THE ARRIVAL OF THE STANDARDS OF FORTUNE AT THE CAPITAL OF
KASHMĪR.
On 25827a Khurdād, 5th June, 1589, after 8 hours 24 minutes, H.M. having marched 1 1/2 kos 18 poles, planted his standards in the city of Srīnagar. Crowds of people arrived and had their desires gratified. 543 There was the glory of largesse and presents H. M. alighted at the lofty palace of Yūsuf K., the ruler of Kashmīr. The quarters of the soldiers (i.e., of Yūsuf's soldiers) were allotted to the various servants, and an order was given that the troops should not be quartered in the houses of the inhabitants.
From Lahore, the capital, to this place (Srīnagar) 97 kos827b 7 poles were traversed in 24 marches. Though the number of kos is not great, yet on account of the ups and downs, the distance is very long and difficult. God be praised that a long-cherished wish of H. M. was easily gratified! What former rulers had died wishing for, was attained with a small amount of application. Mountains which pedestrians could not traverse were crossed by H. M. with a large army and numerous elephants! Srīnagar is a great city and has been long peopled. The river Bihat flows through it. Most of the houses are of wood, and some rise up to five827c storeys. On the roofs they plant tulips828a and other flowers, and in the spring these rival flower-gardens. When it is the rainy season in India, it also rains here,828b and, like Turān and Irān, much snow falls in winter. In spring there are showers (bārān). The crops seldom suffer from a deficiency of rain. The praises of the country cannot be contained within the narrows of language. Something has been said about this in the concluding volume. My brother, my spiritual and physical elder, wrote a great ode in praise of the Shāh and of Kashmīr. I quote some lines828c from it.
547 On this day Shahbāz K. was transferred from the great camp (at Bhimbar) to Swād. Mīr Isfarāīnī was sent as sazāwal to escort him thither and to bring Ṣādiq to court. At this time Gohar828d Ṣūfī came and paid his respects. He was an emancipated one (āzāda) belonging to the sect of Rīshīs.828e Thirty years before this, Ghāzi K., the ruler of Kashmīr, had put his teacher to death on suspicion that some rebels had been sheltered in his house. The darvesh (Gohar) had thereupon become disgusted with life, and had struck a knife into his belly, but did not accomplish his purpose. Next time he thrust his belly against the edge of a wall and a fissure was opened out, whereby his bowels burst forth. But this did not cause loss of life. The portion of the bowel which was inside dried up at its head, and there remained outside about a cubit in length. His excrement passed out by this (aperture?). He cleansed the outer portion and put it into a wooden vessel (āwand). H. M. treated that broken-hearted one kindly, and a new rank was given to devotion.
On the 28th (Khurdād) he went to visit Shihāb-u-d-dīnpūr.829a This is a delightful spot on the bank of the Bīhat. The planes (cinārhā) there raise their heads to the sky, and the verdure enchants the eyesight. It was stated that whenever soilure was caused by men's visiting the place, or by any bones etc. falling there, they disappeared next morning. People said a spiritual squadron came and swept and cleansed the place. When H. M. appointed truthful and acute persons to inquire into this, the tale was found not to have the glory of truth. It was an exaggeration on the part of former eulogists, and short-sighted people in their simplicity believed it. On his return he passed by the polo (caugān) ground. Travellers have seldom seen so verdant and charming a spot. On the 31st the Prince Royal was sent off to bring the ladies. He was ashamed of his former mistake, and was continually showing a desire to obtain this service. The Shāhinshāh granted his request and gave him leave to go. Āṣaf K., Mādhū Singh, and some other servants were sent with him. Also on this day he indulged in water-fowling and enjoyed it greatly. Several times he engaged in this sport. The 548 chief huntsmen take hawks on their arm in little boats (zoraqchahā) and let them fly at the proper moment. Those swift birds rush down from the air and hold the waterfowl down829b on the surface of the water and sit upon them and convey them to the boat.
One of the occurrences was the arrival of the ladies. Prince Suḷṭān Murād, the Khān-Khānān, Qāsim K. and other servants exerted themselves greatly in improving the road, and in assisting the bearers. The Prince Royal joined them in Pūshāna.830a Prince Sulṭān Murād returned to take charge of the main camp. When they had approached to within two kos, H. M. received them on 9 Tīr, 20th June 1589, and by various kindnesses gave joy to the visitors. The officers who had performed the service received fresh honours.
One of the occurrences was a great flood in Ujjain in Mālwa. It began to rain on the 12th, and this continued for three days. The river Siprā830b rose high and the outer and inner lakes (kūlāb) overflowed. 1700 houses were carried away. Though but few men were lost, yet many animals were carried away by the waves. The flood had reached the gate of the city when the outer lake830c burst, and the waters were dispersed.
One of the occurrences was the assessment of Kashmīr. When the able accountants brought forward the subject of the revenue, the just sovereign proceeded to make inquiries. He sent S. Faiẓī, Mīr Sharīf830d Āmulī, Khwājagī830e Muḥammad Ḥusaīn to scrutinize the Mararīj830f (Marrāj), while Khwāja Shamsu-d-din Khāfī—who had come at that time from Kabul—and the Kuar (Mān Singh) were sent to examine the Kāmrāj.830g Though the autumn crop was over, yet they were able by their skill to make an estimate of it. In India the land is divided into plots, each of which is called a bīgha. In the delightful land of Kashmīr every plot is called a patta.830h This should be one bīgha one biswa according to the Ilāhi gaz, but the Kashmīrīs reckon 2 1/2 pattas and a little more as one (Kashmīrī?) bīgha. By agreement831a with the Government (Diwān) one-third of the produce is paid as revenue. In accordance therewith every village has been assessed at a certain number of kharwārs831b of rice. The same amount of kharwārs is demanded every year without any fresh investigation. The kharwār is 3 mans 8 sīrs831c Akbarshāhī. Sometimes they reckon by the trak,831d which is eight royal (i e. Akbarshāhī) sīrs. Of the spring (rabī') crop they take for one patta of wheat, barley, pulses, and mustard, two traks as the share of the ruler. In Lār831e and its appurtenances the persons deputed to inquire found that 1 man 26 sīrs of wheat, 1 man 26 3/4 sīrs of barley, 1 man 30 1/2 sīrs of pulses and mustard were taken and that in the autumn-crop there was taken from that extent of shālī 12 (rice) (land) one kharwār, from mung (phaseolus mungo), moṭah (P. aconitofolius) and māsh, two traks, from gāl and millet four traks. When the unofficial (kāghzkhām; papers of every village— which showed the real facts—were obtained, the amount of the ruler's share came to 5 mans for rice, while for mung, moṭah and māsh it was 549 1 man 30 1/2 sīrs, from kangnī831f and millet it was 2 mans 22 1/2 sīrs. The Mararāj investigators brought back similar reports. As there was abundance of futile talkers and concealers of the truth, and the governor (mirzbān)832a of Kashmīr was desirous that the truth should not appear, and the sovereign832b had in his mind the enjoyment of sight-seeing, and the cultivators were chiefly soldiers, the assessment was not fixed upon actual facts (qarār-i-wāqa'). The twenty lakhs of kharwārs of rice were increased by two lakhs. Apparently, the far-seeing glance (of Akbar) perceived that an increase in the assessment, even though it did not exceed a duly calculated amount, would bring destruction on the cultivators, especially in a newly conquered country.
On the 22nd (Tīr, about 2nd July 1589) H.M. gave leave to the writer to visit Wāhid Ṣūfī. Inasmuch as he has a daily-increasing desire to seek out good and pious men, his blissful servants take pains to search for such. At this time the Malku-sh-sh'ara S. Faiẓī832c wrote to this least of men (A. F.): “Here an enlightened anchorite has come into my view. For thirty years he has in an unnoticed corner been gathering happiness on an old mat. Affectation and self-advertisement have not touched the hem of his garment. By dint of inward purity he has come to know somewhat of the Shāhinshāh and though he has not seen him, he bears on his heart's shoulder the burden of his discipleship.” When I brought this to the notice of H.M. he ordered this traveller for the search of truth to go and make a thorough inquiry into the matter. If the account given of him turned out to be true, and he was willing to come, I was to bring him with me. By great good fortune I met in with that bewildered833a one, and the old sore of Divine longing opened afresh. For a long time he had lived, like Aweis833b and Karkhī, in a ruined habitation. As he concerned himself but little with men's customs, some called him mad, and some called him an atheist. He lived apart from joy and sorrow, and took nothing from anybody except broken bread. After many years he assumed an old and tattered cloak. I brought forward the old secret, and laid hold of his companionship. Though owing to the obscurity of my understanding, I did not know the Kashmīrī language, yet I gathered much edification through an interpreter, and there was a new market for my ear. As his heart was much alienated from the sons of men, he could not come out (from his cell). The world's lord was delighted with this news and resolved834a that he would go in person, and illuminate the darkness of his hermitage.
One of the occurrences was an exhibition of H.M's knowledge of mysteries. It had been reported to him that the ruler of Kashmīr had in a fit of intoxication thrown one of his ladies from the top of a terrace. One day when he was inspecting the Kashmīr palaces, he, while many lofty windows and watch-towers were around him, said with his pearl-laden tongue: “It seems that Yūsuf must have flung that innocent one from this terrace.” On inquiring this was found to be the case.
Also, on this day, Jagannāth, who was troubled for want of a house, and was wishing for the house of Qarā Beg, performed834b the kornish from the top of a terrace. H.M. quickly said to him, “You have come a long way down; the house of Qarā Beg is large and is near: let that be your quarters.” A cry of wonder arose from all. Also about this time, one morning, the sound of singing reached his ear, and he 550 said to Naqīb K: “Can you from the voice make any guess as to the age of the singer?” After much reflection he replied: “It seems to be more than forty and less than fifty.” H. M. said: “I think it is more than twenty and less than thirty.” When inquiry was made, it was found that the age was twenty-five.
At this time he felt a desire for the coming of Miriām Makānī,834c and ordered that a petition to that effect should be written to her. With his pearl-laden tongue he said: “Let this verse which my soul has just now uttered be made the preamble to the application.”
The pilgrim may go to the K'aaba to perform the ḥaj.
O God! May the K'aaba come towards us!
On the 23rd (Tīr, about 3 July 1589) Hāshim K. the son of Qāsim K. was sent off to put to right the Paklī road, as H.M. intended to return by that way. Many stone-breakers and diggers accompanied him. Zain K.835a Koka was ordered to return and to conduct the great camp and other people to Rohtās. He was (after that) to come back to H.M. by way of Paklī. On this day news came that Khudāwand835b K. had died in Pātan Gujrat on 1 Khurdād, 11 May 1589. He was one of the brave men of the south country, and in company with the Berar officers he had had the blessing of an audience, and had been exalted by royal favours.
One of the occurrences was that H.M. went to Mararāj by boat. From the view that to go by water is to sit while travelling, and that it brings many delights, it occurred to him that he would in this manner go in that direction. As in this country there were more than 30,000 boats but none fit for the world's lord, able artificers soon prepared river-palaces, and made flower gardens on the surface of the water. Men of note, and near relatives, also prepared boats so that more than a thousand were made ready, and there was a city upon the waters. On 24 Tīr, 4 July 1589, H. M. embarked with his ladies. The anchor was raised at dawn and they proceeded up stream. 5 3/4 kos 14 poles were traversed, and he encamped opposite Minaur835c (Pampūr?). On each side of the river there were flower gardens and verdures to delight the eye. Guards were stationed on each bank. They looked after the husbandmen and the weak. Things which give pleasure, and successes which make the lords of destinies to stumble, only make H.M. more wary. The farsighted in this way improve their lives, while those who do not extend their view beyond secondary causes become infatuated. Next day he travelled 4 1/2 kos 60 poles and halted near Panj836a Birāra (Bīj Bihāra). Starting at dawn next day he travelled 5 1/4 kos 8 poles and arrived opposite the plain of Nandī Marg.2836b Though at every station there were choice spots, yet this Alang (pasturage) was a fresh vision to eye and heart. It is 3000 bīghas in extent, very level, luxuriant and verdant. Farsighted travellers find few places equal to it. The lord of the diadem gathered pleasure by looking at it, and offered praises to God. Nandī was a woman and a servant of Mahādeo, and marg means a plain. Romancers tell that she was in love with a young man, and when he came to this pleasant spot to play polo, she would come and soothe her soul by a sight of him. The governor of Kashmīr proposed to bring the plain under cultivation. Fearing that this would put a stop to the polo, she bought the plain for a large sum, and imprecated a curse on any one who altered the ground. Cycles have elapsed since then, but it is still preserved in its old state.
One of the occurrences was the death of M. Sulaimān. From the time that he did homage for the second time at the sacred threshold, he spent his days in repose and enjoyment. At the time of the expedition to Kashmīr he had been left in Lahore in order that nothing might occur to molest the tranquillity of this old man. At this stage the news came that he had quitted the world on 13 Tīr, 23 June 1589. H.M. mourned for his death. The chronogram of his birth is Īkhshī.837a He lived for 77 years, and was unique for courage, and knowledge of war.
On the following morning H.M. travelled 3 kos 44 poles and arrived at the village of Kahnapal837b (Kanabal) beyond which boats do not go. On the way he visited the hermitage of Wāḥid Ṣūfī, of whom I have already given some description. He uttered heart-pleasing words, and made the dervish strong of heart. H.M. said that his sole idea was to keep his soul in ways well-pleasing to God as far as his powers would allow. It was also proper to observe order in the administration of the world. He hoped that this enlightened heart (the hermit) would strengthen him towards the fulfilment of this wish. He (the hermit) paid his respects and represented that he knew something of the lofty rank of the world's lord, and that his outward glory was the veil over his spiritual beauty. He had long cherished the wish that he might obtain edification from that spiritual and temporal lord. At this time the Prince-Royal came up from the rear, and an order was given that he should visit the hermitage. The writer of the noble volume was sent along with him. The prince first implored blessings for the world's lord, and the hermit gave the same reply as before. Then he begged his prayers for himself. The answer was that he should obtain his wishes from the temporal and spiritual primate.
From this stage H.M. went off on the horse (bārah) of fortune to see the fountain of Alanj,837c which is a delightful place for visitors, and a place of worship of the ancients. There is a limpid reservoir, and the water always shoots up (from the earth). Occasionally, a beautiful, yellow, spotted fish appears, and whenever this occurs, the year is reckoned a fortunate one. It appeared about this time, and caused joy. From there he went to hunt, and his idea was that he would proceed on to the fountain-head838a of the Bihat, but rain and the slipperiness of the defiles restrained him from this plan.
One of the occurrences was the sending of an ambassador to Tibet. When the sound of the world-conquering armies reached that country, the rulers thereof had not the courage to come personally to the sublime court. They remained in bewilderment. As they showed obedience by continually sending presents, M. Beg was sent to 'Alī Rai the ruler of Little838b Tibet, and Mullā Ṭālib838c Isfahānī, and Mihtar Yārī to the ruler of great Tibet. Soothing and encouraging words were written to them.
On 29 Tīr, Divine month, 9 July 1589, H.M. fell ill, and that day passed in severe pain. Next day there were signs of improvement. After two days he took two spoonfuls of soup, and in a short time he became well. He used to say that he had often been ill, but that the pains of those days had not come up to the pain of that first day. May God the Giver of life long preserve him in sound health and in the administration of justice!
May dominion not be far from his pillow.
May there be no light to the crown without his head.
May his life be sempiternal.
May his threshold be life's sanctuary!
RETURN OF H.M. THE SHĀHINSHĀH FROM KASHMĪR THE PARADISAICAL.
As the spectacle of that ever-vernal flower garden—which leads every one else to self-indulgence—made H.M. more zealous in devotion to the Creator, and as he had gathered some delight from travelling in it; and had made the peasantry and the soldiery joyful, he decided to return. Though the attractions of the climate, and the abundance of flowers and fruit shut off the road of escape, yet wisdom prevailed and prevented him from staying longer. On 1 Amardad, 11 July, 1589, the anchor was raised and he set839a sail. The Paklī route was kept before his eyes. He travelled 3 kos 25 poles, and halted opposite Nandīmarg. On this day Abiyā839b paid his respects, and was received with favour. As Y'aqūb Kashmīrī—who had in some measure awaked from his slumbers, perceived the majesty of the Shahinshah, and wished to pay his respects, H. M. made the arrivals happy, and sent them back satisfied. But as Y'aqūb was impressed by the greatness of his crimes, he had not the courage to come in, but sent his brother, in order that the good news of pardon might reach him, and might ease his fears. The brother returned after succeeding in his wishes. Next day he spent in the same delightful spot. On the morning following he departed, and 553 after travelling 4 kos 59 poles, he encamped near Joras (?).839c On this day some ladies arrived from the great camp, and paid their respects. Āṣaf K., Khwāja Daulat, and others, did homage. Here a privy council was held, and the expedition to Kabul was decided upon. After one (day's) halt, he travelled 5 kos and halted near Pampūr. One day afterwards, he travelled 4 kos, 36 poles, and stopped near the Koh-i-Sulaimān.
On this day he paid a visit of consolation to Muḥibb Āli K.840a and gave some pleasure to him, who was prepared for the last journey. Then he got into a small boat and proceeded towards the city. His only object was to exalt by consolation Amīr Fatḥ Ullah Shīrāzī who had been ill from his first coming to the city, and had been unable to accompany H.M. on the excursion. H.M. came to the bedside of that chosen member of wisdom's family, and spoke graciously. Next day he halted. The days of Muḥibb 'Alī were ended. One said to to him, “Say there is no God except God.” He, who had long refrained from speech, now said, “ 'Tis not a time to say Lā Ullah (without God). 'Tis a time to fix all one's heart on God (bā-ullah).” H.M., who appreciated merit, grieved for him and showed kindness to his family.
On 9 Amardād (about 19th July, 1589) H.M. travelled three kos and encamped after passing through Srinagar. On the way, his boat collided with a bridge, but by God's protection no damage resulted. After two days more he travelled 4 kos 60 poles, and encamped at Shihābu-d-dīnpūr.840b Here Sultan Qoresh of Kāshghar arrived and was received with royal favours. His lineage goes back to the great Qāān (Cingez). He was s. 'Abdu r-Rashīd s. Sultan Sāid s. Sultan Aḥmad, known as Ālanja K. s. Yunas s. Avīs s. Sher 'Ali Oghtan s. Khiẓr Khhāja s. Tughluq Timur s. Īsā Būgā s. Davā s. Burāq s. Bīsūm Tavā s. Mawatkān s. Caghtāī s. Cingez. Some account of Caghtāī has been given in volume one. Mawātkān was the second son of Caghtāī, whom Cingez loved more than all his other children. Mawātkān was killed by an arrow in 618 (1221 A.D.) under fort Bāmīān. Bīsūn Tavā, his second son, served Cingez till his death. Burāq was first with841a Qubla Qāān who sent him to Transoxiana. He was tyrannical, and fought in Persia with841b Ayāq s. Hulāgū, and was defeated. In Bokhara he adopted the Aḥmadī (Muḥammadan) religion and took the name of S. Ghīāṯu-d-dīn. On his death Davā succeeded, and reigned with great splendour. He conquered Transoxīana, Turkistan, Badakhshān and Kabul. He attacked Persia several times, and led armies into India, but was unsuccessful. Īsā 554 Būqā reigned, after his father, in Turkīstan, Kāshghar and Moghulistān. Tughluq Timur (his son) succeeded him. It is said841c that Īsā Būqā had two wives, the elder being Sātilmish Khātīm, and the younger Manlīq. It being the rule that the elder wife, in a Moghul tribe, takes charge of the others, Sātilmish learnt, when the Khān was away on an expedition, that Manlīq was pregnant. She gave her to Sharāwal841d Dukhtūī who was one of the great officers. When the Khān returned from his expedition, he was vexed at this, but there was no remedy. After the Khān's death there was confusion in the tribe. Amīr Būlājī Dughlat, the grandfather of M. Ḥaidar, proceeded to search, and sent Tāshū Taimūr to enquire, in order that he might get information about Manlīk and her progeny. After much search he found that she was dead, and he brought away her son Tughluq Taimūr K., after a thousand troubles, from the country of the Qalmāqs. At the age of 16841e he ascended the throne, and in his 24th year he adopted the Aḥmadī religion. There being a commotion in Transoxiana, he marched to that country and by his justice gave it tranquillity. He perceived the marks of eternal greatness on the forehead of Ṣāḥibqirànī (Timur) and made841f over the country of Kash to him, and gave Transoxiāna to his own men.841g After him Ilyās Khwāja K. became ruler. When he died, the Moghal tribe fell into confusion. Amīr Qamaru-d-dīn Dūghlat put to death 18 persons from among the sons and sons-in-law of Tughluq Timur, and sat upon the throne. No descendant of Tughluq Timur survived except Khiẓr Khwājā. Amīr Khudādād, the brother's son of Qamaru-d-dīn, hid the child with the help of the mother (of Khudādād). Ṣāḥīb Qirānī (Timur, i.e., Tamer lane) waged great wars with Qamaru-d-dīn, and when the latter died, Khiẓr Khwāja was raised to the throne. He preserved peace with Timur, and by his prudence Moghalistān was civilised. He took an army several times to Cathay, and got possession of Turfān842a and Qarā Khwāja. His daughter Takal842b Khānim was exalted by entering Timur's harem. Timur was called Gūrgān because that842c is the title of a son-in-law.
