How long will he stay there? What advantage will he reap from it? Our course is to attack Aḥmadabad. If the Khān A'aẓam come out of that stronghold we shall fight him and perhaps we shall succeed. If he does not come out we shall get possession of Aḥmadabad.” With this evil intention they marched out. At the end of the day the Khān A'aẓam, when he heard of the march of the enemy, proceeded rapidly towards Aḥmadabad. As the day was near its close the enemy could not oppose him, and Khān A'aẓam without halting during the night entered the city at dawn. On the same night Muḥammad Ḥusain M. passed close by after his defeat at Cambay and some baggage was captured by him. As he was in a miserable plight, he passed along at a distance from the Khān A'aẓam's army, and joined Ikhtiyār al-mulk and the sons of Sher Khān Fūlādī. The account of this mysterious boon is that Quṭbu-d-din Khān, Saiyid Ḥāmid Bokhāri, Naurang Khān and a number of the servants of the Khān A'aẓam came to Cambay. That wretch, though he had few men, exceeded his powers of resistance, but was utterly defeated. Saiyid Bahāu-d-dīn displayed great bravery and offered up his life. The officers regarded his defeat as a great boon and did not address themselves to pursuing him. If they had exerted themselves a little, the scoundrel would have been caught.
In fine, when he had joined that inauspicious crew, he was very earnest that they should hasten to Aḥmadabad. The Gujratīs made long speeches and debated the matter for three days. This was owing to the good fortune of the Shāhinshāh, and the Khān A'aẓam employed this respite in strengthening the ways of ingress and egress. The Cambay officers also arrived, and after some more days those ill-fated and presumptuous men arrived in the neighbourhood of Aḥmadabad. Though the army was such that if they had given battle, the imperial servants would have been victorious, yet as the Khān A'aẓam had not confidence in his own men or in those of Quṭbu-d-dīn 43 Khān, he did not engage. At the time of bidding him adieu the far-sighted Khedive had advised him that if by heaven's decree the seditious should gather together, and there should be a hot disturbance, he should be very cautious about giving battle. He observed this fortune-increasing advice. One day Fāẓil Khān (son of the Khān Kilān) came out near the Khānpūr gate, and sought for a combatant, when a body of the enemy fell upon him, and as soon as they attacked his men, they fled, and Fāẓil Khān was severely wounded. When he came inside of the city he expired. Sulṭan Khwāja61a got separated from his horse and fell into the ditch. They fastened a basket and pulled him by a rope. But as by heaven's arrangement they were all agreed that they could not with their troops give battle, the Khān A'aẓam sent a report to the Sublime Threshold along with Sulṭan Khwāja, in which he described the state of affairs and asked for assistance, moral and physical, from the Shāhinshāh. When the Khwāja arrived at court and the facts of the rising of the dust of commotion were shown to H.M., inasmuch as that mine of manliness and ocean of kindness was exceedingly fond of M. Koka, his world-conquering genius determined that he would make an expedition in person and go post towards that country. As from shortness of time there was not an opportunity for the men's making arrangements for this great enterprise, he opened the door of the treasury and poured abundant money into the laps of his servants in presents and in assistance. And the sacred harem was set off along with many of the faithful officers, such as Shujā'at Khān, Raja Bhagwant Dās, Saiyid Maḥmūd Bārha, and Rai Rām Singh. He also exclaimed with his holy tongue, “Though in observance of appearances I am arranging for the despatch of men, yet it has flashed on my interior that no one will arrive before me.” The Khān-jahān and S'aīd Khān and many of the Panjab officers were dismissed in order that they might arrange for the defence of that province. But he took from among them as his own companions M. Yūsuf62a Khān and Makhṣūṣ62b Khān, and an order was issued that Moẓaffar Khān should take the Malwa officers, and proceed rapidly to Gujrat, and that Kuar Mānsingh should collect the fief-holders of Kachhīwārah, and hasten to come (to Akbar). Rajah Bihārī Mal, Rajah Todar Mal, Shaikh Ibrāhīm, Ḥakīm-al-mulk, Shaikh Aḥmad and many of the loyal were left in charge of the princes and of the capital.
44 When his holy mind was at rest about the arrangements, he on the day of Ābān 10 Shahrīyūr, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 24 Rabi'-al-ākhīr, 23 August 1573, mounted on a swift and softly-going she-camel.62c
“A camel62d
and taking the reins of victory in his hand, and with the help of the strong cable of reliance upon God, proceeded on the long journey to Gujrat. The loyal officers, and his special intimates accompanied him—some on swift she-camels, and some on fiery-hoofed horses. When a watch of the night had passed, he for the relief of the loyal halted in the town of Toda.62e In the morning he again started under the guidance of an auspicious star, and early in the morning of Monday reached the stage of Hans Maḥal, and there halted for a while. From there he hastened on still faster, and after a watch of the night had passed he reached M'uizzābād.62f On that day many of the followers had not the strength of body to keep up with him. He also felt some heaviness in his limbs, but in spite of that, after midnight he got upon a chariot and proceeded on rapidly.
The chariot goes swift as a cloud,
Like as Patience departs from lovers,
From the rapid going outside and inside
The echo reaches the southern63a sky (?)
An order was given that if from being overpowered by sleep he should order them to drive slowly they were to regard such an order as unheard and go on as fast as before. The servants obeyed this order and drove on. At last at breakfast time on Tuesday they reached the bounteous spot of Ajmīr.63b H.M. visited the glorious shrine and paid reverence to his God. He sought aid from the holy spirit of the Khwāja and distributed gifts to the attendants on the shrine. Thereafter he alighted at the palace which he had erected in that city and took repose there. At the close of that day he mounted on horseback63c and went on rapidly, and on the morning of Wednesday he was joined63d in the district of Mirtha63e by Shāh Qulī Khān Muḥram, Saiyid Maḥmud Khān Bārha, Muḥammad Qulī Khān Toqbāī, who belonged to the advance-army but had halted. He halted for a while and then moved on. A watch of the day had passed when the town of Jītāran was illuminated by the Shāhinshāh's advent, and a watch of the day remained when he again went on. At the end of the day his joyous spirit was inclined to hunt. Just then a black buck showed itself, and H.M. said, “If a swift cīta catch this deer it will be 45 a sign that Muḥammad Ḥusain M. will come into our hands.” With this idea he loosed the cīta, and the deer was caught, and the prey of joy came into the net. At midnight Sojat (in Jodhpūr) was reached, and he rested till the dawn of Thursday. When it became light he got upon the saddle, and at the time of mounting it was told him that the holy harem and the advance-army were in the town of Pālī (Jodhpūr). He ordered that his attendants should pursue their journey while he with a few of his special intimates proceeded to Pālī. When he had gone a little way he learned that the report was false. He turned back from there and resumed his proper course. At the end of the day when the attendants had halted in the vicinity of the town of Bhagwānpūr, and were much distressed at being excluded from service and the delay in the arrival of the loyal standards, the Khedive of the world appeared and shed his light upon them. They were all cheered and there were general rejoicings. H.M. wished to go on to Gujrat by way of Sirohī, as that was somewhat the shorter route, but his well-wishers begged that he would go by Jālaur. Their motive was that there were many evil characters on the former and that H.M. had few men with him. Perhaps their commotion might hinder his advance. H.M. did not accept this advice, as his foot was firmly fixed in reliance upon God, and his heart linked to secret favours. The scout Shugūna was ordered to conduct the cortège by the route of Sirohī. The well-meaning ones when they saw that the following of their suggestion was hopeless, intrigued with Shugūna and arranged that he should give out the road as leading to Sirohī, but should really go to Jālaur. With this intent they set out in the beginning of the night. The guide made a mistake and they came into a forest full of mud. The loyalists were somewhat distressed and many of the retinue got separated. Apparently this was a punishment for their opposition. At the end of the night they came to a village, and learnt that it was one of the dependencies of Jālaur, and that they were on their way to Jālaur. H.M. grew angry and halted there for a time. In the morning of Friday he pushed on. A tiger appeared on the left hand, and Saif Khān Koka and Mīrzāda 'Alī Khān prepared to hunt it. H.M. said, “Friends, swear by the dust of the holy feet that you will not go after this, seeing that we have another object in view. It is no gain to our work that we should knowingly and intentionally undertake such an affair as this. Perchance some injury might ensue. More- 46 over the experienced men of India have settled that it is a good omen if a tiger or such-like appear on the left, and they do not kill it.” By these kind words he restrained those tiger-hearts from tiger-hunting and went on. When they had gone on a little way, they learned that the army of fortune which had been previously despatched had gone by this road. Shāhbāz Khān was ordered to bring on the retinue slowly, while H.M. went ahead with a few followers.
When the standards of fortune reached the district of Jālaur there arose a sound of drums, and it appeared that this came from the advance-army. Two watches of the day had passed when they reached Jālaur. The great officers were exalted by making the prostration. An order was given that the commanders of the camp should take each one of H.M.'s companions to their quarters and show them hospitality. He himself entered for a while the harem. Then he came out and gave an opportunity for kornish (salutation). He ordered the horse-dealers who had come with the camp to be produced with their stables. They received suitable prices, and swift-coursers were distributed to many persons. An order was given that Shāhbāz Khān and Kamāl Khān of Jālaur should accompany the camp and that the other officers should proceed along with H.M. When half of the night had passed, he mounted a swift horse and went on rapidly till midday on Saturday. After that he halted in Pattanwāl.65a He saw the moon65b of Jamāda-al-awwal in that pleasant spot and enjoyed himself for a while and then went on. And so rapidly did he proceed that till the end of Sunday he did not repose (lit., saw repose in unrepose). On the eve of Monday he reached the town of Dīsa which is twenty kos from Pattan. Shāh 'Alī Langā,65c who governed there on the behalf of the Khān Kilān, from misunderstanding thought it was a foreign army and shut the fort-gate. When he learned the truth, he became fortunate by doing homage. The opinion of all the officers was that H.M. should hasten to Pattan, and stay there one day so that the brave men who had fallen behind might come up. H.M.'s opinion was that there was no necessity to go to Pattan, or even to inform the Khān Kilān and others who were 47 there. Possibly they might on account of the length of their service put obstacles in the way of the rapid movement of the imperial retinue, and the report of its arrival might reach the enemy, and he might in consequence retire. Many encouraging words fell from his lips. By the efforts and importunities of the intimate courtiers it was determined that H.M. should leave Pattan on one side and go on towards Gujrat, (i.e., apparently Aḥmadabad the capital), while one of the swift goers should go and bring the Pattan army. Khwāja Ghīāṯu-d-dīn 'Alī Āṣaf Khān was sent off for this purpose. The world's lord went on with the army of fortune at midnight. At breakfast time on Monday he reached the territory of Bālīsāna66a which is five kos from Pattan. Just then the Khān Kilān with his army and Wazīr Khān, Shāh Fakhru-d-dīn, Ṭaiyib Khān, Khangār66b and other officers were exalted by doing homage. They had been appointed out of foresight before the commotion had occurred, and as the road was dangerous they had out of precaution halted in Pattan.
At this stage the conquering troops were arranged in order. Mīrzā Khān, Shujā'at Khān, Saiyid Maḥmūd Khān Bārha, Ṣādiq Khān, and a number of heroes were in the centre, which is the station of the special qūr,66c the right wing was held by the Khān Kilān and other brave men; Wazīr Khān and a number of courageous men of note were appointed to the left wing; Muḥammad Qulī Khān Toqbāī, Tarkhān Dīwāna, and others were in the vanguard. The far-seeing mind of the Shāhinshāh arranged that he himself and a band of devoted loyalists should form the reserve. There were about one hundred horsemen in attendance on him, each of whom was a match for thousands.
The lance of each was a flame which melted cuirasses
The sword of each a borer which pierced rocks
At once the bow of Rustum, and the arrow of Ārash67a
All were deer for swiftness, and tiger-hunters
All were perfect in their services
All were alert in their obediences.
At the end of Monday H.M. set out from the town of Bālīsāna (qu. Mesāna?). Shugūna, who was the special scout, was ordered to go quickly to Aḥmadabad, to inform the garrison of the coming of the victorious troops, and to bid them prepare for battle. When the troops came near, the Aḥmadabad army was to come out and join them.
H.M. rode on all night, and when part of the day had elapsed he arrived at the village of Cotāna which is a dependency of Karī.67b There it was learnt that a number of the enemy under the command of Rāoliyā,67c a servant of Sher Khān Fūlādī, had strengthened the fort,67d and were prepared for battle. Apparently the wretches 48 thought that the Khān Kilān had sent a body of troops from Pattan against Karī. They therefore came out and drew up in battle array. At the same moment H.M. gave the order to a body of troops belonging to the victorious army to advance and rouse those insolent wretches from their neglectful sleep. In a moment they killed a large number of them, and the others fled inside the fort. They were preparing to take the fort when the standards of fortune arrived and halted in the city bazaar. H.M. summoned the experienced officers and asked what was the proper thing now that the enemy had entered the fort. A party who were overcome by rashuess, and were inconsiderate represented that the proper thing to do was to advance after having taken the fort. That unique pearl of wisdom and experience said that there would be no advantage in taking this petty fort, and that all their efforts should be devoted to getting hold of the rebels of Gujrat. If they paid attention to the taking of this fort, the task might be drawn out to some days. In this event the enemy would hear of the arrival of H.M. and withdraw themselves, and it was clear that the fort would be taken without difficulty by the imperial troops which were approaching. Just then a bullet struck one of the soldiers who was standing near H.M., and the man lost his courage and displayed cowardice. When the matter was inquired into it was found that the bullet had passed through his clothes and been spent (sard shuda būd). It was the neighbourhood of the holy personality that made it innocuous.
On the fateful day the spear rends the coat of mail
But does not pierce the tunic of the undoomed.
At last they all agreed to what H.M. had said. They left the fort and went on. When they had gone two kos H.M. ordered a halt in order to refresh the troops. Next night M. Yūsuf Khān, Qāsim Khān and a number of the officers who were coming up in the rear, arrived with torches. The garrison of the fort believed them to be the special army of H.M. and came out of the fort and went off without a battle. So the idea of H.M. was confirmed. At dawn on Wednesday the army marched on in the order that had been arranged.
When H.M. arrived within three kos of Aḥmadabad, Āṣaf Khān was sent off quickly to that metropolis to tell that by the Divine aid the shadow of justice was being cast upon the inhabitants, and that it was fitting that the officers should with thankful hearts and loyal 49 service join the august retinue. The names of the officers who in this rapid march accompanied H.M. are as follows:—
1. M. Khān, heir of Bairām Khān.
2. Saif Khān Koka.3. Zain Khān Koka.
4. Ḥusain Khwāja 'Abdullah Khān.
5. Jagannāth.
6. Rai Sāl.
7. Jaimal.
8. Jagmal Patwār.
9. Khwāja Ghīāṯu-d-dīn 'Alī Āsaf Khān.
10. Rajah Bīr Bar.
11. Rajah Dīp Cānd.
12. Mīr Ghīāsu-d-dīn 'Alī Naqīb Khān.
13. Muḥammad69a Zamān.
14. Bahādur Khān.
15. Mān Singh Darbārī.
16. Saiyid Khwāja.
17. Shaikh Abdu-r-raḥīm.
18. Rām Dās Kachwāha.
19. Rām Cānd.
20. Bāhādur Khān qūrdār.
21. Sānwal Dās.
22. Jādūn Kaith Darbārī.
23. Sarkh Badakhshī.
24. Dawār Bahāla.
25. Har Dās.
26. Tāra Cānd Khwāṣ.
27. La'l Kalānwat.69b
When the standards of fortune came near the enemy H.M. turned his attention towards putting on and bestowing cuirasses. One of the instructive occurrences was that Jaimal, the son of Rūpsī, came into the Presence wearing a heavy cuirass (bagtar). That gracious one felt for him and ordered that a cuirass should be given him from his private store, and presented his cuirass to Karn, the grandson of Māldeo, who was without one. When Jaimal showed himself to Rūpsi the latter asked him about the cuirass,—as he had confidence in it,—and when he learned what had happened, he, out of the enmity which he had with the Māldeo family, and on account of the goodness of the cuirass, and from his want of spirit, sent a person to demand the cuirass. The messenger from his want of sense forgot discretion and delivered the message. The lord of horizons from his width of capacity did not regard his shameful conduct and said, “We gave in exchange for it one of our own special cuirasses. Your remark is not courteous.” Rūpsī in his folly took off his cuirass and made his body bare. That mountain of calmness and moderation who might have ordered the chastisement of that infatuated one, understood what to do and took off his own armour (saying), “Since our servants have resolved on going into this battle which will test men's mettle, without armour, it would not agree with valour that we should go armed.” When Rajah Bhagwān Dās heard of Rūpsī's70a misconduct, he gave him salutary advice and poured vinegar into the cup of his intoxicated head. He bitterly reproached him and brought him to repentance and apologies. He flung forward the head of shame and hastened to the Presence. Rajah Bhagwān represented that Rūpsī had been eating 50 bang (bhāng) and begged for mercy. The gracious Khedive accepted his petition and overlooked the fault. From there he moved forward in proper order. On this march he mounted the horse Nūr Baiẓā (white light), Rajah Bhagwān Dās congratulated him on the victory of Gujrat and said, “Three signs of success have appeared, each one of which is in the opinion of the experienced men of India an omen of victory. First.—At such time as this70b you have mounted your horse. Second.—A favourable wind is blowing from behind the victorious army. Third.—A great number of crows and kites are keeping us company.” His representation was approved of, and many of those present had their hearts rejoiced.
