Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 3

The just lord of the world by wisdom and foresight, and the guidance of daily-increasing fortune, led the great army of India to Zābulistān, and by skill and planning brought the work to a successful end. The dignity of counsel-giving was exalted, and a new jewel of humanity was displayed. Prudence and courage went shoulder to shoulder, and graciousness and magnanimity embraced each other. By wisdom he laid the foundations of war, and led a world into an open plain. He disregarded self, and showed the path of courage to a crooked foe. The retribution of the wicked was accomplished in an exquisite manner. A great expedition, such as had not occurred to the minds of the rulers of India, was effected in an admirable way. The jewels of endurance, wide capacity and knowledge of mysteries, were displayed to the four quarters of an astonished world. Though the rebels of the eastern provinces went the roadless way, and the officers requested that he would make an expedition in that direction, he took up the rebellion in the Panjab, and did not grant their prayer. Such calm and endurance were exhibited as to be extolled everywhere, and a splendid remedy was applied to the distractions of mankind. Appreciation and arrangement received fresh splendour, and he was made glorious by not permitting the chastisement of his ungrateful brother whom he looked upon as an elder child. By not leaving administration to the officers he strengthened the cords of discrimination. In spite of so many offences he granted to the Mīrzā his country, his property, his life and his honour. He fulfilled the obligations of battle and ³⁷⁴ banquet, rewarded the loyal servants, and punished the wicked. On 19 Āẕar,^548a after ten months, he glorified the capital by his advent.

A breeze of joy comes from Fatḥpūr,
For my King returns from a long journey.
What bliss is his advent, for from every heart
Thousands of rejoicings come forth.
O Faiẓī, glorious be his arrival to a world.
For a world comes into his presence.

On this day of joy the great officers, the loyal servants, and others were drawn up in two sides of the way for a distance of four kos from the city. The mountain-like elephants stood there in their majesty. The Khedive of the world proceeded on his way on a heaven-like elephant, attended by the “Avaunt” of the Divine Halo. The obedient princes moved on in their order. Many grandees proceeded in front of the mace-bearers (yesāwalān). The panoply^549a was there in its splendour and was followed by various officers. The noise of the drums and the melodies of the magician-like musicians gave forth news of joy. Crowds of men were gathered in astonishment on the roofs and at the doors. At the end of the day he sate in the lofty hall (daulatkhāna) on the throne of sovereignty. He dispensed justice by rewarding the loyal and punishing the hostile and made the increase of dominion and success a vehicle for worship and supplication.

One of the occurrences was the capital punishment of Bahādur. That evil man was the son of S'aīd Badakhshī^549b and owing to wickedness of brains he distressed the peasantry. He showed conspicuous folly, as has been in some measure described. He made the hill-country of Tirhut the abode of turbulence, and emerging from there when opportunity offered, he opened the hand of plundering. As that quarter was in the jāgīr of Ghāzī K. Badakhshī, and the Khān 'Āẓim assisted him, and he joined skill to courage. Bahādur sustained heart-breaking defeats. His home and family were plundered and his children captured. Therefore he had recourse to wiles, and sued for mercy. He came and paid his respects to Ghāzī K. As the marks of sedition and turbulence were seen in his words and actions, Ghāzī K. arrested him and sent him to the Khān 'Āẓim at Ḥājīpūr. The latter sent him to court, at the time of H.M.'s arrival he was brought in with chains on his neck, and stocks (kunda) on his feet, and met with his deserts.^550a One of the occurrences was the arrival of Ḥaidar^2550b to do homage. H.M. asks nothing from the princes of the age beyond obedience, and when they render this he does not exert the might of sovereignty against them. Accordingly he had sent Ṣāliḥ 'Āqil to advise Yūsuf K. the prince of Kashmīr. He had the good fortune to accept such counsels and to send his third son to court along with the choice things of the country. He was distinguished by royal favours.

One of the occurrences was the placing of Shahbāz K. in the prison of schooling. It is indispensable that man should at the time of smiling fortune and of increase of wealth keep watch over himself. Instability^550c and too much of the coquetry of the world— which is the demon-land of success—soon unsettle one, and cast him into eternal ruin. As by the virtue of daily-increasing fortune, good service was performed by him, and he drank more of the world's wine than he could digest, he showed some self-will. At the time of inquiry he exhibited presumption and self-auctioneering. Inasmuch as the world's lord was relieved then from the stress of the administration of the world and was taking counsel (jānqī) with wise and disinterested men, he looked closely into the conduct of this narrow-souled, foul-tongued^551a man. On 24 Dai he went off to hunt in the direction of Nagarcīn, and arrived there on 3 Bahman. On that day, in drawing^551b up the guards (taslīm-i-caukī) the Bakhshīs of the court of the Caliphate had placed him (Shahbāz) below M. Khān, who now has the lofty title of Khān-Khānān. He went wrong and did not obey the holy commands, and severed the links of gratitude and loyalty. Or rather he let go the thread of mercantile considerations. As his capacity was small, and the wine was strong, he was unable to keep quiet at the banquet of service. He came out of the cool abode of reason, and worshipped his idiosyncrasy. H.M. in order to instruct him made him over to Rai Sāl Darbārī, and placed him in the school of practical wisdom. Next morning he returned to the capital.

One of the occurrences was the death of the (Malika Jahān) Queen of the world, Ḥājī Begam. From the time that she^551c had returned from the Ḥijāz she had, in order to perform the duties, taken up her abode near the tomb of H.M. Jinnat Ashiyānī (Humāyūn) and had looked after it. She regarded this service as the material for gathering bliss in realm and religion. The poor of that spot gained their desires from the table of her bounty. Inasmuch as the world is not a place of permanence, and a commercial ferry (guzargāh bāzargānī),^551d not a spiritual resting-place, that secluded one packed up the goods of life from this treacherous inn on the 7th (about 17 January 1582) and turned away her face from the caravanserai. A world grieved, and Time became sorrowful. How ³⁷⁶ can I write about the condition of the loving throne-occupant. The capacity of mortals is not sufficient for this, and it does not fall into the mould of speech. And why should it not be so! The management of this material world is a great fact and the accomplishments thereof a great task (?).^552a Seeing that that fountain of gentleness is filled with grief whenever a human being dies who has had some goodness in him, an estimate may be made of what his feelings were at the severing of an existence so bound to his soul. This lady of the family of dominion was an ocean of goodnesses, and loved the sovereign from his earliest years. He also was wonderfully attached to her. The ladies of the harem wept and tore their hair on account of pain for which there was no medicine. Inasmuch as H.M. was primate of the spiritual world, and there is nothing extravagant there, and no wrinkle on the heart's brow, he refrained from impatience, and took up his station in the pure shrine of resignation, and administered balms to the wounded hearts.

The awakened and enlightened well know that three caravans move towards this three to five days' inn. The first is the spermal caravan which proceeds from the loins of fathers to the wombs of mothers, the second is the becoming a celestial soul and a body descending into clay, the third is the strange condition of the beings who in this variegated abode partake of joy and sorrow. Whiles man becomes fixed there, whiles his nature is restless in it. The enlightened heart moves on with firm foot in this turmoil, and endeavours to help both itself and others. He who does not understand gets confused and bewildered.

Out of abundant kindness he sent Qāsim 'Alī K. to Delhi in order that he might convey the graciousness of H.M. to the servants of that secluded one, and might restrain them from grief, and might console them. He was also to perform in a proper manner what was necessary for the lady on her journey (i.e. help her soul by alms-giving and prayers). May Almighty God cast a ray of His own eternity on the plane of the existence of this wisely-walking sovereign! And may mortals receive life from his glorious graciousness and equity.

May his soul have an eternal mansion,
May his threshold be life's sanctuary,
May his beauty long glorify the world,
May his nights be ascents heavenward, his days New Year days.

One of the occurrences was the coming of M'aṣūm K. Farankhūdī to court. In the middle of Bahman that wanderer in ruin's wilderness came to Fatḥpūr. Inasmuch as his infatuation was not yet laid, he did not bring the face of supplication to the threshold of fortune, but chose a place outside the city near the shrine of the hidden saint (Pīrghaib).^553a In spite of so many crimes his sole and ³⁷⁷ evil idea was that the sovereign would notice him. If repentance had wholly possessed his soul, he would have come to the court and have stained his forehead with the dust of repentance so that the Incomparable Deity should have forgiven him, and he had attained the shade of graciousness.

The adventures of this young man of slumbrous intellect and fortune are as follows. When helplessness took possession of him he for a time sought protection with the Khān Āẓim M. Koka by means of fawning. The Mīrzā, from honesty and simplicity, believed his deceitful expressions to be sincere and assisted him. He helped him in various ways with money, goods, and a jāgīr. The territory of Mahīsa^553b which is on the skirt of the hills was part of the last. And he promised that when the royal standards returned to India, he would take him to court, and obtain favour for him. Inasmuch as he was bad at heart, and cherished evil thoughts, he took leave and went to his estate. Many shameless men gathered round him. The Mīrzā repented of having sent him, and set himself to remedy the situation. As M'asūm had not the strength for battle, he gave up the idea and went off, intending to go to court. His whole notion was that if an opportunity offered, he would raise the head of sedition. Otherwise he would go to court and have recourse to wheedling. The Mīrzā at the instigation of evil men allowed this strifemonger to go off without an escort of troops (?) and a great mistake was made in the matter of administration. He exerted himself in going astray and in stratagems, but as he had little means of fighting, and as there were many imperial servants on all sides of him, and his mother, sister and wife were in confinement, he could not stir up the dust of dissension, and was unable to hale himself to the corner of ruin. From helplessness he came to the city of abundance, and fell into the crapulousness of arrogance.

Also at this time Qāzī 'Abdu-s-samī'^554a was exalted to the position of Qāẓī^554b of the army ('askar). He was of a noble family in Andijān, and was one of the first of the age for the usual sciences, powers of exposition (tanqīḥ-i-taqrīr), and right thinking. Formerly Qāzī Jalāl^554c Multānī held that office. When it was discovered that worldly interests had depraved the intellect of that avaricious man, and that he had deviated from truth and rectitude, and also it became notorious that his son had embezzled treasury-money, he was removed from office and from trust, and the pen of supersession was written over the forehead of his circumstances. And in consideration^555a of the circumstances that one who had been exalted by the King should not appear contemptible in the eyes of the public, he was exiled to the Deccan in order that he might go by that route to the Ḥijāz. The avaricious man remained in that quarter (Mecca) and died there. After that no one had been nominated to the ³⁷⁸ lofty post. As H.M. was impressed by the skill and disinterestedness of this excellent man, he exalted him to this high office. On the 24th the Khān Āẓim came from Bihar and was received with royal favours.

At this time of the smiling of the spiritual and physical Spring, there was a tumult of joy in the kingdoms of nature. Each of them unfolded in a wondrous manner. It occurred to the ever-vernal mind of the decorator of fortune's garden to celebrate ancient festivals, and to knit together the external world. Although H.M. always reverenced that noble season (Spring), yet on account of the prevalence of custom and the general ignorance, his feelings were not manifested. As the eyes of the hearts of the enchained in bigotry were purblind, and sound reason had the rust of disuse, the truth-choosing Shāhinshah had regard to the disposition of his contemporaries, and did not bring forward his views from the closet of the soul to the hall of manifestation. The physicians of the world and enlightened rulers know that it is indispensible to refrain from forms of worship which cause disturbance among men, and they regard the soothing of the various sections of mankind as one of the greatest methods of piety to God. At this day, when reason was exalted, and small and great were searching for proofs, and when enlightened old men and felicitous young men and alert sages were impledging their hearts to demonstration and seeking for certitude, the holy thoughts of the Shāhinshāh turned to ancient usages and preferred wisdom to custom.

Hail the carriage (jambash) of the guides of faith
For they kindle the lamp of certitude:
Hail to the cavaliers who traverse the horizons
For they carry off the ball in realm and religion.
Among those arena-adorning cavaliers there is one
Of whom great praise is but little,

Two words may sum up my adoration,
He is Afẓal^557a by quality, Akbar by name.

On account of the glory of piety in his soul linked with heaven he does not highly regard orators^557b (perhaps eulogists) nor does he attach much importance to writers.^557c However insignificant outwardly one may be, he receives honour if he utter words of choice wisdom, and however grand one may be outwardly, if his utterances do not accord therewith, the hand of rejection (dast-i-radd) is laid upon him. In his splendid equity, if some account of the ancients please him, he brings it into prominence, and does not take into consideration the charge of following others. He regards the orders of ³⁷⁹ Sultan Wisdom as the Divine commands, and is active in carrying them out. It is clear that awakedness does not learn from slumber, nor is light sought from darkness.

From this^557d year there was the commencement of New Year feasts and other ancient festivals, and they became current throughout the world. Fresh glory was given to the holy spirits of former times, and the great men of the Age obtained their desires both in spiritual and physical matters. The rising generation too which sought for enlightenment received a great boon. Divine worship assumed its place, and under the guise of appearances, spirituality developed. The season of the equability of tempers, and the periods of other feasts of the Persian months, which former sages had devised for the worship of God and the subjugation of hearts, became resplendent—as has been in some measure stated in the beginning of this palace of enlightenment (the Akbarnāma)—and in the last volume. When the New Year was approaching, H.M. gave orders that the able workmen of the Court should decorate^557e the great Daulat-Khāna (hall of audience) which is surrounded by 120 stone verandahs (aiwān). The great officers and other blissful servants applied profound thought to the adornments thereof. Gold-embroidered stuffs of great price were used, and there were varieties of jewels. On Sunday 15 Ṣafr 990 of the lunar year, 11 March 1582, after the passing of 14 minutes, and 37 seconds, the sun conferred fresh glory on the Sign of Aries, and the flush of exuberance adorned Time. The beginning of the year Khurdād of the third cycle took place. The enlightened Shāhinshāh mounted on the throne of fortune, and there was fresh splendour, outward and inward. The jewel of theology was displayed, and there was a new beginning for talent and love.^558a (Verse.) The lock was taken off the Treasury, and the coin of hope was scattered among mankind. It was arranged that every year from the time of transit (to Aries) to the time of culmination there should be a great festival and that each day an auspicious servant should have charge of the glorious banquet.

In this great assembly he announced, “On this day every one will do some special thing, and make the adornment of felicity.” The first to speak was the world's lord who said with his pearl-filled tongue, “Lordship (Khudāwindī) in truth is only applicable to the Incomparable Deity, and Service (bandagī) is appropriate to the man-born. What strength has this handful of weakness to take upon itself the name of Mastery (ṣāḥibī) and to make slaves of the sons of men?” At the same time he set free many thousands of slaves and said, ³⁸⁰ “How can it be right to call those seized by force by this name, and to order them to serve.” And he directed that this happy band should be distinguished by the name of Celās^558b (disciples).