Sher 'Alī842d Oghlān lived with his brothers after his father's (Muḥammad K.) death and died in early youth.842e Avīs K. (Sher Ali's son) served his uncle Sher Muḥammad K. who was ruler of Moghalistān. He took to brigandage (qazzāqī), and fought battles. When Sher Muḥammad K. died, he ascended the Khānī throne. They say he waged 61 wars with the Qalmāqs, and was once victorious. Twice he was captured. Tāshī,842f the ruler of the Qalmāqs, respected his high lineage and let him go. When Sātūq K. came against him, he 555 hastened to fight, and in the confusion he was killed by an arrow shot unwittingly842g by one of his own men. Confusion arose in the Moghal tribe. After his father's catastrophe Yūnas K. was taken by some to Samarqand to M. Ulugh Beg, and Isā Būqā was made ruler of the Moghals. The Mīrza (Ulugh Beg)842h killed many of them and took all that they had.
He sent Yūnas to Shāhrukh, and the latter kindly made him over to Maulānā Sharfu-d-dīn 'Alī Yezdī. From him he got some enlightenment, and when the Maulānā died, he passed into Arabia, Persia, Aẕarbaijān and Fārs. He made Shīrāz his home, bought land and acquired knowledge, and supported himself by his own industry. In his 41st year Sultan Abu S'aīd sent for him and provided him with an army. He sent him off against his brother who had come as an invader. After much fighting he was defeated, but by craft and stratagem he established himself near Farghāna, and men gathered round him. At this time Mīr Saiyid 'Alī, a grandson of Amīr Khudādād, died, and Yūnas' affairs became flourishing.
In a short time Īsā Būqā also died, and then his son Dost Muḥammad K. ascended the throne. In a short time, the government of Moghalistān became established in Yūnas K.; out of gratitude he gave his three daughters to M. Abu's sons, viz. Mihrnigār Khānim to Sulṭan Aḥmad, ruler of Samarqand; Sulṭan Nigār Khānim to Sulṭān Maḥmūd K. M. M. Sulaiman's father was born of this marriage. Qutlaq Nigār Khānim he gave to 'Umr S. M. H. M. Getī Sitānī (Bābur) was the offspring of this marriage. He lived for 74 years. At the end of his days he went into retirement843a on account of the bad behaviour of his servants.
Sultan Aḥmad K., the second son of Yūnas, governed well, and fought with the Qalmāqs and won great victories. He prevailed over the Uzbegs and Qazzāqs. When Shāh Beg defeated Aḥmad's elder brother S. Maḥmūd, Aḥmad came to help him, but by the jugglery of the heavens both brothers were defeated. Shāh Beg respected old obligations and let them go. Aḥmad fell ill of grief, and died. Sultan S'aīd was the third of Aḥmad's 16 sons.843b He was for a while Shāh Beg's prisoner. He escaped and came to his uncle S. Maḥmūd. Then he left him and joined his brother Khalīl in Moghalistan. Between those two and the elder brother Manṣūr K. there was war. Sulṭan S'aīd K. had to traverse plains and deserts, but by the Divine aid he joined Getī Sitānī (Bābur) in Kabul, and was kindly received. He enjoyed himself for three years in the service of that ap- 556 preciative one. Then he took an army with him and came to Farghāna, and conquered most of the country. M. Abū Bikr, the ruler of Kāshghar, came to fight and was defeated. After this Sūnj843c K., ruler of Turkistān, came with a large force. The Khān went to Qāsim K., the ruler of Dasht Qibcāq, and from there brought an army against Kāshghar. He fought with M. Abū Bikr and was victorious. He made peace with his elder brother Manṣūr K., and the Khuṭba was read in his (Manṣūr's) name and coin struck. They say that for some time after Manṣūr, the name of Khān was given to his son Shāh K. When he died, the government returned to S'aīd. He several times led an army against Moghulistān and was successful. He also fought with the people of Tibet, and gained victories. He sent his son Iskandar with M. Ḥaidar to Kashmīr by the way of Tibet, and that delightful country was conquered. On account of double-faced men, Ḥaidar made a sort of peace and returned. S'aīd died of asthma (damgīrī) and the insalubrity of Tibet. His son 'Abdu-r-Rashīd received his name from Firdūs Makānī (Bābur) at his father's request. When he succeeded, he governed justly and prevailed over the Uzbegs and Qazzāqs. He always kept on friendly terms with Humāyūn. M. Ḥaidar has called his history by his name. When he died, 'Abdu-l-Karīm844a succeeded him. He reigned worthily for 30 years. His six brothers were Ṣūfī Sultan,844b Maḥmūd, Qoresh, Abu S'aīd, 'Abdu-r-Raḥīm and 'Abdullah.844c In accordance with their father's will, and from their goodness, they served 'Abdul-l-Karīm. A dispute arose between Qoresh's son Khudābanda and his uncle Muḥammad.844d He went off to the Kīrghiz (Text, Dagavī) and by their help he conquered Ṭarfān. The Khān was apprehensive on this account and sent off Qoresh to the Ḥijāz. He, with his belongings and his seven sons, Shah Muḥammad, 'Ādil, Moẓaffar, Ābdullah, Sanjar, Aḥmad and Ghazanfar, came to Badakhshan, and from there went to Balkh. By 'Ābdullah's permission he went to Fortune's threshold (Akbar's court) and was exalted by the service844e of the world's lord. His eighth son, Khudābanda, remained where he was. Goodness and discretion shone from his forehead. When Ābdu-l-Karīm died, and the government came to his brother Muḥammad, 'Abdullah sent a large army against the latter from Transoxiana. It was defeated, and returned. What has been the end of this irrigation of the garden of words? Though a little diffusive, the rose garden of annals has been refreshed.845a
On 13 Amardād, Divine month, 23 July 1589, H.M. travelled 3 1/4 kos, 12 poles, and arrived near Sopūr.845b On the way he visited the garden of the Bāgh Ṣafā which M. Ḥaidar had made. He also climbed to the top of a little hill845c from which much of Kashmīr could be seen, 557 and enjoyed exquisite pleasure. Next day, he travelled 4 1/2 kos, 72 poles, and halted near Patan.845d He845e disembarked here and went on by land. On this day he sent the Maliku-sh-sh'ara S. Faiẓī, and Mīr Sharīf Amulī to the city with a large sum of money in order that they might distribute it to the emancipated ones who had chosen retirement and those who were silently needy, and to others who wished for help.
One of the occurrences was the coming of Y'aqūb K. Kashmīrī to the sublime court. He had suffered the retribution of his presumption and rebelliousness, and was spending his time in consternation among the defiles of Kishtwāra.846a He had been greatly alarmed by the arrival of the great army, thinking that the landholders (of Kishtwāra) might seize him and deliver him up. Some of his bewilderment was removed when his brother came and announced to him the good news of pardon, and he betook himself to submissiveness. He saw no salvation for himself except by coming to pay his respects. But as he was greatly disturbed on account of his previous conduct, he presented a petition through M. Yūsuf K. “On account of the intoxication of youth, and intimacy with wicked men, what had occurred, had occurred. Now the whirlpool of repentance had taken possession of him. His prayer now was that H.M. would send him his special slipper so that he might place it on the crown of his head, and prostrate himself at the holy threshold.” The gracious sovereign accepted his apology, and granted him his desire. The distressed one hastily came on receipt of this kindness. On 18 Amardād, the desire of his soul was gratified.
After three (days) hālts, H.M. resumed his march. He travelled 3 1/4 kos, 60 poles, and encamped near Naupāra.846b In that country there are porters who carry immense burdens, and traverse hills, as if they were plains. These men transported much baggage. It was a wonderful sight. H.M. set out next day at dawn, and having travelled 2 kos, 20 poles, he encamped at Bārahmūla. This is the gate of Kashmīr. On one side there is a sky-touching hill, and on the other the Bihat tumultously rushes towards India. Between the two there is a narrow path. Since a long time, the rulers have made a gate847a there, and the guards admit no one without a passport. On this day Zain K. Koka arrived from Paklī and did homage. H.M. sent him forward in order that he might make strong a bridge over the Indus. The army was divided into eight portions. Some special troops were told off to follow the royal stirrup. The other seven847b were arranged according to the watch of each day, and all the zealous men were put in charge of them so that each division might have its round of service. On the 23rd H.M. left the Bihat, and encamped after travelling 3/4 of a kos, plus 20 poles. On this day Mīr 'Ārif847c Ardabīli did homage. He had a large share of intelligence, and was also distinguished for his austerities. Some years ago, he had, on account of the chatter of the envious, hurried off from Lahore to Kashmīr. 'Alī K. the ruler had treated him with respect, and made him his son-in-law. Envious people represented that he was aiming at sovereignty, and was plotting to cut off the ruler when the latter 558 should come to visit him. The Mīr on account of men's improper behavour, and his ill luck, fled at night to the wilds. He was caught on the road, brought in, and abused. Thence he went to Tibet. 'Alī Raī847d the ruler there gave him his sister in marriage. When the ambassadors went off to Tibet, an order was given that they should bring the Mīr. As he had secretly a desire for discipleship, he eagerly set off, although the ruler did not grant him leave, and his friends and allies terrified him. He was received with princely favours. After one day H.M. travelled 3 kos, 20 bambus and halted near Khānpūr.847e Here news was received that on the 24th Khwāja Ṣandal848a had died. As this famous pigeon-fancier had fallen ill, he had been sent on before. On the way he took the final journey.
One of the occurrences was the death of 'Aẓdu-d-daulah. He had been left behind in the city on account of illness. Ḥakīm848b 'Alī did not treat him properly, and H.M. sent Ḥakīm Ḥasan to cure him. The latter reached the august camp, and it was made known that 'Aẓdu-d-daula had turned away his heart from this inn of 3-5 days' duration. H.M. grieved at the departure of this memorial of former sages. He often said that the Mīr was his vakīl, philosopher, physician, and astronomer, and that no one could understand the amount of his grief for him. “Had he fallen into the hands of the Franks, and they had demanded all my treasures in exchange for him, I should gladly have entered upon such profitable traffic, and have bought that precious jewel cheap.”848c This bewildered one of the assembly of existence (A. F.) knows that he had completely plundered the caravan of learning's schools. The meeting with this spiritually great man worked a revolution in my ideas. Together with all this stock of knowledge, he was a rare jewel of truth and uprightness and practical skill. An order was given that his body should be removed from the khānqā848d of Mīr Saiyid 'Alī Hamadānī and conveyed to the top of the Koh-i-Sulaimān, which is a delightful spot.
Next day he marched 4 kos, 60 poles, and alighted at the village of Kānpalā (?).848e It snowed for most of the way up to this place. On each side there is a lofty mountain. The one on the right, in returning, was bare of trees; the other was full of cypresses and pines, though the distance between these two peaks was very small. At dawn he started again and marched 3 3/4 kos, 60 poles and halted near Pāhūnār849a a dependency of Dajan Khārū.849b In going from Bārahmūla up to the river Kishan Gang the country on the right hand is called Dajanpārā, and that on the left is called Khārù. Next day he traversed Kūārmast849c 'which is the most difficult pass on this route, and halted at the village of Māhīpara.849d He traversed 3 1/4 kos, 89 poles. 559 Sometimes he ascended from the depths up to the sky. In going through the pass H.M. drew rein for a while at the grave (turbat) of Khwāja Ṣandal and mourned by throwing down849e food as is the rule of pigeon-fanciers. On this day people could not keep up with him, and so he was obliged to halt. Meanwhile Mīr Abū-l-qāsim Tamkīn849f came from Swād and did homage. He brought with him Kālū Afghan, who had fled and had been at the bottom of the disturbance of the Yūsufzai. When the victorious troops surrounded that hill country, and the position of the recalcitrants became difficult, every section of them took refuge with one of the officers. This evil-doer made the Mīr the means of his deliverance. H.M. sent this man who was worthy of death to the school of the prison. At dawn he resumed his march, and after travelling 4 1/4 kos, 26 poles through defiles he halted near Bulīās.850a This is the end of the country of Kashmīr and the beginning of the territory of Mastang.850b This name is applied to the country from Bulīās to the Kishen Gang. S. Ism'aīl, in whose sanctity the Yūsufzai tribe believe, and to whom they impute miracles, came and did homage. Perhaps the sins of the tribe might be forgiven by his intercession! On this day a large sum was made over to Mīr 'Ārif Ardabīlī in order that he might send it to the indigent in Tibet. Ḥakīm Abū-l-fatḥ suffered from diarrhoea and was in great pain. H.M. cast the shadow of his graciousness over him, and comforted him. Next morning he again marched and travelled four kos, passing through the Būlīās pass and encamping near Naupara.850c The road was almost unparalleled for difficulty, narrowness, and heights and hollows. On this day he went to the Ḥakīm's quarters and encouraged him. Next day he travelled 4 kos, 10 poles and encamped near Barka(?).850d Sulṭān Ḥusaīn850e Paklīwāl came forward with presents, and was received with favour. On 1 Shahriywar, Divine month, 11 August 1589, he crossed the Kishen Gang by a bridge, and after travelling 3 1/4 kos, 82 poles encamped near Sīkrī.850f It is a fine river with clear and wholesome and very cold water. It rushes down from the foot of Tibet. The country from this stream to the Paklī river (the Sirān) is called Mastang.851a Up to this point H.M. had followed the river Bihat. Next day a formidable pass, 3 1/2 kos long, was traversed, and the encampment was made near the Nain Sukh851b river. This was not inferior to the previous river in the sweetness and wholesomeness of its waters. Some thought it to be superior. Qāsim K. was sent on to look after the bridging of the Indus. After one day H.M. passed the defiles of Batrās.851c He travelled 5 kos, 30 poles and encamped near Gahī, a dependency of Paklī. Here a plain became visible, and provisions after being very dear were now cheap. Sulṭān Ḥusain prayed that his house might be illuminated by the advent of H.M., and his request was graciously granted. Next day 4 1/4 kos, 80 poles were traversed, and a halt was made near Dādhāl.851d Next day 3 kos, 90 poles were traversed, and the encampment was at Garhasa. Shahrukh, the landowner of Damtūr, 560851e came and did homage. As the Ḥakīm was in much pain, a halt was ordered. On the night of 7th Shahriyār, Divine month, 18th August, 1589, that adorner of the garden of acuteness, farsighted, awakened-hearted, and wise-brained one, expired. He stepped aside from this place of trouble. He retained his senses to the last, and the commotion of death did not terrify him. How shall I describe the grief which the holy heart felt at this calamity! Though the grief of great and small may be comprehended, how can the state of that appreciative one of the banquet of enlightenment be understood! There were combined in the deceased loyalty, tact, benevolence, eloquence, good looks, dignity, God-given gravity, innate kindness, and profound wisdom. In accordance with orders, Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn and a number of others conveyed his body to Ḥasan852a Abdāl and committed it to earth under a dome which the Khwāja had made. I, Abul Faẓl, the writer of the book of fortune, had thought that I had emerged from the thornbrake of restlessness and had chosen the pleasant abode of contentment and tranquillity. On that852b day the veil was withdrawn, and I nearly fell into the turmoil of agitation. He (Abu-l-Fatḥ) acquired eternal bliss and yielded up a borrowed life at the feet of his master. I hope that all his servants, whether far or near, may surrender their brief lives in his presence. The king of poets, S. Faiẓī, wrote an elegy about Aẓdu-d-daulah and the Ḥakīm. I give some verses from it and so empty my heart.
(Here follow Faiẓī's verses, 200 lines. The five lines quoted by Badayūni, Lowe 382, are not among them. Apparently Faiẓī wrote two poems, one about Fatḥullah only, and one about him and Abū l-Fatḥ.)
Next day he travelled 4 3/4 kos,3852c 8 poles—the road being very narrow and full of streams—and encamped at Dahakārī.853a Next day he started at dawn and travelled 3 3/4 kos, 80 poles and halted between Khorā853b and Mānikzhāla,853c which is a seat of the Dilazāks. Next day he travelled 4 1/4 kos and halted near Sherkhān. Next morning he travelled 4 kos and halted near the Serai of Saiyid Pīr Sabz.853d Here M. Yūsuf K. took leave and returned to Kashmīr. Next day he passed Bābā Ḥasan Abdāl and halted near the serai of Zainu-d-dīn 'Alī. On that day he travelled 4 1/4 kos, 50 poles. Next morning he crossed the river Tarābardī,853e and passed the serai of Bahādur and halted. The march was 3 3/4 kos. On 14th Shahryūr, 24th August 1589, 565 he travelled 4 1/2 kos and encamped by the river Indus near Atak-Benares. From Srīnagar to this place is 96 kos, 77 poles. Here Zain K. Koka, Qāsim K. and Shahbāz K. had the felicity of doing homage. Next day Prince Sultān Murād came with the ladies853f and did homage. Rai Rai Singh and many others paid their respects. On the 16th Ṣādiq K. did homage. He had according to orders hastened to the Presence. He was sent off to chastise the Afghans, and he came to Swāt by the pass of Malkand. Shāh Beg K., Shāhim K., Jānish Bahādur, Aḥmad Beg, Takhta Beg, and other heroes joined him. By the power of planning and courage, the Afghans were reduced to obedience, and Swād became somewhat populated. At this time Mīr Murād, in the exercise of his duties as sazāwal, brought Shahbāz K. to Atak Benares. Ṣādiq K. being apprehensive854a that he would meet him, went off very quickly.
EXPEDITION TO AFGHANISTAN (ZĀBULISTĀN).