THE ARRIVAL OF THE SHAHINSHĀH AT AḤMADĀBĀD, THE UPLIFTING OF
THE BANNERS OF CONQUEST, AND THE VICTORY OVER
MUḤAMMAD ḤUSAIN M.
Though72a the final issue of actions and the solution of difficulties throw flashes of light on the mysterious purposes of God, yet the acute and active-minded—who by the blessing of God and the efforts of their own genius have struck out a way into the hidden chamber of destiny, and who have thus attained to some acquaintance with the secrets of Existence—are well aware that the success of religious and temporal ends and the unveiling of the virgins of desires, spiritual or physical, depend upon right intention, just thinking and suitable action. Especially is this so with regard to the designs of high-born rulers. Fortune raises many walls of hindrance in front of their purposes, but whenever the auspicious and felicitous look upon the multiplicity of their affairs as material for increasing their prudence and appreciate the lofty dignity of Kingship, and understand the various grades of humanity and make use of them and so become adorners of the world; and when they regard the beautifying of external conditions as the ordering of the spiritual world, and do not, like the superficial, consider secular work as opposed to and exclusive of the spiritual world, but recognise that the well-ordering of outward matters is the choicest form of worshipping the Creator of the world, assuredly will the Managers of the eternal world grant in the most complete manner the accomplishment of whatever they shall undertake. Glorious deeds, such as human strength is insufficient for, and which the world's comprehension cannot grasp, will be effected in the briefest space of time. Nay, even things which such princes have not wished for, and which have not found the way to their illustrious minds, will be clothed by the Originators of the world of production in the most splendid robes of being! At the present day these lofty qualities, the stuff of vast success, exist in the holy personality of the Shahinshāh to a degree which needs not the encomia of adorners of sentences, and which is greater than human reason can conceive. Hence it is that the increase in the God-given dominion of this sublime lord, and the accomplishment (lit., the face-showing) of the designs of him whom God hath magnified are beyond the petty scope of human intellect. Though I know that the ill-conditioned and short-sighted regard these prolegomena of praise as the panegyrics of con- 51 ventional encomiasts, yet, as in this book of fortune I have the noble and hard-to-be-attained title of a pure heart, the evil glance of those purblind eyes makes no stain on the temple-verge of my soul. He who is far-seeing and a friend of inquiry and a foe of hypocrisy will perceive, if he properly consider the record of the Shahinshāh, achievements which is inscribed on the rolls of the Age, that what this spectator of the congeries of existence is writing down is a drop from the ocean and a mote from the desert! Especially is this so in regard to this marvellous campaign which is fitted to embellish the masterpieces of great princes!
To make a long story short, the world's lord being possessed of a right intention, an upright mind, supreme confidence in God, and a lofty courage, and also because by giving even a slight attention to the matter, 300 or 400 first-rate troopers could be collected in a short space of time, accomplished in nine73a days such a long journey—which caravans take two or three months to effect—accompanied by a few followers, and having encountered more than 20,000 rebels, he gained a victory over them on the day of Bahrām 20 Shahriyūr, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday 5 Jamāda-al-awwal (2 September, 1573). The account of this wondrous affair briefly is that when the royal standards came near the enemy, and there was no sign of the army of Gujrat, some of those who had the right of audience suggested that a night-attack should be made. H.M. did not approve of this suggestion as it savoured of deception.
A night-attack is the trade of cowards
It is disdained by heroes.
He relied upon the Divine aid and proceeded to battle. Orders were given for sounding the kettle-drums and for blowing the trumpets.
A noise came from the flute of war
The drums made a noise in the world.
The rebels had been confident in their numbers and had pressed on the siege. They were expecting the coming of Sher Khān Fūlādī. When the sublime cavalcade came near the Sābarmatī the order was given that the troops should be drawn up in order and should cross the river. The officers were expecting the army of Gujrat and hesitated to advance. At this time about three hundred horse, who had come from Sarkēc, showed themselves, and H.M. ordered the special musketeers such as Sālbāhan, Qādir 'Alī, Ranjīt and others of the seldom-missing splitters of hairs to fire at them. The latter fled to 52 their entrenchments. The noise of trumpets and drums resounded. Some of the enemy thought it was Sher Khān Fūlādī who was coming, while others were certain that it was Khān Kalān coming from Pattan to help the Khān A'aẓim. Muḥammad Ḥusain M. was astonished at the uproar and went out in person to get intelligence. Subḥān Qulī Turk and some of the loyal heroes had come a little in advance of the troops to the riverbank and were inquiring into the position of the enemy. The Mīrzā raised his voice and asked who the troops were. Subḥān Qulī Turk, with the idea of inspiring dread into the enemy and of causing division among them, replied, “O ignorant one, behold H.M. the Shāhinshāh in person with a large army, why do you stand still, and why do you ask, be quick and lead away this doomed force.” Though the Mīrzā's heart was moved by the royal majesty, which is a ray of Divine glory, yet as the garment of his fate had been woven in black, he rejoined, “O brother, are you frightening me, and are you speaking from your own knowledge? If the fact be really so, show me a sign of the royal elephants, and of the great army. What speech is this that you have uttered? The truth is that our couriers left the king in Fatḥpūr fourteen days ago.” Subḥān Qulī replied, “The king has made this long march in nine days and has arrived with his devoted followers.” When the ill-fated one heard this and became convinced of its truth he hastened to his own camp, and proceeded to arrange forces. When H.M. learnt that the enemy was ignorant of his arrival, he, in his abundant manliness and generosity in war, halted for some time until the swift scouts announced that the enemy were putting on their cuirasses and drawing up in line. Thereupon the order was given for crossing the river. Though the energetic exerted themselves to bring up the Khān Kalān they were not successful and represented that the enemy were numerous, and that it was advisable to remain on this side of the river till the army of Gujrat arrived. H.M. said, “In all enterprises and especially in this expedition all my reliance is on the Divine aid. If I had looked to ordinary means I ought not to have come this long journey so unattended. Now that the enemy are stationary and preparing for battle, what propriety is there in standing still in expectancy.” As superficiality and the consideration of ways and means influenced those heroes, they delayed the crossing of the river and restrained the Shāhinshāh by stratagem. When that royal cavalier of the battlefield which tests men perceived the disposition of those timid ones who did not consider primary causes, 53 the ocean of his terrible majesty boiled over. By the inspiration of his fortune he separated himself from the companionship of those surface-viewers, and relying on the Divine help plunged into that swollen river along with his special followers who always kept by him.
Once more he entered upon vengeance
He urged on his swift steed
The sparks from the horses' hoofs lighted up the soil
He came to the river and the fishes' eyes were burnt
Death became the partner of his spear
The mouth of the crocodile of evil was opened.
The putting his horse to the river, and the finding bottom occurred at the same time, and this caused joy to the exoteric, and also was a foretaste of the delight of conquest. At this time he called for his helmet which he had taken off and made over to the Rajah Dīb Cand76a to hold in his hand and bring along with him. The Rajah produced it, but in the hurry of the advance he had let the nosepiece76b of the helmet fall into the road. H.M. said, “It is a good omen for our front (peshgāh)76c has been made clear.” He then announced to them that there would be victory. Just then one of the active heroes produced before H.M. the head of a rebel. That too was an omen of victory. The king moved on with his faithful followers and when the great officers saw this they dropped the thread of calculation and began to cross the river.
The Mīrzā from his ill-fatedness came out to fight with his benefactor and the king of the age. He appointed Walī Khān, the son of Jajhār Khān Ḥabshī—whom the justice of the Shāhinshāh had capitally punished in the first expedition to Gujrat—the leader of his right wing, and assigned to him a number of Abyssinians and Gujrātīs. Muḥammad Khān, the son of Sher Khān Fūlādī, with a large body of Afghans was stationed on the left wing. Shāh Mīrzā and many Badakhshīs and men of Transoxiana whose brains and bones had been nourished76d by faithlessness to their salt, were taken to the battlefield by the Mīrzā in person. With an evil striving he addressed himself to his own undoing, and engaged the spiritual and temporal lord. H.M. had come to a high ground one kos from the river and was considering the signs of victory when Āṣaf Khān came and did homage, and reported that M. Koka was not aware of the near approach of the standards of fortune, and that when the news of the Shāhinshāh's arrival reached him he thought it was a pleasantry of Mir Abū Turāb and the other loyalists of the country. After 54 many assurances he had been convinced of the fact, and now the army of Gujrat was drawn up and was in the point of coming out. He had not finished his story and the royal troops had not come up when the enemy appeared from among the trees. H.M. in reliance upon God proceeded to advance.
The Shāhinshāh eager for battle, on his steed
Like a fire raised high by the wind
There was a cuirass on his Cyrus-breast,
A fountain-head put in motion by the ocean
The eager heroes were immersed in their coats of mail
Hidden like fire in iron
Golden standards gleamed on every side—[sedition
They were lamps showing the road of death to the night of
Lions were careering rein upon rein
There were heart-piercing lances upon lances
The brave brandished their swords and cleft the ranks
They stirred up the earth to the centre (lit., navel).
Muḥammad Qulī Khān Toqbāī, Tarkhan Dīwāna and others of the alert heroes who were the marksmen of the centre and were stationed in the van, hastened forward and after a short contest turned back. That rock of firmness (Akbar) addressed Rajah Bhagwān Dās and said through him to all the troops that the enemy appear to be numerous, yet the favour of God towards this suppliant in the Divine Court is greater than man can conceive. It behoves our comrades to hold fast to the cable of the Divine favour, and not give place to perplexity or alarm. Let them be of one heart, one face, and one way, and, avoiding distraction, and dispersion, assail the doomed body of troops which carries red standards, for it appears that Muḥammad Ḥusain M. has made red standards the mark of his special force. None of our brave men must be immoderate in his valour. When we shall have disposed of the ringleaders in audacity, we shall easily get rid of the rest. He used many wise and encouraging words, and associated with each one of his troops an army from the Divine hosts.
Out of wisdon he constructed a loom77a
With knowledge for brocade, and speech for beautyThe warp he made78a of soul, and the woof of eloquence,
The dye he took from thought, and the broidery from sense.
55 In his presumptuousness Muḥammad Ḥusain M. separated from his army and came forward with a band of doomed wretches. Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram and Ḥusain Khān represented to H.M. that now was the time to attack in order that the presumptuous one should receive his punishment. He who knew the niceties of the banquet and the battlefield said, “Steadfast and far-seeing wisdom is ever the exhorter and guardian of mankind, and now on this day this priceless jewel must be tested. As yet the space (lit., the round of the ladder) (between the forces) is considerable. Ostensibly, we are a very small body, God forbid that by attacking from a distance our men should get dispersed. The work would not be done properly, nor their valour properly exhibited, and also we would be abandoning caution.” Also, as corporeal illustrations serve to instruct the superficial, he said, “If we close our hands and go to work with the clenched fist it is better than if we undertake a thing with the open hand.” After uttering those wise words he advanced rapidly but in a stately and scientific manner. The spectators learnt thereby the degrees of wisdom, and also understood the stages of courage, and with one accord each heart was a thousand. Sincerity was exalted, and practical wisdom was enlightened. Knowledge of God was also increased, and innate disposition was displayed. At length the royal forces78b also drew near; but their order and arrangement did not remain as before. Many of the faint-hearted who belonged to the right wing turned their reins when the fighting became a little hot. Just then, when the enemy had become near, and that tiger-hunting hero resolved to attack, Hāpā78c Cāran also cried out, “ 'Tis time to attack.” To say and to do were the same thing. The world's lord and his war-loving, devoted followers drew their swords and charged. The cries of Allah Akbar and of Yā Mūīn79a arose and pervaded time and space (zamān-u-zamīn).
The sword-points were like clouds dripping blood
The brightness of the swords overcame the heart79b of the cloud
The commotion fluttered the mind of Time
The ear of the sphere split with the uproar.
The majesty of the Divine halo which had seized the field of battle, did not suffer that there should be great contest. One or two swords-blows were exchanged, and then the men on the Shāhinshāh's right hand drove off the rebels. Muḥammad Ḥusain M. drove off the men on the king's left. Thinking the day was his, he halted after going some way and could see no trace of his own forces. For just then, the warriors of the right and left wings and some of the centre arrived and fought bravely.
One of the Divine helps, which are always in close attendance on the everlasting dominion, and at this time were especially con- 56 spicuous, was that Kahak bānhā79c (rockets), which are a kind of firework, were being discharged against the imperial army, though by the guardianship of the stewards of fate no harm ensued, and that one of them fell among the thorn-bushes and made such a noise that one of the enemy's most notable elephants got alarmed, and by his confusion produced a great rout among the foe. This was a help to the combatants of fortune. When H.M. had gone some way he drew rein in order to take stock of events. A strange state of matters displayed itself. The army of the centre had not yet arrived, and the other troops had driven off the reserve of the enemy. H.M. was standing alone on the battlefield, and engaged in combat. Except Tārā Cand and A'alam Khān, no other of his personal retinue was in attendance. Apparently the world-adorning God had impressed upon all the case of their own safety and had loosed the thread of the understanding of far-seeing loyalists. Otherwise it would have been fitting that so many loyal heroes should have guarded the holy personality, and have regarded their comradeship with H.M. as the most glorious form of Divine worship, and as the most urgent of the affairs of royalty! During this time of solitude—No, how shall I say solitude when the (mystic) armies were careering on his right and left?—it appeared that Muḥammad Ḥusain M. was engaged in fighting. Mān Singh80a Darbārī displayed valour in the presence of the Shāhinshāh and became victorious. Rāghū Dās Kachwāha, who had no armour, gave his life in H.M.'s presence, and Muḥammad Wafā, who among the loyal celhas80b (disciples) was a man of few words and many deeds, and one who did not sell his services, also displayed courage in the presence of the lord of the earth, and fell wounded from his horse. Karn, the grandson of Māl Deo, also distinguished himself in his presence.
The warriors waged such war
That hand80c and collar hung together
Blood and sweat were commingled
They80d inflamed the wounds with their teeth.
Though on this day all the royal servants did great deeds, yet these few (whom I have mentioned) though they did not know that H.M. was observing them, especially distinguished themselves.
In the midst of the contest one wretch attacked H.M. and struck his horse's head with his sword. The horse reared, but H.M. laid hold of the neck with his left hand and pushed him down. With 57 the spear in his right hand he so struck the wretch that the weapon pierced his armour and sunk into his body. H.M. was trying to extract the spear when its head broke off and the adversary fled. Another wretch then came up and aimed a blow with his sword at H.M.'s thigh. The real guardian (God) prevented any harm, and the villain fled before the Divine halo. He had gone a little way when another villain came and aimed his lance at H.M. The cela Gūjar disposed of him by wounding him with his spear. The Khedive of the world adorned the battlefield by his courage, and in the midst of such a crowd of villains, displayed valour which exceeded the masterpieces of ancient times.
The dragon-slaying hero with mace and arrow
The lion-throwing horseman and seizer of the brave
Wielder of the head-strewing dagger
Scatterer of the blood of the stiff-necked
Whiles he poured out blood, and whiles raised dust
Whiles he wounded elephants and whiles he killed men.
During this time the royal centre arrived with a thousand painful feelings because Surkh Badakhshī had wickedly and foolishly come before it wounded and brought bad news about H.M. When the glance of the lion-hearted sovereign fell upon this force he, from abundant foresight and a martial spirit, went towards it and cried out, “Brave men, come up quickly and dispose of these wretches.” Shujā'at K. and some others of the fortunate ones recognised the voice of that spiritual and temporal leader and galloped with a loose rein in order to put down the villains. They entirely drove off Muḥammad Ḥusain M. and all who were in that field of dishonour. Before this some of the distinguished men of the centre, such as Saiyid Maḥmūd Khān Bārha, Rai81a Raisingh, and Farḥat Khān had left the centre and given proof of valour. Owing to the genius and fortune of the Shāhinshāh the breezes of victory82a blew and the azure anemones blossomed. A great victory appeared—such as might be a proem to world-conquering victories. H.M. returned thanks to God and turning his reins slowly proceeded towards Aḥmadābād. He inquired about the combatants, and also investigated the cause of the delay incoming of M. Koka and the army of Gujrat. L'al Kalāwant82b represented that Saif Khān Kokaltāsh82c had devoted his life and gone to the other world. That mine of grace and fountain of appreciation was saddened by this catastrophe, but calmed himself and inquired minutely into the circumstances. At last it appeared that Saif K. had fought like Rustum in the first onset and had discomfited his adversary. 58 Two conspicuous wounds adorned his countenance. Saying “Ajmīrī, Ajmīrī”82d he was searching for the stirrup of the Shāhinshāh (i.e., was looking for Akbar). Ḥusain K. said “When I met him I congratulated him on his victory and on his wounds (lit., on the redness of his face) and then we separated.” It appeared that when Muḥammad Ḥusain M. with some of his vagabonds was contending on the battlefield, the Koka (Saif K.) came up to him and after displaying great courage departed to the holy land (i.e., died). From the time that he had failed to be present at the battle of Sarnāl he in his loyalty and devotion was continually calling for death. On that day the same wine effervesced in his faithful brain and made him throw himself singly against a host and so make the last journey. This nursling of wisdom regarded his life as coming from H.M. and was firm footed in his fidelity. His parents also regarded H.M. as the cause of the Divine gift (of a son).
The brief account of this instructive event is that his honoured mother always gave birth to daughters. His father was annoyed and used to make a disturbance. At the time when she was pregnant with this loyal servant, the father broke out and said, “If this time too a daughter comes, I shall never cohabit with you again.” That chaste one went to H.M. Miriam-makānī and described the reproach (that her husband had made), and asked permission to cause an abor tion so that she might be saved from such censures. On the way (back) she encountered the Shāhinshāh, and when he heard what had happened, he, though very young, said, “If you wish to retain our affection, you will not touch this matter. God will bestow upon you a son (farzand) of a happy star.” Though that chaste lady had obtained the permission of H.M. Miriam-makānī, she regarded the direction of the nursling of fortune as a mystic message, and abstained from her intention. What had proceeded from the lips of the Knower of mysteries came to pass.