H.M. had previously directed that the illuminated ones of the presence should submit their sentiments,^558c but owing to the briskness of the market of dissimulation, and the want of justice on the part of the guardians of orders, this had not been carried into effect. Among these representations was that of Prince Sulṭan Selīm. He represented that marriage should not take place before the age of twelve, that much harm and little advantage accrued from the contrary practice. The Khān A'zim M. Koka represented that the governors of the imperial provinces should not have the boldness to cut the thread of life, and that until they had laid the matter before H.M. they should not stain their hands by destroying what God had built. Where could deep discernment and far-sightedness, both of which were rare, be found conjoined with absence of motive and of malevolence? M. Khān-Khānān said it would be good if fragments of life such as small birds and creeping things^559a were not taken, and if many lives were not destroyed for a small benefit. Rajah Todar Mal said, every day, charities should be distributed at the palace, and that it should be an order that the officers also should every week, month, or year have a care of the empty-handed. M. Yūsuf K. (No. 35 of B.) represented that a daily journal of events should be obtained from all the cities and towns. Rajah Bīrbar expressed a wish that some right-minded and energetic men should act as inspectors in various places, and should represent impartially the condition of oppressed people and seekers after justice, and report unavoidable calamities. Qāsim K.'s^559b suggestion was that serais (rest-houses) should be established on the routes throughout the empire so that travellers might obtain repose. S. Jamāl (No. 113 of B.) represented that some disinterested and experienced men should be appointed who should bring to court those who were in distress and want. S. Faiẓī begged that some experienced and sympathetic persons might be appointed in the cities and bazars who should fix the price of articles. Ḥakīm Abū-l-fatḥ wished for the establishment of hospitals. The writer of the noble volume petitioned that the dāroghas of every city and town should record the householders thereof, name by name, and trade by trade, and should always keep a close eye on their income and expenditure, and should expel the do-nothings, the mischievous, and the bad. When they had made their suggestions to H.M. he accepted all their representations. The dejected world assumed a new face. The door was opened for the Divine bounty and a collyrium was applied to the eye of seeing. The earth rose up to give praise, and the heavens joyfully uttered thanksgiving. Every day one of the great officers had charge of the assembly. The world's lord cast the shadow of graciousness on that ornamented place and gave voice to bounteousness. Prayers to God were arranged according to excellent rules, and every one of the fortunate servants gave a little out of much as peshkash, and ³⁸¹ heaped up eternal bliss. The delicate-minded Shāhinshāh received a small thing and made it the material of (conferring) great rank. When the time of the culmination (of the sun) drew near, the special hall of audience (daulat khāna khāṣ) was decorated. Wonder-working magician-like men performed marvels, and wisdom had a daily market. The souls of the sages of old times revived, and an excellent excuse (for liberality) was furnished to the bounty-loving Shāhinshāh.

In the beginning^560a of this auspicious year the world's Khedive gave some attention to the arrangements of the affairs of the empire, and bestowed new lustre on administrative and financial regulations. Before^560b this, the duties of the viziership had been entrusted to Rajah Todar Mal, but on account of the perils of the great enterprise, and the activity of double-faced, ten-tongued persons, he had not applied himself heartily to it. This far-sighted and incorruptible man, who understood the secrets of administration, was appointed to the lofty office of Head of the Dīwān (ashraf-i-diwān), and virtually the position of Vakīl (Prime Minister) was conferred on him. Everything was referred to him, and a choice ordering of administrative and financial matters was the result. By the blessing of a happy fate he sullied not the skirt of wish, but regarded what was good for the State, and acquired an everlasting good name. With a stout heart he maintained the laws of the Caliphate, and had no fear of the powerful and crafty. From far-sightedness and knowledge of the world, he proposed several regulations (faṣle) so that the holy orders might be promulgated anew, and have fresh vigour. For better enlightenment I proceed to record them, and so present a boon to posterity.

First. The collectors ('amalguẕārān) of the Crown-lands (Khālṣa) and the jāgīrdārs should collect the rents^561a and taxes in accordance with the code (dastūr-al-'amal). If from wickedness and tyranny they took from the cultivators more than the agreement, it was to be reckoned as the legitimate rent, and the oppressors were to be fined, and the amount entered in the monthly accounts. They should at every harvest inquire into the minutest^561b details and protect the subjects. The thread of the administration of justice was to be a double one, (that is) suppliants were to be reimbursed, and extortioners to be punished.

2nd. The collectors of the crown-lands had two clerks (bitikcī)—a kārkūn and a khāṣnavīs. Generally, both of these men were corrupt, and in collusion with the village-headman (kalāntarān), and they oppressed the peasantry. If in place of these two dishonest men, one^562a trustworthy and rightly-acting officer were appointed, the country would be developed, and the peasant would be at peace.

3rd. It appeared that in the crown-parganas the cultivated lands diminished year by year. If the cultivable land were measured once for all, the peasantry would cultivate more and more land in proportion to their ability and the arrangement of progressive payments should be made. They should give one another as securities and should execute documents. Consideration should be shown in the exaction of dues. In the case of land which had lain^2562b fallow for four years, only half of the stipulated rent should be taken for the first year, three-fourths in the second, and in the third the peasants should be responsible for the^562c full rent. For land which had been uncultivated for two years, one-fourth of the rent should be deducted for the first year. In the case of uncultivated lands they were to be allowed to keep back a small amount of grain so that their lands might become capable of yielding rent. If destitute cultivators were assisted (by advances), documents should be taken from known men, and recoveries made, partly at the spring-harvest, and partly at the autumn harvest so that the country might soon be cultivated, the peasantry satisfied, and the treasury replenished. When the collectors increased the (total) rental, demands should not be made (from them) about^562d deficiencies in some items. Every year reports about the collectors should be submitted to H.M. in order that good servants might be rewarded, and promoted, and those who were of another sort, punished.

4th. When the crops are standing, let several measuring-parties^563a be appointed, in proportion to the amount of land, and let the measurement be started in an intelligent manner, and the kind and quality of the cultivation be noticed. The collector will choose a central^563b spot for himself, and carefully visit every part of the land and examine its condition.

When there has been an abundant rain^563c and the fields are lying in water, an amount of land up to two-and-a-half biswas should be left out of account, and in jungle and sandy tracts as much as three biswas. Abstract accounts (sīāhha i-ẓabṭa) should be sent in weekly, and the daily journal of collections month by month to the head office.

5th. An imperial order should be issued that a list^563d of damaged lands should be sent to court so that orders might be passed concerning them.

6th. The dwellers in ravines, who are of a turbulent disposition, think the ruggedness of their country a protection and make long the arm of oppression. Orders should be issued to the Vicegerent (sipahsālār), the faujdār, the fief-holder and to the collector that they should act together and remedy matters. First, they should admonish, and if this prove ineffectual, they should raise the flag of activity and chastise the malefactors, and devastate their crops (ābādī, perhaps, habitations). The jāgīrdār should get an exchange,^564a and the mastaufī should not make a demand on this account. If the soldiers should be^564b injured in these operations, a fine should be levied (tāwān). Further, the sums extorted from the peasantry are to be produced before the treasurer and he is to give credit for them in the ryots' receipts. The collectors should be paid their wages quarterly, the last payment being made when there are no arrears due from the ryots.

8th. The ryots^564c should be in such a state of obedience that they should bring their rents to the treasury without its being necessary to set guards over them. Sufficient security should be taken from the refractory, and if such cannot be found, watchmen should be set over the harvested grain and the rent be realized. An account of the rent to be collected from each person according to the amount of his cultivation should be prepared, and the date should neither be postponed nor anticipated. The patwārī of each village should allot these, name by name, among his subordinates. The collectors should send the cash along with the patwārī's signature to ³⁸³ the treasurer. They should be vigilant to put down oppression, and should make their words and their works accord.

9th. The Treasurer should receive muhrs, rupis and dāms which bear the august name (of Akbar) and make allowance for obsolete coins so that the collectors and the money-changers may reckon the old and new and ascertain the difference. The L'al Jalālī, of full weight and fineness, is worth 400 dāms, the square rupi is worth 40 dāms. The ordinary ashrafī, and the round Akbarshāhī rupi which has become worn, shall be rated as follows.

If the ashrafī be deficient by two grains of rice (birinj), but be of good quality, it should be valued at 360 dāms. If deficient by three grains up to one^565a surkh^565b its value should be 355 dāms. If deficient by 1 1/2 to 2 surkhs its value is 350 dāms. A rupi deficient by one surkh of the full weight should be valued at 39 dāms. If deficient by 1 1/2 to two surkhs it should be valued at 38 dāms. The L'al Jalālī of full weight and fineness, the Jalālī deficient from 1 1/2 to 2 surkhs and Sikka Sanwāt Akbarshāhī deficient by 3 birinj up to one surkh were to be received at the treasury. If the deficiency were greater, the taḥwīldār (cashier) should keep the coins separate and the accountant should enter them in the day-book and send an account of them daily to the head-office. The jāgīrdārs, treasurers, and ṣarrāfs (money-changers) were to act upon these rules.

10th. The officers of the Khālṣa and the jāgīrdārs should make correct reports about the well-conducted, and the ill conducted, the obedient, and the disobedient, in their estates so that recompense and retribution may be bestowed, and the thread of government be strengthened.

11th. Instead of the old^565c charges, one dām per bīgha of cultivation should be fixed. It is hoped that by this arrangement 24 dāms would be allowed to the measurement party. Their allowances would thus be—

Of this—

In the time of the rābī' crop when the days are long, not less than 250 bighas should be measured, and at the time of the Kharīf, when the days are short, not less than 200 bighas.

H.M. examined these proposals with a profound eye, and accepted them.

One of the occurrences was the pardoning of M'aṣūm K. and Ṇiyābat^566a K. The former, from the time when H.M. reached Fatḥpūr, had had recourse to blandishments, and had also been in a state of confusion, and had by the help of some well-disposed persons come to H.H. Miriam Makānī. The latter evil-doer had from exhaustion (wāmāndagī) joined 'Aīn-al-mulk,^566b and (then) had, owing to his slumbrous fortune, separated himself, and indulged in thoughts of turbulence. When he did not succeed, he too had come with entreaties to the same asylum of the world, and had come into the hands of the people of Shahbāz K. As he held in his hands the protecting letter (zinhārnāma) of that great lady of the age it was ³⁸⁴ forwarded to the holy threshold, and forasmuch as the commands of that secluded one of fortune received acceptance, on 16 Farwardin (26th March 1582), these unforgivable ones took their repose in the shade of the Shāhinshāh, and a world blossomed forth.

One of the occurrences was the sending of the Khān A'ẓim M. Koka to subdue Bengal. When the joys of the New Year had come to pass, and devotions had been paid to God, H.M. turned his attention to administration. He laboured for the arrangements of the universe and taking compassion on the oppressed ones in Bengal appointed an army to go there. On the 27th the Kokaltāsh was sent off as the commander, and Tarson K., Shāham K., Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram, S. Farīd and many other officers were attached to the army. They received robes of honour, chosen horses, and salutary counsels. Orders were issued to Ṣādiq K., Muḥibb 'Alī K., and the soldiers generally of Bihar and Oudh, that they should make ready for war and join the victorious army. News came that the Bengal rebels had stirred up strife, and that Jabbārī, Khābīta,^567a Tarkhān Diwāna, and many other evil-doers had come to Bihar, and were oppressing the subjects. They had taken possession of Ḥājīpūr and some other towns. Ṣādiq K. and Muḥibb 'Alī K. hastened to dispose of them. M'aṣūm K. Kabulī had also become active owing to the assistance of those rebels. Bahādur Kūrūh^567b (?) came with an army of Qutlū's Afghans to the neighbourhood of Tānda, and the rebel (M'aṣum) turned back there to help him (?). The world's lord had already from foresight arranged for the work which was now to be accomplished, and men's eyes and hearts were invigorated by his forethought.

One of the occurrences was that Shamsunisā^567c Begam withdrew her face behind the veil (died). That nursling of the house-garden of the Caliphate was six months old, and the loving heart of the Shāhinshāh was illuminated by beholding her. Owing to the jugglery of fate her spirit fled on the 31st (Farwardīn, April 1582) from the straits of the bodily elements. She left this prison and departed to the pleasant abode of heaven. Owing to this heart-smiting occurrence the ladies of the sacred harem were filled with sorrow, and an universe was plunged into the whirlpool of grief.

Much grief accrued to the world's lord on account of his being the caravan leader of the world of association, and he withdrew his heart from everything. But inasmuch as he was primate of the spiritual world, he recovered himself, and the secluded ladies also, under his guidance, entered the garden of patience, and took repose in submission to the Divine will.

Inasmuch as enlightenment, and action in accordance therewith, are the source of eternal dominion, and the adornment of eternal dominion, and as the fulfilment of great desires, the increase of outward dominion, and the exquisite service of the capable men of the earth lead many wise men to the dormitory of insouciance, but cause awakening in the incomparable personality of the vivid sovereign, he offered up various thanksgivings to God on receiving the news of the return of this noble caravan. When the litter of that chaste lady reached Ajmir, Prince Sultan Selīm, the pearl of the crown, was sent off to meet her. Every day one of the court-grandees was sent to convey salutations, and when the neighbourhood of Khānwa^569a received the light of bliss by her auspicious advent, the world's lord met her on 2 Ardībihisht (about 13 April 1582). On the way Khwāja Yaḥiya arrived and did homage. He produced a petition from the dignitaries of the Ḥijāz together with a list of presents. H.M. encamped there. The loyal votaries attained joy and were comforted by graciousness and inquiries after their health. The sorrowful ones of the arid desert of separation were refreshed, and they produced various gifts before H.M. There were hospitalities, and that night they remained awake and in pleasing discourses. Next day there was a glorious return (to Fatḥpūr). The ladies had spent^569b three years and six months in that country. When the Khwāja Yaḥiya showed earnestly the Shāhinshāh's wish, they were obliged to give up their residence.^570a They embarked in the ship Tezrav (the Swift) while the Khwāja and the pilgrims took their places in the ship S'aī^570b (effort?). Near Aden most of the boats were wrecked. They were in trouble there for seven months. The governor there did not behave properly, and when Sulṭan Murād,^570c the ruler of Turkey, heard of this he punished that ill-fated one. They arrived at Gujarat when the standards of fortune had gone^571a off to Kabul, and on account of the rains and of H.M.'s being in Zabulistān, some delay occurred.

One of the occurrences was the pardoning the offences of ³⁸⁶ Khwājagī^571b Fatḥ Ullah. He was one of the near servants of H.M. and gathered bliss in waiting upon him. From associating with evil-doers he departed far from daily-increasing dominion. From evil fate he became a vagabond in the desert of failure. When the world's lord disembarked from his boat and went off posthaste to Ajmere, he was sent off to bring Quṭbu-d-dīn K., and an order was given that he should bring him by the way of Mālwa in order that he might send from there able envoys to give counsels to the ruler of Khāndes, and hold out promises and threats to him about sending (to Akbar) Moẓaffar Ḥusain M. When they arrived there they (the ambassadors) obeyed the order and used eloquence in persuading (the ruler of Khāndes?). The Khwājagī also craftily went to Burhānpūr along with them. After completing this affair he went off to the Ḥijāz. Apparently on account of sloth and narrowness of capacity he did not like the burden of service, and from ignorance brought such great evils on himself. The wondrous sphere of fate inflicted retribution on him and he fell into thousands of calamities. But by the goodness of his disposition he became aware of the wickedness of his conduct, and reposed for a while in the shelter of the chaste ladies, who were returning from the Ḥijāz. Now by their intercession he was pardoned, and laid hold of the skirt of daily-increasing fortune.