As H.M.'s holy design was to pacify that country and to cherish the old855a proprietors, he on 19th Shahrīyār, 31st August 1589, crossed over by the bridge which had been constructed below Attock. He marched 28855b bambus and halted near the Sarai of Khairābād. The elephant establishment, the park of Artillery, and the great camp were left in Attock. Those who were wearied with the journey, and those who loved the shade, and their homes, expected that after such troublesome journies H.M. would not go to Kabul, and that his only design was to hunt and recreate himself on the bank of the Indus. On this day Shahbāz K. obtained leave to go to Swād. After three (days) halts he marched 3 kos, 25 bambus and halted near Elias-garha. News came that Ḥusain Paklīwāl had fled. When the imperial officers made some representations about the large revenues of that territory (Paklī), the clown fell into evil thoughts and went off to his home on the same day that the royal standards crossed the Indus. On this account H.M. on the 23rd made over Paklī and its neighbourhood to Ḥusain Beg S. Ū ṃarī as his fief and sent him off there. By the might of fortune he prevailed over it, and that land-owner received his chastisement. On the 27th when the camp was near Gorkhatra, Shāh Beg came from Swād, and on the way had the bliss of having an audience. At his request H.M. visited Begrām which was in his fief. An order was given to the writer that he should go there, and give presents to the hermits. Thousands of needy persons 566 received their portions, and the treasure-house of prayers was filled. On 1st Mihr, 11th September, he traversed the Khaibar and halted at Daka. Qāsim had so improved the road, which camels and horses used to traverse with difficulty, that carts passed through easily. On the 4th Karam Ullah came from Mālwa, and did homage near Khwāja Yāqūt Sarai. At the stage of Safed Sang the idea of travelling rapidly presented itself. As the time of the autumnal856a colouring of Kabul was approaching, he left the great camp under the charge of Prince Murād, to come on slowly, and at the close856b of the 8th, he urged on his steed. At midday he rested near Bārīk Āb. On the way Ḥakīm Ḥamām came from Turān, and prostrated himself. In compassion for him H.M. said with his pearl-dropping tongue: “One brother has gone from the world for you, and for us, ten.”
From the point of eyesight one person is less,
From the point of wisdom, more than thousands.
When his heart had been consoled by the Shāhinshāh's help, the Ḥakīm conveyed the praise and supplications of the ruler of Turān. He (Abdullah)856d represented that the taking of Herat and the conquest of Khurasan were due to the blessed influence of his devotion to the world's lord. He was sending Aḥmad 'Alī Atālīq, who was one of his confidants, with gifts and compliments. He and Mīr Ṣadr Jahān were following. On this day the villagers came in crowds to perform the kornish and gained their wish. When half the night had passed, he renewed his journey, and on the 10th857a he illuminated Kabul by his advent. On the whole way, Turks and Tājīks came forward on both sides with presents and offerings. On this day too Mīr Ṣadr Jahān paid his respects. From Attock-Benares to Kabul is 92 3/4 kos, 41 poles, and they were traversed in 21 days and 18 marches. He took up his quarters in the citadel and enjoyed the gardens and the plain. He proclaimed benevolence to great and small, and every day, while he was in the city, a crowd partook of his bounty. On the 15th Prince Murād arrived with the family and household. At the end of the day he came down from the citadel and halted at the hall which had been erected near the Safed Sang. At dawn, as it was a feast day, he indulged in some splendour, and there was a daily market of giving. Aḥmad 'Alī Atālīq had an audience, and presented the letter and the choice products of his country. Ḥakīm Ḥamām represented that on 16th Āẕar of the previous year a wonderful thing had happened in Turān. Up to the end of the evening there were such death-cries of birds that even the loveless hearts of hunters were pained. At dawn there were seen in every field near Bukhāra, ducks, swans, geese, 567 storks, etc, lying dead or wounded or with broken breasts and scattered feathers. Likewise on the banks of Lake Kūrāk many thousand animals were lying dead, and persons who came from the Oxus and its neighbourhood made similar reports. Crowds of men with carts, camels and horses, carried off loads of them to their houses, and for six months ate their flesh, and supplied lamps with their fat. The Turānīān ambassador represented that 'Abdullah K. had assembled able men and made enquiries. As there was no ice or snow, they were unable to give any explanation. Some said it appeared that an army of owls must have passed by. Others suggested that it was a hunting animal called a Ṣadāīq.857b It was not improbable that such destruction of life had been caused by it. It had no equal among birds for strength. They also mentioned that one of the birds was wearied out with flying and was panting. A chief huntsman went up to it and bound it with a cuirass (bandizarah). When the bird had rested, it removed the bands and flew off, and disappeared from sight. After a while the cuirass fell to the ground on the plain.
On the 17th H.M. went to the Jahān Ārā garden, and he also had some sport in hunting. Next day, at dawn, he went to see the houses of the Aimāqs. Every one of them was gratified with money and goods.
On the 21st he marched from the Safed Sang plain, and halted at Khwāja Ḥasan's garden, which was distinguished for space and delightsomeness. M. Sanjar, M. Bāshī, Shādmān, and other Hazāra leaders, who seldom came to the city, visited the court and by the favours conferred on them emerged from their shyness.
One of the occurrences was the giving leave to Rajah Todar Mal to betake himself to the fields of freedom, and then his being recalled. On this day a petition came from him to the effect that old age and sickness had prevailed over him, and that apparently he was near his end. He prayed for permission to resign in order that he might go to the bank of the Ganges, and spend his last breaths in remembering God. H. M. in accordance with his request sent an order and expressed the hope that his spirit might obtain relief by this means. Afterwards admonitions were sent to the effect that no worship of God was equal to the soothing of the oppressed, and that it would be better for him to give up his idea (of retirement) and to spend his last breath in serving man, and to make that the provision for his final journey. On the 25th Qāẕī 'Abdu-s-Sammī' came from Lahore and paid his respects. On 2nd Ābān H.M. was weighed against twelve articles, and small and great obtained their desires. Next day he went to the Shāhr-ārā garden and from there he went to the cemetery (guẕargāh) and visited the tomb of Firdūs Makānī. He also grieved over the tombs of M. Hindāl and M. Ḥakīm who sleep near at hand. He 568 ordered Qāsim K. to make a beautiful garden there. He rejoiced the inhabitants of that place by many gifts. On the 9th he enjoyed the variegated hues of autumn at Māmā Khātūn and spent some time in enjoyment at the garden of Khwājagī Muḥammad Ḥusain. At night he reposed in the quarters of Khwāja Ḥasan. Next day he enjoyed hare859a hunting, and then returned.
One occurrence was the arrival of Miriām Makānī. As her desire to behold H.M. made her uneasy, she set off for Kashmīr, and Gulbadan Begam and many other ladies accompanied her. Hearing that H.M. had gone to Kabul, they followed him there. In accordance with his excellent rule, he first sent Prince Daniel and some officers (to meet her) and afterwards Prince Murād, and finally the Prince Royal Sultan Salīm.
On the 13th he himself received her near Begrām (the Kabul Begrām), and on the same day conveyed them to special quarters. There was a choice feast.
One of the occurrences was the expedition of Burhān-ul-Mulk to the Deccan and his returning unsuccessful. When the Shāhinshāh's order reached Khān Ā'ẓim M. Koka, he prepared to accompany Burhān with a chosen army. As the latter had evil thoughts in his head he declined this. He said that the Deccanīs would not join him on account of his having a large force, and that the presence of an army would make an easy matter difficult. Accordingly, he only took with him Caghatāī K., Canda K., and a few others with 1000 horse and 300 musketeers. He came to Birār by the route of Kālī Bhīt. He left Elichpūr on right and hastened on to Dānāpūr. Jahāngīr K. thānadār and some others came to him with fawning words, but their companions did not do so, and gave battle. There was a slight engagement. Suddenly, a bullet reached Caghatāī K. and he was killed. Canda was wounded and made prisoner. Burhān received the retribution of his evil thoughts, and returned unsuccessful to Mālwa.
One occurrence was the birth859b of Sultan Parvīz. On 19th Ābān after 9 1/2 hours he was born in the apartment of Prince Selīm by the daughter of Khwāja Ḥasan, the paternal uncle of Zain Kokaltāsh. There was great rejoicing.
569 The world's lord gave the above name to this bright star. It is hoped that he will live and be exalted by being cherished by the Shahīnshah.
On the 25th Mullā Ṭālib-Mihtar Yārī and M. Beg came back from Tibet and had an audience. They brought an envoy (wakhshūr) from there together with presents.
RETURN OF THE AUGUST STANDARDS OF THE SHĀHINSHĀH FROM
KABUL.
H.M. enjoyed himself in Kabul and gave pleasure to small and great. His idea was that the active young men should behold the spectacle of the falling of snow, and should tread the ice, and that the natives of India might enjoy this. But as his might had confused the people of Turān, and had awakened them from the sleep of repose, he had compassion on them and resolved to go to India. He marched on 4th861a Āzār (November), and camped at Safed Sang. On the way it appeared that a base fellow had dishonoured a peasant's daughter and so he was capitally punished. Sharīf K.,861b the son of M. 'Abdu-ṣ-Ṣamad the calligrapher (Shīrīnqalm), had been in the plot with him, and was also punished. This was a lesson to those who are apt to go astray. On this day Qāsim was appointed governor of Kabul. On the 10th he encamped near Begrām. It was reported to him that Raja Todar Mal had died on 28th Ābān (8th November, 1589). His life had passed in loyalty and prudence. When the order giving him leave arrived, he went towards Hardwār with a sound mind and a distressed body. The order of recall reached him at the pond he had made near Lahore. As he considered disobedience to H.M. displeasing to God, he returned, and died on the eleventh day (of Muḥarram) afterwards. He was the unique of the Age for uprightness, straightforwardness, courage, knowledge of affairs, and the administration of India. If he had not had bigotry, conventionalism, and spite (kīnatozī), and had not stuck862a to his own opinions, he would have been one of the spiritually great. A wound was given to disinterested work (by his death), and the market of business lost its briskness. I grant that an honest man (dīānatwar) might be found, though he would be a fellow-nestling with the phœnix ('anqā), but by what charm or talisman could he acquire the influence (i'timād) which is so seldom given to mortals?862b
On the 13th the great tent was erected on the camp. On the way there was ice on the ground, and H.M. trod upon it. Many 570 active young men followed him. As it appeared that there was little wood in front, H.M. ordered that high and low should gather sticks. All obeyed the order, and with excellent results.862c
On this day862d the Khan-Khānan (Bairām's son 'Abdu-r-Raḥīm) produced before the august Presence the Memoirs of Firdūs Makānī (Bābur) which he had rendered into Persian out of the Turkī, and received great praise.
On the 15th, at Bārīk Āb, news came that Rajah Bhagwant Dās had died. H.M., from his being the sovereign of the social world, was somewhat grieved at this. The Rajah had been at the cremation of Rajah Todar Mal, and when he returned to his house, he vomited and had an attack of strangury. After five days he departed from this world on 3rd Āẕar (13th or 14th November, 1589). He was endowed with uprightness, weight of counsel, and courage. His son863a Kuar Mān Singh received the title of Rajah and the rank of 5,000. It appears that H.M. had an intimation of the approaching ends of those two officers. When he went on expeditions he (as a rule) did not leave more than two high officers in the capital, and he had arranged that Rajah Bhagwant Dās and Rajah Todar Mal should be in the capital of Lahore. On the very day of the march, Qulīj K. was also sent off. On this day the mystery863b was made plain.
One of the occurrences was the holding of a qamargha hunt in the plain of Arzana863c (?). When the victorious standards reached Gandamak, the thought of the chase occurred to H.M. An order was given that the officers should arrange the stations. Next day he passed from the Bāgh Wafā and came to Kūshkul (?). By the route of Pātāq he passed by the desert-dwelling Arabs,863d and to every one of them were money and goods distributed. From there he came to the village of Bihār, which was inhabited in the time of Sulṭān Maḥmūd of Ghaznī, and he ordered that it should be revived, and that a fort should be made there. He gave it the name of Shahbāz (variant Sahā). On this day Shāh Beg K. arrived from Swād and was graciously received. On the 19th, N'iamat K. died. He had the title of Mullā Mīr863e and led a good life. On account of his intelligence he held the high office of Bakāwal Begī (superintendent of kitchen).
Also during this year Mādhū Singh was sent off in order that he might assist Qulīj K. in administrative and financial matters. Next day H.M. encamped near Walīd (?). On the way he enjoyed himself in the Bāgh Ṣafā garden. Next day he halted. Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn was raised to the office of Dīwān, and so had new honour conferred on him. All the officers were sent off in order that they might go to their stations and properly guard them. On one side was Nīmla,864a and on the other side Daka,864b which is 571 a distance of twelve kos. And the beasts were driven from the mountains to the plain of Arzana. When the enclosures (jirgahā) had been completed, H.M., along with the princes and some intimates, enjoyed the pleasure of hunting on the 27th (Āẕar = 6th or 7th December). The sport was excellently carried out. On 1st Dai he reached Jalālābād. On the way he visited the Lamghānāt. He passed from the tūmān of Sandaur to Mas'aūdābād.
One of the occurrences was a supplication from Muḥammad Zamān. When 'Abdullah K. seized Kulāb, Shahrukh's son, who was so called, was made prisoner, and died in confinement. At this time a pretender (dastānfaroshī) gave himself out in Qarātagīn as Muḥammad Zamān.864c He represented that Khwāja Kilān Khwāja, the son of Khwāja Jūībārī,864d out of kindness to the exalted family, saved him from those who hunted after his life. Another youth had died in his place. In that hill-country a commotion arose, and Kūlāb and many other places became involved in it. Mahmūd Sulṭan got ready an army and came to do battle, but was wounded and put to flight. Allah Dād Beg and Nūram Beg were killed. On the 2nd his petition arrived, accompanied by the heads (of the abovenamed two persons). After humble and supplicating expressions it stated that when he had been delivered from the place of danger by the goodness of the Khwāja Kīlān Khwāja he had come to India, and had, after the manner of the liberated, brightened his forehead by prostration at the holy threshold. As he had sworn to the Khwāja that he would notreveal his identity during the latter's lifetime, he had not told his adventures to H.M., but had gone to the Ḥijāz. Now he had come home and was making war on the Ūzbegs, and was wielding the sword of the world's lord. If H.M. would help him, he could easily sit on his throne. Though the story did not appear to the Shāhinshāh to be true, he made the envoys hopeful and said, “I have made a treaty of concord with the ruler of Turān, and my greatness does not allow of my fighting him; it will be better for you to come to court.” He then dismissed the envoys with favours, and sent some money and goods along with them, and was the means of his (M. Zamān) prosperity.
On the 9th he encamped near Allah Baqā. Qāẓī 'Alī, who had been put in prison at the instigation of Rajah Todar Mal, was released. Though he was unique865a for honesty, yet he had failed on account of the high fortune of his enemies. When his helplessness was made clear, H.M. showed him favour. On the 12th he encamped at Bārīk Āb at the Khwāja Yāqūt Serai.
An occurrence was the bestowal of the Vakilship on the Khān-Khānān. As ability and disinterestedness shone on his forehead, he was, on the 13th, raised to this post and Jaunpūr was made his fief. Gujarat was taken from him and given to the Khān A'ẓīm,865b from whom Mālwa was taken and given to Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad. On 572 the 15th a daughter was born in Lahore to Prince Salīm by the daughter of Dariyā Malbhās.866a H.M. gave her the name of Daulat Nisā.
One of the occurrences was that H.M. met with an accident and was hurt. On the 18th the camp was at Daka, and while hunting, a hyena came in sight. In that stony place H.M. rode after it. His horse stumbled866b (?) and he fell from his saddle, and his face struck the stones. High and low received heart-breaking wounds. The lion-hearted one, by God's aid, summoned up strength, and bound up the wounds. The spectators were nearly dying, but H.M. comforted them by encouraging words. Ḥakīm 'Alī of Gīlān plastered the wounds with oil which he had got from Indian physicians, and on the same day there was an improvement. The grandees were of opinion that he should stay where he was for some days, but he wisely went on. He was carried in a litter. My elder brother S. Abu Faiẓī made the following verse on the calamity:—
It was remarked that nine days before this, Narain Miṣr866c had died in Attock, and Bhīm Nāth in Jalālābad. These two physicians were celebrated throughout India. Casters of omens at court were delighted, regarding the fact as an evidence that H.M. would have 573 no more need of doctors. On the 25th he recovered, and sat in the hall of audience. He said that this accident produced a wonderful awakening, and that it occurred to him that if he was about to take the last journey, he was empty-handed. Every one's slumber is proportioned to his awakenedness. A great nature—which is the substance of spiritual and temporal supremacy—is not content save with comprehending the Creator, and thinks itself empty-handed, though in possession of the treasures of Verity. In this way the pain of seeking after God receives its consummation, and the affliction is succeeded by eternal health. On this day Qāsim K. received leave to go to Kabul, after receiving admirable counsels. Takhta Beg received the fief of Ghaznīn and was allowed leave.
One of the occurrences was the conquest of Bunīr. The victorious soldiers went off to punish the Yūsafzais, but on account of the strength of the country they could not get there. At this time a petition of Shahbāz came from Swād. On 1st Bahman (11th January, 1590), when there was no intention of fighting, H.M. appeared at dawn in a dream and directed an engagement. Shahbāz obeyed and obtained a victory. The country came into possession, and many of the illfated were slain. 'Alī Muḥ. Alif delivered up his short life in good service.
On the 10th H.M. crossed the Indus by a bridge, and ordered the bakhshīs to cross over the soldiers, division by division (caukī ba caukī). Ḥusain Beg S. 'Umarī came with presents from Paklī, and received favours. On this day the writer of the book of fortune became somewhat deranged and fell into great grief. News came that in Lahore on the 5th (Bahman = 15th January, 1590) the mistress of the auspicious lineage and the lady of the family of chastity, to wit, his loving mother, had departed from the unstable world to the heavenly realm.
When my mother has gone beneath the earth,
If I throw dust (khāk) on my head, what harm (bāk) is there?
I know that by this increase of tumult
Thou wilt not come whence thou hast gone.
But what shall I do, for I am impatient.
I deceive myself by a subterfuge.
You ought to have packed up the goods of life and accompanied her on that journey. Apparently owing to my imperfection such was not heaven's decree, and I had to remain bewildered in the stony tract of impatience.
Hundreds of thousands of eyes were needed for my heart's auguish
That in solitude I might weep with each one of them.
Where was the auspicious sentiment of styling as the “restoration of a deposit” the claim for the restitution of a present, and so not becoming mad at the act of God? yet I possessed, by the power of wisdom, a magazine of advices, and I used to practise the distribution of consolation! The sympathetic sovereign cast the shadow of his favour over me, and these words issued from his pearl-laden tongue: “If (other) inhabitants of the world possessed the grace of permanency, and only one took the path of annihilation, there 574 would be no cure for intelligent friends in patience and resignation. But since no one remains long in this inn, why should one suffer the reproach of impatience.” My heart was comforted by these cordial words,868a and I undertook what was proper for the time.
On the 22nd he encamped at the Sarai of Zainu-d-dīn 'Alī, and spent two days in the pleasure of hunting. Next day he halted at Ḥasan Abdāl. He visited the grave of Abu-l-fatḥ and gave vent to his grief. On the 24th Khwājagī Muḥammed Ḥusain left from this station to go to Kabul. On 2nd Isfandārmuẕ, near Kahuriya news came of the death of Rajah Gopāl Jādūn. He had been appointed to the charge of Ajmīr, and suddenly died in the city of Bīānā. On the 9th H.M. came to Rohtās,869a and it was reported to him that Masnad i-'Ālī Fatḥ K. had died in Oudh. He was a very honest man. As it was the rainy season, Miriam-Makānī expressed the wish that H.M. would rest for some time in this fort. He replied that honour did not allow that he should be in comfort, and the world in trouble. On the 12th he enjoyed a qamargha hunt in the neighbourhood. On the 16th he crossed the Jhelam after making bridges in two869b places near Rasūlpūr. On the 20th, while he was encamped near Hīlān, he met with an accident, and the world was plunged into grief. It was the turn of the elephant Malūl869c Rai. On account of his bad disposition and of his being mast, H.M. mounted on a female elephant, and advanced869d thereon. Before he had put his foot into the kalāwa (the rope which forms the mahout's stirrup) the furious animal ran at the female. The royal rider fell to the ground (threw himself off?). Though the Divine Protector made the turbulent brute blind, and took him to the other side, yet the fall produced some insensibility in His Majesty.
I went to the elephant to slay him with my sword.
He said, “Hear first my excellent excuse:
I'm not the Earth-Ox that I can carry the world,
Nor the fourth heaven that I can draw the sun.”