At the time when that prince of the people of insight was in grief for the catastrophe, Zain K. Koka, younger brother of the departed, had done valiantly and laid low two of the enemy, and had picked up Subḥān Qulī Turk, who had been left on the battlefield. He was coming to kiss the feet (of Akbar) when he heard the news of his honoured brother's wounds. Distracted by affection he was going to assist him, when he found that there was another state of things (viz., that Saif was dead). He remained for a while sunk in grief and then was comforted by the loyal graciousness. By the royal order Abdu-r-Raḥmān,83a the son of Muyīd Beg was appointed to take charge of him in his distressed condition.
At this time when H.M. was distressed at the losing so faithful 59 a follower and at the delay in the arrival of M. Koka, news-bearers as a comfort to his ever vernal soul brought the good tidings that Muḥammad Husain M. had been captured by the imperial servants. He said “Were I to consider far-seeing prudence, I'd shed the blood of such an ingrate, and so get satisfaction for the catastrophe of the Koka.” But how could he do so when innate kindness and gentleness made him hesitate to loose the bond between his spirit and his body! Just then they brought that ingrate and nescient of the Truth into the presence. He had a wound in the face. When he had been wounded and had fled before the majestic light of the Shāhinshāh, and the onset of the heroes of the centre, his horse's feet came against thornbushes and fell. Gadā 'Alī, one of the royal champions, came up to him and said “Come, I'll take you out of this battlefield.” He consented, and Gadā 'Alī put him in front of himself on his horse and was taking him towards the presence. One of the servants of the Khān Kilān joined him as he was mounting him on his horse. When they brought him to the presence, both claimed the reward. Those standing by H.M. asked him what was the fact, and that ill-fated one, now that he had awoke from his dream of negligence, spoke the truth, viz., “The salt of the king of realm and religion captured me.” When that lord of gentleness saw the wretch in that condition, the ocean of his graciousness effervesced, and he gave an order that his hands which were tied behind his back should be released and fastened in front, and he made him over to Mān Singh Darbārī. Just then Shāh Madad, who was the Mīrzā's Koka, and a partner with him in disloyalty, was brought into the presence. H.M. pierced him with a spear which he had in his hand, and he at once descended to the depths of annihilation. It was stated in H.M.'s court that Bhūpat, the brother of Rajah Bhagwān Dās, had in the glorious battle of Sarnāl drunk the cup of death from this man's hand.
One of the wonderful kindnesses of the Shāhinshāh which showed itself at this time was that while he was standing and returning thanks to God, a disturbance and noise arose. On inquiry it appeared that Muḥammad Ḥusain M. was asking water from Mān Singh Darbārī. Farḥat Khān cela hearing this struck him on the head with his hands, and cried out—What warrant is there for giving water to such 60 a disloyalist and rebel? That fountain of grace and gentleness reproved Farḥat Khān when he heard of this, and called for his special supply of water and had it given to Muḥammad84a Ḥusain. The lightning of benevolence shone forth comprehensiveness had its market-day. Appreciation had its adornment. The standard of forgiveness and grace to sinners was heightened. The sublime jewel of his disposition became phosphorescent. The unique gem of liberality became glorious. The coin of humanity was tested. Redress was given on the field of battle. Deeds like this astonish the superficial who are confined in the bonds of what is ordinary, but the far-sighted who worship spiritualities and who have some acquaintance with H.M.'s noble qualities are not surprised at them. Rather they regard them as part of his natural disposition.
When by the Divine aid such wondrous things had come to pass, and M. Koka and the Gujrāt army had not arrived, and most of the day had been spent, H.M. advanced from where he had halted. Muḥammad Ḥusain M. was made over to Rai Rai Singh in order that he might put him on an elephant and convey him to the city. At this time, when many gallant men had retired and were resting after their labours and dangers, and about a hundred men were in attendance on H.M., suddenly a large force came in view, consisting of more than 5,000 men. Men were considering and conjecturing who they were. Many thought they were M. Koka and the army of Gujrāt, and some thought it was Shāh M., who had fled at the beginning of the fight and gone towards Maḥmūdābād. After a time H.M. ascertained it was the rebel Ikhtiyār-ul-mulk who was coming. Agitation sate on the brows of most of the retinue, some because they were anxious for the Shāhinshāh because he had few attendants, and others because they were timid. The rank-breaking sovereign, like a raging tiger who in the exuberance of his youth essays his force and fierceness, displayed wondrous exultation, and before disposing of the foe addressed himself to encouraging his companions.
A single person acting along with him
Needed not to fear a hundred thousand
When the pure God gave his (Akbar's) fortune
What fear of the enemy's soldiers remained?
He made ready for battle and mounted a world-traversing steed 61 and uttered lofty and inspiriting words. He gave orders for the beating of drums and the blowing of trumpets.86a The drummer was so alarmed that he could neither hear the sacred order, nor address himself to his work till he was brought to his senses by the menace of a spear, and began to beat his drum. Shujā'at Khān, Rājā Bhagwānt Dās, and some other brave men advanced a little way and proceeded to discharge arrows. H.M. said “Be not hasty, and await mystic victories for soon they will bring his head.” During this tumult he, at the instance of Rājā Bhagwānt Dās and Rai Rai Singh ordered that Muḥammad Ḥusain M., the foundation of the sedition, should be put to death. When Almighty God wills the dispatching of anyone to annihilation, what good will the kindness and grace of the Shāhinshāh do him? But it behoves the Unique One of creation—for whose designs the Divine goodness is surety— to be a fountain of grace, and a mine of kindness.
That force which showed such pomp, became more and more confused as it approached. Ikhtiyār-al-mulk separated from it and proceeded with a few others to withdraw himself rapidly from the whirlpool of destruction to the shore of safety. He struck upon the thorns and was thrown from his saddle to the ground. Sohrāb Turkman, who was one of the royal cavaliers, had made him his mark from a distance, and was following him. At this stumble he came up to him and lightened his shoulders of the burden of his head. On this occasion he was much agitated and died in an unmanly manner.
The detailed account of this wretch is that he engaged with a large force in besieging Aḥmadābād, and was a stumbling-block in the path of M. Koka, Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān, and others. When he heard of M. Muḥammad Ḥusain's capture and of the victory of H.M. he became confused and fled. What eyes of vision have the inwardly blind, and where have they the wisdom of heart to see the end of their design or to understand their own good. That ill-fated one passed with 200 men on H.M.'s right, while his large army and array of elephants went on the left of H.M. and threw the dust of defeat on their own heads. By the Divine aid a glorious victory displayed itself in the mirror of desire. A work of many thousands of years was accomplished in nine days, for most of the first day of leaving the capital was spent in bidding adieu to the servants of fortune's threshold, and the day of the victory, in the beginning of which H.M. halted, cannot be taken into account. On the field of battle there were counted 1,200 of the enemy as killed, and the wounded who died in the fields and meadows, and near the battlefield, were reckoned at 500. A similar number may be reckoned as that of those who were wounded and escaped half-dead. Time with the tongue of action (zabān-i-ḥāl) came rejoicing and uttered this strain of joy:—
By your Fortune, your enemies were, one by one
Cast by Time into enduring loss
Man killed one and heaven's avenging dagger
Cut the throat87a of one and reft another of house and home.
It would seem that this verse was a representation of what 62 happened to those wicked and rebellious brothers. Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. died in the custody of S'aīd Khān. Muḥammad Ḥusain M. became food for the blood-consuming sword at the banquet of the Shāhin shāh's wrath. Shāh Mīrzā threw the dust of disgrace on his head and became a desert-wandering vagabond. About one hundred of the victorious heroes of the royal army drank the sherbet of martyrdom. The chief of those devoted ones was Saif Khān Koka. Sohrāb, the cousin of Ṣādiq Khān, Rāghū Dās, and Timar 'Alī Jalāīr made over the coins of their lives to Death's treasurer.
When H.M.'s heart was set at rest by the instructive catastrophe of Ikhtiyār-al-mulk he proceeded onwards. A little of the day remained when another army was seen in battle array. The brave men advanced, and had nearly fought when Shaikh Muḥammad Ghaznavī went ahead and learnt that it was M. Koka! The imperial servants rejoiced, and H.M. the Shāhinshāh expressed his pleasure at the arrival of the Mīrzā. He embraced him in the manner that affectionate fathers embrace their loving sons. Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān and the other Gujrāt officers were exalted by doing homage, they asked how they could express their thanks for the saving of their lives. Just then Sohrāb brought the head of the bewildered one (Ikhtiyār-al-mulk) and was applauded by the imperial servants. H.M. prostrated himself in devotion to God, and what had passed from his lips had become fulfilled. As a lesson to the generality, an order was issued that a tower should be made of the heads of the rebels. At the end of the day H.M. reached Aḥmadābād, and the palaces of the Sultans of Gujrāt were glorified by his advent. Bulletins of victory were sent to various countries, and couriers carried the news to mortals. To Moẕaffar Khān and the officers of the province of 63 Mālwa, and to Rājā Mān Singh, there were sent rescripts to the effect that as a complete victory had been gained, and H.M. had decided upon returning, they should do homage in the capital. H.M. engaged in those delightful palaces in promoting the loyal servants, and in acts of liberality. He gave great gifts to everyone. High and low experienced his favour. M. Koka represented that some learned men and lofty recluses had plotted with the rebels. As in H.M.'s judgment they were found not to be implicated, they were treated with royal favours. Among them was S. Wajīhu-d-dīn88a who was famed for his knowledge of the rational and traditionary sciences, and who occupied himself with the rules of contentment, seclusion, and spiritual improvement. The Mīrzā represented that property of the rebels had been found in his house, and H.M. asked the Shaikh “What connection had you with such matters?” The Maulvī replied “Acquaintanceship and delicacy made me give them one of my houses.” As his honesty was evident, he was shielded from the evils of the time. Similarly, the sons of Mīr Ghīāṯ-ud-dīn Qādirī were brought in, as properties of Ikhtīyār-al-mulk were in their house. They also were preserved by the far-seeingness and kindness of the Khedive of the world. At this same time Shaikh Moẓaffar, a relative of Shaikh 'Abdu-n-nabī and who was the Ṣadr of Gujrāt, was produced. Before this he had been bastinadoed by the Mīrzā on account of greed and of his trying to take bribes. When he came before H.M. he experienced the shade of his benevolence and remained in safety. So also were many of the wounded rebels brought before H.M., and obtained safety from his kindness. After that he went to the houses of I'timād Khān Gujrāti and occupied himself in the work of administration. The oppressed obtained relief by his justice, and the ruined world flourished anew.
During the time that he was occupying the abode of I'timad Khān, Shujā'at89a Khān from constitutional folly advanced his foot beyond the mark of moderation and did foolishly. He used improper language with regard to Mun'im Khān. He did not regard the respect due to the sublime assembly, and transgressed the rules of the torah (etiquette or code) of the eternal monarchy. Whoever is not respectful to his superior and especially to the royal commander-in-chief is verbally censured by the sovereign, and this to noble minds is more severe than strokes with the glittering sword. 64 Accordingly he was fittingly rebuked and made over to Qāsim 'Alī Khān in order that he might be taken before the Khān-Khānān and be punished or forgiven by him as he thought proper. This treatment was not for himself only, but intended to be a lesson to all the foolish ones of the court. At the same time Quṭbu-d-din Khān, Naurang Khān and a body of troops were sent to the province of Broach, as Shāh M. had fled to that quarter, in order that they might seize him and inflict suitable punishment on him. Rajah Bhagwānt Dās, Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, Lashkar Khān and a number of other servants were dispatched in order that they might, by way of Idar, go to the territory of the Rānā (Pertāb of Udaipūr) and put down the factious ones of that country, and chastise properly every one who was disobedient. As before, the government of Pattan was given to the Khān Kilān. Dandūqa and Dūlqa and some other states were given in jagir to Wazīr Khān and he was sent to that country.
RETURN OF THE WORLD-CONQUERING STANDARDS TO THE CAPITAL.
When the administrative mind of the Shāhinshāh had disposed of the affairs of Gujrāt in the space of eleven days he proceeded towards the capital on the roz-i-roz, the 31st Shahrīyūr, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 16 Jumāda-alawal (13 September 1573). On that day he halted at Mahmūdābād.90a Next day he encamped at the town of Dūlqa. In this pleasant place he stayed one day. Here he conferred honours on M. Koka and after giving him sage instructions permitted him to depart. He also exalted Khwāja Ghīāṯu-d-dīn 'Alī90b of Qazwīn, Bakhshī, who was distinguished for good services and for eloquence and had done excellent work in this campaign, by the title of Āṣaf Khān and left him as Bakhshī of the province of Gujrāt, in order that he might act under H.M. Koka and assist in the work of administration. All the arrangements for Gujrāt were made at this station, and on the day of Ardībihisht 3 Mihr, Divine month, he proceeded rapidly towards the capital. In two marches he reached the town of Karī and from there arrived in two marches at Sathpūr.90c There he heard that the army which had been dispatched by way of Īdar under the command of Rajah Bhagwānt Dās had reached the town of Badḥnagar,90d and that Rāwālīā, the ghulām of Sher Khān 65 Fūlādī, who had strengthened Karī at the time when H.M. marched to Gujrāt, was now as formerly breathing the breath of defiance (in Badhnagar). Next day H.M. halted where he was, in order to see if he (Bhagwānt Dās) needed his assistance. When it appeared that the fort had been taken and that Rāwālīā, who had put on a jogi's dress, had been caught, H.M. proceeded on rapidly, and when he reached Sirohī he left Ṣādiq Khān there with some loyal followers in order that they might keep the peace there and repress the seditious. On the day of Sarosh 17 Mihr, Divine month, 27th September 1573, he alighted at Ajmir and visited the shrine of Khwāja M'uīnu-d-dīn. Those connected with the shrine, and others who were needy benefited by H.M.'s bounty. At the end of the next day an order was given that the main camp should proceed slowly, stage by stage, while he himself should hasten on like the wind. He travelled the rest of that day, the whole night and to the end of the next day, and arrived near Bakar.91a There Rajah Todar Mal who had been hastily summoned from the capital, had the bliss of doing homage. Then he was sent away in order that he might make the settlement of Gujrāt, etc. He was instructed to make a just settlement without regard to the covetous demands of men, and to send the statement to court so that the clerks might act according to it with reference to the soldiers and subjects.
In short, he halted for a little in the beginning of the evening at the village of Newata,91b where is the house of the Rām Dās Kacwāha,91c who performed the duties of service towards him. After midnight he again set out on his swift horse and arrived in the evening at Hans Maḥal. He did not halt there, but went on that night and the next day. On the Sunday he rested in the pargana of Toḍa. When a watch of the day remained he left it and after midnight reached Basāwar. There the Khwāja Jahān and Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, who had come from the capital to welcome him, did homage. They accompanied him on his onward journey and at dawn the town of Bajūna was reached. There he rested for a while. There an order was given that the victorious heroes who were in the retinue should take their spears or lances in their hands and so proceed to the capital. After 66 1 1/2 watches of the day of Bād the 22nd Mihr, Divine month, corresponding to Monday 8 Jumāda-l akhira (5 October 1573) he marched to the capital. On that day a great number of the officers and nobles hastened out to welcome him, and the country was full of high and low. H.M. reached Fatḥpūr when a watch of the day remained. Fresh water came into the canals, and the world became a flowing garden! Their highnesses the Begams and the princes and the secluded ladies were gladdened by seeing H.M. Largesses were bestowed. The eyes of those who longed were filled with light, and the hearts of those who waited were filled with eternal joy. By the Divine aid the march to this distant country (Gujrāt), its conquest, and pacification and return were accomplished in forty-three days.
Where is the brilliant writer who could fittingly describe the wonders of this instructive expedition? When the eye-witnesses were filled with amazement, how can hearers thereof describe it? The justice-distributing Khedive at such a time of success, and the display of such wondrous deeds, one of a thousand of which would have led many mighty men of yore into negligence and corporeal pleasures, behaved contrary to the disposition of his age and of mortals and became yet more discreet and more an adorner of the divan of justice and addressed himself to spiritual improvement. He enlightened the world by lofty principles and wise actions. The great men and the officers of the State came from various parts of the kingdom and did homage, and attained their desires. One month had not elapsed when Rajah Bhagwānt Dās came to court with the army which H.M. had sent by the way of Īdar. He had done good service and his reputation was increased. He brought Umrā, the son and heir of the Rānā,92a to do homage, and also Rāwāliyā, who had fallen into his hands at the taking of Badhnagar, and he (Bhagwānt) was encompassed with royal favours.
The brief account of the campaign of this victorious army is that it in a short space of time took the strong fort of Badhnagar and then proceeded towards Īdar. The Zamindār thereof, Narain Dās Rāthor,92b recognised the arrival of the imperial officers as a great honour and went forward to welcome them. He presented suitable gifts, and when the victorious army reached Gogānda,392c which was the Rānā's residence, Rānā Kīkā expressed shame and repentance for his past conduct and prolonged deficiency in service, and by way of submission came and visited Rajah Bhagwānt Dās. He also took him to his house and treated him with respect and hospitality. He sent along with him his son and heir, and represented that by his ill-fortune a feeling of desolation (tawaḥḥushī) had taken possession of him, and that now he presented his petition through the Rajah and was sending his son as a mark of obedience. When his desolate (or savage) heart should become soothed by the lapse of time, he too would come and do homage in person. After a little time Rajah Todar Mal also arrived from Gujrāt and did homage. He made over to the imperial archives a corrected settlement (jama' manaqqaḥ) of those territories. The Rānā visited him also on his way and displayed flattery and submissiveness.