One of the occurrences was the shamefaced arrival of S. 'Abdu-n-nabī and Mullā 'Abdullah Sultānpūrī. It has been mentioned that when H.M. proceeded to test the learned men, and when the gold-incrusted nature of the sellers of tales (the fraudulent) was revealed, the position of these men became difficult and they fell into confusion. They had not the vigour of intellect to bring to market the jewel of knowledge with suitable replies, nor had they the candour to commence their studies anew, nor the guidance so as to come to shore out of the confusion. Owing to abundant cupidity their sole thought was how to mend the old scarf of their hypocrisy and to make their days pleasant by attaining their desires. The respect-loving sovereign perceived that a journey to the Ḥijāz would be for their good, and sent them off, willing or unwilling. They were made comfortable by having the control of the body of pilgrims, and the veil remained suspended over their wretchedness. An order was given that they should not return without being commanded to do so. As their minds were full of cupidity, they had resort to vulpine tactics, and made use of fawning language. Might they be excused from going? Their improper ideas did not succeed, and their trickery was unsuccessful. They went off, injured spiritually and temporally. At this time babblers stirred up commotions in India; they made one into a hundred and exulted in envy. They thought the world was made for their pleasure, and knocked at the door of return, thinking that perhaps they might be shone upon, and that the desires of the black-hearted ones might be accomplished. Though their friends and acquaintances reminded them of the royal ³⁸⁷ orders, and the rulers of that country (the Ḥijāz) observed H.M.'s commands, and did not give them leave, they contrived to escape. When they heard in Gujarat of the failure of the rebellion, and of the punishment of the wicked, they were struck with shame and sought protection from the secluded ladies. When H.M. heard of their arrival, and of their designs, he ordered that some active men should go and bring into prison those ignorant and evil men in such a manner that the ladies should not know of it. Mullā 'Abdullah had died of error. The other scoundrel was seized in that manner, and was out of a love for justice subjected to an examination. He could give no answer except silence and ashamedness. From graciousness and a desire to save him from contempt he was sent to the school of instruction and there the cup of^572a his life overflowed (he died).

When the Khān Ā'ẓim and many of the officers of Bihar had come to court for the New Year festivities, Khabīṭa with a number of ill-fated, turbulent men came to Bihar from Bengal, and stirred up commotion and oppressed the weak. The Khān Ā'ẓim's men were unable to protect Ḥājīpūr, and the rebels took possession of it and of many parganahs. Ṣādiq K. maintained himself bravely in Patna and assembled the fief holders of that country. They acted in harmony and resolved to give battle, and drew out their forces. Ṣādiq K. commanded the centre, Muḥibb 'Alī K. was on the right ³⁸⁸ wing, Ulugh K. Ḥabshī on the left. Bihār K. and Abū-l-m'aālī were in the van. Muḥammad Qulī Beg Turkamān had charge of the artillery. The rebels also made ready for battle. Khabīṭa, who was the sword of the vain-thoughted, was in the centre, Jabbārī was on the right wing, and Dastam and Rustam, the sister's sons of Khabīṭa, were on the left. Tarkhān Diwāna, S'aīd Beg, and Shāh Dāna were in the van. The imperial servants sent some brave men along with the artillery across the Ganges to Ḥājīpūr, and constructed a fort on the bank of the Gandak. Fights continually took place between the two armies, and there was daily market for the merchandise of life-sacrifice. As fortune favoured the imperialists they were victorious and the rebels fled in disgrace. When these combats had gone on for forty days, and the owlish natures could effect nothing in the light of day, they made a night attack. The brave soldiers of the eternal fortune behaved still more nobly. 'Alī Beg, the cousin of Ṣādiq K., lost his life after fighting gallantly. Many applied themselves to the work and raised the pæan of joy. The enemy were defeated. Next morning on the 24th the officers crossed over the river and engaged. The enemy, whose confidence had been increased by the chief officers not having crossed and the soldiers taking refuge in the fort, came forward to do battle. First the sister's sons of Khabīṭa left the van and fell upon the imperial wing. Muḥibb 'Alī K. stood firm. While the battle was doubtful, the enemy's van attacked the imperial left wing. Ḥabīb 'Alī K., the son of Muḥibb 'Alī K., did wonders, but the imperialists were nearly being worsted. Just then the imperial van displayed bravery. Ḥamza Beg, Ghazā 'Alī and Ḥasan Mīāna came from the centre and gave fresh lustre to the fight. Khabīṭa with a large force drew up in front of Ṣādiq K. Muḥammd Qulī Beg, Junaid Maral and many strenuous men distinguished themselves. While the contest was going on so keenly, the right wing of the enemy ³⁸⁹ suddenly took flight, and in a short time the audacious rebels were stained with the dust of defeat. The imperialists were somewhat astonished at this celestial aid, and sought to understand it. Then they recognized that it was the wondrous work of fortune, and turned to the giving of thanks. Suddenly Mīrak Ḥusain, the brother of 'Arab Khānjahānī, brought the head of Khabīṭa, and gave the news of joy. It appeared that in the heat of the attack a cannon-ball had struck that ringleader of the enemies of God, and had destroyed the success of the shameless ones. His followers lifted up the lifeless body and set off, but from confusion and cowardice they threw it down and fled. The above-mentioned person cut off his head and brought it in. Thus the wondrous work of fortune became known to small and great. Thanksgivings were offered to God. The enemy numbered more than 5000 experienced soldiers, while the imperialists had less than 2000 fit for battle. It does not enter into the ideas of ordinary observers that the latter could withstand the former. Khabīṭa was of the Moghal tribe, and had served in the Badakhshān army. He had distinguished himself by acts of daring in company with M'aṣūm K. Kabulī, and had in a short time become the head of the rebels of the day. His punishment was a lesson to the turbulent. His head was sent to Court as a proof of the heavenly aids. The officers were exalted by various favours, and as the rainy season was near at hand Shāh Qulī Maḥram, S. Ibrāhim and S. Farīd Bokhārī, who had been sent off on account of the disturbances in Bengal and Bihar, were recalled.

One of the occurrences was the failure and return of M. Khān from Sorath.^576a Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad K. sent an army under M. Khān who was related to him, against Amīn K. Ghorī and to conquer Sorath. He from cowardice and want of planning did not succeed, and an easy task became a difficult one. If the evil of foolishness happen to the reason which is the ruler of the bodily elements, the subjects of this king cannot maintain their health, so if the commander fail in skill and courage, what can be expected of his men? The world's lord reproved him for his self-conceit and ignorance, and he had the good sense to atone for his fault by humility and entreaties.

One of the occurrences was the sending of an ambassador to the pleasant land of Kashmīr. When Ṣāliḥ Dīwāna represented to H.M. the loyalty of the ruler of that country and his alarm at no ³⁹⁰ one's being sent to him, the Khedive, who receives little and gives much, sent Shaikh Y'aqūb Kashmīrī^576b to him with kind commands, and valuable favours, and also gave leave to his son Ḥaidar.

One of the occurrences was the death of M'aṣūm K. Farankhūdī. H.M. in his abundant kindness forgave this man who was worthy of death, and left the retribution of his actions to the incomparable Deity, as has been in some measure related. Inasmuch as the picture of his life was doomed to be erased, the stewards of fate brought him to an end, to the glory of the throne, the prosperity of justice, and the retirement of the turbulent. On 23 Tīr (July 1582) at midnight he was going from the Palace to his house when some men fell upon him and killed him. In spite of much investigation and close inquiry the affair was not cleared^577a up. H.M. had compassion on his circumstances and placed his children under the shadow of his graciousness.

Another occurrence was the capital punishment of Jalā.^577b As in the dispensary of bodily physicians both poisons and antidotes are employed, and it is essential that both be kept in stock, so also in the drug-shop of just kings who are spiritual physicians, both the pure and the impure are cherished, and good is wrought by the evil, and the wicked suffer retribution. Former rulers have watched carefully over this class of men and have by the “Avaunt” of majesty kept them in check. Whenever they make use of this greedy, selfish crew they do so after much consideration, and they make goodness of object the foundation of such use. Those who think it proper to abstain from seeing this injurious crew, and still more from superintending and supporting them, seem not to have fully comprehended matters, or they have confined their tasks within the limits of their abilities. Those of wide capacity are not confounded by hearing of such men (the wicked); they do not give way to anger, and inflict retribution slowly and with deliberation. Such is the praiseworthy conduct of the sovereign of our age. Under circumspection this class of men are admitted to the court of fortune Such gentleness is shown to them that they forget themselves, and open their hands for various kinds of oppression. The Shāhinshāh in this way makes trial of men and converts poison into antidotes. His sole desire is to preserve equability, and to worship God. A fresh proof of this was given by the circumstances of this easily-intoxicated wretch. He was a broker's son, and though shameless and rough in manner, he got admission to court by his profession of horse dealer.^578a He was highly trusted, and as the time of retribution had not arrived, he for a long time actively ³⁹¹ engaged in ministering to his passions. At this time it came to the royal hearing that he had seduced a woman and had killed her husband. H.M. sent him to prison, and when the charge was investigated, it was found to be true. Many other evil acts of his came to light, and the record of his wickednesses was read out. On the 30th (10th July 1582) in spite of long intimacy and exceeding graciousness he received his punishment and became dust-stained, in the earthbin of annihilation. Deceit ceased to be current, and truth was exalted. Mankind received instruction, and the wicked were terrified.

Abundance of collyrium was bestowed, and crowds of men opened their eyes to the daily-increasing beauty of the world's lord.

At this time an order was issued for the coming of that compendium of ancient sages, Amīr Fatḥ Ullah of Shīrāz. H.M. had long wished for him. The latter also had for a long time desired to come to court but fortune had been unpropitious. At last he came to the Deccan from Shīrāz at the instance of 'Ādil K. When the latter died, his old idea was renewed, and he was relieved from his distress by various kindnesses. An order was sent to the rulers of the Deccan and to the fief-holders of the empire that they should assist him and guide him on this way. He very eagerly brought his jewel of knowledge to the market.

Among the occurrences was that the cup of life of Jīvan^578b K. Koka became full. On 10 Amardād he died of an abdominal complaint, and of piles. H.M. craved forgiveness for him from God, and visited and comforted the mourners in his family.

One of the occurrences was the bursting of a tank.^578c On the top of the hill of Faṭhpūr, to the north of the gateway (dargāh), a reservoir had been made by H.M. Many pleasure-loving servants met on its banks, and H.M. was present. The princes, the officers and other special persons were assembled there. Every one of them was paying his respects in some special manner. Inasmuch as the wise make use of sport, and test men when they are at ease, pleasure was being keenly pursued. Some were playing at caupar (draughts), some at chess, and many were occupied with cards. H.M. was studying all the groups with the norm of knowledge. Inasmuch as the lordship of the outward world, and the primacy of ³⁹² the spiritual world, have been bestowed on H.M. in full measure, the incomparable Deity preserved H.M's holy person from everything bad. Though it was his holy idea that there should be celebration^579a (of his birthday), yet he did not approve of the playing of games on such an occasion.

Half of the day of the 18th (Amardād) had passed away when suddenly a side of that little ocean gave way, and the water rushed out. Though by the blessing of the holy personality none of the courtiers was injured, yet many persons of lower rank suffered loss (were drowned (?), and many houses of the common people were carried away by the flood. In spite of the crowd of people only one of those known to the king, viz. Madadī^579b cītabān, lost his life He who knew the mysteries of the heavens regarded this as a Divine message, and became averse to the celebration of such occasions, and perceived that God did not approve of this business of recreation. In thanksgiving for the Divine protection he opened the hand of bounty and made a world attain its desires. The courtiers all awoke and became followers of enlightenment, and recognizing that the holy personality had saved them from this celestial disaster increased in their devotion. That receiver of Divine instruction, in order to pay his devotions and in memory of this great mercy, resolved that meat should not be tasted on this day (the 18th) of each solar month. He also resolved that every year he should be weighed twice. According as from his birth he had been weighed on 5 Rajab in conformity with the lunar calendar, so also he should be weighed on the day of Ormuzd of the month Āban of the solar year. The courtyard of bounty was thrown open, and twelve articles were prescribed for the solar weighing viz. (1) gold, (2) silk, (3) quicksilver, (4) perfumes, (5) copper, (6) pewter,^580a (7) drugs,^580b (8) butter, (9) rice and milk,^580c (10) iron, (11) various grains, (12) salt. A vow was also made to God that meat would not be tasted in this month (Ābān). Also a similar fast was to be observed from the month of Āẕar^580d in accordance with the number of years of the venerable life. And in accordance with the number of years, sheep, goats and fowls were given separately to the sects which do not take life. An order was also issued to the chosen disciples that in every solar year they should observe the month of their birth by not injuring living creatures, and should not make their bellies the burying place of animals. For the lunar weighing eight^581a things were appointed: silver, cloth, lead, tin, fruits, sweetmeats, vegetables, sesame-oil. As the weighings of sons and grandsons which took place according to the lunar year were at this time made according to solar year, Prince Sulṭan^581b Selim's weighing was fixed for the 18th Shahriyūr ³⁹³ instead of the 17th Rabī-al awwal, that of Prince Sultan Murād for the 27th Khūrdād instead of the 3rd Muharram, that of Prince Sultan Daniel for the 28th Shahriyur instead of the 2nd Jamāda-al-awwal.

One of the occurrences was the testing of the silent of speech (khamūshāu-i-goyā). There was a great meeting, and every kind of enlightenment was discussed. In the 24th Divine year H.M. said that speech came to every tribe from hearing, and that each remembered from another from the beginning of existence. If they arranged that human speech did not reach them, they certainly would not have the power of speech. If the fountain of speech bubbled over in one of them, he would regard this as Divine speech, and accept it as such. As some who heard this appeared to deny it, he, in order to convince them, had a serai built in a place which civilized sounds did not reach. The newly born were put into that place of experience, and honest and active guards were put over them. For a time tongue-tied (zabān basta) wetnurses were admitted there. As they had closed the door of speech, the place was commonly called the Gang Maḥal (the dumb-house). On the 29th (Amardād— 9th August 1582) he went out to hunt. That night he stayed in Faiẕābād,^582a and next day he went with a few special attendants to the house of experiment. No cry came from that house of silence, nor was any speech heard there. In spite of their four years they had no part of the talisman of speech, and nothing came out except the noise of the dumb. What the wise Sovereign had understood several years before was on this day impressed on the hearts of the formalists and the superficial. This became a source of instruction to crowds of men. H.M. said, “Though my words were proved, they still are saying the same things with a tongueless tongue. The world is a miserable abode of sceptics (nāmuḥaramān). To shut the lips is really to indulge in garrulity. They have hamstrung the camel of the Why and Wherefore, and have closed the gate of speech with iron walls.”^582b

Enough, Niẓāmī, be silent of discourse,
Why speak to a world with cotton in its ears,
Shut your demonstrations into a narrow phial,
Put them all in a phial and place a stone thereon.

[This chapter begins with a dissertation on the evils of bad companionship and the advantages of a good education. It then proceeds to state that M. Khān was made the prince's tutor (Atālīq].

Though Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān had been promoted to the office of ³⁹⁴ Atālīq, yet as at this time he had charge of a distant country (Gujarat), M. Khān, son of Bairām K., who possessed far-sighted wisdom and daily-increasing loyalty, was appointed to the post. In thanksgiving for this he gave a great feast, and begged for the presence of H.M. On 27 Shahriyūr the world's lord honoured him with his company, and crowds of men attained their desires.

One of the occurrences was the illness of H. M. and his return to health. Just as those whose foot has slipped in search are brought by an injury into the high way, so does it happen to the prudent walkers in the pleasant lands of holiness. Short-sighted and crooked-minded persons regard such things as a retribution, and the acute and profound perceive that they are in the nature of rue (a protection against the evil eye). On 20 Mihr (beginning of October 1582) H.M. had an internal pain, and a world was seized with dread. When even the wicked and impure became sorrowful ³⁹⁵ what conception can be formed of the grief of the good, and of those who regard things in a business light? Who can conceive the melancholy condition of the true and loyal, and of the devoted followers? The pious sovereign looked to the True Physician, and did not regard the medicine of mortal physicians. He comforted those standing around him by weighty counsels. At length, after much talk, he yielded to the faithful and distressed ones, and took medicine. The Greek and Indian doctors proceeded to use their remedies. Laxatives are of most use in such a case, and Indians do not employ these. May Providence grant that there be no such experience in the case of a distinguished man, and still less of a just king! On one hand was the indifference of H.M. to the taking of medicine, on the other there was the uproar of those self-conceited men. The heart of the writer of the Book of Fortune (A. F.) was stirred up, and he cast away the thread of humility. I represented (to Akbar) in a gentle manner, “I admit that all are true and well-intentioned. What can come of various methods? What is the use of soft speech out of season when the mind is sick? The Persians say that unless aperients are used, there will be blood (dysentery) and an easy matter will become difficult. Choose one who is less bigoted, and who is good and enlightened and experienced, and converse with him.” My remarks were nearly being accepted, and the matter was about to be made over to the Greek treatment. But some of the envious did not permit this, and accordingly blood came. Out of necessity recourse was had to Greek medicine, and the tongues of the envious were closed. On the first day of Ābān (about 10th October) there were signs of recovery, and in a short time the sacred elements (of Akbar) became whole.^584a For three days he did not touch food, and for 17 days he was benefited by eating without using oil. After one month and six days he was restored to complete health. The loyal received fresh life, and the traders in good deeds opened the shops of thanksgiving and the general public obtained deliverance from bewilderment, and rejoiced.