At the time none of the devoted followers was able to be present. There was a wonderful exhibition of destiny. How could harm accrue to one who believed justly and walked wisely? There had been no impropriety that the thing could be considered as a retribution. Nor had he trod the path of negligence so that this might be taken as an awakening message. If the might of God be considered and the instances of former saints, this apparently difficult circumstance becomes easy. It will become still easier if we consider with farseeing eyes the ups and downs of affairs. In a short time, H.M. came to himself, and by the power of God he brought the steed of his fortune into the arena. Though he had received wounds in the previous fall (that at Daka), this was more serious. 575 Sedition-mongers spread improper reports, and many remote parganas were plundered.870a When he came to his camp, he was in great pain. Physicians assembled, and held a consultation. He did not approve of any of their remedies, and said, “Apparently, it will be good to let blood.” Skilful men opened the vein of his arm, and, immediately, he obtained relief. Out of wisdom he did not halt, but crossed the Cināb by the two bridges at the passage of Bānī Kābīn. Next morning he recovered, and went on by elephant. Next day he was attacked on the road by a pain in his abdomen, and for a time his servants were distressed. He soon got well. On the 25th near Amnābād, Qulīj K. and Mādhū Singh did homage. From the day that he crossed the Cināb, every day crowds of servants came and paid their respects. At this stage many had this bliss. On the 29th at two kos from Lahore he held an elephant review. To every one of them he gave something to eat. When the turn of one of them came, he said that it appeared that the driver was a slave.870b He (the driver) did not admit the fact. The elephant refrained from eating. When an inquiry was made, and the driver admitted the fact, the beast resumed its eating.
BEGINNING OF THE 35TH YEAR FROM THE ACCESSION, TO WIT, THE
YEAR BAHMAN OF THE THIRD CYCLE.
In that delightful plain, where he had the design of entering the city and was looking for the chosen hour, the drums of the New Year beat high, and a new joy filled the brain of the Age. Spring came with exultant face, and brought news of the happiness of the State. Though the officers were sent off to adorn the reception-hall in the city, yet that pleasant plain was also decked out.
On the night of Wednesday, 14th Jamāda-al-awwal 998 (10th or 11th March 1590), after 10 hours and 57 minutes, the Lord of Lights cast his rays on the Sign Aries, and the eleventh year of the third cycle began. The world's lord gave a higher rank to justice and liberality, and the face of joy assumed new splendour. On 2nd Farwardīn he entered the city. From Kabul to Lahore he traversed 196 kos, 28 poles, in four months less by two days, and in 53 marches. The whole expedition lasted 10 months, 14 days. He 576 sat on his throne, and prosperity unveiled her countenance. A new day was added to the New Year's day, and a new Spring to the Spring. Every day, a grandee presided at a feast, and there was various joy. On the 10th M. Yūsuf came from Kashmīr, and paid his respects.
One of the occurrences was that Muḥammad Zamān gained a victory over 'Abdu-l-Mūmin Sulṭān, the son of the ruler of Turān. As he claimed to be the son of M. Shahrukh, and regarded himself as one of the loyal servants of the court, he soon gathered together a number of men. He defeated871a many of the Uzbegs. 'Abdu-l-Mūmin marched out to fight with him, and sent on ahead 'Abbās Sultan, Dastam Be, and Ḥamīd Qarāwal and others. They crossed the Amū and made a stockade at Jargān Kūlāb. They thought that the strength of the defiles would be their protection. M. Zamān engaged this advance force and defeated it. In the pursuit, he got near 'Abdu-l-Mūmin, and he was nearly being caught. He escaped by the help of well-wishers.
At this time the peshkash (presents) of Rajah Mān Singh arrived. When he was sent from the court to the province of Bihar, he united ability with courage, and genius with strenuous action. By H.M.'s fortune he administered the province excellently. The refractory became obedient. Pūran Mal of Gīdhaur embarked upon presumption and self-will. The Rajah hastened to his dwelling, and obtained much plunder. Pūran Mal could not preserve the fort which he had regarded as his protection in the day of calamity. The turbulence of his intoxication ended in the lassitude of crop-sickness. He had resort to entreaties, and asked for protection. He produced872a noted elephants and choice goods, and uttered thanksgivings. He gave his daughter in marriage to the Rajah's brother Candra Bhān. From there he proceeded to attack Rajah Singrām. He submitted and came forward in a proper manner, and presented elephants and rarities. The Rajah returned to Patna, and from there made an expedition against Anant872b Cerūh (?). He obtained much plunder. At this time his son Jagat Singh did good service. He was keeping watch and ward in the town of Bihar. Suddenly Sulṭān Qulī Qalmāq and Kackena the wicked, who were among the ingrates of Bengal, stretched out the arm of strife. They went by Ghorāghāt and plundered Tājpūr and Purnea. From there they came to Darbhangā. Farrukh872c K. failed in courage, and came to Patna. Jagat Singh's happy star made him offer battle, and Farrukh and the other fief-holders took courage and accompanied him. When they came within seven kos of Ḥājīpūr the enemy did not see 577 in themselves the strength to fight, and fled. Jagat Singh pursued them, and their collections fell into his hands. The Rajah sent the valuable parts of the plunder and 54 elephants to court. They were produced before H.M. on the 23rd (Farwardīn).
On the 26th873a Padre Firmilīūn came to court from the port of Goa. Owing to H.M.'s appreciativeness, he received high honour. He possessed abundance of sense and knowledge. H.M. made over some quick-witted and intellectual persons to be instructed by him in order that the translation of Greek books might be carried out. Varieties of knowledge were acquired. Also a large number of Firinghīs and Armenians arrived and brought with them China cloths and other goods of that country. Some time was spent in admiring them.
One of the occurrences was the disturbance of Paklī. A proprietor named Hindāl crudely assumed the title of Sulṭān Naṣīr, and was joined by some wicked men. Ḥusain Beg S. 'Umarī's men did not behave courageously, and so Hindāl took possession of Paklī. H.M. on the 28th ordered Ḥusain to march with many Aimāqs of Badakhshān. In a short time he inflicted punishment (on Hindāl). On 1 Ardībihisht Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram was sent to Mewāt. When H.M. fell from the elephant, some Shaikawatī Rājpūts indulged in evil thoughts, and though their leaders were gathering bliss in H.M.'s service, they plundered Bīrāth,874a while a party of them oppressed Rewārī. Shahbāz874b K. the collector of that territory behaved in a cowardly manner, and went off to Kūl (Allyghar). Dīala874c (?) rose up to plunder, near Mīrtha. On hearing this, Shāh Qulī was sent there to chastise the evil-doers. In a short time the thorn of sedition was uprooted, and the world pacified. On the 9th Ghaznīn K. received favour, and was given Jālaur. From the time that he showed recalcitrancy, the Khān-Khānān gave his home to another fiefholder. After some time he came to court, and always waited upon H.M. As repentance was read on his forehead, H.M. restored his old home to him.875a
On the 20th the lunar weighment took place. H.M. was weighed against eight articles, and the needy were gratified. On 2nd Khurdād Zain K. Koka was exalted by being made the guardian of Prince Parvīz. That new fruit of the garden of dominion was sent to his house.875b
On the 4th a great boon was granted by H.M., and numbers of men were comforted. On account of the extent of cultivation, and the goodness of the administration, prices fell very low, and many cultivators were unable to pay the government revenue. In the provinces of Allahābād, Agra, Oudh, Delhi, and the Sarkārs of Sahā- 578 ranpur and Budāon, one-eighth was remitted, and in Sarkārs Sirhind and Ḥiṣār one-tenth. In the Khālṣa (exchequer or crown-lands) this came to 7 krors, 97 lakhs, 81,800 dāms. On the 5th a girl875c was born to Prince Daniel by the daughter of Sulṭān Khwāja. It is to be hoped that she will become a great lady of the age, and that her advent may increase auspiciousness. On the 10th, Paklī was given to the old proprietor.875d A long time ago, he had come with his family to court, and had felt ashamed of his former misconduct. At this time news came that Ḥusain875e Beg had on account of ignorance entered the mountain defiles, and that the wicked Hindāl had prevailed against him. H.M. meditated sending another force under the charge of a qualified person. At this time Prince Selīm begged for Husain's876a forgiveness and H.M. granted his request. He having gained his object, went home. On the 14th, Dhārū s. Rajah Todar Mal came from Jaunpūr and had an audience, and presented his father's servants. They were suitably rewarded.
On the 28th the envoy of 'Abdu-l-Mūmin Sultan was drowned. In crossing the Jehlam his boat sank in a whirlpool. Though the letter was not read, some persons represented that in the intoxication of youth he had demanded the Badakhshan Aimāqs who had gone to court. Apparently876b the celestial managers were guiding that infatuated one. Also on this day Khwājagi Muḥ. Ḥusain and Khwāja 'Abdu-ṣ-Ṣamad Kāshī came from Kabul, and had the joy of performing kornish.
One of the occurrences was the fall of rain at the wish of H. M. For some days there had been no rain, and the feeble-hearted were distressed. One of his intimates represented that if a request were made of the Almighty, it would be very proper. H. M. replied that the Creator well knew what was good for his servants, and added some words which bore877a the character of knowledge. The other repeated his entreaties, and increased his wishes. H.M. accepted his prayer and on 3 Tīr engaged in prayer. In a short time there was a downpour, and the world was refreshed.
On the 8th (June 1590) the Khān A'zim M. Koka came to Aḥmadābād. At the end of last year Gujarāt had been taken from the Khān-Khānān and given to him. He, thinking that Mālwa might be better, delayed to go there and petitioned the court. When he came to his senses he went off there, and made proper arrangements.
One of the occurrences was the punishment of the crooked Kashmīrīs. On the 16th, Ḥusain, Muḥammad, Abūzaīd Ghāzī, Lohan Cak, Ḥusain Dēv fled from the court with evil intentions. They went by Jammū to the hill-country and took refuge with 'Alī Rīnā. Before they had taken any other steps, the Kashmīr officers seized 579 them, and executed877b them in the city (Srinagar). It was a source of instruction to foolish thinkers. At this time Qāẓī877c 'Alī was made Nāẓir Biyūtāt. Though Ṣādiq was a skilful major-dorno (Mīr Samān), and Khwāja Ghīāṯu-d-dīn877d Beg was diwān, yet as in every department there was much income and expenditure, the more help there was, the better for the work. On this account that skilful and honest man was appointed to this duty. As there was incompatibility between Qulīj and Ṣādiq K., an order was given that Qulīj K. should not interfere in the work of the Biyūtāt.
One of the occurrences was the fall of rain at the request of the Shāhinshāh. Astronomers had represented that on the 23rd877e there would be a total eclipse of the sun. The skilled scientists of India said that if there were rain seven days before or after, no harm would occur from the eclipse. Though they tried, they were unsuccessful (in producing rain). They were ashamed and retired. When the time arrived, H.M. applied himself to supplications to the Incomparable Deity. In a moment (?) clouds gathered, and there was rain until that hour passed away. A world was amazed. H.M. said: “The Almighty has accepted the petition of this suppliant, and has cast a veil over the boastful astronomers. If their statement had been true, the darkness would have increased.”
On the 13th Sharīf came from Mālwa, and did homage.
One occurrence was the marriage of 'Abdu-r-Raḥmān. Inasmuch as H.M. exalts the writer by varied favours, he wished that his son—who showed quickness and reverence—should be married to one of the good court-families. On the 28th he was united to the niece (brother's daughter) of S'aādat Yārkoka who was distinguished for her chastity. There was a joyous time. I hope that God will open the springs of bounty, and that there will be increase of seed878a together with auspiciousness and prosperity. On the 30th Qāsim 'Alī came from Khairābad, and had an audience.
One878b of the occurrences was the return of the victorious soldiers from Orissa after making a peace there. When the province of Bihār had been settled by the ability of Rajah Mān Singh, and the refactory had been reduced to obedience, he at the close of the previous year set before himself the conquest of Orissa by the route of Jhārkhand. He halted near Bhāgalpūr, and made proposals to S'aīd K., the Governor of Bengal, and asked him to accompany him. 580 He, on account of the near approach of the rains, referred the matter to another time. The Rajah, who understood his business, set out in the beginning of this year by the route of Bardwān. Pahār K., Bābū-ī-Mankalī, Rai Patr Dās joined him from Bengal with the artillery. They encamped in Jahānābād.879a The idea was that when the rains ceased, S'aīd, Makhṣūṣ, and the landholders would join. Qutlū, who was raising the head of presumption in Orissa, came to Dharpūr, 25 kos from the army, and prepared for battle. He sent Bahādur Kūrūh with a large force to Raipūr.879b The Rajah sent an army under Jagat Singh, and the worthless Bahādur Kurūh took refuge in a fort, and had recourse to cajolery. By devilish tricks he lulled the inexperienced youth into carelessness, and then asked for help from Qutlū. On 10th Khurdād, while Jagat was slumbering from the effects of wine, the wicked Qutlū suddenly fell upon him with a large force and prevailed over him. Qutlū sent Jalāl and many brave men under the command of 'Umar, the brother's son of Mīrū, and son of Kāsū, and Khwāja 'Īsā Vakīl. Though the landholder Ḥamīr warned Jagat of Bahādur's craft and of the dispatch of an army to his assistance, he did not accept the news. After thousands of efforts he sent (was induced to send) some scouts. The enemy entered a forest, and having left their tents and baggage there they hastened on by hidden ways. The short-sighted men who had gone ahead represented that the enemy had encamped, and so increased Jagat's carelessness. At the end of the day the enemy arrived. Owing to the breaking of the thread of deliberation and arrangement, most of the men fled without fighting. A few stood their ground and fought. Bīka Rāhtor, Mohesh Dās, Narū Cāran bravely sacrificed their lives. Though the imperial army was defeated, yet 'Umar K., Mīrū, and the sons of Humayūn Qulī with some of their relations were killed. Ḥamīr brought away that infatuated young man and took him to his quarters at Bishanpūr.879c A report arose that he was killed. The Rajah held a council, and considered how to remedy matters. Most gave it as their opinion that it was proper to return to Selīmābad, where the families of the soldiers were, and there to prepare for battle. Mān Sīngh replied that to retreat was to encourage the enemy and to give up the undertaking. He called for equipments and resolved upon fighting. At this time the fortune of the Shahinshah declared itself. After ten days Qutlū died. He was ill, and the cup of his life soon ran over. Khwāja 'Īsā made his young son Naṣīr the chief, and the success of the Afghans somewhat declined. They had recourse to flatteries and cajolery, and sought for peace. The army accepted their overtures on account of distress of mind and the heavy rains. An agreement was made that the khuṭba and coinage should be in the name of the Shāhinshāh, 581 and that the Afghans would be obedient and serviceable. Also that Jagannāth, which is a famous temple, and its environs should be made crown-land, and that no harm would happen to the loyal zamīndārs. Out of opportunism and fraud they subscribed to all this (khaṭ sipardand). On 4 Shahrīyār Khwāja 'Īsā brought Qutlū's son to the Rajah, and presented 150 elephants and other choice articles. Mān Singh encouraged him and returned to Behar.
On the 23rd M. Yūsuf K. got leave to return to Kashmīr. H.M. went as far as the first stage and imparted various counsels to him.
On the 3rd Zain Koka was sent to the northern mountains. As the landholders there, on account of the strength of their country, and their littleness of understanding, were becoming recalcitrant, that good officer was sent off with a large force. On 20 Mihr Tardī K. came from his fief, and had an audience. On the 23rd Mir after 3 hours, 13 minutes, a daughter was born to Prince Selīm by the daughter of Kīshū880a Rāhtor. H.M. called her Bihār Bānu. On the same night a daughter was born to the Prince by the Mota Rajah's daughter. H.M. gave her the name of Begam880b Sultan.
One of the occurrences was the departure of Miriam Makānī (Akbar's mother) for Fatḥpūr880c (Sīkrī). She had travelled rapidly and unencumbered (jarīda) from a desire to behold the Shāhīnshāh, and had thought that he would soon be returning (to Agra). When this idea was frustrated, she took leave on the 24th (Mihr = about 10 October, 1589) to look after her household affairs. On the 28th H.M. travelled the first stage out of respects to her, and having spent the night there he took leave next day. The prince-royal was directed to accompany her for several stages. On 2 Ābān 'Ārif the son of Sharīf K. was killed in Agra. His women were angry with him on account of his bad behaviour, and killed him while he was intoxicated: they received the retribution of their conduct. On the third the solar weighment took place, and H.M. was weighed against twelve articles. There was a proclamation of liberality, and small and great obtained their desires. On the 7th, Rai Rai Singh was sent off to Bikānīr, and Masiḥu-l-Mulk881a came from Gujarat. On the 11th a son was born to Prince Murād by the daughter of the Khān A'ẓim, and received from H.M the name of 'Ālam Sultan. On 7th Āẕar Mednī Rai arrived from Gujarāt. Among his presents were a deer and a leopard (Yūz). The deer had been left in a snare. The leopard made a spring, and was caught by the feet, while the deer was bewildered and caught.
In the feast of this month, sense-increasing wine was drunk, and 582 Mīr Ṣadr Jahān Muftī and Mīr 'Abdu-l-Ḥai the Mīr 'Adl also quaffed their cups. This verse was quoted by H.M.
In the era of the fault-forgiving king
The Qāẓī drained flagons, the Muftī quaffed cups.
On the 15th Aḥmad 'Alī Atālīq the Turanian ambassador died. Untimely eating made him ill, and want of abstinence added to his sickness. He had a large share of knowledge and sense. On the 13th the Khān-Khānān had a third son. He had always wished for a son, and had been impatient in his seeking for one When he was in Gujarat, H.M. said one night to the writer: “When you write the firmān styling881c him Khān-Khānān, say in it that the life-giving Deity will soon give him three sons, and that he is to call them Īraj, Dārāb, and Qaran.” In a short time the saying was fulfilled, and great and small had a new proof of H.M's. knowledge of hidden things. The Khān-Khanān gave a feast, and begged for the presence of H.M., who granted his request.
On this day news came that Sher Fulādī, an increaser of commotion in Gujarāt, had died, and that the sedition-mongers had retired to the straits of failure.
On the 14th, the daughter882a of Mīrzā Sanjar entered the service of the Prince-Royal. Her father was the son of Khiẓr Hazāra. By H.M's. order she (or he?) was brought from her home, and her (or his) desire was accomplished.
One of the occurrences was the seizure of Y'aqūb and the death of Abiyā. These two brothers were plotting to escape, but they did not get an opportunity. The gracious sovereign did not approve of punishing those to whom quarter had been given. He sent them with Ḥasan Beg Gurd to Rajah Mān Singh, in order that they might be far from their home, and also that they might be reduced to some measure of quiescence (?). On the 18th882b they were passing through a town (in Etawa?) near Bāburpūr. Ḥasan Beg had divided his men into three bands. One band was with the women and children, one was guarding Y'āqūb, who represented himself as ill and so was travelling in a litter, and a third was with himself. Some evil-minded tricksters raised an alarm, saying that robbers had attacked the baggage. Ḥasan Beg sent off his men in that direction. At this time Abiyā, who was in the plot, killed the torch-bearer with a sword, and wounded Ḥasan Beg. The latter struggled with him and threw him down, and despatched him. In the fight, Muḥammad, Y'aqūb's foster-brother wounded Ḥasan with a sword, and Ḥasan seized him also, and flung him down. Men now came up, and Y'aqūb and the other conspirators were seized.