One of the occurrences was the arrival of Moẓaffar Khān and his being promoted to the lofty office of vakīl. Though such an adorner of the throne of realm and religion requires not a vakīl, nor a Vizier, for his far-seeing capacity is responsible for all the duties of sovereignty, yet H.M. either in order to veil himself, or from humility before God, or in order to increase the dignity of loyal servants, from time to time makes over the duties of sovereignty to a courtier. Accordingly on this occasion he determined that the office of vakīl should again be entrusted to Moẓaffar Khān. From Gujrāt an order was issued that Moẓaffar Khān should be turned back from wherever he might be and should come and present himself when the victorious standards reached the capital. Moẓaffar Khān took with him Khāldīn Khān, Mīrak Khān Kolābī, Shāh Qulī Maimandī, Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn and others of the Mālwa army and proceeded towards Gujrāt. Near Ujjain he joined Rajah Mān Singh who was proceeding from Kaciwāra to Gujrāt. Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn Khawāfī93a says that two Seōrās (Jain ascetics) ascertained by means of astrology and stated that the army would shortly return. Moẓaffar Khān, in order to test them had kept them in a kind of arrest. At the town of Dhūb,93b which is a place between Malwa and Gujrāt, letters were received from Āṣaf 68 Khān and Qāsim 'Alī Sīstānī, to the effect that the good fortune of Shāhinshāh had made the conquest of Gujrāt, and that the seditious and rebellious had been cast from the height of presumption into the abyss of ruin. A firmān was also issued that the officers should stop at whatever place they had reached and prepare to proceed to the capital. Surprise was expressed at the acuteness of those two recluses. There were rejoicings at the good news of victory and the army proceeded to return. Mān Singh went to his fief and Moẓaffar Khān had not yet recruited himself at Sārangpūr when news came that the royal standards had reached the capital. Moẓaffar went off post haste and did homage on the day of Anīrān 30 Abān, Divine month. He was received with princely favours, and was appointed to the high position of Vakīl. He applied himself with ability to discharge his financial and political duties. When he took charge of his former duties, and by virtue of the Shāhinshāh's fortune did good services, his eye owing to his ill-fate lost sight of the glorious aid of the God-given fortune and regarded only itself. He began to quaff the sense-destroying wine of worldly success, and ascribed every administrative success to his own abilities. He appropriated to himself the management of external affairs, and because the world's lord had for reasons of policy conferred on him the title of Vakīl, the simpleton gradually came to consider himself fit for such an office, and his arrogance increased. He failed to comprehend the point of the Shāhinshāh's remissness and shutting of the eyes (lit. winking) and looked to himself and became self-confident. At last the question of branding (sakhn-i-dāgh i-sipāhī) came up and as he was drunk with the intoxication of presumption, and his understanding was coated with rust, he did not comprehend the matter and made foolish remarks.
The short account of this is: H.M.'s holy head was grieved to find that there were oppositions between masters and servants. For, low-natured and mercenary officers, who had no particle of sense or loyalty, were wont to consider that their own profit consisted in others' loss, and practised much injustice, indiscrimination and inappreciation. Consequently, servants on the occurrence of a slight contretemps cast the dust of infidelity on their heads and chose other masters. From darkness of intellect they did not apprehend the baseness of disloyalty. The masters and leaders too were overcome by cupidity and strove to gather wealth and neglected to preserve their honour. They always gave their servants little and bartered honour for silver and gold (dirham u dīnār). The world-adorning mind of the Shāhinshāh which had for the sake of preserving the veil, abandoned the distribution of degrees, and of pays and stipends—which is the first work of great rulers—resolved that he would remove this veil, and conduct these matters by the light of his own far-seeing intelligence. Accordingly, he promulgated the branding regulation, the 69 conversion of the imperial territories into crown-lands, and the fixing the grades of the officers of State. He decided that he would carry out all these measures in accordance with the steadiness, the services, the loyalty, disinterestedness and energy of the officers. As spiritual undertakings were always more important than external affairs, and as he did not find an interlocutor or an assistant who was fit for this matter, he on sundry occasions discussed the question with the intimate partakers of his holy entertainments. Rajah Todar Mal used to submit that it was a good idea which had entered his mind, and that it was owing to the general want of understanding among men that the thing had not occurred to them.95a Assuredly most of the soldiers would be loyal, and their zeal would be increased by this decision. But it was most probable that Mun'im K. and Moẓaffar K. would not approve of the plan.
When Moẓaffar K. became the transactor of business at the sublime Court, the proposition was laid before him, but he, from self-conceit and lack of understanding, showed reluctance to carry out the sacred regulations and fell out of favour.
SECOND EXPEDITION OF H.M.'S ARMY TO BENGAL AND BIHAR,
AND THE PUNISHMENT OF THE EVIL AND SEDITIOUS.
The totality of the firmly-based energy of the sovereign of our auspicious age is directed towards enabling the inhabitants, both great and small, of every country, to worship God in accordance with their capacities, and to make harmony between their outward and their inward condition, and to arrange that they do not extend the foot of propriety beyond their carpet, nor indulge in self-worship and self-exaltation. Rather may they rise somewhat higher than this stage and become disciplined, so that while not deserving the appellation of ignorant they may also not merit the description of being idle and foolish! In the case of every country to which the lord of the earth has led his armies, and of every tribe which has felt the shade of his world-conquering troops, his sole purpose has been to improve the condition of that country or to educate that tribe. Accordingly, during the time when Sulaimān Karārānī96a governed Bengal and Bihar, as he always remembered his position, and paid the respect of obedience, H.M. regarded such outward submission as if it was real obedience (lit. bought it at the price of real obedience), and so that tribe (the Afghans) sustained no injury from the victorious troops of the Shāhinshāh. And though he (Sulaimān) was on account of his secret wickedness liable to punishment in the ante-chamber of chastisement, yet as in the eyes of the wise man of the age (Akbar) external regularity is subsidiary to internal order and beauty, his outer garment 70 of (submission) was a means of saving the tribe. When he died, and the time came of ill-fated and intoxicated young men, who neglected to preserve outward appearances, and especially when the government of that country fell to Dāūd, the younger son of Sulaimān, the scarf of hypocrisy was rent, and he stretched his foot beyond his condition and became an element of disturbance in the country. Some account of this has already been given. The Shāhinshāh's genius applied itself to the disciplining of that tribe and to the improvement of the condition of the subjects. Though he (Dāūd) had been worthy of punishment before this time, yet in accordance with the canon of mighty sovereignty that great matters should be preferred to ordinary ones, this task, which was of an ordinary nature, remained behind the veil of postponement. Now that the mind of the world's Khedive was free of the rebels of Gujrāt, he turned his face towards the amendment of the eastern provinces, and the overthrow of the stiff-necked and presumptuous ones of those territories. As soon as he reached the capital he sent off Lashkar Khān Mir Bakhshī and Parmānand, a relation of Todar Mal, who had charge of the fleet, i.e., the war-boats containing the artillery and the men attached thereto, along with the fleet, and an urgent order was issued to the great officers and to holders of fiefs in that country that they should act harmoniously together and not deviate from the instructions of Mun'im Khān the Khān-Khānān.
One of the remarkable things in our lord's good fortune is that his opponents accomplish a work which the imperial servants could not effect by a hundred strivings. Accordingly, a new proof of this was given by Dāūd's putting to death Lūdī Khān. He was far-reaching in stratagems, and had a vigorous mind for plans, and was the rational spirit of the eastern provinces, and was helpful in promoting the cause of the Afghans. By help of the daily-increasing fortune of the Shāhinshāh he became opposed to Dāūd, who had been raised up by him. And it has already been described how Dāūd's killing his own cousin, the son of Tāj Khān, upset Lūdī's mind, and how Mun'im Khān escaped from his great danger. As he (Lūdī) had not effected a genuine relationship with eternal dominion (i.e., with Akbar), and in appearance he had quarrelled with his benefactor, all that wisdom97a of his became a hindrance to him, and the loyal Afghans turned away from him. Dāūd by the efforts of Qatlū, Gūjar, Shams Khān Mūsāzai, Ism'aīl Silāḥdār and others, strengthened Garhī, and opened his hands to distribute the treasure of Sulaimān. Those who were of little sense and of a fly-like disposition gathered around him, and Lūdī who presumed upon his own craft and experience and his foolish and vaunting acquaintances, became helpless and took shelter in the fort of Rhotās. Dāūd appointed a force against him and it arrived near Rhotās. As 71 Lūdī was helpless he turned to the sublime court, and asked help from Mun'im Khān. The Khān-Khānān sent Hāshim Khān, Tengrī Qulī Khān, Bārī Tāwācī-bāshī98a and Maulānā Maḥmūd Akhūnd with a force to assist him with sword and counsel. He also moved forward himself as possibly Lūdī would come and see him, and the affairs of Bengal and Bihār would be easily disposed of.
This state of affairs came to H.M.'s knowledge at the time he was at the capital, and he with the tongue of fulfilment gave out the good news of victory and conquest. H.M. gave some of his sublime attention to the facilitating of the conquest of that country. Though a numerous army had been nominated for this service, yet it is not every one who has such a nature that he performs his service equally well whether he is kept in sight or not. In order to stir up the feeble and those of a mercantile nature who reckon service without pay, and exertion without wages as their loss, and want prompt recompense, Rajah Todar Mal was appointed, who was distinguished for trustworthiness, reliability and favour with the Court. He was to see that the men came forward, and have them mustered98b so that the above-mentioned two classes of men might regard him as an observer, and not indulge in sloth or cantankerousness, as is their nature, and might regard the absent (i.e., Akbar) as present and perform their duties after the manner of loyal servants.
Mun'im Khān the Khān-Khānan had reached the bank of the Tirmohiní,98c which is the junction of the rivers Ganges, Jumna and Sarū, when Rajah Todar Mal arrived, and energetically set to work. In a short time a large army was collected. The command of it was distributed as follows: The centre was under the Khan-Khānān; Majnun Khān, Bābā Khān and others had charge of the right wing. Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās, Qīyā Khān, Ashraf Khān and others were in charge of the left wing. The Khan 'Ālam, Mīrzā 'Alī and others were with the vanguard. When the Rajah had mustered99a the army, Lashkar Khān and many of the Khān-Khānān's servants crossed the river. Niẓām who had a large force of Afghans, for there was a newly-constructed fort in front of the royal army, took to flight. At the same time letters came from Tengrī Qulī and the force that had gone forward with him, to the effect that Lūdī had dismissed them and reconciled himself with Dāūd, and was now ready for battle and had with him a numerous army. Though this news was a little perplexing to the superficial, the eternal fortune (of Akbar) rejoiced at it and regarded it as a means of conquest. Accordingly the mystery of this singular arrangement (manṣūba) was afterwards revealed.
In fine the wiles of Dāūd, who was under the tuition of Qatlū and Gūjar, led Lūdī out of the road. He sent a message (to Lūdi) saying, “You are in the place of Sulaimān, if on account of 72 love to this family you have become angry with me and gone off, you have done your duty, and I am not displeased with you. In every undertaking I seek assistance from you. At this time, when the sublime armies have come against me, do you also from the excellent good-will which you have always shown, gird up the loins of energy for battle; I make over to you the army, the treasure and the park of artillery.” After much talk a form of peace was, by the efforts of Gūjar, established between Dāūd and Lūdī. Dāūd soothed him and sent him in advance. After some days Lūdī in his ill-fortune came face to face with the victorious army, built a fort, and engaged in war. There were constantly fightings on the bank of the Sone, and the imperial servants were invariably successful. The brave men crossed the river and engaged in battle. One day a body of troops was sent across the river under the command of L'al Khān and sent against Jarāndakot.100a He acted with energy, and fourteen of the enemy's boats fell into his hands. Many of the rebels were killed, and L'al Khān's son gave up this unstable life in the service of his lord, and gained eternal fame. Just then the Afghans fell into confusion and there was a report that Lūdī Khan was killed.
The facts of this are that when Lūdī had been reassured and was carrying on the war with energy, Dāūd followed him up and arrived at the house of Jalāl Khān Gidhauriya (?).100b He sent a messenger to invite Lūdī, Kālū, and Phūl, who was Lūdī's vakīl, to come and see him, as he had various things to say. Lūdī went with all confidence, and Phūl with him, but Kālū did not go, saying that the invitation had not a good odour. At first Dāūd treated Lūdī with respect. After that he retired. Qatlū and others came and were about to arrest him. Lūdī's servant who had his (Lūdī's) sword, when he saw that there was going to be treachery, aimed a blow at Qatlū, and was himself cut to pieces. Lūdī was arrested, and a disturbance arose among the Afghans. All the officers agreed that he should be put to death. Dāūd asked him what he ought to do. He replied: “Do not injure me in my dignity and honour; now that at the instigation of short-sighted men I have fallen into this evil, the proper thing for me is that I obtain repose in the privy chamber of annihilation.” The wretches in their folly struck a blow at their own power by putting him and Phūl to death. It was one of the notes of God-given fortune that Lūdī should have been thus removed by the efforts of foes, when it would have been difficult to have got rid of him by a thousand plannings. Well-wishers conveyed 73 Ism'aīl, Lūdī's son, and who was very young, to the Khān-Khānan. The latter now crossed the Sone. From excessive caution, and owing to the plague of foolish prattlers, an easy task was made difficult. The killing of Lūdī had produced such a dissension among the enemy that if the imperial commanders had shown energy and resolution the work would have been finished quickly and easily. But as the disposal of this affair was reserved for a special time and for the advent of H.M., there occurred caution and delay instead of alacrity. The whole army put on their cuirasses and mounted their steeds, and Rajah Todar Mal, Lashkar Khān and 'Ītimād Khān the eunuch went forward and selected a site for a camp. The ground was made over to the men and in a short time a strong fort and a deep moat were constructed. After this fashion they followed the path of vigilance and caution up to the neigh bourhood of Patna.
Owing to the daily-increasing fortune of the Shāhinshāh, Dāūd with such an army and equipment went off in a cowardly fashion and shut himself up in the fort of Patna. With his own foot he imprisoned himself in the furnace of destruction! The imperial army arranged the batteries and invested the town. An account of the Divine assistances, and the details of the daily-increasing fortune of H.M. were written and sent to Court. These communications led to new thanksgiving. The Shāhinshah of horizons rejoiced mankind in Agra by princely favours and instructed them in Divine worship and in usages. He displayed wonders in the way of liberality and forgivenesses, and he also laboured strenuously for outward civilisation and spiritual advancement. Contrary to the practice of most princes of the age he paid his thanks to God by the tongue of deeds. He put foreign lands (wilāyat) in the same position as the Sultanate, and made the sitter in the dust and the sitter on the throne of equal consequence (hamsang).
One of the glorious characteristics of the Shāhinshāh, which was displayed at this time, was that when it was brought to his hearing that Saif101a Khān Kokaltāsh, who had attained the eternal world while displaying good service and loyalty, and also Shaikh Muḥammad Bokhārī, who in the first expedition to Gujrat had suffered noble martyrdom, had left large debts. Gifts from the Shāhinshāh's kindness lightened the obligations of those loyalists by paying all their heavy debts, and the distressful hearts of the creditors were comforted. Lofty words and sublime laws were continually issuing from that fountain of vision, and mine of eloquence. If examples thereof were recorded by a true pen, the simple-minded would undoubtedly accuse encomiasts of exaggeration. Though the holy soul of the Shāhinshāh be not defiled by the ordinary sciences and acquired 74 knowledge, yet as his sacred mind has received absolute light without any human intermediary or local associations, holy words come intuitively from that reservoir of abundance. Accordingly a few of those inspired utterances will be written in the conclusion of this noble volume.
Among102a them was that at this time on a Friday he was present in the Jāma' Masjid of Fatḥpūr and was watching the crowd of ostensible worshippers. Maulānā 'Abdu-r-Raḥmān the preacher, who had recently come from Māwara-n-nahar (Transoxiana), was discoursing. In the course of his address he spoke of the infidelity of the parents of the Prophet and spoke of them as being in danger of hell. H.M. said: “Methinks this statement is not true, for when there has been intercession for so many offenders by this means (the Prophet), how can the father and mother be excluded, and be consigned to everlasting infidelity?” The assembly applauded and paid him the homage of devotion.
One of the occurrences was the festival for the circumcision of the glorious princes. Inasmuch as the keeping alive of old customs is a strong pillar of administration, and the following in the steps of predecessors is an essential point in the management of the external world, and especially as the wearers of scarves and turbans regard Use and Wont as related to the Divine laws, and most of all because rulers search for opportunities for feasts, and make them an occasion for liberality and forgiveness, H.M. determined upon celebrating the circumcision of the princes. Able and labour-loving men were nominated to arrange this delightful reunion. The gates of liberality were opened, the materials of rejoicing were prepared, and there was a brilliant market of gifts. He gave a lofty foundation to his genius, and the veil over his disposition was removed. The intoxication which is the ornament of wisdom took possession of the solitaries who were lovers of melody. By exquisite musical cadences the calamity of melancholy departed from the disturbed brains of the partakers of the feast of love. The stomachs of the desires of those who looked for substance were filled. Those who had long yearned were successful. Joy left the private banqueting-hall and came to the public hall of audience.
Sagacious, liberal and gentle
An angel in the form of a man
He spreads wide the carpet in the courtyard
Happiness is obtained in proportion as he smiles.