Also at this time the beginning of the solar weighment took place according to the rule which has been mentioned, and there was a daily market of liberality.

One of the occurrences was the deliverance^584b of Shahbāz K. from the straits of prison. As the marks of repentance were visible on the forehead of the condition of that one who had stumbled into neglect, he was raised up from the school of instruction to the pleasant abode of favour, and he from thanksgiving increased his ³⁹⁶ loyalty and service, and gathered the flowers of success, as will be related in its place.

One of the occurrences was the appointment of acute and unavaricious overseers. As it came to the royal hearing that from the abundance of business and cupidity, there was much oppression in the conduct of the work of buying and selling, and that the traders were injured, he from a love of justice and from graciousness, ordered that various articles should be put into the charge of tactful and honest men in order that the unjust might be placed in the corner of failure. M. Khān had charge of horses, Rajah Todar Mal of elephants and grain, Zain Khān Koka of oil, Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram of fruits and sweetmeats, Ṣādiq K. of gold and silver, 'Itimād K. Gujrātī of jewels, Shahbāz K. of gold brocade, M. Yūsuf K. of camels, Sharīf K. of sheep and goats, Ghāzī K. Badakhshī of salt, Makhṣūṣ K. of armour, Qāsim K. of aromatics, Ḥakīm Abū-l-fatḥ of intoxicants, Khwāja 'Abdu-ṣ-Ṣamad of leathern articles, Naurang K. of dyes, Rajah Bīrbal of cattle and buffaloes, S. Jamāl of drugs, Naqīb K. of books, Laṭīf Khwāja of hunting animals, Ḥabīb Ullah of sugar, and the author of woollens. An order was given that the auspicious overseers should receive 1/2 p.c. from purchasers, and one p.c. from sellers, and the half should be their reward. The title of Ṭūī begī^585a was bestowed on Bāqī K. and he was to get 5 p.c. on what was assessed on the two parties (to the marriage).

By this excellent regulation the rules of inspection were observed, and the garden of the outer world was kept irrigated and verdant. The general public had repose, and lustre was given to the obedient.

One of the occurrences was the bringing of Nūr Muḥammad to court. He had become notorious among the rebels of the Eastern Provinces, and had been active in oppressing the subjects. When the Khān Ā'ẓim M. Koka came to Jaunpūr, intelligence was received that that evil-doer had come from Bengal by way of Tirhut and had joined with Khwāja 'Abdu-l-Ghafūr and stirred up commotion, and been plundering in the district of Sāran. As the heavenly superintendents arrange for the retribution of evil-doers, they were disgraced before the arrival of the victorious troops. Having heard of the approach of the troops, they prepared for battle. A large caravan of salt^586a merchants was passing, and the scoundrels went to plunder it. The merchants made a breast-work of their bags and stood firm. The assailants were soon repulsed. After that they took refuge twelve kos from Tirhut, and meditated oppressing the ³⁹⁷ weak. Just then the victorious army unfurled their banners, and addressed themselves to the making a bridge over the Ganges, and to the punishment of the rebels. When the bridge was nearly finished, the rebels lost heart and sought protection with the zamindar of Kalyānpūr,^586b but could not find it, and returned unsuccessful. Brave men pursued them. 'Abdu-l-Ghafūr was about to go to Bengal by way of Tirhut.^586c The Kasih^586d tribe destroyed him and seventy others, and cleaused the earth of the disturbance caused by that strifemonger. There are many of this tribe in the hill-country. In appearance and manners they are like Qalmāqs, but they are dark-complexioned. Nūr Muḥammad, the son of Tarkhān, who was proceeding towards Gya, was caught by the Khān Ā'zim's men near Campāran.^587a They put chains on his neck and clogs (kunda) on his arms. Out of regard to justice he was capitally punished, and evil-doers had their eyes opened.

Also at this time Rajah Bīrbar's abode was made illustrious by the advent of the Shāhinshāh. He was among the intimate associates. For him H.M. had ordered the erection of stone-palaces. When they were finished, he expressed a wish that they might be glorified by the advent of the Shāhinshāh. On 7 Bahman (January 1583) there was a splendid feast, and by the Shāhinshāh's graciousness his wish was gratified.

Also at this time the commander in-chiefship of the province of the Panjab was bestowed on Rajah Bhagwant Dās, and S'aīd K. received a jāgīr in Sambal. He was ordered to punish 'Arab Bahādur who had stirred up strife in the hill-country there. On 8 Isfandārmuẕ H.M. rode off to enjoy hunting, and at the close of the day alighted at the town of Jalesar. Jagmāl^587b Panwār has erected on a small hill, ten kos from Fatḥpūr, a delightful mansion and given it the name of Rūshinās.^587c Its environs delight the eye, and the verdure utters the praise of God with the tongue of action. Its air refreshes the brain. He remained three days there, making hunting the veil of Divine worship, and then returned.

At this time, when Time was carrying through work, the star was guiding, the glory of Divine worship was increasing daily, and justice was being augmented, the ear was rejoiced by the sound of the New Year. Joy showed a new face. The exalter of throne and ³⁹⁸ diadem uttered the summons, and gathered together the assemblage of supplication. Active and magician-like men adorned the State-Hall with every thing that was most excellent so as to surprise even the acute and the critical. On Monday, 26 Ṣafr 991, 10 March 1583, the world-lighting sun shed its rays on Aries, and the joy of Spring began, and the fourth year of the third cycle brought the message of eternal life. Mankind sang songs of rejoicing, and there was variety of happiness. Great festivals went on to the day of exaltation (sharaf), and there was a daily market of liberality.

The kingdom longed for such an adornment,
At length fortune fulfilled the kingdom's desire.

It needs an enlightened heart and an eloquent tougue, and leisure, to tell somewhat of these feasts and so to enliven my discourse. Where have I—the stammering-tongued and much occupied —the power to undertake such a task?

How is it right that in the dawn of Spring
Flies should buzz in presence of the nightingale?

One of the occurrences was the conquest of Bengal for the third time. In the previous year the Khān Ā'ẓim M. Koka had been sent from court in order that he might inflict suitable punishment on the strifemongers of Bihar, and might address himself to the conquest of Bengal. As the rebels of Bihar had received their deserts before the arrival of the victorious army—as has been related—Ṣādiq K. came by relays of horses to court, and as the rainy season was at hand, the enterprise was not accomplished that year. When the tempests and floods of that season had ceased, Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram, Ṯādiq K. S. Ibrāhīm and S. Farīd Bokhārī were dispatched, and strenuous and unabashed sazāwals were appointed to the fief-holders of Ilahābās (Allāhābād), Oudh and Bihar. In a short time a large army was collected in Ḥājīpūr, and energies were devoted to the accomplishment of the task. The Khān Ā'ẓim with many brave and loyal men took the route of Garhī. Tarson K., S. Ibrāhīm, Mīr zāda 'Alī K., Saiyid 'Abdullah K., Ḳīcak Khwāja,^590a Subḥān Qūlī Turk, and other heroes crossed the river, and addressed themselves to the conquering of that quarter. On account of the jungle, the numerous ravines, and the mire and water, they could not advance by that route. The armies joined one another near Monghyr. Tarson K., Shāh Qūlī K. Maḥram, Muḥibb 'Ālī K., the Mīrzāda 'Alī K., S. Ibrāhīm, and Rai Patr Dās took post a stage or two beyond Colgong. The rebels prepared for battle in the neighbourhood of Kālīgang²(?).^590b Before this, M. Sharfu d-dīn Ḥusain, Bābā K. Qāqshāl and many other strife-mongers had died, and M'aṣūm K. Kābulī was at the head of the rebels. Qutlū Noḥānī was predominant in Orissa, and he had also taken possession of part of Bengal. When M'aṣūm K. heard the sound of the advancing armies, he first addressed himself to Qutlū, and made a league with him to the effect that when the imperial officers arrived, he should join him with a chosen force. When he had been somewhat heartened by this, he hastened off to Ghorāghāt, and made comradeship with Jabbārī, Mīrzā Beg, and the rest of the Qāqshals, and in order to inspire them with confidence he left his family in their quarters. Then he came with a number of rebels to Kālī Gang (Kātīgang?) and applied himself to strengthening the place and to preparations for battle.

On 9 Farwardīn the vanguard of the victorious troops took possession of Garhī, which is the gate of that country. On the 16th the officers met in with the rebels and drew up in battle-array. They established batteries on the bank of the Kātīgang,^591a and the war boats were made ready. As the imperial servants were on the watch for Qutlū, Saiyid 'Abdulla K., Mīrzādā 'Alī K., S. Muḥammad Ghaznavī, Khwāja 'Abdul Ḥai and others together with nearly 4000 horse were sent under the command of Wāzīr K. towards Balkana (?).^591b They lay in wait twelve kos away from the camp. Every day there was an engagement with guns and arrows, and great deeds were done. On account of the idle talk of men of little heart there was a rift in the enterprisingness of the commanders, and great importance was attached to the numbers of the enemy. A request was therefore sent for help. When Sher Beg tawācī bāshī who had been sent off post-haste, arrived, the world's lord was much astonished and said, “Though something tells me that the news of victory will soon arrive, yet there is no harm in caution and in granting their request.” Accordingly, on the 13th Ardībihisht M. Khān, Zain Khān Koka, Ism'aīl Qulī K., Makhṣūs K., Muṭṭalib K., Rai Sarjan, S. Jamāl Bakhtiyār, Shiroya K., Khiẓr Beg, Mīr Abū-l-Moẓaffar, Mir M'aṣūm of Bhakar and many others were sent off to the eastern provinces, and each was presented with a khil'at and a special horse. Before they started the good news of victory arrived, and once more was the mysterious intuition of the world's lord impressed on high and low. To some were eyes, to some collyrium, ⁴⁰⁰ and to some staffs were given. For nearly a month the armies of fortune confronted the rebels and discharged guns and muskets night and day. On both sides were great deeds performed. And though hopelessness was prevalent, yet the Shāhinshāh's fortune emerged in a wonderful manner. On the 14th the crescent of victory illuminated the world, and the rebels, whose star was extinguished, fled to the desert. Every one of the reckless fools fell into confusion.

The short account of this wondrous stroke of fortune is as follows: In the heat of the contest the Qāẓīzāda, who was one of the ringleaders, came from Fatḥābād^592a and brought many well-equipped war-boats with him. Suddenly a cannon-ball reached him, and he was killed. M'aṣūm K. appointed in his room Kālā Pahār, who was singular for his skill in river-fighting. He too was soon reduced to annihilation. Also there arose dissension between M'aṣūm K. and the Qāqshāl clan and Khāldīn. Crapulousness laid hold of the drinkers of the wine of presumption, and they became foolish. Able negotiators set themselves to win men over. Many returned to obedience. First Khāldīn came in and made oaths and agreements. Then M. Beg Qāqshāl, Jabbārī, and others secretly took the oath of good service. It was agreed that they should withdraw from fighting and go to their homes, and that after some days they should come to the camp and become good servants. They acted according as they had said. The presumptuous rebels were thrown into great confusion, and were compelled to fly with saddened hearts. Though the Khān Ā'ẓim endeavoured to pursue them, he was prevented by the foolish talk of some, and the cowardice of most. The rebels withdrew, and when the news of victory came, thanksgivings were offered to God, and the brave men, who had been sent to assist, turned back.

One of the occurrences was that the Qāqshāl officers joined the imperial servants. When M'aṣūm trod the desert of defeat, he hastened off to the homes of the Qāqshāls in order that no harm might happen to his family, and also that he might revenge himself upon them. M. Muḥammad Qāqshāl had out of friendship conveyed his family(?)^592b to a place of safety. The Qāqshāls took up a strong position near Ghorāghāt and prepared for battle. M'aṣūm K. plundered Ghorāghāt and proceeded to attack the Qāqshāls. The Khān 'Āẓim sent off Muḥibb 'Alī K., S. Ibrāhīm Fatḥpūrī, Babūi Manklī, Sikandar Cikni (?) and other combatants to the number of about 4000 horse ⁴⁰¹ to that place under the command of Tarson K. They arrived when the Qāqshāls were in difficulties, and the rebels fled. The heroes set themselves to pursue them, but turned back in Ghorāghāt. M. Beg, Khaldīn, Wazīr Jamīl and the others adhered to their former promises and made submission. They took upon themselves the task of inflicting retribution upon M'aṣūm K. and separated from the victorious army.

One of the occurrences was the coming to court of Amīr Fatḥ Ullah Shīrāzī.^593a He was singular for theoretical and practical knowledge. Though he had acquired much in the schools of Khwājah Jamālu-d-dīn Maḥmūd, Maulānā Kamālu-d dīn Shirwānī and Maulānā Aḥmad Kurd (?), yet his science was greater than theirs. 'Ādil K. of Bījāpūr had by great efforts brought him from Shīrāz to the Deccan. When 'Ādil K. died, he, in accordance with an old wish, and a command, proceeded to the holy threshold. On the 25th he attained this blessing. So much learning had he that if the old books of wisdom had disappeared, he could have laid a new foundation (of knowledge), and would not have wished for what had gone. As was right and just, he, with so much enlightenment, desired to become a disciple of the world's lord. By good fortune he gained his desire. He frequently said in the meetings, “If I had not entered the service of this adorner of multiplicity, and chooser of unity, I had not become a traveller on the road of Divine knowledge His (Akbar's) personality and magnificent nature have made the wine of learning digestible by me. Otherwise the current sciences had been a veil over the face of the search for truth.” And it is evident that there are two classes of men. There is he who having been taught in the Divine school has the pure temple of his soul filled with the light of knowledge without the stain of effort. He comes forth in the course of ages, and the form worshippers of the day seldom recognize him. The other is he who takes pains and who by thousands of strivings acquires some of the knowledge possessed by his predecessors. The general public do not see anything beyond him. At the present day, by the good fortune of the age and of mankind, the world's lord is the Primate (Peshwā) of the first class. Hail to the brilliant star which gathers eternal bliss by this knowledge and which imparts glory to the record of actions!

One of the occurrences was the sending of Shahbāz K. to Bengal. When M'aṣūm trod the desert of failure, as has been related, the victorious army proceeded against Qutlū. As the Khān 'Āẓim disliked the climate of that country, he begged for employment elsewhere. The gracious sovereign accepted his earnest request and issued orders that if some officer could undertake the control of ⁴⁰² the army and the administration of the country for some time, he might make over charge to him, and come to Bihar, and repose in his fief. Otherwise he should wait a little, and Shahbāz K. would soon be sent. On 8th Khurdād the important duty was made over to him (Shahbāz), and he took leave and went off with many officers.