At this time Rāwat883a Dat (?) paikār, who was the headman 583 (dih kiyāī) of Mau which belongs to the country of Baksar (?), was wounded by his deadly enemies on his back, and on the lobe of his ear. About this time his son-in-law (khwesh) Rām Dās had a child which bore two similar marks. People said that the deceased had taken form again, and pointed to several indications of this. An order was given to have the child brought. On the 26th that four-year old child was brought. By the brilliant acuteness of H.M. the foolishness of the story was demonstrated. He said that in metempsychosis the body must be changed. In this case the body had been wounded, not the soul. Apparently this wonder was the result of imagination. It was not improbable that the child's mother had thought that the deceased would come out of her womb. During pregnancy she had been thinking of the wounds. She had taken a style and made the same marks (on herself) and then stories had been made about it. He said that one day before his own birth Miriam-Makānī was making marks with a needle (qn. tattooing?) on her foot. Jahānbānī (Humāyūn) asked what she was doing. She said that she wished that some memento might appear on the foot of her child. When he was born, similar marks appeared; and he uncovered his lower leg, and showed them to those who had the privilege of being present.
One of the occurrences was the arrival at Court of Qāin Kokaltēsh. It has been mentioned884a that this approved servant had been sent to the Northern Hills. He came out near Pathān884b and proceeded towards Kahlūr,884c on the bank of the Satlej. All the inhabitants submitted and tendered presents, Raja Badhī Cand from Nagarkot, Paras Rām from Koh-i-Jammū, Raja Bāsū from Man,884d Raja Anrūda from Jeswāl,884e Raja Tīla884f from Kāhlūr, Raja Jagdes Cand from Gwālyār,884g Raja Sispāl from Dahpāl,884h Raī Sānsar Cand from Sībah,884i Rai Partāb from Mānkot, Rai Bhūnar from Jasrota,884j Rai Balbhadra from Lakanpūr,884k Rai Daulat from Sharkot884l Bharta, Rai Krishn from Fort Bhīla, Rai Narayan the proprietor of Sukat884m Mandī, Rai Krishn Īlādiya,884n Rai Udiya Dhamrīwāl.885a Though their cavalry was (only) 10,000, their infantry was more than 100,000. On 7 Dai he did homage, attended by all the landowners, and each of them received various favours. They presented 18 elephants, 115 horses, 205 hunting animals, consisting of hawks, falcons, etc. and also Yāks (qaṭās) and other varieties of that country.
One of the occurrences was the arrival of the Turanian ambassador. From the time that the ruler of that country recognized the glorious and eternal dominion, he tendered friendship and supplication, and on every occasion displayed new flattery, and spoke of concord. He was anxious on account of Aḥamad 'Ali Atālīq's not having returned, and at this time he was still more troubled on account of the improper conduct of his son in demanding the Aimāqs of Badash-shān. He had censured that hot-headed one and shown his disgusts with him. He made apology the forefront of his application and brought forward his former proposals. He sent Maulāvī Ḥusain, who was one of his old servants, to court with valuable presents. On the 15th he obtained an audience, and uttered 584 sweets words.
Also in this year Shihābu-d-dīn885b Aḥmad died in Ujjain. He had done much good service in the empire, and was one of the most distinguished men of the Age in the matter of developing the cultivation of the country. In order to sympathise with his relicts the lord of the world made Khwāja885c Muḥibb 'Alī K. dīwān of Mālwa, and left Shihāb's fiefs to his servants.
One of the occurrences was the sending of Shahbāz K. to the school of the prison. Oh the 17th Dai (27th December 1590) he came without orders from Swād and fell into the toils of censure. It also came out that he had out of avarice given up Kālpī which was in his fief. The displeasure of the holy heart increased, and spiteful and tyrannical people (qābūcīān) brought to notice other crooked proceedings of his, and did so as if they were speaking the truth and were acting in a disinterested manner. The sovereign put him into prison886a and sent an acute person to ascertain the truth. On this day Ḥakīm Ain-ul-mulk came to do homage. His fiefs were in India and Mālwa. As he came without order, he was not admitted to an audience. As it became known that the Khān A'aẓim M. Koka had taken away his Jāgīr, and that he had come to complain about it, he was summoned to the presence. On the 20th a special pigeon took a flight. A hawk made an attack on it and was nearly capturing it. When H.M. saw this, he said, “Strike and seize.” Suddenly a troop of crows gathered from the plain and surrounded the hawk, and he withdrew his claws from the pigeon and fell into consternation. A cry arose from the spectators. Glory to the prince that seeks nothing but the will of God. The heavens revolve at his wish. What wonder then that a few birds acknowledge him!
One occurrence was the sending a force to take Qandahar. Jinnat Āshiyānī (Humāyūn) had made it over to Shāh Ṭahmāsp, the ruler of Persia, and hence H.M. had not thought of taking it. Now that the star of the Persians' fortune was not as brilliant as formerly, and that Moẓaffar Ḥusain M. and Rustūm Ḥusain M., the sons of Sultan Moẓaffar, had, from the intoxication of youth, revolted against the ruler of Persia, and that their deeds did not conform to their words about obedience to the Shāhinshāh, it occurred to H.M. that he should send an army to that quarter. Help would thus be given to the ruler of Persia. If the Mīrzās should proceed to the court they would be caressed, and another country would be given to them, and that cultivated territory would be put under the guardianship (pāsbīnī) of a discreet and just officer, and the Usbegs would be restrained from thinking of seizing it. This assistance887a (to Persia) would have a kindly appearance.
On the 24th (Dai 4th January, 1590) the Khān-khānan took leave. Shāh Beg K.,887b Saiyid Bahāu-d-dīn, Bakhtiyār Beg, Gūrdhan, Rāwal, Bhīm, Dalpat, Jānish Bahādur, Bahādur K. Qūrdār, Muḥammad K. Niyāzī, 'Alī Mardān Bahādur, Balbhadhar Rāthor, Sher K., Qarā 585 Beg, Farīdūn Barlāṣ Sarmadī, Mīr M'aṣūm Bhakkarī, Ḥasan 'Alī, 'Arab, Khwāja Hisāmu-d-dīn, Saiyid Darvesh, Qāsim Koka, Khākī Gallabān, Nūr Muḥammad, Khwāja Khiẓri, 'Abdu-l-ghanī, Ulugh Beg, Sāl Alangī, Khākī Beg, Saiyid Mīr 'Alī, Mīrzā Beg, Sālār Qulī, M. Muḥammad, Saiyid Banda 'Alī, Ibrāhīm Beg, Murshid Qulī, Jolak Shamsher 'Arab, Muḥammad Zamān, Bāqī Cārdāngī, 'Abdul-l-laṭīf, Bahādur Malik, 'Izzat 'Alī Kabulī, Allah Bardī Tūlakcī, Ilyās Tūpcī, Muḥammad Qulī, Tingrī Bardī, Farrakh Beg, Qul Muḥammad and many other brave and capable men accompanied him. Khwāja Muqīm was made bakhshī, and an order was given that they should march via Baluchistan. If they887c submitted, that fertile country was to be restored to them, and they were to be brought along with the army, otherwise they were to be punished, and were to be made over to just administrators. Also, the ruler of Tatta (Scinde) had not paid his respects. An able army should be sent to him, to advise him. If he came in person, or should send an army, it would be better, otherwise he was to be temporised with and should be punished on the return.
On 1st Bahman, H.M. got into a boat and visited the Khan-khānan at the first stage, which was a league off. He gave him valuable advice.
On this day also Sultan Parviz had a sister born.
On the 6th, Ism'aīl Qulī came from Gujarat. On the 9th, Qāsim Alī was allowed to go to Kālpī, which was his fief. On the 22nd, H. M. had toothache, and was relieved by the application of leeches. On the 3rd, Isfardarmaẕ H.M. crossed the Rāvī, and enjoyed hunting for eight days and wandered about in the pleasant plains.
BEGINNING OF THE THIRTY-SIXTH DIVINE YEAR, TO WIT, THE YEAR
ISFANDĀRMAZ OF THE THIRD CYCLE.
On Thursday, 24th Jumāda-al-awwal 999, 10th or 11th March 1591, after the lapse of 4 hours, 16 minutes, the Light-increaser of heights and depths filled Aries with Light. The court artificers decked out the halls, and gave spiritual beauty to externals. The material, as well as the intellectual, world became fresh and verdant.
O joyous bride, blame not fortune.
Make ready the bower of beauty, for the bridegroom hath come.
I scent the fragrance of joy in the world's state.
Joy has flowered, and the morning breeze rejoiceth.
Every day there was a fresh feast, and a new market day of 586 thanksgiving to God. On the 6th (Farwardīn) the rank of Zain K. Koka was increased, and he attained the lofty position of 4,000 and the right to drums. On the 9th H.M. entered a boat along with many veiled ladies and proceeded to Mīrzā Kāmrān's garden and enjoyed the spectacle of the variegated spring. On the 17th the presents of the Khān Ā'zim were produced. He had sent some choice elephants and other rarities from Gujarat, and in this way he brought himself to remembrance. On the day of culmination (sharf, i.e. the 19th) when there was a great feast, the Tatta ambassadors obtained an audience. They presented a petition and presents. The purport of the representation was that it was from somnolence of intellect that there had happened what had happened, and that if the tidings of forgiveness could reach (the ruler of Tatta), former stumblings would be rectified. The excuse-accepting sovereign made the envoys hopeful, and a comforting rescript was issued. On 9890a Ardibīhisht the lunar weighment took place, and H.M. was weighed against eight articles. There was a season of liberality and largesse.
One890b of the occurrences was the recovery of the writer of the book of fortune (A. F.). On 4 Bahman of the preceding year (14 January 1591) his illness had increased, and the physicians conjectured that there was a stone in the bladder. They applied remedies, but the pain increased from time to time, consequently skilful persons lost hope. This news produced some joy in me, for, from the days of discretion I had no love for life. The currency of hypocrisy and the worship of the creature made me heart-sore. But as I was inclined890c to perform military service, my disposition deviated from the commands of wisdom and became sad. This mixture of joy and sorrow always held possession of my heart, and I cherished the hope that I might tell some tales by the tongue of the sword, and convince high and low of the appreciativeness of the world's lord, and by the words of action reduce to silence the narrow-minded ones who strutted about in the insolence of courage, and cocked the little turban of boasting. Whenever H.M. cast the shadow of his kindness over the invalid (i.e. whenever he visited him), he conveyed to him the tidings of recovery. The others only nominally encouraged me. Two days before the new year the wise Ḥakīm890d Misrī arrived from the Deccan, and was exalted by performing the prostration. At that very moment the kind sovereign sent him to see this one (A. F.) who was prepared for the last journey. His cheerful countenance caused new delight. His skill perceived the inefficiency of the former doctors. He diagnosed the malady and set himself to cure it. In a short time there were signs of improvement and my health continually mended. On the 15th I recovered and performed the kornish, and high and low were once more impressed by H.M.'s knowledge of mysteries. The Divine strength helped me greatly in this sickness. For many years I had been perplexed to comprehend the rational soul, and every proof that former (writers) had brought forward had been criticised by me. It was natural to expect that wisdom would come with equability of the tem- 587 perament, but this is not what happened to me. The thing became clear to me while I was ill, and I reposed in the illuminated spot of intelligence.
One891a of the occurrences was the success of Burhān al-Mulk. When on the first occasion he returned unsuccessful, as has already been partially described, he spent his days on his fiefs in Mālwa. At this time, when the Khān 'Āzim went to Gujarat and Shihāb K. died, he went to Rajah 'Alī K. the ruler of Khāndes. He in accordance with the holy commands of the Shāhinshāh strenuously assisted him, and agreed with 'Ādil K. of Bījāpūr that when the latter should march to Aḥmadnagar, he would also send an army from his side (Khāndes). With this idea he sent off some soldiers to remain891b in waiting on his borders. Jamāl K.—who was the Aḥmadnagar general—in apprehension that the two forces would join—displayed activity. He took892a with him his (i.e. Burhān's) son Ismāīl and hastened to fight the Bījāpūrīāns before Burhān-al-Mulk should join them. After a short conflict he was successful. When Burhān-al-Mulk came to Barār, Amjad-al-Mulk, 'Aẓmat-al-Mulk, Saif-al-Mulk, Shuj'aat K., Jahāngīr K., Ṣadr K., 'Azīz-al-Mulk and other leaders joined him. Without a battle he became secure about that country (Barār). On the very day that Jamāl K. was exulting in confidence he (Jamāl) got this news, and hastily marched without proper plan or preparation. He passed through the defile of Fardāpūr,892b and on the 17th a battle was fought near there. Out of farsightedness Rajah 'Alī K. kept Burhān-al-Mulk and the Barār officers apart from one another, and himself engaged in the fight. There was a hot contest, and in it a bullet reached Jamāl K. and killed him. The army of the Deccan dispersed, and a great victory was gained. In a short time Ism'aīl was brought in as a prisoner and was put into confinement. Then the ruler of Khāndes returned after leaving some men (with Burhān) and Burhan-al-Mulk quickly went to Aḥmadnagar and became victorious over the whole country.
One893a of the occurrences was the arrival of the ambassador of Shāh Abbās the ruler of Persia. From right-thinking and enlightenment H.M. opens his court to all conditions of men. The entangled thereby obtain deliverance. Difference of faith does not play tricks and no dust of difference is raised by their being either strangers or friends. High and low seek for his friendship, and every one attains his desires. At the time when the sovereignty of Persia came to his father Sulṭan Muḥammad Khudābanda, selfish strife-mongers stirred up dissension in Herat and incited him to assume the supremacy. They made his inexperienced youth the means of obtaining their own ends. The sovereign of Persia came to Khurāsān, but owing to his blindness, the presumption of the ministers (dastūr), and the duplicity of the soldiers, he was obliged to 588 return without effecting anything. He (Abbās) sent Murshid Tabrīzī-to court and asked for assistance. The just Shāhinshāh did not regard him as worthy of an answer. He remarked how could he assist one who contended with his visible god (his father). At this time he represented anew his own purity and the activity of the wicked and selfish, and begged for encouragement. On 6 Khurdād, 16th May 1591, Yādgār Sultan893b Shāmlū, who was old in years but of fresh wisdom893c and was one of the ancient servants (bābarīān) of the family, was exalted by doing homage. He presented a supplication (nīyazīshnāma) and choice presents. The excuse-accepting sovereign was gracious to the envoy, and held a council about furthering his designs. Some were of opinion that he should send one of his sons with an army and take Khurāsān from the Uẕbegs, and in an excellent way obtain the renown of a helper. As the ruler of Tūrān had sent select men one after another and made strong the agreements of unity, this proposition was not accepted. H.M. said it was proper in the first instance to try advice. Perhaps there would be no contest.
I shall here give some894a account of the Ṣafavī dynasty, and so refresh the garden of my words. He (Abbās) is eight removes from S. Ṣafī Ardabīlī, and the latter is twenty removes from Imām Mūsā894b Kāẓim. Shāh 'Abbās is son of Sulṭān Muḥammad Khudābanda, s. Shāh Ṭahmāsp, s. Shāh Ism'aīl, s. Sulṭān Haidar, s. Sulṭān Junaid, s. S. Ṣadru-d-dīn Mūsā, s. S. Ṣafī-u-dīn Abū Isaḥaq, s. S. Ṣadru-d-dīn Ibrāhīm, s. S. Khwāja 'Alī, s. S. Amīnu-d-dīn Jabrail, s. S. Ṣāliḥ, s. S. Quṭbu-d-dīn, s. Ṣalīḥu-d-dīn Rashīd, s. Muḥammad Ḥāfiẓ, s. 'Īwaz, s. Fīrūz Shāh Zarrīn Kalāh, s. Sharf Shāh, s. Muḥammad, s. Ḥasan, s. Muḥammad, s. Ibrāhīm, s. J'afr, s. Ismāīl, s. Muḥammad, s. Aḥmad Ghazzālī Abū Muḥammad, s. Abū-l-qāsim Ḥamza, s. Imām Mūsā Kāẓim. Fīrūz Shāh lived in Zangān894c near Sulṭaniya Ardabīl. He spent his days in comfort and with a good name. 'Īwaz made his home in Isfaranjān Ardabīl. Quṭbu-d-dīn established himself in Ardabīl. Piety had a fresh glory from the brow of S. Ṣafī. He strove with himself and became victorious. In order to learn sciences he went to Shīrāz and made the acquaintance of S. S'aadī and other good men. Some pure-minded ones indicated that he might attain the end of his seeking by getting the help of S. Zāhid in Gīlān. He had lighted the lamp of knowledge from S. Jamālu-d-dīn Gīlānī. The fountain-head of the latter was S. Junaid B'agdādī. Of necessity he went thither. He made his acquaintance in the village of Halkgirān.894d The Shaikh made over his daughter895a to this spiritual son, and increased the glory of his own family. When Ṣāḥibqurānī (Timūr) returned after conquering Rūm (Turkey) he interviewed S. Ṣadru-d- 589 dīn Mūsā in Ardabīl and begged inspiration from him. He asked him what he desired, and the Shaikh requested the liberation of the Turkish prisoners. He obtained this, and many persons belonging to the Ustajlū, Taklū,895b Rustāq, Rūmlū, Ẕū-al-qadr, Afshār, Qājār, Ughlū and other tribes were released. Many of them out of gratitude took the burden of devotion on the shoulder of their heads and chose Ṣūfism895c (ṣūfīgarī). The desire of splendour brought out S. Junaīd from the corner of freedom, and the concourse of followers gave him courage. Jahān Shāh of the Black Sheep, the ruler of the two 'Irāqs and Āẕarbaijān became apprehensive on hearing of this, and drove out the Shaikh from his kingdom. He went to Aleppo and from thence to Dīārbekr (Mesopotamia). Uẕan Ḥasan of the White Sheep, the ruler of that country, treated him with respect and married him to his sister Khadīja Begī Āghā. Sulṭān Ḥaidar was the offspring of this union. When he (Junaid) was killed in battle with the Shāh of Shīrwān, his son was brought up on Ardibīl under the protection of dervishes and sought after supremacy. He placed the red cap of twelve pleats on the head of his followers. When Uẕan Ḥasan got the victory over Jahān Shāh, he gave his daughter Ḥalīma895d Begī Āghā, also called 'Alam Shāh Khātūn, in marriage to Sulṭan Ḥaidar. Three sons were born of this union, viz. Sulṭan 'Alī Mīrzā, Ibrahīm M., and Ism'aīl M. The last proceeded to revenge himself on the Shīrwān Shāh. Farakh Afshar who had become the Shāh of Shīṛwan fought with him and was defeated. There was another battle and in it Sulṭān Ḥaidar was killed. Y'aqūb Beg imprisoned his three sons in Iṣṭakhar (Persepolis). Amīr Qarā 'Uṣmān governed Dīārbekr in the time of Ṣaḥibqirānī and Shāhrukh M. When he died, he was succeeded by his son Uẕan Ḥasan. He fought with Jahān Shāh the son of Qarā Yūsuf, and killed him. He had two sons Sulṭān Khalil and M. Y'aqūb. The first succeeded. But as he did not recognise who were his friends, his soldiers left him and joined his brother. In fighting with him (Y'aqūb) he was killed. When Y'aqūb Beg died, the government went to Rustam Beg the son of Maqṣūd Beg son of Uzan Ḥasan. He released Ḥaidar's three sons. Many days had not passed when he got frightened at the number and devotion of their followers. He formed other ideas. The brothers went in distress to Ardabīl. An army followed them and Sulṭān 'Alī M. was killed in battle. The two other brothers fled to Gīlān, and obtained the help of Kārgiyā 'Alī the ruler of that country. In Muḥarram 905, August 1499, Ism'aīl came to Īrān, and the Sūfīān gathered round him. He proceeded to take vengeance on Farrakh Afshār. The latter was killed in battle. He took possession of that country and proceeded towards 590 Āẕarbaijān. There he was successful. In 907, 1502, at the age of 15, he had the khuṭba read in Tabrīz in his own name. Instead of the cap of Ḥaidar he introduced the tāj (tiara?) of twelve tarks (gores). He had five sons—Ṭahmāsp M., Altāsh M., Sām M., Rustam M., Behrām M. He fought with Sulṭān Murād the son of Y'aqūb Beg near Hamadīn, and was victorious. He took possession of 'Irāq, Fārs, and Kirmān. He prevailed over 'Alau-d-daula Ẕu-al qadr, and increased his territories by Bagdad and part of Irāq Arab. He also got possession of Khozistān. He killed Shāh Beg K. near Merv, and Khurāsān up to the Oxus became his. He reigned 24 years, and left the world at the age of 38. On Monday, 19 Rajab, 930, 24 May 1524, he dīed, and his son Shāh Ṭahmāsp succeeded at the age of twelve.896a The word Ẓill denotes that year (930). He fought a battle with 'Abdullah K. in Zorābād-i-Jām896b and was victorious. Sulṭan Sulaimān the ruler of Turkey made an expedition against Īrān. The Shāh did not consider it proper to fight a pitched battle, but he attacked Sulṭān Sulimān's country and protected his own from injury by the Turkish soldiery. Garjistān (Georgia) and Gīlān fell into his hands. He imprisoned Khān897a Aḥmad in the fort of Qahaqa. As his second son Ism'aīl M. was perverse and shameless, he summoned him from Herat and imprisoned him. For many years he ruled in Qazwīn with skill and moderation. Many good deeds adorned his reign (lit. adorned the face of his fortune) except that he in 966, 1559, sheltered Sulṭān Bayāzīd the son of Sulṭān Sulaimān with his four sons and 12,000 followers, and (then) owing to the instigation of flatterers, who were house-destroyers, stained his hand with the sacred (garāmī) blood of his guests. If the might of the Sulṭān of Turkey had constrained897b him to this, he should not have taken silver and gold for it. He reigned for fifty-four years. On 4 Khurdād897c of the 21st Divine year 15 May 1576, at the end of the night, he died of fistula (nāsūr). Some say that he was poisoned by the intrigues (koshish) of Sulṭān Ḥaidār. The putting to death of Sūfi Ḥakīm Abū Naṣr the son of the Ṣadru897d sharīya in the palace supports this view, but some say that Ibrāhīm M. out of enmity with the physician brought this about. When the illness (of Ṭahmāsp) increased, Sulṭān Ḥaidar, at the instigation of flatterers,898a took into his head thoughts of greatness. As he was his honoured father's sole vakīl (minister) the thought of supremacy ruined his understanding. At this time the Shāh got better. Though he did not call Ḥaidar to account, yet the latter did not remain in the rank of Vakīl. When Ṭahmāsp died, Parī Khān Khānim his daughter sent for the second son Ism'aīl M. and by stratagem had Sulṭān Ḥaidar brought inside the female apartments. The leaders of the Rūmlū 591 (Khalfa-i-Rūmlū) Shamkhāl Circassian, Shīb K. Walī Sulṭān, the Taklū officers and other well-wishers of Ism'aīl M. were on guard. They closed the entrance and exit of the daulatkhāna (palace) and resolved898b upon an attack on Sulṭān Ḥaidar. Meanwhile Parī Khān Khānim from within set about contriving his death. Meanwhile Sulṭān Maṣtafa M., Zāl Beg, Ḥusain Beg, Pīr K. and other officers of the Istajlū clan to the number of about 10,000 assembled in order to bring out Sulṭān Ḥaidar. Shamkhāl898c took the initiative and went inside and put him to death, and flung his head outside. The tumult ceased. Ism'aīl M. became king and had the khuṭba recited near Qum. The intoxication of the world led that madman to disregard of propriety and to bloodshed. He indulged his disposition for 1 1/2 years, 14 days and died on 3 Āẕar of the 23rd Divine year, 13 November 1577. During his short reign he stretched out his hands to slay his brothers, and other relatives, and the grandees. Out of six898d brothers he put to death Sulaimān M., Sulṭān Maḥmūd M., Imām Qulī M., and Sulṭān Aḥmad. He also blinded Sulṭān 'Alī M., and killed Sulṭān Ibrāhīm M. and Badī'u-z Zamān the sons of Bahrām, and899a Sulṭān Ḥasan M., the eldest son of Sulṭān Muḥammād Khudābanda. He exerted himself to promote the tenets of the Sunnīs, but did not succeed. Sulṭān Muḥammad Khudābanda his elder brother sate on the throne in the 23rd Divine year, and the world blossomed out. The bloody Shah (Ism'aīl) had sent persons to kill him, and this was near being effected, when the report came that he (Ism'aīl) was dead. Unexpectedly he (Khudābanda) came to power. The administration of justice devolved upon Fakhru-n-nisā899b Begam, daughter of Mīr 'Abdallah the ruler of Māzhindarān, who was his (Khudābanda's) wife. She exerted herself to reunite the disputants (lit. to knit together the broken-hearted), and when the Turkish soldiers proceeded towards Shirwān, and the Persians were defeated and returned, she left the Shāh in Qazwīn and went off to that quarter. After brilliant contests she obtained possession of her own (ancestral) territories. When she returned, the Qizilbāshīs became irritated and put that great lady to death. The beginning of their prosperity rested upon loyalty (ikhlāṣ). Now when they have gone so much astray, I do not know what will be the end of such somnolent ones. The Turkish commotion again rose high, but the Shāh (Khudāband) put an excellent ending to it by the good service of M. Sulaimān the Vizier.