On the day of Āẕar 9 Ābān, Divine month, corresponding to Thursday, 25 Jumāda-al-ākhir (22 October 1573), those three holy-dispositioned ones underwent the rite of circumcision, and became nurslings adorning the garden of Hope.
Was the petal of the red rose scattered by the wind
Or did the rosebud draw the veil from her face?
Nay, nay; when the fruit of the tree of desire formed, 75
The expanded blossom dropped from the branch.
The world became pleasant to small and great. Such an occasion for expansion of the heart revealed itself to the spiritual and temporal ruler who continually used without occasion to cast treasures into the bosom of the poor and needy. The acute can imagine what sumptuous liberality was displayed! The garland-weaver of the age (Akbar) in appearance gives adornment to the creature, inwardly, he keeps close to the incomparable Divinity and his heart is embellished by the obliteration of the marks of existence.
Good God! From his unequalled genius
Wisdom was part of his nature.
I do not comprehend one drop of his abundance,
I do not see even one particle of his light.
One of the benefit-conferring and auspicious acts was his having himself weighed against precious things. Mankind were made happy by gifts and forgivenesses.
He's a Shah whose heart holds the mighty talisman,
Heaven's nine104a treasures come short of his weight.
His sublimity is such that he cannot be weighed
Unless, perhaps, they put two worlds in the other scale.
THE SENDING OF PRINCE SULṬAN SELĪM TO SCHOOL.
The wise105a sovereign kept his children under his own care and did not appoint any guardian to them, and was continually educating them in the most excellent manner of which there are few instances in ancient times. Their holy minds have been enlightened daily by the sciences. At this time, though that light of the garden of fortune (Selīm) was constantly acquiring various outward and inward excellences in the society of H.M. and in the Shāhinshāh's entourage, and from time to time the clarified heart of this nosegay of the springtide of dominion was acquiring degrees of light by the blessing of H.M.'s holy spirit and of his exalted attentions, though he learnt the rules of justice and of the cherishing of subjects and the principles of settling disputes—in which the friend and the stranger must be viewed with the same impartiality; though he acquired the secrets of the spirit and came to know the wondrous clarifications of the heart, nor was there need that that nursling of fortune should be delivered over to school and become a pupil, yet it is an old custom that far-seeing great ones should commit their capable children to the instruction of teachers adorned with outward and inward knowledge so that by seeing and hearing from them, and by their walk and conversation, their qualities may be developed, and also that by the companionship and conversation of such teachers the lessons that they have learned in the holy Presence (of their fathers) may become fixed in their minds even when such Presence is apparently absent. Another reason 76 is that by means of this service the capable men of the age may emerge from the defile of limited means and that their employment may be a means of conferring abundance and general comfort on them. Also there is hereby provided a mode of intercession for the afflicted and the criminal. For in this sublime court just as the control of mortals is based upon disciplining and chastising the rebellious and froward, so also is the administration adorned by forgiveness and overlooking of offences. The administrators of the world have small leisure for forgiveness when they are under the influence of wrath. Hence it is that far-seeing rulers continually seek out a number of honest servants and give them authority to take the reins of power into their hand at times when wrath is in the ascendant, and enable them to save the guilty by means of making representations. For if the person be not guilty, such interceders perform a religious duty and save their master from issuing an unjust order. And if he be really guilty, yet as the foundation of man is trespass, forgetfulness,106a and fault, there are many guilty whose offences have been washed by the waters of forgiveness, for the majesty106b of man is very great, and at the time of the ebullience of wrath there is little leisure for consideration or investigation. It is an indispensable canon of rule that every master should in proportion to his position seek out for himself some servant or other person and have him by him, who may have such a position and trust that he can show courage at such critical moments, and can convey words of truth. The king of realm and religion for these purposes, and for others which the wise and far-sighted see and know, resolved that the light of the lamp of glory and the jewel of the diadem of the Caliphate, Prince Sulṭan Selīm, who was a pupil in the Divine school, should be made over to one of the upright-minded and be subject to his instruction. Maulānā Mīr106c Kalān Haravī, who was distinguished for his knowledge of exoteric and esoteric sciences, was exalted by this grand appointment. On the day of Khirdād 6 Āẕar, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday, 22 Rajab106d (18 November 1573), there was a great feast, and the holy spirit of that pupil of the eye of sovereignty, in whom by the perfumes of the Divine aids had been implanted the preparations for lofty knowledge, began outward instruction. This shining lamp of the portico of the Caliphate was increased in brilliancy by the oil of instruction. The commencement of this great design was with the holy name of God, whereby the gates of Divine bounty were opened. After that he began with the letters of the alphabet,107a which are the foundation of learning and the centre of things visible, and so was guided to the highness of wisdom. The holy ones of spirituality, and the loyal servants of the Court uttered congratulations, and a hum of prayer went up from high and low.
One of the joyful occurrences of this glorious year was the auspi- 77 cious arrival of the secluded lady of the Court of Chastity, the noble dame Ḥājī Begam. After she had returned from the holy places (Mecca and Medina) she had, in spite of the ties of love between her and H.M., chosen Delhi as her place of abode. She had taken up her residence in the neighbourhood of the tomb of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī and devoted herself to works of charity. At this time, when the victories of Gujrāt occurred, and there were great feasts, she came on the day of Mārisfand 29 Dai, Divine month, to offer her congratulations. H.M. went out to welcome her. She was the daughter of the maternal107b uncle of the mother of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī. Alāmān M. was their child. H.M. Jiṉnat Āshiyānī had a great respect and regard for her. I have heard the Shahinshah say: “The kindness and affection which she showed to me, and my love for her are beyond expression. Every one who did not know the real facts thought that she was my own mother. In my sixth year I was distracted by tooth-ache. She said she had a medicine which she had tested, and went off to get it. H.M. Miriam-makānī being a world of vigilance and caution was in an agony lest she should give me the medicine, and yet she did not venture to say anything out of respect to H.M. Jinnat Āshiyānī. So she tried to take me away to her own house, but I would not leave my attendance on the lady (Ḥājī Begam). Just then she brought the medicine, and as she knew what the state of feeling was, she, in her love to me swallowed some of it without there being any order to that effect, and then rubbed the medicine on my teeth. The minds of the superficial were set at rest, and also my pain was soothed.”
One of the occurrences was that Saiyid Maḥmūd Khān and other Saiyids of Bārha, and Saiyid Muḥammad of Amroha and a large body of brave men, were sent to the territories of Madhūkar,108a who was turbulent and disobedient. The Saiyids behaved courageously and brought the country into order. The turbulent men therein had their power lessened. Shortly afterwards Maḥmūd Khān died.
Also during this year Mīr Muḥsin108b Riẓavī of Mashhad, who had been sent on an embassy to the Deccan at the time of the first expedition to Gujrāt, brought presents from the ruler of the Deccan, and representations full of submission. The brief account of this is that when Muḥammad Ḥusain M. and a number of wretches had fled 78 to the Deccan, H.M. considered it necessary to send an able man to the ruler of the Deccan to give him good advice and guide him to the path of obedience, so that he should send the rebels to Court, or drive them away from his borders. The above-mentioned Mīr was chosen for this duty, and though Niẓām-ul-mulk, the ruler of Aḥmādnagar, had not the grace to arrest those wretches and to surrender them, yet he did this much that was good, that he did not give them a place in his territories. He also sent proper presents along with trustworthy servants and displayed loyalty. The Mīr reported to H.M. the restlessness of the men of the Deccan and their instability. They had been greatly affected by the deeds of the imperial army and the recent victories, and they had conveyed their goods to the defiles of the mountains and were on the watch. But in accordance with the Shāhinshāh's principle of preferring urgent matters to ordinary ones, the conquest of the Deccan was delayed, and all his energies were devoted to the taking of the eastern provinces and the chastisement of the rebels there. And as he was in expectation that this work would be brought to a conclusion by the army, which under the command of Mun'im Khān was engaged in the siege of the fort of Patna, as has already been mentioned, he delayed action and kept himself on the alert so that if it became necessary he would go there in person.
One of the occurrences was that H.M. mounted his horse and adorned the festival of the 'Īd of the Ramẓān. While in that great assemblage he heard that the cupola of purity Khwāja 'Abdu-sh-shahīd,109a the grandson of the Defender of guidance Nāṣiru-d-dīn Khwāja 'Abdullah, who is known as Khwāja Aḥrār, was present. As the righteousness and seeking after God of this Khwāja was conjectured by some, and was known to others, the Khedive of the world in this worship of God paid attention to him, and having regard to the holy man he took him out of the lower ranks (of spectators) and gave him a place near himself. God be praised! H.M. in spite of all his wealth, material and spiritual, is ever unresting in his love of God, and is ever active in endeavouring to compass His Will. The majesty of spiritual sovereignty never withholds him from this quest, how then can external glory do so? If one who by sublime fortune has become familiar with the grades of existence and Divinity and is the ruler of those two great worlds displays such wondrous works in his holy personality, what marvel is it?
H.M.'S VISIT TO AJMIR.
The sovereign, from his abundant capacity and prudence, and 79 reverence, etc., attaches himself in all his undertakings, whether they be of a general or a special nature, to the sublime court of monotheism, and he reckons as part of this duty the paying of respect to those associated with the families of worshippers of the Creator. Although those who comprehend the secrets of the visible world, or rather the well-disposed but superficial observers of this world, have come to feel assured that the daily-increasing outward majesty and the augmenting spiritual supremacy, and the real and apparent conquest of countries, and the aggregation of exquisite corporeal and mental qualities are the products of the unequalled personality of this unique one of the court of creation, yet he from his perfect happy fortune, knowledge of God, and singleness of heart, casts no glance upon himself and recognises all such things as coming from the court of eternity. Accordingly, whenever an enterprise comes before him, he in the first place renews his devotions at God's threshold, and regards this as a dressing-up of the face of fortune. At this time it occurred to his inspired mind that the conquest of Behar and Bengal would not be accomplished by the contingent sent there, and that it would be necessary for the holy standards to go there. Accordingly he proceeded to pay his devotions, and to circumambulate the shrines. On the day of Ormuzd, the beginning of Isfandārmaẕ, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday 16 Shawwāl (8 Feb. 1574), he proceeded to Ajmir. The first stage was in the environs of Dābar,110a and he remained four days in that pleasant place. The various grades of mankind obtained inward and outward joy. Khwāja 'Abdu-sh-shahīd formed part of the royal cortège and here took leave to go to the city. On the day that the royal standards halted at Toda, M. Koka arrived in his affection post-haste from Gujrāt, and H.M. exalted him by going a few steps to welcome him. He encompassed him with royal favours. On the day of Ashtād 26 Isfandārmaẕ, Divine month, he halted at a distance of seven kos from Ajmir. Next day, as was his custom he proceeded on foot to the glorious shrine. At the end of the day he arrived at the lofty edifice and paid his pilgrimage to it. The needy and those others attached to the shrine were enabled by the Shāhinshāh's bounty to remove the limit of abundance (i.e., they received unlimited largesse…). After paying his devotions he took up his quarters in the delightsome palace, which by this time had been nearly completed. He directed his attention to 80 putting down the wicked and seditious and to the cherishing the loyal and obedient. Rai Rām Dās,111a who was distinguished for administrative ability and moderation, was appointed to the Diwānī of the sublime Sarkār. An order was issued that the officials should as before be Rajah Todar Mal's men, so that neither should the affairs of the Diwānī suffer by the Rajah's absence, nor the writing of dismissal be applied to him, and that the confidence of service rendered might be maintained.
BEGINNING OF THE 19TH YEAR FROM THE ACCESSION, viz., THE
YEAR MIHR OF THE SECOND CYCLE.
At this season when the spiritual spring was in its glory, the sound of the New Year's footsteps made the external world accord with the internal. The inner world too was exalted above angelic purity and received the holiness of Divinity.
In that sacred expanse was opened
The cell of the bud by the key of the breeze
The rose flung her cap from her head
She placed the hundred-ply112a cloak on her breast
The nightingales shrilled the praises of God
They turned their rosaries and parted their lips for the beauteous utterance
The rose threw perfume to the world's brain
The branch112b threw his head-dress on the rose's tablecloth.
On the day of Thursday, after the passing of one hour and forty one minutes of the 17th Ẕī-l-q'ada 981 of the lunar year (11 March 1574), the spiritual and physical light-increaser (the sun) cast his ray on the Sign of Aries. The dejected terrestrials and the holy celestials received fresh decoration, and the nineteenth year of the second cycle began with joy and splendour. The unique jewel of the Caliphate made a great feast at the shrine of M'uīnu-d-dīn, and there was a grand assembly…All day and night that ocean-hearted one distributed treasures of red and white money in trays to skirt upon skirt of those present, and the general public obtained abundance. The hearts of the wishful were tranquillized.
At the time when H.M. was at Ajmer it was brought to his notice that Candar Sen, the son of Rajah Māldeo, from folly and an evil star had left the path of obedience and was in rebellion. He had strengthened the fort of Siwānah,113a which is the strongest fort 81 in the province of Ajmer, and he looked upon it as a place of refuge in time of his adversity. H.M.'s heart, when he heard of this, felt for the subjects of that country, and he appointed Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, Rai Rai Singh, Shimāl Khan, Kīsū Dās, son of Jaimal of Mīrtha, Jagat Rai, son of Dharm Cand, and a number of brave men to chastise the presumptuous one. In accordance with his disposition he gave them wise instructions and said: “Our threshold is an illustrious spot of grace and forgiveness, should the lamp of wisdom light up the dark soul of that wanderer in the desert of ignorance, and he feel ashamed of what he has done, you will make him hopeful of royal favours.” The envoys proceeded towards the city of Sojat. Kala,113b the grandson of Rai Māldeo, was holding out there, but on the approach of the imperial troops fled to Sirbārī,113c which is in the defiles of the mountains. The officers pursued him and burnt the fort, and he fled from there to the mountain of Koramba.(?)113d The brave troops made no difference between hill and plain (dasht) and followed him. When Kala saw that he was likely to be taken, he placed his hand in the skirt of supplication and by means of right-thinking men joined the victorious army. He brought along with him Kesū Dās his brother, Mohes Dās and Prithī Rāj Rāthor in order that they might enter into service. He himself obtained leave to remain behind in order that he might readjust his broken fortunes.
When this work had been advanced by celestial help and Candar Sen's security was disturbed, the officers proceeded towards Siwānah.114a Rāwal Sukhrāj, one of the followers of the rebel, was holding that place. At this time some of the servants of Rai Rai Singh proceeded, under the command of Gopāl Dās, to attack his country (of Candarsen). Candar Sen sent Sūjā and Debī Dās with some brave men to assist Rāwal, and when the army was returning after plundering some of the villages, Rāwal came with a body of troops to attack it. A battle took place, and the brave men on both sides distinguished themselves. Sūjā, Debī Dās and Mān, the brother of Rāwal, were killed in that engagement, and by God's 82 help the standards of victory were upreared. Rai Rai Singh on hearing of the engagement proceeded to the field of battle, but the Shāhinshah's fortune had prevailed before he arrived. When Rāwal had been thus defeated he turned back from his roadless way and sent his son to the victorious army. The victorious troops proceeded from there to the conquest of Siwānah. Candar Sen114b did not think it advisable to remain himself in the fort, and made it over to Patāī Rathor and Patāī Baqqāl. The imperial servants addressed themselves to the siege. When the mind of the Shāhinshāh was at ease about the affairs of this province he proceeded towards the capital on the day of Amurdād 7 Farwardīn, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday 23 Ẕī-l-q'ada (17 March 1574).
On the day of Rām 21 Farwardīn, Divine month, he reached Fatḥpūr, and unfolded the standards of the cherishing of subjects, the checking of oppressors, and the befriending of the oppressed, in the face of mankind.
About this time, which was the beginning of the rainy season, reports came from Mun'im Khān from the eastern provinces to the effect that the siege of Patna was being protracted. Though the combatants on both sides continued to give proof of courage, and victory was on the part of the imperial servants, yet as the river was on one side of the fort, abundant provisions reached the besieged. The fort too was well equipped, and the troops, the park of artillery, the treasure, and the abundance of elephants gave confidence to the enemy. The approach of the rainy and tempestuous season disturbed and distressed the imperial army. If H.M. came in person, the knot of difficulty would be easily untied. In the report many things were said which might act as inducements for H.M.'s expedition. Among them was the martyrdom of Kākar 'Ali Khān115a and his son. They had one day attacked the enemy and done brave deeds and killed a number of the foe and then themselves gloriously drunk the last cup. There was also the great deed of the Khān 'Alam who had at dawn fetched a circuit and attacked at the Panjpahārī and had come to the market gate (darwāza nakhkhās)115b and made a bold attack and had captured great elephants and much plunder, and then returned. He had been a cause of admiration to critical spectators. There was also mention made of the coming in of Ḥasan Khān115c Batanī and of the plan of attacking the dam of the Pun-pun, which was suggested by him.
The account of this is that Ḥasan Khān Batanī was one of the heroes of the age. By his good fortune he became separated from the enemy, and joined the victorious army. Mun'im Khān encom- 83 passed him with royal favours.
He continually encouraged the imperial servants and suggested measures for resisting the foe. Among them was his statement that two things were imperative in order that by the aid of God the knot of difficulty might be unloosed. First, the dam on the river Pun-pun must be broken down, so that at this season the waters, which had been brought there and were daily increasing, might flow into the Ganges. Otherwise the waters would come towards the fort and make the position of the besiegers difficult. Secondly, Ḥājīpūr must be freed from the possession of the enemy as most of the provisions for the fort came from there. Mun'im Khān ordered the Khān 'Ālam to take Ḥājīpūr, but he replied that he had been appointed from the Court to the vanguard of the army. On account of this contention, the project was postponed. Majnūn Khān and a number of brave men were appointed to break the dam. They went off by night and executed this service in an excellent manner. Owing to the Shāhinshāh's good fortune, Sulaimān116a and Bābā Mankalī who were among the great officers of the enemy and who were guarding the dam were on that night sleeping the sleep of negligence. Being ashamed of their behaviour they became wanderers in the desert of ruin and went off to Ghorāghāt.