One of the^594a occurrences was that the grand-daughter (nabīra) of Māldeo obtained a new life. In the wide country of India, on account of truth-choosing, and jealous honour, when the husband dies, his wife, though she have spent her days in distress, gives herself to the fire with an expanded heart and an open brow. And if from wickedness (tardāmanī) and love of life she refrain from doing this, her husband's relatives (kheshāwandān) assemble and light the flame, whether she be willing or unwilling. They regard this as preserving their honour and reputation. From the time that this ever-vernal country has been kept verdant and fresh by the justice of the world's lord, vigilant and truthful men have been appointed in every city and district in order that the two classes of cases may be continually kept distinct, and that forcible burning may not be permitted.^595a

At this time H.M. had sent Jaimal by relays of horses to the Bengal officers. On account of immoderate expedition, and the excessive heat, the torch of his existence was extinguished in the neighbourhood of Causā. His wife, the daughter of the Mota Rajah (The Fat Rajah), had not the courage to burn herself. Udai Singh her son and some bold and foolish persons set themselves to work this injustice (to make her burn). It was high dawn^595b when the news came to H.M.'s female apartments. The just sovereign fearing that if he sent others there would be delay, mounted a swift horse and went off to the spot. As the circumstances were not known there was confusion for some time. Foolish talkers, and imaginative simpletons, made up wonderful stories of a fight. The loyal and devoted, and the happy warriors, got agitated and assembled in troops. There was a time of confusion and they set about putting on their armour and making ready for battle. The loyal but feeble-minded were at a loss, while the strong and well-disposed galloped off. The two-faced and wicked misunderstood matters and talked unintelligently. The crooked in their ways and the inwardly dark raised a song of triumph. Such had been the rapidity that even the guards had not been able to come up, but some of the personal attendants arrived near the spot. The faction gave up their proceedings in presence of the Shāhinshāh's majesty. When that cavalier of fortune's arena had come near the spot, Jagannāth and Rai Sāl went ahead and seized the ringleader of the ignorant and turbulent ones and brought him to H M. The appreciative sovereign read the writing of repentance on the foreheads of the crew, and in all this ebullition of anger gave them their lives, but imprisoned them. In a short time the prudent prince made use of justice, graciousness, ⁴⁰³ and courage, and brought things into tranquillity. The dust of turbulence was laid and the pæan of joy rose high.

One of the occurrences was the sending of I'timād K. to the government of Gujarat. At the beginning of the conquest of this country, he had been nominated to this high post. From wickedness and perversity he indulged in evil thoughts, and the Shāhinshāh's fortune put chains on his feet and sent him to the school of the prison, as has already been related. From much cupidity he had begged for the government of the province. When the Shāhinshāh treated him with kindness, Mīr Abū Turāb for his own advantage made him more keen in the prosecution of his desire. The truth-seeking Shāhinshāh's idea was that if some goodness should appear in him, and if it was his wish, he should fulfil what he had said. As at this time there was some appearance of this, he proceeded to grant his long-cherished wish. He made over to him the military command and the administration of the province. He adhered to what he had said and ripened his hopes. Though right-thinking and far-seeing persons represented, “When he was in full strength, and had numerous helpers, he was not able to control the factious people of Gujarat. At this day, when his bodily frame is declining, and he has no single-hearted comrades, how can it be proper to dispatch him on this service?” Yet as the decree of heaven had passed, the speech of the wise did not take effect, and he went off in great elation. Mīr Abū Turāb was sent off as Amīn to the country, and Khwāja Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad was made Bakhshī. Khwāja Abu-l-qāsim became Dīwān. They were accompanied by Muḥammad Husain, S. Abu-l-Moẓaffar, Beg Muḥammad Toqbāī, Mīr Muḥibbullah, Mīr Sharafu-d-dīn, Mīr Sāliḥ, Mīr Hāshim, Shāh Beg, Mīr M'aṣūm Bhakkarī, Zainu-d-dīn Kambū, Saiyid Jalāl Bhakharī, Saiyid Abū Isḥaq, Qambar Īshak Āqā, Pahlwān 'Alī Sīstānī and others. Each was exalted by receiving a robe of honour, and a choice means of conveyance (bāragī). They also received valuable counsels. They took leave on 7 Tīr, and Karm 'Alī Darogha of the perfumery was sent to bring away Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad K. The order was that when the new governor came, Shihabu-d-dīn should come with his soldiers to court.^597a

Also at this time Mīr Sharīf Gīlānī came from the Niẓām-ul-mulk together with other ambassadors from the Deccan and did homage and presented gifts. They were received with favour.

Inasmuch as the dominions are extensive, and the soldiery numerous, as cupidity increases daily, right-thinking diminishing, ⁴⁰⁴ the courageous and veridical not to be found, the false and flattering plentiful, the wicked contrivers in troops, and the acute and just-thinking scarce (khāl-khāl), there soon comes a great rift in affairs, and evil grows prevalent. Therefore is it that the world's lord every now and then augments his circumspection, and imparts new freshness to the garden of the State. Accordingly at this time, he, from brilliance and foresight and from the quest of truth, erected a new palace of administration. He made over every department to distinguished loyal men who were unavaricious and well-disposed, and he associated the majesty of the Shahinshah with paternal benignity. He made over to Prince Selīm the Divine tasks of severity and lenity, and the superintendence of marriage and birthday feasts—which are sources of stability and ornament of eternal dominion. That pearl of the crown of the sultanate carried out whatever the just sovereign ordained and addressed himself to giving currency to the orders. As colleagues are indispensable, M. Khān, S. Abū-l-faiẓ Faiẓī and the faithful Fatḥ Ullah were appointed to assist him. The management of the household—which is equal to the administration of a great kingdom—was made over to Prince Sulṭān Murād. Rai Sāl Darbārī, Karm Ullah, Khwāja 'Abdu-ṣ-ṣamad Shīrīn Qalm, Muḥammad 'Alī Khazāncī served under him. The superintendence of faith and religion and of wisdom and work was committed to Prince Sulṭān Daniel. Ghāzī K. Badakhshī, Rai Sarjan and the writer of this noble volume were appointed to lay matters before him. First, they (i.e. the officers in charge of the departments) studied the choice regulations which had lighted up the heavenly soul (of Akbar) and had adorned therewith the raw material of the minds of the simple; and secondly, they guided the bewildered to the highway of Divine worship. Allowances and charities were made over to Sulṭān Khwāja, Ḥakīm Abū-l-fatḥ, Mīr Abū Turāb and to the Qāẓī and the Muftī (law officer). The development of the dominions, and the appointment and dismissal of the officers of the Khālṯa were made over to Rājah Todar Mal, Khwāja Yahiya, Rai Durgā and Yār 'Alī. The charge of the army and the arrangements for the pay of the soldiers were made over to Shahbāz K. J'aafar Beg and 'Alī Dost K. The superintendence of the rates of goods was assigned to Zain K. Koka, Ism'aīl Qulī K., Payinda K. and Hājī Habīb Ullah. The care of the armour and the looking after the roads were made over to Qulīj K., Jagannāth, Lon Karn and Ṣāliḥ 'Āqil. The watching over the property of deceased persons and the conveyance of it to the heirs were made over to Sharīf K., Rajah Askaran, Naqīb K. and 'Abdu-raḥmān the son of Muyīd Beg. The department of buying and selling jewels and other minerals was made over to I'timād K. Gujrātī, Bāqī K., Jagmāl, Ḥakīm Ain-al-mulk, and N'aamat K. The charge of buildings was ⁴⁰⁵ given to Naurang K., Qāsim K. Makhṣūs K. and Laṭif Khwāja. The administering of justice to complainants was made over to Rajah Bīrbar, Qāsim 'Alī K., Ḥakīm Hamām and Sham Sher K. Kotwāl. The writer of the book of fortune (A. F.) was also appointed to this office. An order was issued that they should not be satisfied with witnesses and oaths, but make a profound investigation. The deeds of the one party (the oppressor) were very base, and the condition of the other (the petitioner) very bewildered. On account of the bribery of the oppressor and of his high position, and of the empty-headedness and helplessness of the oppressed, it was necessary that there should be no slackness in the inquiry, and that the thought of presents (pāra) should not turn the heart out of the way, nor that the shafts of injury should lead one to the lane of cowardice, and cause the veiling of the truth. In a short time the outer world attained an excellent management and the spiritual world a new development. There was, as it were, a new palace constructed for the appreciativeness of the sovereign, and humanity was tested in the square of knowledge. The wicked descended into the hollow of ignominy, and the good were exalted. Every great one who makes use of the medicine for senselessness, and chooses, with a thousand eyes of the heart, watchfulness, will assuredly make Fortune his servant, and the empire of rulers will come under the shade of his justice.

Hail! the garden of the two worlds rejoices because of thee,
The foundation of life is firm because of thee.
Solomon had a ring, thou hast faith,
Alexander had his mirror, thou the code,
Alexander with his mirror, Kaikhusrū with his cup,
Have not seen what thou art beholding for many days.

One of the occurrences was that Wazīr K. was victorious and that Qutlū Nohānī (Lohānī) was defeated. When the Divine aid had deprived the rebels of endurance, M'aṣūm K. Kābulī and the other seditious and ill-fated ones took flight, as has already been narrated. Thereupon the Khān Â'ẓim and the other great officers set about finding a remedy for the crafty Qutlū. He by wiles and flatteries brought forward a proposal of peace, and sent eloquent and skilful persons to court, and made use of blandishments. The answer came that if his works corresponded to his words, they should admit him as a servant and restore Orissa to him. At this time the Khān Ā'ẓim's heart was alienated from the country and he was eager to depart. He wished that on the arrival of the order of leave he might hasten off to his estates, and that Ṣādiq K. might in these few days take the command and conclude this great affair (the settlement with Qutlū) to a conclusion. He (Ṣādiq K.) made unsuitable stipulations, and so the Khān Ā'ẓim turned to Wazīr K. He gladly accepted the task, and the Khān Ā'ẓim went off to Ḥājīpūr (where his estates were). Upon his departure, the devious Qutlū in his shortsightedness and narrow capacity uplifted the head ⁴⁰⁶ of presumption, and made unfitting conditions with regard to the peace. The officers, who had betaken themselves to repose, were somewhat annoyed and marched from Sherpūr^600a in order to give battle to him. On 10 Tīr they encamped at Bardwan. That turbulent one was six kos off and had recourse to vulpine tricks. He made use of humility and supplications. They were deceived by him, and added Madāran, Mednīpūr and other places to Orissa. He agreed to take the burden of obedience on his shoulders, and to send his brother's son with choice presents to court. Again he had recourse to rebellious thoughts, and determined that he should by stratagem get one of the leaders into his clutches—perhaps in this way he might gain his object. He represented that he was sending the apple of his eye to court, and asked that Ṣādiq K. should come without a large retinue from the camp, while he too would come out with a few followers so that they might see one another and be materially comforted, and that he might make over to him the cream of his life (his nephew). Ṣādiq K. had the foresight to keep away, and S. Farīd Bakhshī^601a was sent. He from his good intentions and simplicity, went off along with Ḥusain K., Abū-l-Qāsim, 'Abdul Hādī, and Maḥmūd K. Khwāṣ. When he came to the appointed place, there was no trace of Qutlū. As he was continually sending messages of concord, he went on. Some plausible persons brought him to his quarters and he (Qutlū) prepared a feast. From time to time he expressed fresh supplications, but his sole intention was that when the men had gone to their repose he should seize the Shaikh and take him to a remote place, and gain his objects by using him as a hostage. The Shaikh perceived this and at the beginning of the night proceeded to depart. No horse (bāragī) had been left in the stable, and when they had gone a little way there was a hot fight for a while, and some men were killed. In the midst of this the Shaikh came out on his own elephant. By the jugglery of fortune the animal proved unmanageable and rushed off into space. Owing to the darkness of the night his men could not follow him. The Shaikh thought of crossing a stream and so escaping, but was bewildered owing to there being no ford.^602a Suddenly some men came up and shot arrows at him and wounded him. The Shaikh threw himself off the elephant and turned aside. By the guidance of the mysterious arrangers (i.e. protectors) he proceeded on his way. The scoundrels thought that the Shaikh was still in the haudah ('amārī) and was trying to escape. While he was going on in this bewildered way a faithful servant joined him and gave him a mount (bāragī) and conducted him to the camp. The officers^602b emerged from their heavy slumbers of negligence and attacked that contriver of long plots. They crossed the Damūdar river and went on for two kos in battle array. That scoundrel (Qutlū) established^602c forts and firmly planted the foot of audacity.

⁴⁰⁷ Qutlū and many others took refuge in a fort, and in another place Bahādur Kūruh^602d prepared for battle. In the beginning of Amardād, Ṣādiq K., Shah Qulī K. Maḥram and others advanced to do battle with Bahādur. After a severe struggle they took the fort, and he escaped and joined Qutlū. Next day they attacked his residence, and mounted guns on high places. By the Divine aid the rebels were defeated, and fled in wretched plight. From want of energy and slumbrousness of intent they were not pursued. The imperialists halted on the bank of the river.

On the 2nd that majestic one—whom the spheres cannot counterpoise—was weighed against eight articles, and the feast of the lunar anniversary took place. The needy of the age attained their desires.

One of the occurrences was that Burhān-al-mulk took the protection of the sublime court. He was the younger brother of Martaẓa Niẕāmu-l-mulk. When Ḥusain Niẓāmu-l-mulk died, the kingdom came ostensibly into the possession of the elder son,^603a but in reality into that of his mother. She, like the father, loved Burhān most and regarded him as superior to every one else. When the changing heavens had made some circuits, Martaẓa at the instigation of strife-mongers and intriguers arrested his mother and brother and sent each of them to a fortress. From lewdness and ignorance he discarded the pilots^603b of the time and subjected himself for spiritual guidance to a sect. Owing to the rawness of his guide and the severity of the ritual his brain became deranged. He withdrew from intercourse with mankind, and left affairs to a wretch named Ḥusain. This man rose from cock-fighting to become his companion, and owing to ignorance (on the part of Martaẓa) he acquired the title of Āsaf K^603c The sense-robbing world's wine infatuated the weak handed man. His evil propensities developed and a new foundation was given to self-conceit. The world thought that the days of the recluse were ended. At length that ungrateful and devious one set himself to make the Barīd war (viz. that against the Barīd Shāhs of Bīdar), and the dust of commotion rose high in the neighbourhood of Qandhar.^604a On learning this, the madman came out and went rapidly against him. At this time Burhān by the help of the governor of the fortress, came out and proceeded to create a disturbance. The opportunity for rascals came. As his intellect remained in prison, and his fortune was asleep, he fastened his eyes upon men's property, and was active in distressing people. Niẕāmu-l-mulk, on hearing of this, effected a reconciliation (with Ḥusain) and returned and reached Aḥmadnagar on the day that he (Burhān) intended to come. On seeing him the commotion subsided. He said to his companions: “For a long while I have been a recluse, and have been averse to mixing with men. My brother ⁴⁰⁸ longs for rule. Withdraw from me and join him.” They replied. “It is proper that the innings of the base be broken up! When that has been done these matters may be considered. Otherwise few will know the real circumstances, and most will think that your action (in resigning or withdrawing from society) is the result of weakness and ill-health.” He rejoiced at this pronouncement and a song of joy was raised on account of the uniting of hearts. He went in conquest of battle with a labour-loving heart and a right courage.