At this time the officers of Khurāsān made 'Abbās M. an instrument of strife and had the boldness to attack Mashhad. Though Murtaẓa Qulī was defeated in battle, yet he displayed activity in defending the city. The Shah (Khudābanda) led an army in that direction and invested Turbat, which is on the way to Herat and was held by Murshid Qulī K.900a On account of the duplicity of the 592 disloyal he made a peace after six months and returned to 'Irāq. At this time news came that 'Abbās M. was meditating the giving of battle, but that he was indulging in the slumber of security on account of the withdrawal of the Shah. The latter left his baggage and, owl-like, made a night attack on his (‘Abbās’) camp. Many leaders were killed, and some were made prisoners. Much booty was obtained. The Mīrzā shut himself up with some men in Herat, and was besieged there. Owing to the folly of intriguers within and without (Herat), men proceeded to the height of shamelessness, and forcibly took M. Sulaimān900b out of the palace and killed him. The Shāh was obliged to make an insincere peace (a wolf's truce) and to return. He led his army into Aẕarbaijān in order to dispose of the Turkish commotion. Ḥamza M. (his son) became the general. The disloyal Turks900c (i.e. the Turks in the Persian service) behaved badly also to the Mīrzā (Ḥamza) and prevented the success of the campaign. They separated from him and came to Qazwīn, and raised up Ṭahmāsp900d the young son of the Shāh. Ḥamza left his quarters and showed activity in attacking them. He was victorious and then returned to his former enterprise. Meanwhile Murshid Qulī succeeded by stratagem in taking Mashhad. 'Abbās M. under the guidance of 'Alī Qulī proceeded to give battle, but was defeated and went to Herat. Murshid Qulī became the Atālīq of the Mīrzā ('Abbās). At this time Ḥamza M. was killed by the son of a barber.900e The officers made Abū Ṭālib M. the young son of the Shāh their leader (peshwā). The report of the coming of 'Abdullah K. to take Herat became general. Murshid Qulī K. took 'Abbās M. to 'Irāq, and the Qizilbāsh deserted daily and joined him. At last Shāh Sulṭān901a Maḥmūd and Abū Ṭālib also joined. Both were placed in retirement. In the 32nd Divine year, 1587, the khuṭba was recited in his ('Abbās's) name. He out of suspicion put many to death. Though he could not succeed in taking Āẕarbaijān and gave up Khurāsān for a while, yet when the ruler of Tūrān901b died, he got hold of Khurāsān. On account of the tumult of youth he shed blood without consideration, and disgraced some persons, but he subsided somewhat at the remonstrance of the world's lord. It is to be hoped that a good day will come.
Also, in this year Mihtar Ibrāhīm brought from Qandahar the petition of Moẓaffar Ḥusaīn M. He conveyed presents and supplications. The excuse-accepting Shāhinshāh showed kindness to the envoy.
On the 18th the elephants901c which Rajah Mān Singh had obtained at the time of the Orissa Peace arrived at Court and H.M. took pleasure in beholding them.
An occurrence was the arrival of Miriam Makānī from Agra When news of her approach reached H.M., he sent his sons, one after the other, to greet her.
On 21 Khūrdād (31 May 1591) H.M. embarked in a boat, and went to the tent of that great lady and did her reverence. Next morning they enjoyed themselves in river-palaces (boats) and came to the city.
VICTORY OF THE K. Ā'ẒIM M. KOKA AND THE DISGRACE OF MOẒAFFAR
GUJRĀTĪ.
When Gujarat was taken from the Khān-Khānān and assigned to the Kokaltāsh, and when there was delay in his going there, and the august standards were spread out in the Panjab, the evil-minded of that country rent the scarf of respect and withdrew their heads from obedience. The Jām,902a who was the head of the set, gathered together wicked men, and brought out his treasures and made Moẓaffar Gujaratī the general. He also summoned to his aid Daulat K., the son of Amīn K. Ghorī, the ruler of Jūnagarh and Sorath, and Khengār,902b the ruler of Kach (Cutch). The Koka arrived there before the rebels could effect much. For a time he did not pay much attention to the matter, and he thought that the affair would be easily disposed of. At last the intoxication of the wicked increased, and the K. Ā'ẓim withdrew his hand from all other things and proceeded to remedy matters. The brothers of Qulīj K. and the sons of Ism'aīl Qulī K., who were holders of large fiefs, made unfitting excuses and did not accompany him. Apparently their non-arrival was a Divine aid, for the fewer presumptuous ones there are in an expedition the better is the work done. The cowardice of one man will upset a whole troop, and unsuitable words will confuse a world. He made war, backed by the daily-increasing fortune of the Shāhinshāh, against numerous enemies and the folly of well-wishers who did not understand the position, and proceeded to chastise the short-sighted opportunists. Near Bairamgāon,902c Fatḥ K., son of Amīn K. Ghorī; Candar Sen, the Zamindar of Halūd, Karn Purmāl, the Kalāntar (chief) of Morbī, and many presumptuous ones joined the victorious army. Naurang K., Saiyid Qāsim, Khwāja Sulaimān, and other brave men were sent forward by the K. Ā'ẓim. They903a halted in Morbī, 25 kos from the enemies' country, and indulged in foolish talk. I comprehend that they did not think of service, but why did the nobleness of eternal fortune remain behind a veil? From distorted vision they brought forward proposals of peace. They did not succeed, and turned their faces to abjectness (perhaps, to a truce). The wicked and presumptuous (rebels) did not accept the proposals and conceived the idea of fighting. The Kokaltāsh from his awakened fortune and bright star set himself to remedy matters, and though the soldiers were less than 10,000, and there were more than 30,000 of the enemy, he prepared for battle. He arranged his forces in seven bodies.903b In the centre were Khānam,903c Khwāja903d Abū-l-qāsim Diwān, Ḥakīm Moẓaffar Ardistānī, Qizil903e Abdāl and other heroes with 2000 men. On the right wing was Naurang K. 594 with 1500 men; on the left wing were Khwāja Rafī', Muḥammad Ḥusain, S. Qāẓī Ḥusain, Saiyid Abū-isaḥaq, Candar Sen with 1800 men. The vanguard consisted of Saiyid Qāsim,903f Saiyid Bayāzīd, Saiyid Bahādur, Saiyid 'Abdu-r-raḥmān, Saiyid Salīm, Mīr Sharfu-d-dīn, Saiyid Muṣṭafa with 1400 men. The altamsh consisted of 1600 men.903g The Kokaltāsh, Kāmrān Beg, Muhammad Toqbāī, Khwāja Bābā, and Qādir Qulī Koka formed the reserve with 400 experienced men who loved their honour; Gūjar K. with 600 men formed the reserve of the right wing, and Khwājam Bardī with an equal number formed the reserve of the left wing. On the other side were, in the centre, Moẓaffar with 4000 of the Lonakāthī tribe and of others; in the right wing was Daulat K. with 4500 men; in the left wing, the Jām with 8000 men; in the vanguard were Ājā, the son and heir of the Jām, his paternal uncle Manīh, and other brethren, and Jasā with his relatives, together with 4500 men. It was decided that they would cross the Sai904a (?) river and give battle on 30 Tīr, 10th July 1591, and test their respective courage. When they crossed the river, there was such thunder and rain that for two days and nights the opposing forces could not meet. The enemy held the high ground, and the imperialists were in difficulty, on account of the lowness of the land, the abundance of water, and the scarcity of provisions. Twice they (the enemy904b ) tried a night-attack, but were unsuccessful.
When their hardships became intolerable, they of necessity proceeded towards Nawānagar, to the dwelling-place of the Jām, in order that they might distract the enemy, and get supplies. They marched four kos, and came to an inhabited village, where they got provisions and much plunder. The enemy were compelled to move, and took post three kos off on the other side of a stream. Many went off to look after their homes. On 4th Amardād (14th July, 1591) the forces came forward to fight, and there was a hot engagement. The valiant men of the left wing passed904c by the vanguard. Daulat K. (Amīn Ghorī's son) fought strenuously. Khwāja904d S. threw himself upon the foe, and Khwāja Rafī' on account of ties of friendship stood by with him, along with some others. They (the enemy) seized his reins and killed him. Fifteen904e brave men from among his relatives died gallantly. S. Kabīr, son of Mukammal K., also fell bravely. The reserve of his force (the left wing) did not behave well, and many fled. Some came behind the centre. Muḥammad Ḥusain S., wounded, was among the men (of the left wing). He soon died. Some in the mid-centre and the altamsh drew their rein. The enemy exulted in their success, and pursued and fell upon the baggage. Meanwhile the brave men of the altamsh supported Daulat K., and some who had fled, returned and took part in the fight. The enemy's right wing which was pressing on slackened their speed somewhat. In the beginning of the contest the enemy's van contended with the imperialists, and there were strenuous efforts.
You'd say all the hearts905a of the swords swelled,
The earth groaned beneath the horses; 595
The brain of the clouds became filled with the sound of the drum;
The cup of the sword was filled with red wine.
The work of arrow and sword was over, and they contended with knife and dagger. Mīr Sharfu-d-dīn905b bravely yielded up his life. The army was nearly meeting with a disaster. The brave men of the altamsh defeated the enemy's right wing. The hostile Rajpūts acted according to their custom and got off905c their horses and stood to be slain. Meanwhile the Kokaltāsh arrived, and the face of victory was displayed. Mihrāwan with his brother and two sons and Jasā with 500 Rajputs yielded up their lives in one place. Ẓarīf al-Mulk, the vakil of Daulat K., was captured. The Jām and Moẓaffar fled without fighting. Daulat K. was wounded and went off to Jūnagarh. 2000 of the enemy's warriors were killed; 100 of the imperialists were killed, and 500 wounded; 700 horses were lost. The artillery, the elephants, etc. of the enemy were captured. The general returned thanks to God. All, small and great, were encouraged. On the 28th905d the news of victory was conveyed to H. M. and there was Divine praise. The Kokaltāsh had written that he had become hopeless on account of the dismay of great and small, but the world's lord had appeared to him in a dream and had encouraged him so that the water that had dispersed had returned to its channel. If such glorious apparitions were recited, one by one, the ears of the superficial could not contain them.
At this time Qāẓī Nūr Ullah and Qāẓī 'Alī were sent to Kashmīr. Enemies trumped up stories against Ṭoṭa,906a who was one of M. Yūsuf K.'s confidential servants, and represented that his skirt was stained with embezzlement. The Mīrzā, without making inquiry, put him to the torture, and he, after being ill used, escaped and came to court as a suppliant for justice. He represented that the revenue of Kashmīr had been fixed at 22 lakhs of Kharwārs, and that M. Yūsuf had got the fief at the rate of sixteen dāms for each Kharwār. At present the number of Kharwārs (received by Yūsuf) was 50 per cent more than this, and each Kharwār was worth 28 dāms. All these facts could be ascertained by inquiry. On the 16th (Amardād =27th July, 1591) these two able and unavaricious officers were sent to inquire into matters.
On the 18th (Amardād=29th July, 1591) 'Urfī of Shiraz died. He had opened907a a door of the house of eloquence. If he had not had self-love, and had regulated his life properly, and if Time had given him some leisure, his work would have risen high. About this time (the time of his death) he composed this quatrain.
Urfī! it is the last breath, and still thou art intoxicated
After all, of what value are the goods thou hast packed?
To morrow the Friend with the ready money of paradise in his palm
Will ask for thy wares, and thou wilt have an empty hand. 596
On the 30th (Amardād) Bībī Rūpa908a covered her face from the troublous spot of the earth (i.e, died). H.M. was grieved, but from profundity of view he became resigned, and craved forgiveness (for her). She was one of the choice nurses. She always spent her time with propriety, and out of her right-thinking she obtained long life. On this day the Aḥadīs came to court after performing good service. Before this, some Rajputs had killed Karam Beg, the son of Sher908b Beg, and gone off rapidly. Ḥamza908c 'Arab had a jāgīr in Bhimbhar. Umrā, the brother of Rai Rai Singh, became disobedient and practised violence. He received suitable punishment from the fief-holder. Kesū Dās, his (Rai Rai Singh's) brother's son, lay in wait to take revenge. One night he killed Karam Beg, thinking that he was Ḥamzā's son, and then fled with some companions. When the thing was known, swift men went off in all directions. S. Adam and S. 'Azōya-llah Aḥadī went off in search via Multān. Between Dībālpūr908d and Qanūlā (?) they came up with the fugitives near the town of Naushahra. Some Rājputs of Rai Rai Singh's and some servants of the Khān908e Khānān also joined them. Kesū Dās and five others were killed and three men were brought in as prisoners. The Aḥadīs were graciously received.
On this night after three pahars 1 1/2 gharīs 'Abdu-r-raḥmān,908f the son of the writer of the noble volume, had a son. There was great rejoicing and the world's lord gave him the name of Bishotan. It is hoped that his distinction will increase, and that he will soon get fitting employment. Also at this time S. Ibrāhīm908g died. He had a large share of practical wisdom, and the province of Agra was managed by his cleverness. He died on 4th Shahriyār, 14th August, 1591, and H.M. begged forgiveness for him. His surviving relatives received favours. By the royal command Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram proceeded from Mewāt to that quarter (Agra) and in a short space of time they (the inhabitants) discoursed909a of his administration of justice and good deeds.
One of the occurrences was the sending of ambassadors to the south. When Burhān-al-Mulk prevailed over Aḥmadnagar he should have increased his devotion and gratitude, and been an example of obedience to the other rulers in that quarter. The wine of success robbed him of his senses, and he forgot the varied favours he had received from the Shāhinshāh. In his evil fortune he set himself to oppress the weak, and considered that his profit consisted in the injury of others. The world's lord, on account of graciousness and benevolence, resolved that he should in the first instance send an able person to Rajah 'Alī K.—to whom Burhān was submissive—and to convey, in accordance with his suggestions, counsels to the somnolent one (Burhān) and the other rulers of that quarter. If they listened and apologised, he would withhold his hand from retribution. Otherwise a victorious army would be appointed, and chastise- 597 ment be inflicted. On the 14th the Mulku-sh-sh'uarā909b S. Abū-l-faiẓ Faiẓī was sent to Rajah 'Alī K. and Burhān-al-Mulk. Amīnu-d-din was sent along with him. Mīr Muḥammad Riẓavī was sent to 'Ādil K., and Mir Manīr to Quṭbu-l-Mulk. Many messages of instruction were sent.