As the siege was protracted and as H.M. was already inclined to turn his rein towards the conquest of the eastern provinces, the receipt of Mun'im Khān's reports confirmed his purpose. The royal retinue therefore moved from Fatḥpūr to Agra, and preparations were made for the expedition. Arrangements were made for having large boats, and it was decided that H.M. the Shāhinshāh, together with the princes and a few of the ladies, and the cream of the courtiers, should proceed by boat, while the main army and the great camp should travel by land. As absences from musters116b exceeded the attendances, able and zealous sazāwals were appointed to cause the presence of the troops. The Shāhinshāh directed his attention in Agra towards the arrangements for this expedition and considered the improvement of the world as Divine worship.
At this time the writer of this glorious record, Abul Faẓl, the son of Mubārak was, in accordance with a sublime indication and mysterious message, exalted by prostrating himself at the holy Court of the Shāhinshāh. By the Divine assistance there was a beginning 84 of the cure of his self-worshipping pride. The brief account of this matter is as follows. After116c coming from the hidden chamber of the womb to the crowded inn of existence he (i.e. A. F.) in his fifth year attained to conventional discretion. Under the educating eye of his spiritual and physical father he in his fifteenth year became acquainted with the rational and the traditional sciences (fanūn-i-ḥikmī-u-a'lūm-i-naqlī). Though these opened the gate of knowledge and gave him the entry to wisdom's antechamber, yet by his ill-fortune he became egotistic and self-conceited. The foot117a of his energy rested for a while in admiration of his own excellences, and the throng of students around him augmented his presumption. Their indiscriminate agitation and lack of judgment put into his head the thought of asceticism and retirement. Though during the day his cell was made bright by teaching science, yet at night he would take the path of the fields and approach the enthusiasts of the “Way of Search.” He would implore inspiration from those treasure-holding paupers. I was kept117b in the defiles of astonished perturbation by the contrary views of the superficially learned, and by the vogue of imitative formalists. I had neither power to be silent nor strength to cry out. Though the exhortations of my honoured father kept me from the desert of madness, yet no helpful remedy reached the troubled spot of my soul. Whiles my heart was drawn towards the sages of the country of Cathay (khiṭṭa-i-Khaṭā), whiles it felt inclined towards the ascetics of Mount Lebanon (the Druses)(?).117c Sometimes a desire for conversation with the Lamas117d of Thibet broke my peace,117e and sometimes a sympathy with the padres of Portugal pulled at my skirt. Sometimes a conference with the mubids of Persia, and sometimes a knowledge of the secrets of the Zendavesta robbed me of repose, for my soul was alienated from the society both of the sobered118a and the (spiritually) drunken of my own land. Though the foodlessness of search was broken by the emporium (miṣr-i-jām'a) of outward and inward perfections, by which is meant my advantageous attendance on my honoured father, yet as that unique product of creation's workshop lived under the veil118b of seclusion, there was no remedy for my distress. Owing to my own ignorance I thought that my outward118c position was incompatible with the final state ('uqbā), and was much disturbed in consequence, and sought to be remote from the society around me. At last fortune favoured me, and mention was made in the holy assemblage (Akbar's religious meetings) of the acquirements of this one (himself) who was bewildered in life's society. My honoured brother,118d my well-wishing friends, my loving relatives, and my disciples were unanimous in saying, “You should obtain the boon of serving the spiritual and temporal Khedive.” I was not inclined to do this, and my atrabilious apprehensions of the social state disturbed my soul, which was inclined to solitude. For I had not opened a farseeing eye, and my genius was bent upon breaking the bonds of restraint. After the fashion of the ignorant and superficial I looked upon external circumstances as destructive of inwardness, and limitation as opposed to absoluteness. At length my father118e withdrew the veil and guided me to truth. He made clear to me the wondrous working of the authors of destiny, and withdrew from my head the hood of self-conceit. By delightful discourses in private interviews and in judicious assemblies, he impressed upon me the spiritual perfections of the sitter on the throne of fortune (Akbar). By sage expositions he made it clear that “The piety and knowledge 85 of God possessed by this divinely born jewel are imperfectly known by any one. At this day he is the leader of the caravans both of Society and of Seclusion, the meeting of the oceans of Realm and Religion, the dawn of the lights of form and substance. The multiplicity of external associations does not withhold him from essential unity. Outwardly bound, he is inwardly free. From him comes the solution of spiritual and temporal matters.” Of necessity I preferred the pleasing of him (his father) to my own desires, and as my heart's treasury, rich in spiritualities, was empty of the world's goods, I wrote a commentary on the verse of the Throne119a as an offering to the sublime court, and I presented the writing as an excuse for my being empty-handed. The Shāhinshāh received it graciously. He cast special glances on me, and by the wealth of service which is indeed the elixir of worth, he calmed my troubled mind. Love for that holy personality took possession of my heart. At this time the expedition to the eastern provinces engaged his mind. My disposition did not permit me, the sitter in the dust, to seek association with the great ones of the court, and those who were attached to the threshold of honour had not, when engrossed by the affairs of the Sultanate, leisure to take notice of unknown and humble persons. I was debarred from entering the service. Though my old notions still lurked in my soul, yet the spiritual tie between me and that great one of realm and religion continued to bind me, and when the lord of the earth returned, after conquering the eastern provinces, to the capital of Fatḥpūr, he remembered me, the anchorite. I had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and this bewildered one came to find his face on the path. A short account of this will be given in the account119b of the events of that period.
One of the occurrences was that Shujā'at Khān came from the Khān-Khānān and did homage. It has already been mentioned that he had been sent in charge of Qāsim 'Alī Khān to the Khān-Khānān in order that he might punish him. The Khān-Khānān returned thanks for this great favour. He treated Shujā'āt with affection and respect and solicited his pardon. As it is the Shāhinshāh's nature to forgive, he granted the request and sent for Shujā'āt. On the day of Amurdād 7 Khurdād, Divine month, he produced nine choice elephants from among the spoils which Khān 'Ālam had taken from the enemy. Among them was Gaj Ratn which was a magnificent elephant and was entered among the special elephants. In a short time the arrangements for the expedition were made by the personal attention of H.M. Such wonderfully fashioned boats were made under his directions as to be beyond the powers of description. There were various delightful quarters and decks, and there were gardens such as clever craftsmen could not make on land, on the boats. The bows,120a too, of every one of those waterhouses were made in the shape of animals, so as to astonish spectators. The clerks who were employed arranged large boats for every office which is required for administrative purposes, and all the courtiers had boats suitable to their degree. There were wonderful instances of architecture, and various canopies and extraordinary decorations, etc., so that if this writer should proceed to describe them he would be thought to be exaggerating.
One of the occurrences was that H.M. the Shāhinshāh appointed Muẓaffar Khān to the charge of the great camp in order to educate him and to bring him out of his seclusion. But he in his folly used improper language in regard to his acceptance of this great office and so again fell out of favour. The duty was therefore made over to M. Yūsuf120b Khān Riẓavī.
One of the occurrences was that as H.M. was proceeding towards the eastern provinces it came to his hearing that there was disorder in Gujrāt and that the sons of Ikhtiyār-al-Mulk had stirred up rebellion. M. Koka was distinguished by royal favours and received leave to go there.
EXPEDITION OF THE SHĀHINSHĀH BY WATER TO THE
EASTERN PROVINCES.
The122a canon of majestic sovereignty and the principles for just rulers, who have charge of spiritual and temporal affairs, require that just as contentment with their position is fitting for good subjects so that they should not be distracted by trying to grasp what they cannot get, and should not extend the foot of desire beyond their condition, so should justice-loving rulers not be satisfied with the countries of which they are in possession, but should set their hearts upon conquering other countries and regard this as a choice form of Divine worship. This is a very important point and one which the 87 far-sighted should keep before their vision. The wise and judicious who understand the spirit of the age have said that if this civilised world, which has been split up owing to the inattention of great souls, were under one able and just ruler of extensive capacity, the dust of dissension would assuredly be laid and mortals find repose. Hence it is that the Adorner of fortune's parterre in our age is continually engaged in the conquest of other countries.
When the arrangements for the expedition had taken shape, Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān who was the Vakīl of the Diwān-Khālṣa, and had full control of that department, was left in Agra. At the same time Ṭaiyīb Khān was set aside, and Rai Bhagwān Dās was made Mustaufī122b of the whole of the imperial dominions and Rai Purukhotam122c received a robe of honour and was made Bakhshī. On the day of Dībāẕar 8 Tīr, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday 29 Ṣafar (15 June 1574), H.M. embarked in company with the august princes and the veiled ladies.
The skill of clever workmen
Made a house to go round the world
'Twas a wondrous device of the master-sage,
A moving house while the inmates stood still
All the travellers went on it
They journeyed with it, seated, while it travelled.
The names of the renowned companions who went with H.M. on this auspicious expedition are as follows:—
1. Rajah Bhagwant Dās.
2. Rajah Mān Singh.
3. Zain Khān Koka.
4. Shahbāz Khān.
5. Ṣādiq Khān.
6. Qāsīm Khān Mīr Baḥr.
7. Rajah Bīr Bar.
8. Jalāl Khān.
9. Mīrzāda 'Alī Khān.
10. Saiyid 'Abdulla Khān.
11. Mādhū Singh.
12. Naqīb Khān.
13. Qamar Khān.
14. Mīr Sharīf.
15. Niyābat Khān.
16. Saiyid Muḥammad Khān Maujī.
17. Ḥakīm 'Aīn-al-mulk.
18. Maliku-sh-shu'arā S. Faiẓī.
19. Peshrau Khān.
Of the Ahl s'āādat (the learned men) there were Shaikh 'Abdu-n-nabī the Ṣadr, Ḥakīm-al-mulk, Qāẓī Y'aqūb123a and other distinguished men.
One of the wonderful things was that H.M. took along with him two mountain-like, swift-as-the-wind elephants. The first one was Bāl Sundar, who was put into one boat with two female elephants. The merits of this elephant are beyond description. Together with rank-breaking might, and strength to cast down mountains he was perfectly sedate and quiet. He showed discretion even when in the height of being mast. He did nothing immoderate without the hint of his driver. The other elephant was called Saman and was a fit companion for the other. He was in another boat along with two females. The spectacle was an astonishing one. The numerous boats of various kinds, the hoisting of sky-high masts, the tumult of the waves of the river, the force of the wind, the rush of the clouds and the rain, the roar of the thunder, and the flashing of the 88 lightning produced a strange appearance. On the day of Mihr 16 Tīr, Divine month, when the fleet halted at Etawah there was a storm in the Jumna, and many of the river-houses were sunk by the waves. On the day of Rām a halt was made at Kālpī; on the day of Anīrān, the 30th Tīr, Divine month, in the village of Cakūr a wicked brahman,124a who from excessive lust had intercourse with his own daughter, was capitally punished. On the day of Shab H.M. halted at Ilahābās (Allahabad). On the day of Ormuz, the 1st Amrdād, Divine month, when he left that pleasant station, the river was very boisterous. There blew a hurricane, and eleven boats were sunk. The orchestra too was damaged, but was saved by the Divine help. As H.M. wished that the baggage (aghrūq)124b and the large camp should stay at Jaunpūr, Muḥasan Khān who had charge of that city in accordance with orders arranged equipages for a journey by land, but H.M. did not approve of the sacred pavilions being sent on from where he was. Near Ilahābas, Qāsim 'Alī Khān came from the Khān-Khānān and had the bliss of doing homage. He brought reports of the success of the army. On this day H.M. the Shāhinshāh remembered Ḥusain Khān and inquired why he was not in attendance during this auspicious expedition. It was represented to him that atrabiliousness (sauda) had overcome him, and that he was spending his days in attacking subject-people and in plundering the peasantry. H.M. was displeased on hearing this report, but as the grand expedition was going on, he did not send anyone to chastise him. On the day of Bahman 2 Amardād, Divine month, he set up his standards in Benares. On this day, too, the river was boisterous. Especially this was the case near the fort of Cunār, so that the naval authorities were alarmed. A large number of persons left the boats and came on by the dry land. H.M. put his trust in God and went on by boat with the same open brow and cheerful heart, and he sent on Sher Beg Tawācī-bāshī in a swift skiff to the Khān-Khānān to give him the news of his near approach. He remained three days in that pleasant city (Benares) and on the day of Khirdād cast anchor at the village of Godī which is a dependency of Saiyidpūr and where the river Godī125a joins the Ganges. On that day the great camp arrived in the vicinity of the royal standards, and M. Yūsuf Khān and several officers paid their respects.
Though the Shāhinshāh was according to his custom always in appearance engrossed in the great matters of the state, yet by virtue of the principle of seclusion in the midst of society he ever kept up communion with the incomparable Deity, and never for a moment abandoned spiritual contemplation. In order to strengthen this connection and seclusion (parda ārāī), sweet, heart-entrancing minstrels 89 whispered in the precincts of his quarters strains of detachment and of increase in ecstacy. On many occasions of his presence Mīr Sharīf125b the brother of Naqīb K. read with a beautiful125c voice about spiritual love, and H.M. emerged many a time from behind the veil and showed tender-heartedness (riqqat mīfarmūdand) and had wetted eyelashes. O God! this sea of wisdom and ocean of enlightenment would left fall drops of sorrow on account of the blasts of the strong gales of ignorance, and of the deviations of men! Or perhaps it was to teach softness of heart and humility to stony-hearted worldlings that this rosewater of tears was poured forth. Or from the rush of spiritual things he felt cramped in the gilded parlours of externality and so expressed his sorrow. Or from his wide capacity and the shorelessness of the ocean of Divine excellence he regarded his spiritual treasures as of small amount, and while possessing a mine of wisdom let trickle forth the regret of non-attainment!
I call for a pilot in Noah's ark
I call for an acquaintance in a kinsman's house
I'm not Jacob, none of mine is in the well
Yet I'm wondering whom I should call (to help).
Before H.M. had left the capital, reports used to come from the Khān-Khānān and the other great officers to the effect that it would be well if H.M.'s army came as far as Jaunpūr, and that Dāūd would inevitably become a wanderer in the wilderness of ruin. The holy lips, which are interpreters of the Divine secrets, remarked thereon that such language was not good, and that the game would not be captured till the humā of his majesty had spread his shadow over the province, and the falcon of his might spread his wings in the atmosphere of that land. But his genius—from a regard to the education of his servants—was willing that the victory should be obtained by them. So by his order the boats were taken up the river Godī in order that they might stay for some time at Jaunpūr, and that what the officers had requested, and what the court had replied, might be impressed upon all high and low. Accordingly, on the day of Mirdād 7 Amardād, Divine month, the standards of fortune halted in the village of Bahirāj which is a dependency of the pargana of Karākat.126b On the day of Dībāẕar when they were stationed at the village of Yaḥyāpūr,126c one of the dependencies of Jaunpūr, reports came from the officers to the effect that the difficult knot would be easily untied if H.M. would speedily cast his shadow over them. On the day of Āẕar the princes and the ladies were sent to Jaunpūr by the river Godī. Ḥakīm-ul-mulk, S. Aḥmad, Ikhlāṣ K. and others were left in charge of them and H.M. proceeded to Patna.
Good God! The Shāhinshāh of the age from consummate well- 90 wishing desired to magnify the work of the loyal, and the incomparable Deity willed that all great affairs and noble deeds should be accomplished by that mine of greatness, so that both his grandeur might be certified to all, and also that mercenary servants might have no claim upon him! Accordingly that easy task became difficult to the army, so that they had to ask for the royal expedition. H.M. asked for assistance from the hidden armies and addressed his mighty genius to the conquest of the countries of Bengal and Behar. At this time news came of the conquest of Bhakkar (Scinde). The secret intelligences at this time increased congratulation upon congratulation. First, there was the fact that the fort of Bhakkar, which world-conquerors could not have quickly taken, had been conquered by mediocre servants of the Khedive. Second, it was an omen for the victories of the imperial servants who had girt up their loins for the conquest of the eastern provinces.
Though able and zealous servants may exert themselves, yet the far-seeing sage knows that, as regards the unravelling of the difficulties of the world, and the attainment of great designs, the chief results are obtained by the right intentions and proper actions of world-rulers. And those who study the masterpieces of ancient times know that success does not come into the bosom without preliminary (unsuccessful) efforts. It is not till the second attempt that the object is obtained. Hence it is that the sitter on fortune's throne (Akbar) concentrates himself upon every work that he undertakes and brings to a conclusion everything that he has glanced at. This is perfectly clear to every one who knows the events of the reign. The taking of Bhakkar127a is a conspicuous and new instance. The history of it is as follows: It has already been narrated that Muḥibb 'Alī Khān, and Mujāhid Khān had at the request of Nāhid Begam received permission to go to Tatta. Sulṭān Maḥmūd had shown hostility, but they had by virtue of mystic aid and by their energy done great deeds and engaged in the siege of Bhakkar. Sulṭan Maḥmūd occupied himself in defending the fort. By the good fortune of the Shāhinshāh a famine broke out in the fort and Sulṭan Maḥmūd from excess of caution, or from meanness and avarice distributed to his men grain that had been stored up for twenty or thirty years, though he had abundance of new supplies. The result was that there was a great deal of disease and swellings. God's anger sent a pestilence. A strange thing was when the swellings were prevalent in the country every one who boiled the bark of the siris tree (acacia odoratissima) and partook thereof recovered his health. Hence the bark was bought for its weight in gold.