In addition to the fact that Burhān was not a match for Martaẓa in numbers, the right-thinking and truthfulness of his companions prevented matters from coming to a fight. Crowds of men turned back from Burhān, and he without engaging had to tread the desert of failure. For a while he sought asylum with the owner of Bījanagar.^604b He returned without effecting anything. From there he went to 'Âdil K. in Bījāpūr. When craft and deceit did not avail, he returned to Aḥmadnagar in the attire of a jogī. There he lived in secret, and endeavoured by the help of wicked men to deceive people and to strengthen his party. The veil over his actions was removed. He then went off rapidly to Baglāna, but failing there he went to Quṭbu-d-dīn K. in Nadarbar, and gathered bliss at the sublime court. On the 11th he brightened his forehead by doing homage at the holy threshold. Inasmuch as the raising up of the fallen, and showing kindness to the fatigued is the praiseworthy quality of H.M., he was exalted by various favours. Two years before this, they brought one who called himself Burhān. Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn^605a Ḥusain Ānjū received him and introduced him, and he obtained lofty rank^605b by the kindness of the world's lord. On this occasion the two were confronted, and an investigation held. The shameless one made some long speeches, but was compelled by acuteness to tell the truth and to say, “I am the son of a certain Deccānī who had the title of Ḥakīm-al-mulkī. The mother of Niẓāmu-l-mulk had received me as a son. I was led astray by cupidity and short-sightedness.” From fear he ran away, but was caught by searchers on the road to Agra and sent to the school of the prison.

One of the occurrences was the chastisement of 'Arab Bahadūr. His misconduct has been described, and how he failed. After he had become a vagabond in Sambal, he stirred up strife in Bihar. When the Khān 'Āẓim M. Koka had gone from Bengal to that quarter, some brave men, under the charge of Subḥān Qulī Turk, proceeded to inflict retribution on him. From far-sightedness he himself (the K. 'Āẓim) went there. There was an engagement between Tirhut and Campāran, and he was again disgraced. From^605c there he went off to Jaunpūr. By H.M.'s orders, Rajah Todar Mal sent his son Gaurdahan to chastise him, and 'Arab entered the hill-country.

Also at this time Ḥājī Ībrahīm Sirhindī was sent to the prison of instruction. For some time, he by effrontery and plausible speeches ranked among the searchers for wisdom. For a time he enjoyed himself as Ṣādr^606a of Gujarat. During that time some persons came and complained of his oppression. When his cupidity and ⁴⁰⁹ wickedness became evident, and his tyranny became patent, he was sent to the fortress of Ranthambor. The oppressed were heartened. He wished to descend by making a noose. The rope broke and his^606b days came to an end.

Who can reckon up the marvels produced by Existence, and who can understand them? The family^607a of contingent beings cannot comprehend them. How then can the children of men do so? But the sage can to some extent trace out the matter. It may be that the strong gale of sedition and the stirring up of the dust of dissension, even in spite of the truth-seeking, and righteousness of the Ruler of the age, have happened in order that the wondrous working of the world's lord's fortune may be impressed on mankind, and that the misery of the disobedient may be made conspicuous. Or it may be in order that the veil may be withdrawn from the actions of those wicked persons who, from the wide tolerance of H.M. and their own deceit, have taken their place among the good and auspicious, and in order that the lamp of perception might be kindled for the infliction of retribution upon them. Or it may be in order that the goodness of those who remain under the veil of obscurity and do not sell their service may be inscribed on the portico of manifestation! For such farseeing designs as these the pleasant land of Gujarat became stained with the dust of uproar. The turmoil of the evil-thoughted took possession of the world. Though the main cause of the sedition was the wickedness of the servants of Shihību-ď-dīn Aḥmad K. and of Quṭbu-d-dīn K., yet the neglect and unskilfulness of those two great Amīrs led to their ingratitude. They continually behaved with slackness towards the foolish praters. The garden of loyalty became full of dust, and from negligence they did not bestir themselves to gather together the single-minded, nor did they use intelligence in searching for good men. When the government of that country fell again into the hands of 'I'timād K., those who were slaves^607b of gold separated and withdrew from going to court, and from the business of the branding. The self-will, and carelessness of 'I'timād K. and the delay in the arrival of assistance increased the evils. The strifemongers on 23 Shahriyūr (about 4th September, 1583) raised up Moẓaffar and prevailed against Aḥmadābād. The ancestors of that low fellow were not known to any one. Men called him Nannū.^608a In former times 'I'timād K. gave him that name and acknowledged him as the son of Sulṭān Maḥmūd Gujarātī. He was captured during the first expedition to Gujarat, and for some time was a prisoner in the hands of Karm 'Alī,^2608b the darogha of the perfumery department. Afterwards he was sent to Mun'im K. Khān-Khānān. When the latter died, he came back to court and Khwājah Shāh Manṣūr the dīwān looked after him. In the 23rd year he escaped, through negligence, and went off to his home (bangāh) and took refuge with the owner of Rājpīplah.^608c Quṭṭbu-d-dīn K. led an army against him, and he went off to Jūnagarh and took refuge with the Lonīkāthīs.^608d The officers did not regard him or bring him into notice. At this time, he, by the help of the servants of Shihābu-d-din Aḥmad K, emerged from this corner, and became a trouble. From the time that 'I'timād K. had gone from court, and an order had been issued, summoning Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad K., the servants of the latter had indulged in evil thoughts. On the 10th he left Aḥmadabad to proceed to court, and next day 'I'timād K. arrived in the city and sat on the masnad of authority. Mīr Ābid, Khalīl Beg, Mīr Yūsuf Beg, Mīram Beg, and some Badakhshīs and Tūrānīs became actively disloyal and went off to Dūlqa.

They had been plotting to kill their master (Shihāb) before the new governor ('I'timād) had arrived. One who was faithful^609a to his salt revealed the secret, and by an unfitting clemency the conspiracy was overlooked (lit. the rubbish was covered—khasposh). Now they renewed their evil design, and set out to join Nannū. 'Umr Ḥājī^609b was the kindler of the disturbance, and was the leader of the wretches. This wicked man had for some time been diwan^609c of the Ṣadr at Court, and had been equal to Sharfu-d-dīn in evil conceptions. He acquired some consideration in Gujarat, and when that country was conquered he went to the Deccan. When Shihābu-d-din^609d Aḥmad K. became governor of the province of Gujarat, he on the strength of former acquaintance joined him. The whole talk of the mercenary men was, “To-day our jagirs^609e have gone. Until we reach the capital, and expenses for the meantime be supplied and the business of the branding be settled, it will be difficult to get a mouthful of bread. It is far better that we take the turbulent Nannū by the hand, and that we stir up strife.” Though well-wishers and experienced persons represented (to I'timād) that Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad had withdrawn from conciliatory measures and was going to court and that the officers of the auxiliary force had not yet arrived, and that it was proper to restrain him from this journey and to give back the jagirs to him for some days, or to spend some money and quiet the uproar of those dog-fleas, or—before the rebels had matured their preparations—to dispose by activity and alertness of this handful of traitors”: none of the suggestions was accepted. 'I'timād K replied: “The servants of Shihābu-u-dīn K. have started the disaffection, he can put it down, or will have to answer for it.” In a little time the number of the rebels increased, and there were loud reports that Nannū was approaching. ⁴¹¹ Of necessity the first opinion was accepted, but as he (Shihāb) had gone some way, he refused. 'I'timād K. thought that he would go in person, and so shorten the time for delivering messages, and that he would by every possible means bring him back. Though acute persons said that to leave the city during this commotion was to make an easy matter difficult, their advice was not approved. He went off at night with Mīr Abū Turāb and Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad. They lost their road and only reached Karī^610a at dawn where they joined Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad K. After much talk he agreed to return. His wishes were complied with. His fiefs were restored to him, freed^610b from burdens, and two lacs of rupees were given him as a loan.^610c After that most of the day was spent in ratifying the agreements and in pledging oaths (i.e. taking oaths of fidelity from the officers and soldiers). Then Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad K. set off with his household. At the end of the night Zainu-d-dīn Kambū and Mir M'aṣūm Bhakarī met them, eight kos from Aḥmadabad, and represented that Nannū had joined the rebels, and that he had meditated an attack on Cambay, but that on learning that the city (Aḥmadabad) was undefended he had hastened there, and had prevailed^610d over the city. Pahlwān^610e 'Alī Sīstānī, the city kotwāl, had lost his life, and the property and hononr of the inhabitants were being plundered. At first there was sorrow and bewilderment, and then they of necessity set themselves to remedy matters. After talking, they resolved on giving battle. On the morning of the 24th^611a they halted at 'Uṯmānpūr on the banks of the Sabarmatī, and slumbered in the sleep of negligence. Though persons of foresight represented that the rebels were scattered throughout the great city, and occupied in plundering, and that they should draw up their forces and attack them, and so quell the disturbance, the officers adopted the easiest course, and did not set themselves to do this. They thought that the old servants of the governor would join on receiving his conciliatory letters, and that the activity of the rebellion would cease. With this idea I'timād K. and Mīr Abū Turāb went off from the camp to the houses of acquaintances, while Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad K. occupied himself in writing soothing letters. The rebels collected and prepared for battle. Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad K. awoke somewhat from his slumbers and applied himself to arranging his forces. While he was doing so, Muṣtafa Shirwānī came forward with some wicked wretches. Ḥājī Beg Üzbeg, Payinda Muḥammad Sagkash, Ṣāliḥ Qundūzī, Khiẓr Khwāja,^611b and a body of known men to the number of about 500 took the road of faithlessness. The engagement had not taken place when a large number of men forded the rīver below 'Uṯmānpūr and fell upon the camp. Many took shelter with the enemy and some remained with their families, and out of an army of more than 7,000 horse, only a few relatives ⁴¹² remained around him (Shihāb). During this confusion one of the servants^611c struck him on his right shoulder with a sword, and his horse was thrown down by a gunshot. He fell to the ground, but some faithful servants raised him up, and gave him a mount. They took him rapidly away from that place of confusion, and, on account of their being busied in plundering, no one pursued him. On the 25th Shihābud-dīn Aḥmad K., I'timād K., Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad, and some others, to the number of about 300, assembled in Pattan. Moẓaffar K. having got his heart's desire in Aḥmadābād took a great name to himself, and became presumptuous and infatuated. He assumed the royal power, and bestowed on the wicked wretches the titles of the Shāhinshāh's officers. 'Ā'bid Badakhshī was made Khān-Khānān; Khalīl Beg, Khān Zamān; Mīrak Yilāq,^612a Atgah K.; Mīrak Beg, Badakhshī; Khān 'Ālam, Qurbān Alī Bihārī,^612b Khān Kalān; Shāh Mīrzā, Naurang K.; Nauroz, Qarāca K.; Muḥammad Amīn Badakhshī, Maqṣūṣ K.; Payinda Muḥammad Sagkash.^612c Khān Jahān; Mīr 'Abdullah, 'Āṣaf K, and Mīr Bakhshī; Ṣāliḥ Badakhshī Moẓaffar K., and dīwān; Abu-l-wafā became Afẓal K. and mushrif diwān; Shāṭir Muḥammad, N'aamat K. and Mīr Sāmān. He did not know that unless God's favour be bestowed, and there be choice qualities, the night lamp of greatness does not shine.

It needs a sun to burn up the stars.
Night becomes not day by thy lamp.

To assign to small men the titles of great men is to throw oneself along with the former into the abyss of disgrace. Accordingly every one of these soon became the dust of dishonour and failure. They showed levity in talk about officers and pay, and in the wish for fiefs they cast away their honour. Payinda Muḥammad Sag-kash and Tahmak^612d lay in wait for one another, and their hostility led to bloodshed. Tahmak forged a letter from him (Payanda) to Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad K. and accomplished his object by corrupting his sealer. Moẓaffar without looking into the matter closely, and acting without consideration, consigned him (Payanda) to annihilation. By the cajolery of fate the work of friends was accomplished by enemies. At this same time, Sher K. Fūlādī arrived from Sorath.^613a As Moẓaffar was solicitous about Quṭbu-dīn K., and was continually tampering with his fly-like servants, he left 'Ābid at Aḥmadabad and went off to that quarter himself, and sent Sher K. Fūlādī and some rascals to Pattan. At the same time Saiyid Daulat,^613b who was one of the choice servants in the eastern part of Gujarat, did not wait to see Moẓaffar, but went off with some vagabonds to Cambay, and proceeded to plunder it. Khwāja 'Imādu-d- ⁴¹³ dīn^613c Ḥusain carried off 14 lakhs of rupees from that port, and by his activity conveyed them to the fort at Broach to Quṭbu-d-dīn K. Nearly 40 lakhs of dāms fell into the hands of Saiyid Daulat. He sent a portion of this to that futile one (Moẓaffar), and joined, and became a ringleader.^613d

When these events came to the royal hearing, H.M., whose mind is a mirror showing the future, remarked that the disturbance would soon be quelled, and that the rebels would meet with their deserts. He addressed himself to the composing of the distractions of the country, the soothing of the proprietors, and the punishment of the rebels, and sent a chosen army to that province. On 9 Mihr Saiyid Qāsim, Saiyid Hāshim, Shīroya K., Rai Durgā, Rai Lon Karan, Mednī Rai, Miyān Bahādur, Darvesh K., Rafī' Sarmadī, S. Kabīr,^613e Naṣīb Turkamān and many other strenuous men were sent off under the command of M. Khān, the son of Bairām K., in order that they might go by a straight road to Gujarāt, and address themselves to the punishment of the evildoers.^613f Qulīj K. and Naurang K. were sent off to Mālwa that they might obtain the offices of that province, and then join the victorious army. An order was issued to Quṭbu-d-dīn K. to the effect that although from calculation it appeared that he was sufficient for putting down the dust of dissension, yet out of caution a large army had been nominated. If by heaven's decree the spark (of rebellion) could not be extinguished, help would come from the auspicious combatants.

One of the occurrences was the death of Jagmāl^614a and Rai Singh. The former was the brother of Rānā Pratāp, the latter the grandchild of Māldeo. When the first by the guidance of fortune brightened his forehead by doing homage, and was exalted by princely favours, Sirohī and its territory were made over to him in fief. Sulṭān Deorah was powerful in that country. An order was given to 'I'timād K. that when he came to that neighbourhood, he should take vigorous measures, and should make over the country to Jagmāl, and if it was necessary, should leave some experienced fighting men to help him. When he came there, he carried out the orders, and Jagmāl entered Sirohī. The presumptuous one (S. Deorah) retired to the ravines. Rai Singh, Beca, Deorah and men of Jālor were left to help Jagmāl. When the victorious troops marched to Gujarāt, that wayward one renewed his turbulence, and Beca and many Jālorīāns came to the rescue. The wicked man came upon their quarters by secret paths. Those two men (Jagmāl and Rai Singh) awoke out of the sleep of neglect and preserved their honour by bravely sacrificing their lives.

On the 25th (Mihr)^2614b the feast of Shawwāl was celebrated and the Shahinshāh gave a feast. Magical minstrels administered the medicine of wisdom by the adit of the ear, and various artists did wonderful things. The archery of the strikers of the qabaq excited astonishment, and there was a display of the game of caugān. Crowds of men obtained their wishes. Suddenly in the midst of the game Rajah Bīrbar fell from his horse, and became insensible. The world's lord cast the shadow of his kindness over him, and relieved him by his holy breathings. In a short time he returned to his senses, and uttered thanksgivings.