One of the occurrences was the proceeding of the officers to Jūnagarh. When M Koka gained his victory, he hastened next morning to Nawānagar, and gathered immense booty. The Jām and Moẓaffar fled to the highlands of Barra (Bardā, also called Jaitwār). The Kokaltāsh remained where he was to punish the evil-doers, and sent Naurang K., Sayid Qāsim, and Khwāja Sulaimān to take Jūnagarh. His thought was that when his mind was at rest about that country he would follow them. Those sent encountered great hardships in consequence of the desolation of the territory and the high price of provisions. When by endurance they approached the place, Daulat K., the son of Amīn K., died of his wounds, and there was some talk of surrendering the fort. The garrison said, “The governor of the fort is dead, and the victorious army has arrived. The proper thing is to conclude a treaty, and make over the keys.” The answer sent was that they should send a confidential man in order that their wishes might be carried out. At this time news came that a set of Kāthīs had fallen upon the baggage. Of necessity the troops had to go to that spot. Just then, Moẓaffar came there, and the garrison resumed their haughtiness. The Khān 'Aẓim was indignant, and resolved upon taking the fort. Moẓaffar came out and it was reported that he had hastened off to Aḥmadābād. The Kokaltāsh sent an army after him under the command of Kharram (his son) and intended that he himself should invest the fort. Meanwhile it appeared that the Jām was in the neighbourhood and proceeding to his home. M. Koka hastened thither. The Jām turned back and had recourse to supplications. Meanwhile the disturbance of Naẓar910a Be and his sons arose. M. Koka was obliged to accept the Jām's apologies and to return. In Dandūqa Mīr Abū Turāb arrived from court and brought a rescript, and choice horses and robes of honour for the servants. The officers on hearing of the glorious news offered up thanks. Just then the news of the quelling of the Mālwa rebels gave a fresh brightness to the countenance of joy. The Kokaltash's idea was to return to the capture of the fort, but he was hindered by the hanging back of his companions.
DEPARTURE OF PRINCE SULṬĀN MURĀD TO TAKE CHARGE OF THE
PROVINCE OF MĀLWA.
The best worship by a sovereign is the choosing of right thinking men and the appointing them to look after the weak, especially 598 when the former adorn high birth by good qualities. Such is the conduct of our sovereign lord. He is always testing friends and strangers, and exalting the humble. He looks after the neighbouring rulers. If they sympathise with mortals by administering justice, etc., no harm comes to them, and he encourages them. Otherwise entreaties do not prevent him from inflicting retribution. But he begins by giving advice, and holds forth both hopes and fears. When the rulers of the Deccan took to behaving ill, he sent able men to advise them. He also exalted Prince Sulṭān Murād, who was adorned with fitting qualities, and gave him a standard, a kettledrum, an umbrella and a togh (banner), and appointed Mālwa as his fief. On the night of 4th Mihr, 14th911a September, 1591, after the lapse of two hours, he was sent off there after receiving weighty counsels. H.M.'s idea was that if the rulers of the South were not impressed by the good advices, punishment should be prepared for them. I record here some of the weighty advices which he hung on the ears of that honoured son, and thereby communicate the materials of wisdom.
“The first step is to enquire into what is God's Will, in order that right actions may be performed. After that, outward purification is to be pursued. Food and clothing are not to be made ends. Profundity of view is to be exercised. Tyrannous actions are to be abstained from. The rules of moderation and of fitting season are not to be departed from. Every member (of the body) is to be kept to its proper office. Much speaking and laughing are to be avoided Sleep is not to exceed one-third part of the day and night (nychthemeron). There must be an endeavour to improve the army, and the country, to provide for the safety of the roads, and the obedience of the refractory; and thieves and robbers must be put down. Then attention is to be paid to internal improvement. Lust and wrath must be subjected to the commands of Wisdom, for the Creator has placed two912a sentinels in the palace of the body. The one sees that proper things are done; the other that evil things are abstained from. The children of men out of somnolent intellect have given these two a loose rein, and have made what should be the adornment of life the supplier of death. Do not neglect the knowledge of what is right, and support the power of the ruler (Reason). Preserve the equability of the four humours, and keep far from excess and defect which constitute evil. Use justice and discretion in this daily market of hypocrisy and double-facedness. The worship of the choosers of bypaths who have severed the links of association is one thing, and that of those who are bound in the improvement of the world is another. Though912b the idea of both is development, yet the former never departs from awakedness, while insouciance is suitable to the latter. Study the actions of every one, and be not disturbed by seeing improprieties. Let not love or hate, or threats or encouragements, transgress bounds. A frown will effect with many, what in other men requires a sword and dagger. Let not difference of religion interfere with policy, and be not violent in inflicting retribution. Adorn the confidential council with men who know their work. If apologies be made, accept them. Be not stiff in your own opinions. 599 Do not consider any one suitable for this employment (the giving of advice) except a far-seeing, right-thinking and disinterested person. Do not make ease912c your rule, and do not reject help in the day of (your) distress. Do not be dismayed by much ill-success. Choose the observance of your promises above all advantage to your self, and live so that the crowds of foreigners be not distressed. Especially see to it that merchants have a good opinion of you for their report carries far. Expect913a from every one service in proportion to his ability. Be not deceived in your inquiries by glozing words. Love is produced by one of four things. 1st. The idea of worldly advantage. This is slow to come and soon goes. 2nd. Spiritual advantage. This is the opposite of the first. 3rd. Goodness of disposition. This lasts throughout life. Its permanency or its non-existence depends upon wisdom.913b 4th. Loyalty (Ikhlāṣ). One must by the route of this fourfold stream look narrowly into the condition of followers, and regulate his actions according to such knowledge. You must study instructive books, and apply your knowledge to practice. Secure the affection of contented hermits and of the matted-haired and barefooted. Be not uplifted by beholding those who have been robbed of splendour. Apply yourself to sympathising with the soldier, and give him his pay in due season. Demand from every one suitable horses, arms and tents for him. Reward good service. Do not lose sight of an old servant. Fail not to encourage the husbandman. For every employment secures truthful and active-minded men, so that they may do good work without desire of money,913c or of greatness or praise. Do not withhold your own supervision from them. Exalt the right-thinking, and admonish and punish the foolish. Be not satisfied in the administration of justice with oaths and witnesses. Make various inquiries and study the book of the forehead (the physiognomy). Do not introduce new customs which yield little advantage and much evil. Make over the Passes to brave and experienced men and neglect not the security of the roads. In prosperity remember adversity, and prepare remedies for everything. Choose a good companion, and be not offended at his truthful speech. Obey wisdom and refrain from ebullitions of temper.” He gave him many delightful counsels. It is to be hoped that fortune will favour him, and that something of what has been said will lead to action. Ismāil 600 Qulī K. … (here follow 7 lines of names) and many others accompanied that nursling of fortune. The fief-holders of Mālwa were also appointed to choice service. From among them Ism'aīl Qulī K. was made Vakīl and Mukhtār Beg, Bakhshī. Next day the writer of the noble volume was sent to expound some of the admonitions, and represent that there was spiritual union (with Akbar) though there was physical separation. I was also to ascertain and report the wishes of the prince, and to endeavour to carry them out. There was a confidential meeting. The pearl of the kingly diadem (Murād) uttered pleasing words, and the sovereign was delighted on hearing them, and said “I hope that prosperity will not produce somnolence and that the society of the good will act as a guard.
On the 21st H.M. went out to hunt, and some ladies accompanied him. He went as far as the Cenāb, and he enjoyed himself. Though hunting was the object, yet many oppressed persons obtained justice; and many refractory persons were chastised. On the 25th near Shāham 'Alī he received the news of the disaffection of Naẓar Be and of his death. He and his sons had received high rank and been given a jāgīr, in Handīa. As the wine of self-will does not agree with narrow capacities, they soon became oppressors. When Burhān-al-Mulk went to the Deccan … Naẓar Be's sons accompanied him without orders. He himself, thinking that Gujarāt was empty, went off there. On hearing this, M. Koka made peace with the Jām and returned. When that crooked-minded one (Naẓar) saw that fortune was not in his favour, he represented that he had come in order to see how things were going on. When the Kokaltāsh heard this, he did not expose915a him, but politely dismissed him. He did not go to his jāgīr, but went to the Deccan. When he came to Khāndesh, Rajah 'Alī K. gave him a warm welcome for a time, but had the prudence to send him back unsuccessful. Near Sāwal915b the Kūlīān (a tribe) blocked his path, and in the fight he was killed. At this time his sons left Burhānu-l-Mulk, and stirred up strife in Mālwa. Khwāja Muḥibb 'Alī Dīwān gathered together Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain and other fief-holders of the province, and set forth to remedy matters. The wicked men dispersed thereupon, and near Bījagarh915c fought with the landholders and were defeated. Qambar915d Be was wounded, and died. Shādī Be and some followers came to Nadarbār (Naẕarbār). The agents of Qulīj K. bound him and brought him to court. H.M. was kind to him and sent him to Bengal.
On 1916a Ābān the festival of the solar weighment was celebrated. In Bādalgarha H.M. was weighed against twelve articles, and the world rejoiced. All got their desires. An order was given to Zain K. Koka, who was the fiefholder of the place, to convert the site of the weighment into a garden. H.M. gave it the name of Zainābād. At this time it occurred to H.M. to found a large city on the 601 bank of the Cenāb, and that thus an old idea would be carried into effect. Skilful men pointed out several sites. On the 6th (Ābān) Ḥakim Miṣrī, Ḥakīm 'Alī, Khwāja Muḥammad Ḥusaīn and Mīr Ṭāhir were sent to examine both banks of the river. They selected two spots. One was on the other side, between Pargūwāl and Ḥājwāl, and was a dependency of Bahlūlpūr.916b The other was on this side, and near the town of Sūdhara. An order was given that the Greek and Indian astrologers should ascertain a propitious time. As they fixed one that was somewhat remote, the work was not undertaken.
On this day Mīr Sharīf 'Amulī was sent off to Bengal and Bihar and was entrusted with four916c great offices (manṣab), viz. those of Āmīn, Ṣadr, and Qāẓī. Sharīf Sarmadī916d was made Bakhshī.
On 28th (Ābān) the standards were upreared at Lahore, and crowds rejoiced to see H.M. One day, while hunting, a fawn was seen. By the royal command a bitch917a (named) Teztak (the swift) was let loose. The fawn was nearly caught when the mother devised a stratagem. She pretended to be lame, and came near the bitch; the latter thought her an easy prey, and went after her. The fawn escaped, and when the mother had conveyed her to the herd and was at ease about her, she left off her lameness, and went away swiftly. H.M. said he had seen such a remarkable thing in a qamrgāh hunt in Bazarah,917b but that the mother had not escaped.
One of the occurrences was the defeat of the Arghūnīāns.917c It has been mentioned that a choice army was appointed under the command of the Khān-Khānān to take Qandahār. As Multan and Bhakkar were in his fief he left the near road by Ghaznīn and Bangash and took a long route in order to look after his jāgīrs. Meanwhile mercenary people who did not understand what should be done represented the large spoil of Tatta and the little spoil of Qandahār. The commander took917d leave to conquer Sind. Near Multān the Balūcīs waited on him and made promises. Near Bhakkar he drew up his forces. At this time the ambassadors of M. Jānī Beg came to the Khān-Khānān and represented, “The conquest of Qandahar is the object of the army. It would have been fitting that (our master) should join on this, but as the disturbance of strife-mongers prevents this, he is sending an army to serve.” The envoys were put into confinement and the troops advanced somewhat faster. Just then news came that fire had broken out in the fort of Sehwān and consumed the provisions. On hearing this the troops went on rapidly by land and water. Those who went by water passed under the fort of Sehwān and took Lakhī.918a It is like Garhī in Bengal and Bārahmūla in Kashmīr. No harm came from the cannon and muskets of the garrison, and the gate of the country fell into their 602 hands. The Khān-Khānān approached the fort (i.e. Sehwān), and set himself to take it. Some call this country Siwistān. This fort of the ruler is situated on the bank of the Indus on the top of a ridge. The glacis (khākrez) is 40 yards, and the wall seven yards (high). Near it there is a lake918b eight kos in length, and six in breadth. Three branches of the river join it. It is a place of refuge for the garrison. Some men live on islands in it and some in boats. Qarā Beg and some men embarked on boats (ghrāb) and went towards it. As they came suddenly, they collected much plunder. The landowners asked for quarter. On hearing this, M. Jānī Beg prepared to give battle. At the pass of Naṣīrpūr919a —a place which lies on one side, the river,919b —and on the other, streams, he constructed a fort. He strengthened it by war-boats and a park of artillery. The army was doubtful about advancing. At this time Rāwal Bhīm, the ruler of Jaisalmīr, and Dalpat s. Rai Singh, represented: “Our intention was to have come by Bhakkar. Having lost919c our way we are coming by way of Umarkot.” From apprehension that the enemy would prevail over this force, (the K. K.) left the work of taking the fort and of making the road, and set off by land and water. Maqṣūd Āqā and some men were left at the ferries so that the garrison might be alarmed, and the route be in some measure safe. On 18 Ābān he arrived within six kos of the enemy, and out of precaution put up four walls. On the 21st,919d Khusrū the Circassian prepared his boats and came out to fight. Although they were moving up stream, they were forced downwards by the strength of the current. The fight went on from evening till dawn. Owing to a report that M. Jānī was coming by land, Farīdūn Barlās and others on that dark night left the river. In the morning there was a hot cannonade, and a great battle. The enemy could not come to close quarters owing to the shallowness of the water. Those who had left the river (i.e. the imperialists) came by the other bank and took to shooting with arrows (bullets ?). The brave soldiers went down the stream in war-boats. For a time they fought with bullets, but soon they contended with spears and daggers.
Flashed the diamond-like swords.
The steely spears were made bloody.
You'd say a smoke arose from the earth.
Out of it there shone the fire of battle.
The enemy withdrew their hands from the work and fled, and there was a great victory. Bardāna—(var. Parwāna) a noted man—was killed, and M. Qulī was wounded and captured. Four ghrābs full of men and stores (khwāsta) were captured. In one of them was the ambassador920a of Ormuz. The rule is that the governor of Ormuz leaves one (ambassador) at Tatta, in order that there may be a feeling of security920b among the merchants. M. Jānī had brought him with him in order to proclaim that so many tribes had come to help him. 603 He also brought some servants of his own, dressed up in their clothes. 200 of the enemy fell into the waves of destruction, and more than 1000 were wounded. Owing to the Divine protection, few of the victorious troops were hurt. Active men brought up their ghrābs and wounded Khusrū, and he was nearly made prisoner. Suddenly920c a gun burst and the boat was broken to pieces, and some were killed. The far-seeing and experienced urged that they should proceed by land and water to the dwelling-place of M. Jānī. As the morning of success had blown in the evening of despair, most did not approve of this, and so they made difficult a task that had become easy. On 13 Āẕar H.M. was enquiring about the condition of Tatta, and said, “Search well, for some one is coming from that quarter. Suddenly a swift camel-rider (bukhtī-suwār) brought the news of victory.920d New thanksgiving was offered up.
On the 26th (Āẕar) Āṣaf K. was sent to the Cinab and the Bihat. As information was received that the landholders of that quarter were oppressing the weak, this good officer was sent to punish them. In various places Faujdārs were appointed. Ẓīa-l-mulk was appointed to Mūng, Allah Bakhsh Maral to Rasūlpūr, Ḥāfiẓ Walī (to the tract) from Jandāla to Lahore. In a short time many met with their deserts, and some were brought bound to court. The persons above named were left in their place.
One of the occurrences was that the ruler of Tibet sent his daughter to court. From the time that Kashmīr had been included in the empire, the ruler of that country (Tibet) had continually made supplications. It occurred to 'Alī Rai the ruler of Little Tibet that his daughter might enter into the gynaeceum of the Prince Royal. H.M. approved of this, and on 22 Dai she921a was conveyed along with presents of the country. He obtained his wish. At this time a glorious son came into being, and there was a feast of joy. Inasmuch as the Incomparable Creator waters the garden of eternal dominion, auspicious sons were bestowed, one after the other, and the garden of fortune was kept verdant. Accordingly this noble record tells thereof. A fresh instance was when on the 26th (Dai) after four hours and 24 minutes, during the sign of Libra, the daughter of the Mota Rajah gave birth to a son in the harem of Prince Sulṭān Selīm (in Lahore). He received the name of Sulṭān Kharram.921b
One of the occurrences was the appointing of an army to Qandahar. When the Khan-Khānān chose the conquest of Tatta, Prince Sulṭān Daniel was sent off to that quarter (Qandahar) with a large army. H.M. ordered that if the Mīrzās chose service, he should accept them and make them hopeful of royal favours. Otherwise he was to conquer the country and make it over to some able and just officer.
604 Several of the imperial servants made suggestions for his (Daniel's) turning back, and from his acceptance of humble representations he (Akbar) assented. On 4 Bahman Khidmat Rai922a (?) died of dysentery. He belonged to a tribe which was unequalled in India for wickedness. They are also called Māwī and Candāl. H.M. favoured him and made him chief of his tribe, and guided him towards honesty. He opened somewhat the windows of his heart, and many from conversation with him turned away from evil courses. At the present day, the guards in every house come from them. As he had the title of Khidmat Rai, every one of the tribe is called Khidmatiya.922b On the 6th, choice mountain productions, which had been sent by Bahādur Singh, the Rajah of Khistwāra, were shown to H.M. The envoys received favours. On the 20th the nursling of fortune Sulṭān Khusrū was put to school. First, he was shown how to pray to God and then taught the letter Alif. An order was given to the writer of the noble volume to teach him something every day, and then to leave the completion of the teaching to his younger brother922c Abū-l-khair, who bore the mark of uniqueness for goodness and acquisition of wisdom. May the Almighty make the blessing of external teaching the material of real knowledge, and preserve him from the injury caused by current sciences—which are a place of stumbling to mortals.
One of the occurrences was the plundering of the home of Rajah Madhukar. When Prince Sulṭān Murād was sent to Mālwa the chiefs and the landowners everywhere came forward and paid their respects, and returned after receiving favours. News came to Agra the capital that this landowner (Madhukar), out of presumptuousness, did not intend to pay his respects. An admonitory letter was sent to him, and near Narwar he sent his grandson, and made excuses for not coming himself. A second warning was sent to him, and threats and hopes were held out to him. He awoke from the heavy sleep of carelessness and proceeded to tender his service. When he arrived within four kos, he expressed a wish that Ism'aīl Qulī K. and Jagannāth should take him into their charge. This was agreed to. Ism'aīl Qulī quickly came, but Jagannāth delayed somewhat. The landowner out of fear went back, and hastened off to the defiles. The Prince became somewhat angry with the slovenly executants of orders (khāmkārān) and ordered that they should go after him and bring him back. Otherwise they were to punish him. Out of want of wisdom they refused to do this, and he, without regard to his rank, personally went on this errand. Madhukar had recourse to blandishments and sent his sons Rām Sāh923a and Ranjit. The attack on his home was delayed. Near the fort of Karkara923b the son of Hamīr Sen asked for quarter, and this was granted. At the instigation of inexperienced men he (Murād) broke the agreement 605 and set himself to take the fort. He who had been admitted to quarter fled, and the prince took the fort. 400 Rajputs died manfully at their homes. When Rām Sāh beheld this breach of agreement he fled at midnight. Jagannāth who was his custodian felt ashamed and had no answer to make. The Prince took up again his first resolution, and the frightened one (Madhukar) withdrew. His home was plundered, and the imperialists encamped there. H.M. did not approve, and issued an order, asking why had there been a deviation from appreciativeness and the recognition of rank, and why had he without orders attacked the landowner. He also severely censured the prince's companions. They should now feel ashamed and proceed to redress matters, and the prince must return quickly to Mālwa. If he did923c not submit to orders, a large army would be sent (against him). The prince left Saiyid Rājū and a party there and came to Mālwa. When the landowner heard of this, he had recourse to supplications. Ṣādiq K. conveyed his923d excuses to H.M. They were accepted. On the 27th, Bāz Bahādur was ṣent to convey him to the prince in order to make his submission.