When Sulṭan1128a Maḥmūd was nearing his end he petitioned the court, saying that he had always remained on the path of obedience and that it was his ill-fate that this distress had come upon him. Now he was presenting the fort to Sulṭān Selīm the noble prince. But as there was a cloud between him and Muḥibb 'Alī Khān he saw that if he made it over to him, he would only be rendered contemptible. Battles had taken place between them and he was not safe from being molested by him. He hoped that one of the servants of the court would be sent in order that he might make over the fort and district to him and might rub his forehead on the threshold of fortune. H.M. graciously accepted this petition and sent Mīr Gesū who was an old and able officer. Before he reached that country Sultan Maḥmūd had died and the garrison were waiting for him. When he arrived, Mujāhid Khān was besieging the fort of Ganjaba. Muḥibb 'Alī Khān's daughter Sām'iah Begam who was the mother of Mujāhid Khān was angry on hearing of Mīr Gesū's coming, and in her wickedness fitted out some ships against him and brought him into difficulties. The Mīr was nearly captured. Khwāja Muqīm of Herat, the father of Khwāja Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad Bakhshī, who had gone to that country as Amīn, by wise counsels prevailed upon Muḥibb 'Alī Khān to abstain from misplaced strife and improper commotions. When Mīr Gesū came to the fort they delivered over the keys to him. Thus did a large an extent of cultivated country come into possession. Muḥibb 'Alī Khān and Mujāhid Khān from evilness of disposition and foolish greed did not uproot their hearts from that country. At the same time it was difficult for them to remain there without the holy order. Mūḥibb 'Alī Khān took the course of coming to terms, and at last Mīr Gesū settled that Mujāhid Khān should go to Patna,129a and that Muḥibb 'Alī Khān with his wife and daughter should dwell in the town of Loharī. When the agreement had been carried out Mīr Gesū put a large force on board of boats and proceeded against Muḥibb 'Alī Khān. He could not resist, and went off to Mātīla. The assailants plundered the city (Loharī), and Sām'īah Begam fortified her house and took to fighting and resistance. For one night and a day she with supreme boldness and skill maintained her position within the four walls. When she was129b at extremity Mujāhid Khan made a forced march and defeated the troops (Mīr Gesū). For three months longer he held possession of the country on this side (the east) of the river (the Indus). At length Bhakkar was conferred upon Tarson Khān. His brethren hastened to the province. Mir Gesū in his folly wished to hold the fort (of Bhakkar), but at last was guided by auspiciousness and gave up the seditious idea. A country which, when held for some time by a stranger increases presumption, must have some quality in it 92 which carries the obedient and submissive to the extreme of turbulence. Otherwise whence this sort of men? and whence this boasting and sedition?129c
Now that an abridged account of the bestowal of this mystic favour (the conquest of Bhakkar) has been given, I return to the high road of my design. On the day of Abān 10 Amardād, Divine month, the royal barges entered the Ganges from the river Gūdī, and halted at the village of Cocakpūr. M. Yūsuf Khān here joined the cortège along with the main camp. After this the army encamped opposite whatever place the royal barges anchored at. Next day H.M. mounted the elephant Mubārak-Qadam and drove it in person?129d About 500 elephants descended into the river in the wake of that tiger of the forest of war. The spectators were full of amazement. By the favour of God they were safe in those raging waters, but one elephant named Pūskā, which was about that time overflowingly mast, fell into the whirlpool of annihilation. While traversing the river and in the midst of the waves a large fish jumped up and rested in front of the Shāhinshāh. Soothsayers knew that this was a sign of success, and gave thanks to God. On the day of Mah, 12 Amardād, Divine month, the station of Ghāzīpur was reached.
From the day that H.M. set out on this expedition he left the boat every day and enjoyed himself in hunting deer with citas. It was an occupation to the superficial, and those who were attached to this department had their desires gratified. The far-seeing prince ostensibly enjoyed himself in their company, but inwardly he was immersed in the rays of worship, and was also cultivating his spiritual kingdom. Judicious spectators had in this way an opportunity of beholding in this assemblage of the decrees of fate (Akbar) the indications of final success, and so gained courage. Among these there was this, that on one occasion of the usual daily hunt in this delightful spot a deer came in sight. H.M. ordered an eager leopard swift as the wind to be loosed. By vulpine tactics the deer escaped from his claws and went off swifter than the wind. Just then a second leopard came up and disposed of him. The far-seeing mystery-knowing prince said130a to his courtiers: “At the beginning of this sport we took from the behaviour of this leopard an omen about 93 Dāūd. It flashed upon our soul that he would not, on this occasion, become the prisoner of the claws of the kingly wrath; but that the second time he would be caught by the exertions of the hunters of fortune (iqbāl).” The end was as had flashed on the mirror of his enlightened heart. Accordingly an account thereof (that is, of the success against Dāūd) will come from the tongue of the pen.
On the day of Tīr, Amardād, Divine month, the boats anchored at Dāspūr, which is on the bank of the Ganges. 'Itmād Khān, the Khwāja sarā (eunuch) came in a swift boat from the siege, and was exalted by doing homage. He gave the news of friends and foes, and represented that the enemy was very strong. The adorner of fortune's assembly in order to gladden hearts lifted the veil of mystery and made announcement of victory. For the sake of giving confidence to the disturbed hearts of the generality he sent for Saiyid Mīrakī,131a the son of Mir'Abdu-l-Karīm Jafarī (diviner) of Ispahān, and bade him ascertain the result of the expedition and the character of the future. He, in accordance with the rules of the science, arranged and classified the letters and brought out this verse:—
Akbar by auspicious fortune shall quickly
Take the country out of the hand of Dāūd.
The superficial and simple became tranquillised by this result, and the day of victory bedewed with the sweat of shame the countenances of the crafty seekers after interpretations. Also at the time wben H.M. was at the capital and engaged in preparations for the expedition, the same Mīr had received orders to take an augury in order that the hearts of the superficial might be comforted, and he produced this verse:—
Though there be a countless and victorious army
Yet conquest will come from the advent of the prince.
On the day of Gosh 14 Amardād, Divine month, while the ships were anchored at the ferry of Causa, a report of a new victory came from the Khān-Khānān. The detail of this is as follows: A body of Afghan vagabonds under the command of 'Isā Khān Niāzī, who was a distinguished soldier, fell upon the entrenchment of Qīyā Khān, and there was a great fight. The defenders behaved with valour. By the might of the Shāhinshāh's fortune, the staunchness of Qīyā Khān, and the arrival of Rajah Todar Mal, the enemy were repulsed. 'Īsā Khān was killed by one of the slaves of Lashkar Khān, who did not know who he was. On hearing this good news, which was a fitting prelude to legions of victories, there was exultation in the army. H.M. in his graciousness sent the original of the Khān-Khānān's 94 report to the princes in order that their longing hearts might be comforted. On this day the main camp which was marching by land crossed the Karmnāsa which is an affluent of the Ganges. One of the special elephants was drowned. The river is regarded as unfortunate132a by the people of India. Next day the encampment was on the banks of the Ganges which is fed by the fountains of the bounty of God. By the efforts of those in charge the whole army passed safely over. On the day of Mihr, when H.M. was encamped at the village of Ḍomnī, which is a dependency of Bojpūr,132b a report came from Mun'im Khān. The gist of it was that H.M. should come by water and that the main camp should come by land. It also represented that from the length of the siege and the constant rains, the army was deficient in equipments, and that if the Shāhinshāh would send help from his special armoury (qūr-i-khāṣa) it would be useful. The request was approved and armour and weapons of various sorts were sent. On the day of Rashn 18 Amardād, Divine month, Lodīpūr was reached. On this day too the river was boisterous. One of the boats which contained the cītas was sunk, and of the special cītas Daulat Khān and Dilrang were drowned. Also the boat of the army-qāẓī,132c of Bhagwān Dās the treasurer and Sher Beg,132d went down in the waves. On the day of Farwardīn 19 Amardād, Divine month, H.M. halted opposite the town of Maner. At this place132e the river Sone joins the Ganges and loses its name. Next day the boats remained there at anchor and an order was given that Ṣādiq Khān and Shahbāz Khān should cross the main camp over the Sone. A large sum of money was made over to Mīr Ghīāṣu-d-dīn 'Alī Naqīb Khān, and he was sent to the glorious shrine of Shaikh Yaḥīā132f Manerī which is in Maner, to distribute it among those attached thereto and to ask for inspiration.
The Shaikh was the son of Shaikh Israel and one of the saints of Hindustan. He belonged to the Cishtī order, and also to the Firdūsī133a order. Men put much reliance on the Shaikh. They say the father was extremely desirous of having a son, and went to wait upon S. Sharafu-d-dīn133b of Pānīpat. The saint perceived his desire, foretold the birth of a son and bade him call him after himself. Though the Shaikh did not leave India, yet by the force of his genius he became saturated with the knowledge of the spiritual world and also fully understood the sins and deceptions of the carnal 95 spirit and then rested in firmness of soul. His words have great weight among the Sufistic sects. The Kitāb-i-ma'dan-al-ma'ānī (the book of the spiritual mine), the Ganj-i-lā īkhfā (the abiding treasure) and the Sharḥ-i-ādāb-al-murīdīn133c (the exposition of the education of disciples) are among the jewels of his pen. There are also three collections of spiritual and theological truths which he sent to some of his followers in the shape of epistles. One contains 150 letters, the second has 100 letters of advice, while the third has 25 letters. The Shaikh lived in the time of Sultan Muḥammad133d Tughlaq. In the beginning of his career he chose hills and deserts, and practised vigorous austerities. Afterwards he came to Delhi and paid his respects to Shaikh Niẓām.133e At his instigation he entered the service of Shaikh Najmu-d-dīn Firdūsī.133f
On the day of Rām 21 Amardād, Divine month, when the victorious standards were flying at Sherpūr, Rajah Todar Mal came and did homage. He reported on the state of the army. He asked for orders about the coming of Mun'im Khān as an istiqbāl (coming to welcome), and as to how far he should come. The order was that as the siege was going on, he should not come further than two kos, and that the other officers should remain at their posts in the entrenchments. On the same night the Rajah was encompassed with favours and received his dismissal. At this time 'Arab, the son of Hāshim Khān, who had entered into service, and who as deputy134a for his father brought reports about the events of the eastern districts, was honoured by receiving the title of Nīyābat Khān.
Khudāwand-i-a'alm-mubārakbādī. I believe that this expression means A. F.'s father Mubārak. Mubārakbādī is a sort of pun on his name. The message to him from the spiritual world was that he should announce to the faithful that Akbar had been so exalted by external victories in order that he might become their spiritual king also.
↩The word mā is omitted by B.M. add. 27, 247 and 26, 207. I.O. MS. 236 has bamā “to us,” which is probably right. Evidently this announcement of Mubārak's was a prelude to the famous decree, given in B. 186, which he drew up, whereby Akbar was declared to be higher than a Mujtahid and to have the power of deciding religious questions. It will be remembered that when Mubārak drew up this document in 987, i.e., six years after this announcement, he added the statement, B. 187, that he had for several years been looking forward to such a consummation.
↩Perhaps the hides were those of the 200 cows whom Niẓāmu-d-dīn mentions as having been slaughtered at a temple outside Nagarkot.
↩Perhaps the hides were those of the 200 cows whom Niẓāmu-d-dīn mentions as having been slaughtered at a temple outside Nagarkot.
↩The account in the T. A. of these events is fuller than that in the Akbarnāma. Niẓāmu-d-dīn says that Mas'aūd's eyes had been sewn up, but that Akbar caused these to be opened. He also released many of the prisoners, and made over others to jailors.
↩See Elliot VI. 42. He seems to have read ghadr, treachery, but the MSS. have 'uẕr, and this seems correct. Mān Singh had been told to bring the Rānā to court, but the latter was shy of coming there, and put off the visit. Erskine in his translation B.M. Add. 26, 621 read the word as 'uẕr, and so did the author of the Iqbālnāma.
↩Perhaps the Muqīm Naqshbandī of Blochmann 433.
↩Blochmann 463.
↩Niẓāmu-d-dīn has Ḥasan Khān Kurkarāq and says he was the shiqdār. Elliot V. 360 has Karkarāh by mistake for Karkarāq. The word is Turkish and means wardrobe or keeper of wardrobe. See B. 87 n, 2 and 616. Kurk means fur, and the word is properly Kurkīarāq.
↩I adopt the reading of Add. 26, 207 which has bālish yāfta. The text has istamālat yāfta and there is the variant mālish yāfta.
↩Blochmann 423. He was son of Khwāja Khāwand Dost.
↩Blochmann 346.
↩Blochmann 388.
↩Jamāza. According to A. F. Akbar's name for a female camel, but the word is Arabic. See Blochmann 143.
↩Kamāngardanī a camel, but literally a bow-necked one. The hemistich puns on the double meaning.
↩Toda Bhīm, 70 m. W. by S. Agra (Elliot V. 362n.) and consequently under 50 from Fatḥpūr Sikrī. It is in Jaipūr. It was Badayūni's birth-place. See J. II. 181 and 183.
↩Marked Mozabad in map to Bayley's Gujrat, 30 m. S.W. Jaipūr (Elliot). Niẓāmu-d-dīn calls the place Mozābād, or Morābād.
↩ Burang-i-gardūn. Burang means
the part of the sky where the S.
polestar is visible. But perhaps ◌
Ajmir is 228 miles west of Agra or about 200 from Fatḥpūr whence Akbar started. The T.A. says he left at breakfast time.
↩Elliot makes Niẓāmu-d-dīn say that the night of Akbar's departure from Ajmir was bright moonlight, but this could not be the case near the end of the lunar month, and what Niẓāmu-d-dīn says is that Akbar travelled all night, like the moon, qamrwār.
↩The meaning is that he joined them there. The advance-army was still in front, but these men had halted. See Elliot V. 36.
↩Merta of I. G., in Jodhpūr.
↩Not identified.
↩Māh-i-jumāda-al-awalī. The 1st day of the month is meant. It was 29 August, 1573.
↩This was a son of the Bakhshū Langā who helped Humāyūn in flight from Sher Shāh.
↩The text has Māliyāna, but the variant Bālīsāna is supported by Niẓāmu-d-dīn. There is a Bālīsāna mentioned in the I. G. as in the Kaḍī subdivision of Baroda. The Bom. G. speaks of a Balāsinor. I think, however, that the proper reading is Maisāna, the Mesāna of I. G. which is 43 miles N. Ahmadābād. It is, however, more than 5 kos from Pattan. Blochmann 486 says it is 18 kos S.E. Pattan. Erskine and also some MSS. have Palitāna, but if this is correct it cannot be the well-known Palitāna.
↩Rajah Bhagwān Dās' nephew.
↩Blochmann 110 n.
↩Ārash was a famous archer in the service of Minūcihr. See Burhān Qātī s. v.
↩Or Kaḍī.
↩Elliot calls him Rolīyā. Add. 26, 207 has aulīyā mulāzim, i.e., servants, and 27, 247 has maqaribān mulāzim. Erskine has Rao Liai. The I. O. MS. vary between Rāo Liya and auliya.
↩The text has qila gīrī, ‘the defending of the fort.’ But Add. 26, 207 has qil'ā karī, ‘the fort of Karī,’ and this is also how Erskine read the passage. Add. 26, 621, and is probably correct.
↩Brother of Muḥammad Yūsuf, Blochmann 533.
↩Erskine in his MS. translation justly remarks on the number of Hindus in this list. No. 25 Har Dās appears in some MSS. as Patr Das, Blochmann 469. No. 27 is also called Miyān La'l, Blochmann 612 and n. 4. He was a musician, and perhaps some of the other Hindus mentioned were civilians. Sānwal or Sanwlah is perhaps the painter of that name. See B. 108. In the Victoria and Albert Museum, S. Kensington, there is in the Clarke MS. a picture of the battle of Sarnāl by him. Tāra Cānd may also be the painter mentioned in B. 108.
↩Rūpsī was Bhagwān's paternal uncle. Blochmann 427.
↩Apparently the moment of mounting was an auspicious one. It will be observed that Akbar did not at once mount. He mounted on the way, presumably because the moment was auspicious. Add. 27, 247 has boz baiẓā, a roan horse(?). Erskine translates the account of the first omen as “the general riding on such a horse,” and it is more natural to suppose that Bhagwān was referring to something special about the horse, especially as A. F. has just given the name of the animal. But two B.M. MSS. and the text have auqāt times. It looks as if Erskine had read auṣāf qualities, and some such reading is preferable to auqāt. If Bhagwān was referring to the time of mounting the horse one does not see why the plural auqāt was used instead of the singular wagt. However, the I.O. MSS. have auqāt.
↩Nearly the whole of this exordium is omitted in the Lucknow edition. Chapter XI begins there at p. 51, 1.3, of the Bib. Ind. edition. The meaning of the first sentence seems to be that though things are generally ruled by destiny, yet much depends upon forethought and wisdom.
↩Akbar's feat, considered merely as one of rapid travelling, was not equal to Colonel Townley's ride from Belgrade to Constantinople when he traversed 820 miles in 5 days, 11 hours, “having the whole time to contend with the wind, rain and mud, and having into the bargain two bad falls.” Grant Duff's Notes from a Diary, for 1889, p. 8. But, of course, Akbar had to bring his troops along with him.
↩B. 175, cf. Jahangir's Memoirs (Price), p. 54.