One of the occurrences was the death of Mīr Gesū Khurāsānī. He traced his lineage to the Saiyids (of Khurāsān). For a time he held the office of Bakāwal Beg (steward of the kitchen), and then for a time he was governor of Bhakar. At this time he was Faujdār of Mīrtha and some of the interamnal parganas (between the Ganges and the Jamna). Owing to ignorance of business he was continually having altercations with the base soldiers. The master from cupidity is intent on depriving evil soldiers of part of their pay and the wicked and ungrateful are intent upon getting more than their share. From a bad disposition, he did not expel avarice from his heart,^615a and did not treat them with frankness. At last on the eve of the 24th (Mihr), which was pregnant with the 'Id of Shawāl (8th October, 1583), he in the town of Mīrtha spoke to them in a shameless way and after reproaches turned some of his servants out of his house. At dawn he went to the 'Idgāh in a drunken state. Mūsā Bahlīm (?) one of the set came forward in a humble manner, and Mīr Gesū owing to his intoxicated state put him in prison. At this time Ibrāhīm of Nārnaul came in with some evil disposed persons and M. Gesū lost forbearance and abused him. The unfaithful servant replied with his sword. Some double-faced ones removed him under pretence of making a reconciliation, and some base ones turned their attention to releasing Mūsā. On perceiving this he went to their quarters and set fire to them. The mutineers turned out to fight, and M. Gesū's companions showed cowardice, and the Mīr was killed. Out of wickedness they reduced his body to ashes. When this became known active measures were taken to seize the evildoers. Many were punished, and some absconded. Justice revealed her countenance.

In every work the Shahīnshāh brings various distinctions into action, and whether in repose or in marching displays great ideas. He weighs profit and loss in the balance of foresight. For a long time his desire was to found a great city in the town of Piyāg,^1616a where the rivers Ganges and Jamna join, and which is regarded by the people of India with much reverence, and which is a place of pilgrimage for the ascetics of that country, and to build a choice fort there. His idea was to establish himself there for a time and to reduce to obedience the recalcitrant ones of that country, and to introduce peace down to the ocean. He thought that when he had laid the foundation of this city of fortune, he would go by boat to the eastern districts and root out the thorns of rebellion from that country. Should peace be produced there by the reverberation of the august expedition, he would proceed to the Deccan, and take possession of that country which was longing for a just ruler. Should the wide country of India be civilized by means of obedient vassals he would proceed to Turan, and he would put to rights M. Ḥakīm who, on account of the companionship of flatterers and shortsighted persons, did not sit at the board of good service, and who indulged in foolish replies. He would also guide aright M. Sulaimān and Shahrukh M., who were stirring up strife with one another in Badakhshān, and would get possession of the land of his ancestors. In this way the various classes of mankind would experience the joys of concord.

With these far-reaching thoughts he on 5 Ābān (about the middle of October) set out from Fatḥpūr. As his intention was to proceed to the eastern provinces, he in accordance^617a with the rules of the experienced men of India, went off on a lofty elephant and travelled 3 1/2 kos (a day).

On the 12th, near the village of Baraulī, the river-houses (the boats) were glorified by his advent. Some of the special courtiers had the bliss of attending him, while the main camp went by land. There were more than 300 boats for the passengers and the baggage. On the 17th they cast auchor opposite the town of Etawah. Zain Khān Koka had a delightful residence and garden there, and begged for the royal visit. H.M. granted his request, and stayed there a while. On the 22nd he came near Kālpī. Muṭṭalib K., the tīyūldār (fief-holder) of that place, arranged a splendid feast on the bank of the Jamna and got high honour by H.M.'s presence. Next day he arrived near Akbarpūr at the residence of Rajah Bīr Bar. By going to his house he gratified a long-standing wish of his (Bīr Bar's). Then he went on, hunting and dispensing justice, stage by stage. Mankind rejoiced. On the 1st Āẕar he reached the wished-for spot, and next day in an auspicious hour he laid the foundation of the city, and planned^617b out four forts. In each he arranged for lordly residences. The beginning (of the city) was the place where the rivers joined. In the first (fort) he fixed that there were to be twelve buildings.^617c In every one there were delightful apartments. There was a garden which was the special private chamber of the Shāhinshāh. In the second there was a place for the Begams and the Princes. In the third there were to be residences for the distant relatives ⁴¹⁶ and for the personal attendants. The fourth was for the soldiers and subjects. The engineers produced master-pieces, and in a short time the first (fort) was admirably completed. Every one had a place suitable to his rank. In a short time a great city was established.

One of the occurrences was the arrival of the litter of Miriam-makānī. She had been unable, for various reasons, to come at the beginning. At this time she set out on the camel of joy, and afterwards proceeded by water along with many Begams and other ladies. H.M. paid his respects in a new manner. An assemblage of joy was arranged, and the rose-garden of the Caliphate was refreshed by recognition of dignities.

It has been mentioned that after the defeat of the rebels, a body of the victorious troops proceeded towards Orissa and had halted on the bank of the Damodar, and that some great men had gone to Ghorāghāt and been the means of delivering the Qāqshāls. When some time had elapsed, M'aṣūm K. had come from the country of Bhātī with many strife-mongers and proceeded to make war on M. Beg Qāqṣhāl. The latter had gone to Tājpūr^619a and taken protection with Tarson K.^619b He (Māsūm) had the effrontery to send some men to ravage that country. Tarsūn K. shut himself up in a fort, and the rebels plundered to within seven kos of Tānda. There was a great commotion. When Shahbāz K. heard of this, he made wisdom the precursor of courage, and set about punishing the rebels. He sent off some men in swift boats in order to turn him back, and he himself marched out with troops from Patna, and proceeded by land. He soon arrived at the scene of disturbance, and produced tranquillity. The presumptuous retreated. M'aṣūm, who had arrived near the Jamna,^619c remained where he was. He (Shahbāz) wrote from Tānda to the officers who were connected with Orissa, to the effect that “Qutlū had not the strength to engage in battle with the imperialists, and it was better that some should come to this quarter.” Accordingly, Wazīr K., S. Ibrāhīm, S. Farīd Baḳhshī, Saiyid 'Abdullah K., Pahār K. Mīrzāda 'Alī K., Bābūī Mankālī, Ḥasan K., Shāh Qāsim Badaḳhshī, Haidar Dost, Mīr Abu-l-ghaiṯ, S. Muḥammad Ghaznavī, Jalālu-d-dīn Ma'saūd, Kamālu-d-dīn, Ḥusain Sīstānī, Kīcak Khwāja, Sikandar Caknī, Abā Bikr, and others took upon themselves the task of putting down Qutlū, while Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram, Ṣādiq K., Muḥibb 'Alī K., Rajah Gopal,^620a Khangār,^620b the sons^620c of Saiyid Muḥammad Mīr 'Ādil and others proceeded to help Shahbāz K. Shahbāz K. ⁴¹⁷ crossed the Ganges and proceeded rapidly to chastise the rebels. By the Divine aid 3,000 artillerymen^620d from among the servants of Shāh Bardī, who had died about this time, came from Bhātī and entered into service, and brought the news of victory. Afterwards Tarsūn K. and M. Beg Qāqshāl joined. At this time the news came that an army of ill-fated ones had proceeded under the command of Bābāī Bhakarī towards the town of Santos,^620e and that the servants of Tarsūn K. had fled. Shāhbāz K. set himself to remedy matters and sent off Muḥibb 'Ali K. Qāsim K. Taimur Badakhshī and Selīm K., and afterwards sent on himself. The enemy fled on hearing the noise of the advance-force, and much booty fell into the hands of the soldiers. From there they marched 18 kos through a difficult country in order to do battle with M'aṣūm K. and halted on the bank of the Jamna. M'aṣūm took refuge on the other side but prepared for battle. Shahbāz sent a letter to advise and guided him towards obedience. He recounted to him the worthy qualities of the Shāhinshāh and abused him for his falling away. He gave him many salutary counsels and mingled threats and encouragements. During those twenty-four hours messages were sent three times, and choice replies expressive of contrition were received. Next day^620f the officers (of Akbar) arranged an assemblage and he (M'aṣūm) crossed two-thirds (dobakhsh) of the river and arrived within a javelin cast of the shore. He accepted the proposition to render loyal service, and a treaty was drawn up and sealed by the heads of the army. It was settled that on the following day he would make his apologies for the past and that there would be a feast of unity. Some persons who were lovers of strife increased his fears by secret letters, and rehearsed to him the downfall^621a of M'aṣūm K. Farankhūdī. As his fortune was somnolent he could not distinguish between counsel and fraud. He wrote, describing the circumstances,^621b and made excuses. Shahbāz K. got indignant, and behaved improperly to friends and to strangers. A mist of discord arose and occasioned arrogance among the rebels. The warriors who sought for battle crossed the river amid a shower of bullets and arrows, and engaged in fight. There was a hot engagement. By the marvels of daily-increasing fortune the rebels took to flight on 4th Āẕar (about 15th November, 1583) and the sound of victory spread far and near. During the crisis the royal fleet did not arrive, but Narain, the landholder (būmī), and Murād Qāqshāl, brought up their own boats and rendered assistance. Muḥibb 'Alī K. and Solīm K. Sirmūr^621c and some other brave men went rapidly in pursuit of M'aṣūm. M. Muḥammad Dastam and some ill-fated ones turned round and fought. On hearing of this, Shahbāz K. hastened to the spot and arrived just when the first detachment was in difficulties. A great engagement took place, and many rebels fell headlong into the pit of annihilation. Qarā^622a Naqdī was taken prisoner, ⁴¹⁸ and the rebels were properly defeated, and went off with blistered feet to the desert of failure. They escaped owing to the darkness of the night. The elephant Har Pershād and many others were captured. M. Beg Qāqshāl, Sangrām and Dalpat did good service. Next morning the victorious army crossed streams and miry places and arrived near Ghorāghāt. A portion of that city was^622b plundered. M'aṣūm K. took refuge in Bhātī with some followers. Jabbārī and some followers went to the country of Koc (Cooch Behar). Every one of the crew went to some corner or other. Shahbāz hastened to Sherpūr,^622c which was the home of many of them. Next day he arrived there and some of their families were captured, and much booty was obtained. Nearly 150 noted men were made prisoners. The news was brought to Ilahabad, and many thanksgivings were paid, and there was a fresh daily market for service (i.e. service was rewarded).

One of the occurrences was that Ṣādiq K. separated himself (from Shahbāz). On the first day that the officers joined, an elephant of Ṣādiq K. ran, on the march, at Shahbāz K. and nearly killed him. Though he was not hurt in his body, yet vexation abode in his heart, and from that day there was an interruption of friendship, and a display of hostility. He behaved himself improperly. He changed from the favour he had shown (to Ṣādiq) and became highly displeased with him When Shāhbāz was going to Bhātī, Ṣādiq separated himself in order to pay his respects to the holy threshold.

One of the occurrences was the defeat of Sher K. Fulādī. When the delightful country of Gujarāt became filled with the dust of dissension, as has been related, Shihābu-d-dīn K. 'Itimād K. Niẓāmu-d-din Aḥmad Bakhshī and some other officers assembled in Pattan. They were nearly going to Jālor, and retiring from the country altogether. At this juncture, Muḥammad Ḥusain, S. Abu-l-qāsim, Mīr Abū-l-moẓaffar, Bunyād Beg, Fīrūz, Mīr Muḥibb Ullah, Mīr Sharafu-d-dīn, Beg Muḥammad Toqbāī, Bulind K. Khwājaserā, Saiyid Abū Isaḥaq and others to the number of 1500 auxiliaries arrived. And 1000 men left the enemy and joined Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad K., and 700 horse joined I'timād K. But the newly-arrived slaves of money were empty-handed and made complaints. They opened the booths of wish and spoke foolishly. I'timād K., who had gained experience from previous events, gave them money, and made them zealous for service so that the thoughts of going away left their minds. Meanwhile Rawaliya Khāṣ-Khel (belonging to the clan of) of Sher K. (Fulādī?) stirred up strife in the town of Jūtāna. Beg Muḥammad Toqbāī, who was in the neighbourhood, mingled skill with valour; and by the might of daily-increasing fortune obtained a victory. On hearing of this Sher K. sent ⁴¹⁹ Ḥusain his son-in-law with a large force. Beg Muḥammad did not see it proper to fight, and retreated. The imperial servants appointed S. Muḥammad Husaīn, Khwāja Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad, Mīr Abū-l-moẓaffar, Saiyid Muḥibb Ullah and some other experienced soldiers to assist him. The foe gave way, and Beg Muḥammad followed them up, and a hot engagement took place. After the manner of Rajputs he got off his horse, and fought in a determined manner. He was nearly slain when Khwāja Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad arrived with some brave men, and the enemy was disconcerted. Daily-increasing fortune displayed her face, and the imperial servants decked out the assemblage of joy. Then Sher K. turned his face to do battle, accompanied by many scoundrels. The army expressed its wishes and complained of being empty-handed. I'timād K. was obliged to do something to relieve them. He and Shihābu-d dīn Aḥmad K. stayed to look after their households (bangāh-dārī), and the rest of the men went off to fight under the command of Sher K., the son of I'timād. In the centre were Sher K., Rādhan K., Pahār K., and others. Muḥammad Ḥusain Shaikh, Mīr Ṣāliḥ, and others were in the right wing, Khwāja Abū-l-qāsim diwān, Bunyād Beg, M. K. Nīshāpūrī, Saiyid Abu-Isahaq, and Ḥājī Sambal were in the left wing. Mīr Abū-l-moẓaffar, Beg Muḥammad Toqbāī, Mīr Muḥibb Ullah, Mīr Sharafu-d-dīn Fīruz, Sūr Dās, and Saiyid Musṭafā were in the vanguard. Khwāja Niẓamu-d-dīn Aḥmad, Mīr M'aṣūmbhakkarī, and Aṭal Ghakkar were in the reserve. On 27 Ābān the battle took place near Miyāna 18 kos^624a from Pattan. The left wing of the imperialists was shaken, but Ḥusain K. the leader of the enemy's right wing (Sher K.'s son-in-law) was killed by Maqṣūd Āqā. The left wing of the enemy fell upon the reserve, but was repulsed. The enemy's centre departed to the desert of failure without fighting. By the Divine aid a victory was obtained, and a large amount of booty was obtained. Many wicked men were killed. The opinion^624b of the experienced was that they should at one gallop proceed to Aḥmadābād, and make a difficult work easy, but the words of the foolish babblers prevailed, and there was a want of singleness of heart. The news of victory reached Allahabad and the servants were rewarded.

⁴²⁰ One of the occurrences was the sending of Zain K. Koka and Rajah Bīrbar to bring in Rajah Rām Cand. He is the ruler of Pannah^624c and famed throughout India. He represented himself as one of the obedient and sent his eldest son to do service, but from short-sightedness did not come himself to court, giving as an excuse the length of the journey. Now that Allahabad was glorified by the Shāhinshāh's advent, there remained no room for the former excuse. An order was issued that an army should march to awaken this somnolent dweller in ravines. At this time his son represented by means of well-intentioned courtiers that his father's omission to come was not due to arrogance and disobedience. Owing to his living in a fortress, and to his not mixing with the world he was subject to timidity. If one or two of the known men of the court were dispatched to him, assuredly he would pluck up courage and come. Inasmuch as the Shāhinshāh considers the sword as the last remedy to be employed against refractoriness, the representation was accepted, and on the 24th the Kokaltāsh and the Rajah were sent off, to give protection to this savage and to bring him in.

One of the occurrences was the suppression of the disturbance of Jabbārī. It has been mentioned that Shahbāz K. and other officers went off to Bhātī, while Wazīr K. and others prepared for war in the direction of Orissa. The intervening country remained empty of troops. Meanwhile Jabbārī came from Koc to Ghorāghāt, and turbulent men gathered round him. He took Tājpūr from Selīm K. Sirmūr's^625a people, and Purniah from the relations of Tarsūn K. From thence he proceeded to Tānda. Ḥasan 'Alī Kotwal of the city was lying ill, and S. Allah Bakhsh the Ṣadr was agitated. From want of courage he was getting confused. Suddenly S. Farīd arrived, and produced tranquillity. He was returning, disgusted, from the army of Orissa to court, and by the royal orders he returned. When he came there, Jabbārī withdrew. The Shaikh hastened to Tājpūr and encouraged the men there, and the agents of the officers got possession of the fiefs.