↩Peshbīnī, lit., nose-front. The word is not given in the dictionary, but I prosume it means something that hung down in front and protected the nose, etc. Such a piece is depicted in B. Plate XIII, No. 43. Jahangir (Tūzak J. 19) calls it peshrūī.
↩Akbar puns on the words peshbīnī and peshgāh.
↩Apparently the meaning is simply that they were inbred traitors.
↩Kārgah. A factory or workshop.
↩The Lucknow ed. reads Karū, a spider's web, instead of Karad.
↩Apparently this refers to the main body of Akbar's army as distinguished from his personal following.
↩Evidently this is a man's name and has been so treated by the editors in the Index, p. 63. The Cārans were a tribe in Gujrat and resembled the Bhats. One of their duties was to raise the paean at the time of battle, and no doubt this is what Hāpā did on this occasion. See J. II. 249 for an account of the Cārans. In Jahāngir's Memoirs (Price), p. 50, Shāh Qulī Maḥram and Ḥusain K. Turkaman are said to have remarked that the time for charging had arrived.
↩Badayūnī tells us that this was Akbar's battle-cry on that day. It means, “Lo, the Helper,” but I believe that Akbar used it in a double sense and with a special reference to his patron saint M'uīnu-d-dīn of Ajmere. It probably explains the “Ajmīrī, Ajmīri” of Saif Koka mentioned a little lower down.
↩I owe the interpretation of this line to Maulvī 'Abdul Haq Abīd, who informs me that the meaning is that the cloud lost heart, on seeing the brightness of the swords. It is a hyperbolical way of saying that the flashes of the swords overcame the darkness of the clouds.
↩ I think this word must be the
Arabic Kahaka roaring, and the
meaning must be the “roaring, or
screaming (whizzing) rockets.”
There is the variant Katak which
means a short stick, cf. Badayūnī,
text I. 418, 1. 4, and Ranking's translation
and note, p. 537. Meninski
gives Kehkehet as meaning a roaring
lion. Very possibly, however, Kahak
merely means little from Kah and the
affix K. I doubt now if Badayūnī's
word applies. In the Tūzak Jahangīrī
(Ahmed's ed.), p. 19, the rockets
are called Kaukabāī ◌
Not Mān Singh Kuar. See Blochmann 506.
↩B. 253.
↩A phrase for great exertion.
↩I presume the meaning is that they were so furious that they even fought with their teeth and aggravated the wounds thereby.
↩Blochmann 389.
↩Apparently A. F. plays on the words fīrūzī which means both victorious and the blue colour of the turquoise. Bihrūz is a blue crystal. I do not know what flower is meant by shaqāīqbahrūzī, but conjecture that it may mean a blue anemone, or a tulip.
↩Blochman 612 and note 4.
↩Blochmann 350.
↩I think that the meaning of this passage is explained by Badayūnī, Lowe 170 where we are told that Akbar's battle-cry on that day was Yā M'uīn, i.e., O Helper. But Akbar's patron saint was Muīnu-d-din Cistī of Ajmere, and it was no doubt with reference to him that Akbar raised this cry which is also mentioned in A. F.'s account of the battle. The Ajmīrī Ajmīrī of Saif K. Koka then I regard as Saif's or A. F.'s rendering of the phrase Yū M'uīn. The M'aāṯir II 374 gives the phrase without comment, and the Lucknow editor also passes it over. It will be seen that Badayūnī twice speaks here of the battle-cry Yā Muīn, pp. 170 and 171. He also says that Saif K. plunged into the whirlpool of fight and was killed just as this cry was being raised. Cf. the account in the Tūzuk (S. Ahmad's ed.) p. 20 and also that in the Memoirs (Price) 57. The Tūzuk, p. 19 says the battle cries were Allah Akbar and Yā Muīn.
↩Blochmann 465.
↩Much of this rhapsody is omitted in the Lucknow edition.
↩Karanā. Blochmann 51.
↩Ibrāhīm Husain died of a wound in the throat.
↩B. 415, 458 and 538. Badayūnī, 111. 43, has a long account of this saint, and calls him Miyān Wajīhu-d-dīn Aḥmadābādī. He says he was a follower of Muḥammad Ghauṯ and died in 998 (1590). Jahāngīr describes a visit he paid to his shrine. Tūzuk, 211.
↩Blochmann 371.
↩Jarrett II. 241 and 253.
↩Blochmann 433.
↩qu. Satalpūr Jarrett 254. A variant gives Sitpūr, and this is supported by the Iqbālnāma.
↩The Badnagar of Jarrett II. 254. It is Badnagar in Iqbālnāma. It lies west of Īdar and Dūngarpūr and is marked Burnuggar in Bayley's map of Gujrat. See also p. 437 of text.
↩The Bhakar of the Ain. Jarrett II. 267. It is on the borders of Ajmir. Perhaps the Bīakoī of Jarrett 273.
↩The Lucknow ed. has Hūna. Perhaps the place is Lūnī or Būnlī. See Blochmann 398 n. 1. and A. N. text III. 326, line 9. If so, it is in Ranthanbhūr.
↩Blochmann 483.
↩The Lucknow ed. has the son of the Zamindar, and Blochmann 333, calls him Amr and represents him as the son of the Zamindar or Rānā of Īdar, but it seems that he really was the son of Rānā Kīkā. See Jarret II. 269 where he is described as Pertāb's successor.
↩A.F. speaks of him as such an austere Hindu that he only ate the grains of corn voided by a cow. Jarrett II. 241.
↩Text Galkanda. See Blochmann 418 and note.
↩Blochmann 445. Apparently this passage means that Shamsu-d-dīn had written a history of the campaign, or of Moẓaffar K's transactions. A.F. quotes him again when describing the mutiny in Bengal and the circumstances of Moẓaffar's defeat.
↩It seems probable that Dhūb or Dhūp is a mistake for Dohad, the well-known place on the boundary between Mālwa and Gujrāt, and which is supposed to derive its name from that circumstance. In that case the spelling should be Doḥadd. It is famous as the birthplace of Aurangzeb. Khāfī K.I.296. It is the Dhod of Jarrett II. 256 and the Dohad of I. G. XI, 366. Aurangzeb refers to it as his birthplace in Letter XXXI, p. 35 of Jamshed Bilimoria's translation.
↩Text jiz ain badil namīrasid. But the I. O. MSS. and the Cawnpore edition have cīzī badil namīrasid, and this I have taken to be the true reading. Akbar's changes were very sweeping and attended with much suffering. See infra p. 457, Fatḥ Ullah's first remark, and B. 140 n. and Badayūnī, Lowe 176 and 192. It was Shahbāz K. who introduced the branding and he only revived old regulations of 'Alāu-d-dīn and Sher Shāh.—See Elliot IV. 551.
↩The above silly tirade is not in the Lucknow edition which begins with the word Sulaimān.
↩Ān hama 'aql 'aqīla shud. The Ghiāṯu-lughat gives a rope or a tether as one of the meanings of 'aqīla. 'Aqīlā also means a secluded, or bashful woman, and perhaps the meaning is that Lūdī's reason became secluded, that is, disappeared from sight.
↩The Iqbālnāma has Yār Ḥusain Tawācībāshī.
↩dīdan-i-shān-i-lashkar.
↩Tirmohinī. Sarū is another name for the Gogrā. The Tirmohinī is near Chaprā. Though called a Tirmohinī (three mouths), it seems to be really only the junction of the Gogrā and Ganges. The Jumna had already joined the Ganges at Allahabad. It was at this Tirmohinī that Khwānd Amīr finished, in Bābar's Camp, his Ḥabību-s-siyar.
↩Shān-i-lashkar dīd.
↩Perhaps the Chanend or Cheranend of Jarrett II. 156, or is it the Kot in Sarkār Rohtas of p. 157?
↩The T.A. seems to have Jalāl K. Krorī.
↩Cf. Elliot V. 370.
↩This passage does not occur in the Lucknow edition, nor does Akbar's remark appear in the sayings at the end of the Āīn.
↩The allusion seems to be to the drops of blood caused by the circumcision.
↩The nine heavens. Akbar was weighed twice a year, B. 266. This was the great or solar weighment, which usually took place on the first of Ābān.
↩This insipid and turgid declamation is considerably shortened in the Lucknow edition.
↩Alluding to the story of Adam's forgetfulness.
↩Meaning that life is very sacred and should not be lightly taken away.
↩Blochmann 540.
↩The Iqbālnāma remarks that the prince was then four years, four months and four days old.
↩ḥarūf-i-abjad. Letters of the abjad, i.e., letters having a numerical value, but used here to mean the ordinary alphabet.
↩ ◌
Rajah Madhūkar Bundelā, of Undcah.
↩He was a poet. Badayūnī III.
↩Blochmann 539. He was the son, by the second marriage, of Khwāja Khwājakā, the eldest son of Khwāja Aḥrār. See Khazina Aṣfīyā, I. 597.
↩Cf. text 145. It was 4 kos from Fatḥpūr.
↩Blochmann 483. Blochmann says Rām Dās was made Todar Mal's Naib in the 17th year. Apparently this should be the 18th year, and it would seem that he was appointed Diwān, though Todar Mal's clerks were kept on.
↩Alluding to the hundred-petalled rose.
↩Shākh. A branch, also civet and the civet-cat. B. 79. But I do not understand the line. Probably shākh here means branch and not civet, and perhaps the iẓāfat should be between gul and 'imāma, and not between naṭ'a and gul. The meaning then might be, “The branch flung on the carpet, i.e., the ground, the head-dress of the rose”, i.e., it scattered the petals on the ground.
↩Blochmann 399. n. 1. Jarrett II. 276.
↩Blochmann 399 and 476.
↩Variant Siryāni. Perhaps it is the Sarwār of J. II. 273.
↩The Iqbālnāma seems to have Koh-Korīna, which is also a variant. Perhaps the last word is merely a jingle, or it may be connected with kaur, “ground full of hollows.”
↩There is the variant Mathra, and the Iqbālnāma has Mahwa or Mahatwa; query: The Mahēwah of J. II. 276?
It seems evident that Siwāna is wrong, for the troops marched there after the battle described below.
↩The Rajputana Gazetteer II. 232 calls Candar Sen the second son of Maldeo, and says he was killed at the storm of Sīwāna, but this fact is not stated in the A.N. The authority for the statement is evidently Tod's Rajasthan. He seems to put the death of Candar Sen into 1584. Māldeo's eldesṭ son was Udai Singh, commonly called the “fat Rajah,” B. 429. His sister was the Jodbai who was married to Jahangir and was mother of Shāh Jahān.
↩Blochmann 408.
↩The gate where slaves and cattle are sold. Patanī in text.
↩Blochmann 476.
↩Blochmann 370 and 476.
↩Shān. Cf. p. 71 of text, line 11. Shān should be sān. See Vullers II. 195a and Irvine, A. of M., p. 182.
↩Cf. Jarrett III. 443. It is interesting to compare A. F.'s account of his mental struggles with that given by the Rev. Imādu-d-dīn, a convert to Christianity, in his autobiography, English translation, London, Church Missionary House. 1885. Part of this is given by Garcin de Tassy in his History of Hindustáni Literature II, 14.
↩The meaning is that his success lessened the spirit of self-improvement as he halted in contemplation of his own abilities and acquirements.
↩Here A. F. changes to the first person.
↩Blochmann in his translation of this passage, biography of Abul Faẓl. p. xii, has “the hermits of Lebanon.” The words in text are murtāẓān-i-Lubnān, and perhaps the reference is to the Noṣairis or followers of 'Alī. Cf. mention of Nosairīs in III. 271.
↩The text has jogīyān, but there is the variant Lābhāī, which is a corruption of Lāmahā.
↩A. F. begins his account of himself in the third person and then glides into the first. The best comment on the passage is to be found in the third book of his letters, under the head of “Khuṭbu-i-kajkāl buzurg, i.e., “Discourses about the great beggar's bowl,” p. 265 of Newal Kishor's lith. ed., where he gives a similar account of himself. There (p. 266) he says that contrary to the experience of most men he came to the years of discretion at five, and understood all the ordinary sciences by the time he was fifteen. He then spent ten years more in discussions and conferences. This only increased his self-conceit. But his soul turned away from the delight of teaching and the applause of his pupils, and he thought of pursuing a life of religious seclusion. He then goes on to describe his seven births somewhat as he does at p. 115 of A.N. III. (text). A. F. was born in the beginning of 958 A.H. or 14 January 1551, and he was introduced to Akbar for the second time in the 19th year (982) when he was in his 25th year. His first introduction occurred a few months previously.
↩Arbāb-i-ṣaḥū-u-iṣaḥāb-i-sakr, “The masters of sobriety, and the lords of drunkenness,” meaning the rationalists and the enthusiasts, i.e., the Ṣūfiṣ. Cf. Dārā Shikoh's account in the Safīna-al-auliya of the famous mystic Ḥusain b. Manṣūr, Ḥallāj, where he calls him a Ṣāḥib-i-sakr.
↩Referring to his father's retirement from the world.
↩I think the reference is to A. F.'s position, and not to that of his father.
↩Barādarān garāmī. I think that this is a honorific plural and that the reference is only to Faẓiī, and Blochmann, p. xii, seems to have so taken it. But A. F. had other brothers than Faiẓī, though they were younger than himself, and they may be referred to here. Or the reference may be to brothers and cousins (brethren).
↩Khudāī majāzī. The visible God. i.e., his father Mubārak.
↩“Name of the 256th verse of the second chapter of the Qorān.” (B. xii, note.) Badayūnī B. 168 says that people reported that this commentary was really written by Mubārak.
↩See text, p. 114, where A. F.'s second interview and his presentation of a second treatise, viz., that on the chapter of victory, are described. See also Blochmann, pp. xi and xii, where this is noticed and where there is also a paraphrase of A. F.'s account of his early days. See also Jarrett III 443-5 for a more detailed account of A. F.'s early studies.
↩See B. 279, where however the statement is that it was the sterns of the boats that were made in the shape of animals. The word in text is sir.
↩Blochmann 346. Firishta mentions that he married a daughter of M. Askarī.
↩A. F.'s defence of Akbar's restlessness and continual encroachment on the territories of others is interesting, but not convincing.
↩Blochmann VI, where the Mustaufī is said to be the deputy-Diwān. Evidently this was not Rajah Bhagwān Dās Kachawaha.
↩Blochmann 180 and 528.
↩The Iqbālnāma adds the name of Faiẓī.
↩The case is more fully described in the T.A.
↩It seems especially to mean the tents of the women.
↩Kūdī in text. It is the Gumtī. See Jarrett II. 171, 172. Saiyidpūr is the Saidpūr of I. G., xxi, 384, and is in the Ghāzīpūr district.
↩He was a son of 'Abdul Laṭīf of Qasbīn, and he and his brethren were on this expedition. He was afterwards accidentally killed by his brother Naqīb while playing polo. A.N., iii, 173. Badāyūnī mentions his fine voice (ii, 230).
↩Kitāb-i-'Ishqīya. There is the variant 'Ishīqa, which is supported by the Iqbālnāma. Probably it was some special book having this title. D' Herbelot mentions two Kitāb 'Ishqī, one being attributed to Aristotle. Possibly the work meant is the divān of 'Ishqī K. See Badayūnī iii, 277.
↩The verse describes one who is discontented or sorrowful in the midst of abundance.
↩J. ii. 164. It is in Sarkār Jaunpūr.
↩Badayūnī 179 says it is at the junction of the Ganges and the Gumtī.
↩B. 421.
↩Sultan Maḥmūd died in 980. See T. Ma'ṣūmī, Malet 146. This message was sent shortly before his death (1572-73).
↩Blochmann 421 and the Lucknow Edition have Tatta instead of Patna. See T. M'aṣūmī, Malet 146, for an account of the delivery of the fort of Bhakkar.
↩The T. M'aṣumī, Malet 146, speaks of Sām'īah Begam's exercising great cruelty on the sick who came out of Bhakkar.
↩See for an account of Mīr Gesū's proceedings, Elliot I, 241. He was a man of violent temper, and was afterwards killed by his soldiers at Mīrtha. See infra, p. 414. A similar fate befel a successor of his—'Itimād Khān.
↩Perhaps it is only meant that he led the way.
↩Perhaps Akbar said this not then but at some subsequent time when surrounded by his courtiers. The story is also told in the T. A., where the name of the particular kind of deer is given, and Akbar is represented as mentioning the omen then and there.
↩Cf. Lowe 179, where Badayūnī has a good deal to say about the soothsayer whom he calls Saiyid Mīrak Ispahānī.
↩Jarrett ii, 151, and note I.
↩The text has Barjpūr.
↩B.288. We learn from the T. A. that the Army-Qāzī (judge advocate) was named Y'āqūb.
↩B. 515.
↩Jarrett ii. 150 and note 1. The junction is now ten miles higher up.
↩This is Shaikh Yahiā the father of Sharafu-d-dīn. Cf. Jarrett iii. 370, where A.F. gives a short biography of Sharafu-d-din.
↩The eighth of the orders of India. Jarrett iii. 354 and 356.
↩Jarrett iii. 368.
↩A. F. refers to this work in the beginning of the third volume of his Inshā, and it would appear that he edited the letters. Sharafu-d-dīn's writings were a favourite with Akbar. B. 48, 103, and Khazīna A. I. 291.
↩The text has Sulṭān Mahmūd, but this is obviously incorrect if Maḥmūd Ghaznavī is meant. I therefore adopt the variant, Sharafu-d-dīn died in 781 or 2 A.H., 1379-80, and M. Tughlaq I. died in 1351.
↩i.e., Nizāmu-d-dīn Auliyā. Jarrett iii. 365.
↩Jarrett iii. 356.
↩Niyābat. Apparently this viceregency procured him his title.
↩