At this time it was brought to H. M.'s notice that in the rainy season the Ganges was very violent, and injured many people. H.M. laid the foundation of an embankment one kos long, forty yards wide and fourteen cubits high. This was a protection to the people and a help to cultivation. As prices were high on account of the dryness of the year, the means of subsistence of many people came to an end.

One of the occurrences was the coming to court of the Khān 'Āẕim. He had been living in Ḥājīpūr since he left Bengal He came to Allahabad on the arrival of H.M. and did homage on 4 Dai, and was exalted by various favours. Farīdūn Birlās, Ḥakīm ⁴²¹ Moẓaffar, Khwājah Muqīm and ṃany others did homage along with him. Also, during this time, S'aīd K. came from Sambhal and did homage, and received princely favours.

It was H.M.'s intention that when the affairs of the eastern districts had been excellently arranged, he would proceed towards the Deccan, and introduce order there. Suddenly the rebellion in the province of Gujarāt made a great noise and he turned some of his attention towards it. It appeared to him that he should go to the capital and march from there. At the beginning of the disturbance it was the opinion of small and great that when M. Khān got there and was joined by Quṭbu-d-dīn K., the dust of dissension would be easily laid. Now came the news of Quṭbu-d-dīn's death, and of dissensions among those who had been sent. H.M. set before himself the punishment of the wicked, and the composing of the distractions of the country. The brief account of the events— which were so pregnant with Divine aids and the marvels of daily-increasing fortune—is that when the ingrates and the turbulent had filled that pleasant land with the dust of strife, Quṭbu-d-dīn K. from ignorance and conceit did not set matters right. Whilst the officers in Pattan were representing, “To-day the crooked and worthless fellows are busy^626a about their jagirs and appointments, and there is no order among them. The proper thing is to march quickly and skilfully against them. In this way the success of the rebels would cease, and a difficult task would be made easy,”— he (Quṭbu-d-dīn) was slow in moving and was not doing good work. He made some objections about the soldiers' want of equipments and he also spoke about waiting for the troops from Mālwa. Meanwhile the disorder increased, and until a censure came from court, he did not wake from the sleep of neglect, or take steps to remedy matters. He sent out troops in advance,^627a but those active men (the rebels) crossed the river Mahindrī and fought a battle near the town of Sarnāl, and the soldiers suffered a shameful defeat there.

From presumption and self-conceit he, on 8 Aban, about 15 October 1583, came out of the fort without putting Broach into a proper state of defence, and without conciliating the mercenary soldiers. Although right-thinking and acute persons represented that it was wrong to treat a great disturbance lightly, and to disregard the army, and that what was absolutely necessary for the times was to make presents to the offended and the loud talkers, and to labour to close their mouths and to win hearts, yet, as his fate was overturned, the words of wisdom did not enter his ⁴²² ears. Accordingly, on 25 Ābān, about 2 November 1583, Moẓaffar approached with a large force. The armies were drawn up on both sides, but meanwhile Carkas K. and Mīrak Afẓāl, and many others, joined the enemy. Quṭbu-d-dīn and some of his clan (khāṣ khelān) made their way to the walls of Baroda.^628a Next day the haughty rebels invested the city (Baroda). Just then the news came of the defeat of Sher K., and Moẓaffar was nearly abandoning the siege and proceeding thither (to Maisana). He feared lest the victorious troops should prevail against Aḥmadābād. When he heard that they had gone back, he gave up the idea and became bolder in besieging the city. Quṭbu-d-dīn K. from worship of wealth (khwāsta-parastī), and love of life, had not the courage to sacrifice himself. He took into his head the idea of a peace. He sent Zainu-d-dīn and Saiyid Jalāl to express his wishes, and asked to be allowed to proceed to the Ḥijāz with his accumulations. As he was turned away from perception, he did not understand that the accumulation of wealth is for the protection of honour, and that life is only precious when consistent with honour. The rule of soldiering is to play away manfully unstable life in the service of one's master, and to acquire by such valour eternal life and sempiternal glory. Apparently the night of destruction was growing increasingly dark, and guiding wisdom was in heavy slumber. Moẓaffar was seized by arrogance on receiving this message. He had the first (Zainu-d-dīn) trodden under the feet of an elephant. To the other life was granted at the intercession of relatives.^629a It was time that Quṭbu-d-dīn should have been aroused, but love of existence only increased his somnolence. He took the treaty into his hands with much^629b fawning. On 13 Āẕar, H., 23rd November, 1584, he adorned himself and came before that wretch, and accepted eternal disgrace. Moẓaffar made some inquiries after his health and then made him over to the executioners. The star of his life set. Jalālu-d-dīn Mas'aūd his sister's son was also put to death. Afterwards the fort of Broach was invested. Khwāja^629c 'Imādu-d-dīn Ḥusain and some others were admitted to quarter. The Kotwāl took the road of disloyalty and delivered up the keys of the fort. On the 19th (Āẕar) the fort was taken possession of without a contest. The Cambay treasure and the abundant wealth of the governor were plundered. Moẓaffar thought in his avarice of becoming a son-in-law. The wise mother^629d poisoned her child. The thorn of failure entered the foot of his desire. He made a practice of oppressing the people, and of pillaging the traders. The vogue of impropriety (nāshanāsāī ) became great.

On hearing this news H.M. held before himself the resolution to send an expedition to Gujarāt. The countries of Garha-Raisīn were given in fief to the Khān Ā'ẓim. On the 29th, he obtained leave to go to Ḥājīpūr in order that he might collect equipments and ⁴²³ come to court. S'aīd K. was made an officer of the 3000 grade, and Ḥājīpūr and its neighbourhood were given to him in fief. He took^629e leave on that day after receiving valuable counsels. On 10 Bahman, 20 January, 1585, H.M. proceeded, under the guidance of fortune to the capital (Fatḥpūr).

As the soldiers of Gujarāt had joined Moẓaffar, and he had collected abundant wealth, the officers of Pattan thought of leaving the country and coming to Jālor. At this time, M. Khān arrived with a large force and produced tranquillity. He delayed^631a for a while to collect the officers, and he was also stayed somewhat by the foolish talk of ignorant people. Near Mīrtha, Khwajagī^631b Ṭāhir came to him from the officers of Pattan and told him what had occurred. M. Khān wisely suppressed what had happened to Quṭbu-d-din K., and sought for victory from the brightness of his star. On 20 Dai,^631c about 31st December, 1583, the army halted at Pattan. The soldiers there were incorporated, and there was rejoicing and a council was held. Some foolish propositions were brought forward. Some said that they should remain where they were until the Mālwa troops arrived. Some said that to march before the world's lord should advance towards that quarter would be to transgress the ⁴²⁴ rules of farsightedness. Some thought that the only thing to do was to march on quickly in reliance on the daily-increasing fortune without regard to external arrangements. What occasion was there for equipments? There were plenty of brave and capable men. These uttered many heartening words. By the guidance of the star, and glory of Fortune, all agreed to this view, and resolutions of acting in unity were taken. They left 'Itimād K. in Pattan and went forth to do battle. They marched under the leadership of the Divine aid. The centre was made glorious by the loyalty of M. Khān, Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad K., Jān Darvesh K., Sulṭān Rāhtor, Mīr Moẓaffar, Abū-l-faṭh, M. Qulī Moghal. S. Muḥam mad Moghal, Qarā^632a Baḥrī and a number of experienced combatants were also there. Shīroya K. Muḥammad Ḥusain, S. Abū-l-qāsim. Bunyād Beg, Fīrūza, Mīr Hāshim, Mīr Ṣāliḥ and others were on the right wing. The Mota Rājah, Rai Durgā, Tulsi Dās Jādūn.^632b Bīcā Deora, Rai Narain Dās, the Zamindār of Īdar, and others were appointed to the left wing. In the vanguard were Payinda K. Moghal, Saiyid Qāsim, Saiyid Hāshim, Rai Lonkaran, Ram Cand, Udai^632c Singh, Saiyid Bahādur, Saiyid Shah Ālī, Saiyid Naṯr Ullah, Saiyid Karm Ullah and many others. In the altamsh were Mednī Rai, Rām Sāh, Rajah Mukatman,^632d Khwāja Raf'ī, Mukammal Beg Sarmadī, Naṣīb Turkaman, Daulat^632e K. Lodī, Saiyid K. Kararānī, S. Walī, S. Zain, Khiẓr Āqā and others. In the reserve were Khwāja^632f Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad Bakhshī, Mīr Abū Moẓaffar, Mīr M'aṣūm Bhakkarī, Beg Muḥammad Toqbāī, Mīr Ḥabīb Ullah, Mīr Sharafu-d-dīn, Hāth Bilūc and others. Mīān^632g Bahādur Uzbeg and other smart men were the scouts. In each body of troops there were swift, mountain-like elephants.

On hearing of this, Moẓaffar came to Aḥmadābad with a large force, and drew up in battle-array. He himself was in the centre. Sher K. Fūlādī commanded the right wing. In the left was Lonīh Kāthī, and in the vanguard Ṣaliḥ Badakhshī. They chose the crossing at 'Uṯmānpūr^633a as the battlefield, and they arranged their guns and other firearms in a proper manner.

Inasmuch as well-intentioned fabrications^633b have a good effect, a firmān from the court of the Caliphate was manufactured, and ⁴²⁵ was received with honours. The gist of it was: “In a certain auspicious hour we shall come out to assist the victorious troops and shall advance on a red (gulgūn) world-traversing steed as if for the purpose of hunting; until we arrive, do not be hasty to engage.” A joyful banquet was arranged and the drums of joy beat high. The agitated took heart and the presumptuous enemy was terrified. The imperial servants, thinking that the Mālwa troops would arrive, and that the enemy's battlefield would be abandoned, and the news of the coming of Akbar might be impressed on the hearts of the troops, moved away from confronting the foe and proceeded towards Sarkec.^633c They arrived there on 6 Bahman^633d and chose a battlefield. On one side they abutted on the city,^633e and on the other on the river. They strengthened that delightful place by making a barricade.^633f Moẓaffar made ạ hasty move and came to that quarter A party of misguided rebels made a night attack, but failed and had to return. At dawn the army prudently strengthened the barricade by erecting an earthen wall. The impious enemy hastened^634a to draw up his forces for fear that the royal standards should shed their rays, or the Mālwa army arrive. Though the leaders (of the imperialists) were not disposed to engage, partly because they were looking for the coming of the Mālwa officers and partly because most of the day was spent, yet they of necessity addressed themselves to fighting. As there was a rumour that Moẓaffar would appear from the rear with some men, while another army was in front, Rai Durgā hastened off in that direction with a portion of the reserve. The other troops pressed forward in the manner that had been arranged. On the way there was a great ravine, and there was much sand. The vanguard turned back somewhat in crossing, but the altamsh (reserve of the vanguard) pushed forward and encouraged the vanguard. When they emerged from these straits there was for a time a hot engagement.

There rose a cry from the mass^634b of two armies,
The noise of resurrection reached the sky,
You'd say the earth split in two,
Isrāfīl blew the trump of the resurrection.

Saiyid Ḥāshim^634c lost a brief life and gained eternal glory. Before this he had stated that he dreamt that eighteen lancets had pierced him, and that much blood had flowed. The strange thing was that he took his last sleep after eighteen wounds! Khiẓr^634d Āqā also displayed good service. The combatants on both sides clashed together and died bravely. The flames of war flashed on both sides. The heroes of the vanguard and the altamsh separately engaged in hand-to-hand combats, and each company of brave men engaged with a company of the enemy. M. Khān with 300 warriors and 100 elephants kept his eye on the marvels of daily-increasing fortune. Moẓaffar with 6 or 7000 men came in front of him and was behaving insolently. Short-sighted well-wishers seized the ⁴²⁶ Khān's rein and sought to turn him back, but that forerider of loyalty planted more firmly the foot of courage. He suatched the reins from the hand of those who recognized not Fortune, and took the path of battle. He brought on the rank-breaking elephants, and the elephant Shermār and others distinguished themselves. Before they reached the foe, the latter lost firmness. The breeze of victory refreshed the standards. Rai Durgā went in that direction and inspired fear into the enemy's right wing. This man and that man were saying “the world's lord is coming with a rush.” The enemy became confused and fled without fighting. Moẓaffar, who had been haughty, went to the desert of failure in a wretched condition. He hastened by the route of M'amūrābād^635a towards the Mahindrī. Everybody of the enemy's troops fled, and many lost their honour, for some, blood was mixed with dust. The work of slaying went on till the end of the day. The fortune of the Shāhinshāh had her face brightened. Yet the victorious army consisted only of 10,000 troopers, while on the other side there were nearly 40,000 troopers and 100,000 infantry!

A very few soldiers in the day of battle
Prevailed over numerous foes,
For in war victory comes from fortune,
Not from wealth and many soldiers.

On account of the much warring, and the day's being spent, the fugitives were not followed. The army encamped on the field of victory, and returned thanks to God. Next morning at dawn there was a joyous festival in Aḥmadabad. In every street and lane there was the sound of joy. On the 25th Bahmān (about 8th February) the couriers of rejoicing brought the news (to Akbar) in the neighbourhood of Kora Khatampūr),^636a and told the wondrous work of Fortune. The world's lord gave thanks to God. The sovereign's knowledge of mysteries was again impressed on the minds of all. The simple, whose luck was good, renewed the joy of devotion (to Akbar). Next day Zain K. Kokaltāsh did homage. Rajah Rām^636b Chand had come out of his fort and was proceeding to the court. The Koka preferred his request. On the 30th H.M. encamped near Etāwah, and at the request of the Kokaltāsh he halted for a while under the trees of that town—which is a delightful spot. Next day at time of marching he dismissed the Koka in order that he might give the landowner the news of favour and bring him with him. On 4 Isfandārmaẕ, 14 February 1548, the standards of the Shadow of God cast ⁴²⁷ their rays over Fatḥpūr, the capital, and crowds of men attained to joy. There was a new assemblage for truth-seeking, and new rules were inaugurated for appreciation. Success seized far and near, and the good tidings of eternal dominion quickened the hearing of mortals.

One of the occurrences was that Rajah Rām Chand came and did homage at the holy threshold. When the envoys came to him and recited to him the tale of majesty, and imparted great counsels to him and in an excellent manner inspired him with hopes and fears, he, from his good fortune and auspiciousness cast out from his head long-standing arrogance. On the 12th (Isfandārmaz) he was exalted by the prostration, and he produced presents for the inspection of H.M. Of these, 120 elephants^636c were accepted in order to gratify him, and also a ruby of great value. His territory and fort were returned to him, and his dignity was increased by great gifts. Among them was a present of 101 horses.

One of the occurrences was the death of Muḥammad Zamān. He was the cousin^637a of M. Yūsuf K. From the turbulence of youth, and the talk of shortsighted avaricious men he led an army against the Jālīyā,^637b who is one of the great landowners of Mālwa. He had recourse to supplications and sent presents, and ratified the promise of doing good service. From cupidity and inexperience Muḥammad Zamān suppressed the new treaty and hastened to the town of Mahrīya^637c and opened the hand of plunder. After this he plundered Deogarha. Hearing that the road of Surat^637d was shorter he, from irreflection, went off in that direction. He met with defiles which were difficult to traverse. He halted with a few men, and passed on his army and baggage. From somnolence of intellect he sate down to a drinking-bout. The landowner had his opportunity and came there, and M. Zamān's days were ended. Whoever takes the road of disobedience, and does not listen to the voice of well-wishers and does not stick to what he has said, will soon come to an end of this kind, and will fall into various misfortunes.