At this time a new arrangement was introduced. The world-adorning sovereign in his enlightenment divided, on 2 Isfandārmaẕ, 12 February 1592, the crown-lands (khāliṣāt) into four portions, and made over each of them to an able man. The provinces of the Panjab, Multan, Kabul and Kashmīr were made over to Khwāja Shamsu-l-dīn, the provinces of Ajmīr, Gujarat and Mālwa to Khwāja Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad Bakhshī, the province of Delhi to Rai Patar Dās, the provinces of Agra the capital, Allahabad, Bengal and Behar to Rai Rām Dās. Though Qulīj K. received924a the reports, yet this act of foresight was done on account of the extent of the country. H.M. also attended to the matter of the currency, and the old diseases of silver and gold (coinage) were remedied, as has been described in the last volume.
On the 12th Balarām was killed. He was the brother's son of Rajah Bhagwant Dās. As the turbulence of youth led him into the commission of improprieties, he fell out of favour and was dismissed to Behar to the charge of Rajah Mān Singh. In Benares he mounted an elephant while in a state of intoxication, and then wanted to get down again at an unfitting place. Miṣrī Khanyagar (musician) was acting as driver, and as he had some sense he refused to let Balarām dismount. The latter abused him, and Miṣrī killed him with his dagger and then let himself down and went off.
One of the occurrences was the capture of 'Umarkot. When Dalpat and Rāwal Bhīm passed by it with a choice army on their way to Tatta, this birthplace of the world's lord fell into their hands without a struggle. The Rai924b of the place accompanied them in performance of service. There was a wonderful piece of fortune in the circumstance that some of the land-owners had filled up the wells and had poisoned them. Consequently the soldiers were in that sandy land distressed for want of water. They remembered the holy personality and prayed to God, and then sate down and waited in expectation. Suddenly rain fell, though it was out of season, and the 606 dried-up tanks ran over with water.
One of the occurrences was the sending of Rai Rai Singh to Tattah. When the victorious troops succeeded in the river-fight, and when owing to the folly of shortsighted persons there was delay in advancing, the enemy who had been disconcerted made a stand. After much discussion, the fort which M. Jānī had constructed, was invested on 9 Āẕar. There was hot fighting, and every day the brave men on each side distinguished themselves. One day, Sikandar Beg, who was among the noted men on the imperialists' side, was wounded in the leg by a bullet, and after some time he died. The enemy were confident on account of the strength of their position, number of men, abundance of provisions, and the help of the peasantry, and were watching for the rains. Then everything would be under water, and the foreign army would be dispersed without an engagement. Among the imperialists, provisions became very dear, and consternation seized upon the weak-hearted. The Khān-Khānān reported the circumstances and asked for help. On the 21st Rai Rai Singh was sent off. Khāki Gallabān, Khwāja Ḥisāmu-d-dīn and other brave men went by the river-route. Provisions, guns, gunpowder (dārū), etc. were dispatched.
One of the occurrences was the death of Gūrdhan (Gordhan of B.), the son of Rajah Askaran. Rajah Prithīrāj was the head of the Kachhwāha clan. He had eighteen925a sons of whom ten were by one mother. When he died, Pūran Mal his eldest son was raised to the Rajahship. He was killed in M.925b Hindāl's battle. Sūjā hīs son was young, and they raised his (Pūranmal's) brother Ratan Sai to the headship. He from the turbulence of youth, and bad companionship, insulted men. Some instigated Askaran his step-brother to attack his life in hopes of the chiefship, and with the help of wicked men, the idea became fact. For some time things happened according to his wish. In a short time his uncle926a Bārahmal obtained the power. His (Sūjā's?) sons were always lying in wait for Askaran. Karan, in revenge for his ancestor (nīyāg), chose to become Askaran's servant and on the 23rd, when he got an opportunity, he killed the Raja's son in the father's presence, and then made an attack on the latter. A pillar saved him from harm, and active men killed Karan. The sympathetic sovereign cast the shadow of his graciousness on his mansion, and by his cordial commiseration healed somewhat the wound of those who had been deprived of a child.
Akbar took about forty days to reach Srīnagar. Either there is a hiatus in the MSS. or A. F. has not recorded the last stage or two. The last stage he mentions is Khānpūr, and then at the beginning of this chapter he tells us that Akbar entered Srinagar after a march of 1 1/2 kos. But Khānpūr is 4 or 5 kos from the city. The Iqbālnāma says that Akbar travelled from Hīrapur to Srīnagar in two days and a night (shab darmīyān), and that he saw the great quivering tree, when he was 3 kos from the city. The date given in Elliot V. 457 is 1 Shabān 997, 5th June, 1589.
↩Though he here mentions 97 kos, the distances given by A. F. only amount to about 89 1/2 kos, and the number of stages mentioned is 23 and not 24. Lawrence, p. 266, states that the distance from Srīnagar to Bhimbhar is 148 miles.
↩The Iqbālnāma says, from 2 to 3 to 5 storeys, and that the latter are called lohi in Kashmīrī. Jahāngīr, Tūzuk 299, describes the roof-gardens.
↩Probably the Fritillaria Imperialis. J. II. 349.
↩But the rains are much less in Kashmīr, and there is no rainy season. Stein 119 says: “What chiefly characterises the climate of Kashmīr as against that of the Indian plains is the absence of a rainy season, and the equally marked absence of excessive heat.”
↩There are 196 lines, and I have not thought it necessary to translate them, as they are not of special merit. Farzī says in them much more in praise of Akbar than of Kashmir. In two of the lines he gives the date of the conquest, viz. “middle of Khurdād of the 34th year, or Rajab 997; May 1589.”
↩The variant Kotar or Kota seems preferable.
↩Text darveshe, but the variant rīshī is right. The Rīshīs were a Muḥammadan sect. See Bates' Gazetteer, Introd., p. 31. In J. II. 353 A. F. is made to speak of brahmans as the most respectable class in the country, but this is a mistake caused by a bad reading in the text. The true reading of Rīshī is in Gladwin. See also Lawrence 287.
↩This place is mentioned in Ferishta's account of Ḥaidar M. T. R., Ross and Elias 490. It and the plane trees are referred to in the Āīn. J. II. 364. It is now known as Shādīpur, but Dr. Stein scouts the idea that this means the city of marriage. It lies at the junction of the Bihat and the Sindh, and is regarded in consequence as a “Priyāg,” or holy place, like the meeting of the waters at Allahabad.
↩See J. II. 351 and B. 295, where the method of hawking in Kashmīr is described. Lawrence 134 states that this sport is not practised nowadays.
↩For Pūshīāna. So in text, and the name is probably right, but the I.O. MSS. seem to have another reading. Murād apparently went back to Bhimbar where the main camp remained. The bulk of the army seems never to have entered Kashmīr.
↩J. II. 195 and 196 and the I. G. Ujjain is situated on the Siprā. According to A. F. it sometimes flowed with milk. Jahāngīr, Price, 118, speaks of a large lake near the city of Ujjain, and of its washing the castle walls. Perhaps the “inner and outer lakes” means Kāliyādaha mentioned in J. II. 196, and more particularly described by Faiẓī Sirhindī in his account of Akbar's march to the Deccan in the 44th year. The reservoir was composed of a running stream.
↩The old city of Ujjain is about a mile to the N. of the modern one. These lakes (kūlāb) are not mentioned in the I. G.
↩B. 452, etc.
↩He was the younger brother of Qāsim, the conqueror of Kashmīr.
↩Upper and Lower Kashmīr. See J. 368, 370.
↩Upper and Lower Kashmīr. See J. 368, 370.
↩This measure of land is not mentioned by Lawrence. He says, p. 243, Land measures are calculated, not by length and breadth, but by the amount of seed required by certain areas of rice cultivation. A kharwar of land, i.e. the area requiring kharwar weight of seed, is equal to four British acres.
↩Text, az farāz, but it appears from the I. O. MSS. and the Cawnpore ed. of the A. N. that the proper reading is az qarār. The literal meaning of the passage seems to be “With the diwān the agreement is for three heaps of crop.” Blochmann, p. 346, has given an abstract of the passage, taken apparently from the account of M. Yūsuf in the M'aaṯir U. III. 313. The translation, “three kinds of grain pay taxes in Kashmīr,” is wrong, and the account in the A. N. shows that all grains were taxed. The passage is explained by the Āyīn, J. II. 366, where it is said that one-third has long been the nominal share of the State. The words in the Persian text of Aīn I. 570 are sih toda, just as it is in the paragraph in the A.N.
↩Khharwār, lit. an ass's load. According to Wilson's' Glossary it is 700lb. but the Kashmīrī kharwār is stated by Lawrence to be 177 129/175 lb. Cf. J. II. 366 and Stein's Rajataranginī Book V. 71, p. 145 note.
↩Seven in text, but I. O. M.S. 236 has eight as in the variant, and this agrees with the Āīn, J. II. 366. A trak is = 11 19/175 lb.
↩See Lawrence 243. A. F. spells the word and he makes it tark, see B. 84 n. 3, but trak or trakh is the proper pronunciation.
↩“It borders on the mountains of great Tibet.” J. II. 363.
↩Kangnī is described in Lawrence's Kashmīr, p. 337. It is also called Shol, and its botanical name is Setaria Italica. Elphinstone II. calls it Panicum Italicum and says it is termed Ghoosht by the Afghans, and congunnee by the Hindustanis. Its grain is husked into rice, but it is not esteemed by the Kashmīrīs as food, being considered by them to be heating.”
↩Payments in coin and kind were estimated in kharwārs of (Shālī) rice,” J. II. 366. The kharwār was reckoned at 16 dāms, B. 346. In the Ayīn the kharwār in kind is stated to be 29 dāms and the kharwār in cash to be 29 dāms as formerly. At this assessment, says the Maaṣir, the country was made over to M. Yūsuf K. The revenue was afterwards raised in the 36th year to 30 lakhs, 63,000 kharwārs. Āṣaf's settlement was a little higher, being 30 lakhs, 79,000 kharwārs, and it appears that the money value of the kharwār was also enhanced. See J. II. 366-67 (the Āṣaf K. referred to is Āṣaf No. 3: see B. 411). The increases led to a rebellion and to the murder of Qāzī 'Alī.
↩The word is shahrīyār, and must mean Akbar. He was bent on enjoying the spectacle (tamāsha) of Kashmir and did not scrutinize the assessment. Perhaps, the meaning is that he wanted to see the cultivators happy and so only made a trifling increase in the assessment.
↩The Ṣūfī lived a long way up the Jhelam. Faiẓī had gone in that direction in connection with the settlement, as he had been deputed to the Marāj district.
↩Ān pai gam karda rā. He who has lost his feet or has gone astray. But I am inclined to think that the text is corrupt. It could hardly be a piece of great good fortune to meet with one who had gone astray. Perhaps we should read ān be kam karda rā. “That one who had become perfect, or without defect.”
↩ Aweis Qarnī, a saint who had
given up the world. He was a contemporary
of Muḥammad and was
killed in battle in A.D. 657. See
Beale's Dictionary. Karkhī appears
to be the M'arūf Karkhī of J. III. 355
who founded the Karkhī order.
He died in A.D. 815. There is an account
of him in Beale ed. 1894, p. 245.
I am however convinced that the text
is corrupt, and think that the editors
of the Bib. Ind. ed. have substituted
what they considered an intelligible
reading for one that to them was not
so. None of the MSS. seems to have
◌
Akbar fulfilled this intention. See infra, p. 551.
↩So in text, but the MSS. have a different reading. I.O. MS. 236 has kornish dādand, badūr farmūdand— “Akbar permitted the kornish and said to him.” I.O. MS. 235 has bāz kornish dādand. He (Akbar) returned, or acknowledged, the kornish. I think that on this account, and also because of the words az farāz bāme, that the words “from the top of the roof” refer to Akbar and not to Jagannath. The word zūd “quickly” seems wrong. Kornish dādand means “gave permission to perform the kornish.” See supra p. 542 line four, where we are told that Jahāngīr, as being in disgrace, was not allowed to perform the kornish, kornish nadādand .
↩She was not in time to join him in Kashmīr, but she, and apparently Gulbadan Begum and other ladies, joined him near Kabul. See infra p. 568.
↩He was with the emperor. See supra p. 542 where he is mentioned as having, with others, been left in charge of the camp at Dewar, or Digrāma near Supiyan. He was now apparently to conduct back the main camp etc. to Rohtās by way of Bhimbar, and then to come back and meet the emperor by the Paklī route. Or perhaps he was both to go and come by that route.
↩He had married A. F.'s sister. See Badayūnī, Lowe 384. His mother was an Abyssinian and his father a Persian from Mashhad. He was a man of imposing stature and strength.
↩There are the variants Pantūr and Pīnūr. I feel pretty certain that the place is Pampūr, the old Padmapūra, mentioned in J. II. 357; pā and yā are often mistaken for one another, there being only the difference of a dot between them. Pīnūr when written in Persian is not unlike Pampūr. The identification is strengthened by Blochmann's having read Banpür and correcting it in his Index to Pampūr.
↩The Vej Brāra of J. II. 356, and the Vijayeśvara and Vijabror of Stein 173, 174 and n. Bror means God.
↩The word is jallya, a plain. Cf. the description of Nandī Marg in J. II. 357 where it is spoken of as being near Punj Barāra. I think there must be some mistake for in addition to the fact of Nandimarg's being described in the Ayīn as near Vej Brāra, I do not see how Aybar could travel up stream 5 1/4 kos to Nandimarg, then 3 kos to Kanabal, when the whole distance between Vej Brāra and Kanabal appears to be under 5 miles. Possibly Nandīmarg is the Nanmarg of Vigne and of Bate's Gazetter. It is some 12 m. east Saupiyn and is apparently the Nan Miraj of Stein's map, but if so, Akbar must have left the Bihat to visit it.
↩The text has bakhshī, but Sulaimān was born in 920 A. H. so īkhshī, beautiful, is the proper reading.
↩The Kanbal of Stein's map, just before Islāmābād. Lawrence says, p. 18 “the river is navigable without a single lock from Bārāmula to Kanabal, the port of Islāmābad, a distance of 102 miles.”
↩The Achiaval of Bernier who visited and described it, the Achh Dal of J. II. 358, the Achibal of Stein's map, and the Achābal of Lawrence, p. 22, who says, it is perhaps the most beautiful of all the springs. See also Bates. It is about six miles E. of Islāmābād. Dal in the Āīn is probably correct, for the word dal means a lake. The text has Alanj, but the true reading seems to be Acch or Īch. See Stein 180, and Bernier's letters.
↩Vernāg, Stein 182; but see Lawrence, p.18. See also Jahāngīr's account. Elliot VI. 304.
↩Little Tibet is Baltistan, and Great Tibet is Ladakh. Haider M. conquered these countries and gave Little Tibet to Mullā Qāsim and Great Tibet to Mullā Hasan. T. R., Ross and Elias 489. Qāsim was afterwards killed. id. 490.
↩B. 607 and n. He is there called Bābā Ṭālib. He was a poet. See J. III. 393, where a quatrain by him is quoted. See also Badayūnī III. 265.
↩Bādbān Kashīband. In Bates' Gazetteer, Introd., p. 10, it is stated that Kashmīr boats have no sails. Perhaps A. F. is only speaking rhetorically.
↩Perhaps the name is Abhaya.
↩ Text, ◌
This is Muḥibb Alī Rohtāsī, and not the son of Bābur's prime minister. See B. 422.
↩About 12 m. N. N. W. Srīnagar, and near the junction of the Sindh river. It is now known as Shādīpur, but Dr. Stein ridicules the idea that the name is derived from Shādī (marriage), and considers it to be an abridgment of the name derived from Sultan Shihābu-d-dīn of the 14th century. Jahāngīr has an account of the place. Elliot VI. 305.
↩Coleridge's Kubla Khan. The text omits the word Qubla, but it is in the I.O. MSS.
↩Should be Abāq or Abāqa. He succeeded his father in 1264. See Abaka K. in D'Herbelot.
↩Taken, apparently, from T. Rashīdī. See translation p. 6. Text prints the passage as if it were a statement by Tughluq Timur!
↩The Schivè Oghoul of Desmaison's translation of Abūl Ghāzī, p. 165. There, Būlājī is called Poulādtchi, and his messenger Tāsh Timūr. Though A. F. uses the word jadd, “grandfather,” he must mean ancestor.
↩T. R. 23.
↩T. R. 20.
↩Apparently he made it over to his son Ilyās. See T. R. 22.
↩T. Rashīdī 52 and n. 6. Karākhoja is mentioned there as an important town on the borders of Cathay.
↩Tavakkul of T. Rashīdī.
↩T. R. 278 and note.
↩T. R. 60.
↩The Vais K. of T. R. 60 et seq.
↩Tāshī in text. See T. R. 65 and 79 n 1.
↩T. R. 72.
↩Bābur refers to this incident, Erskine 11. See also T. R. 84.
↩Ḥaidar says, T.R. trans. 114, that Yūnas was seized with paralysis and was bedridden for the last two years of his life. He does not say anything about the bad conduct of his servants.
↩T. Rashīdī, 160, has 18 sons.
↩Suzunj Khwāja K., T. R. 133.
↩See T. Rashīdī, Introduction, p. 121. According to the Haft Iqlīm, Abdu-r-Rashīd had 13 sons. See also Ney Elias's Khojas of E. Turkistan, J.A.S.B. for 1897.
↩See A. N. III. 150, 151. His brother Abu S'aīd was married to Ḥaram Begam's daughter.
↩Killed in Berar, A. N. III. 490.
↩Evidently this is the Maḥmūd mentioned above. A variant gives Muhammad as the name.
↩Qoresh became a commander of 700. B. 459.
↩The last part of this digression adds to the information in the T. Rashīdī.
↩Text Satpūr, but probably the place is Sopūr at the S. W. corner of the Wular lake. The I.O. MS. 236 seems to have Sopūr. It is also called Suyyapūra and may be the Suryapūr (recte Suyyapūra) mentioned in the T. A. quoted by Ross and Elias, p. 490. It is stated there that there was a palace of Zainu-l-'Ābidin in Suryapur. A Satpūr is mentioned in J. II. 364. Perhaps this is Sopūr. Ḥaidar M.'s Bāgh Ṣafā was, as we learn from the T. A., in Andarkot which is the old Jayapura. Stein, p. 197. Akbar would pass this place on his way to Sopūr. The T. A. and Ferishta tell us that Ḥaidar M.'s building in the Bāgh Ṣafā was burnt by the rebellious Kashmīrīs. Apparently what Ḥaidar said when it was burnt was, “I did not bring this building from Kashghar, and so by God's help I shall be able to rebuild it.” Andarkot seems also to be called Andarkūl, the one word meaning the Inner Fort, and the other, “Within the lake,” and this is the position of Andarkot. See Mr. Growse's Architecture of Kashmīr, C. Review, January 1872, p. 29. He spells the name Antar-kot from abhyantara kotta.
↩This must be the isolated hill. Aha Tung of Bates's Gazetteer, S.W. Manasbal lake, and close to Sambal. It rises about 1,000 ft. above the plain (actual height 6,290) and is visible from many distant parts of the valley. See Stein II. 422.
↩This is on the Barahmūla-Srīnagar road, and is two days' journey from the latter. It is not on the Jhelam (Veth) and I do not understand how Akbar got near it by boat, unless he went by a canal. He was travelling in the rainy season. Mr. Growse says that Patan or the Pass stands at the head of a small canal and that this passage is only navigable in the height of the rains. Patan is now only a large village, but is remarkable for two temples. See Stein's papers 199-200. Growse and Lawrence 175. I presume that by the word shahr A. F. means Srīnagar, but possibly Patan is meant, for it seems strange that they should have been sent back with presents to Srīnagar when Akbar might have made his donations when he was passing through the city. Perhaps, however, they were sent to look after 'Azdu-d-daulah.
↩There is a variant here, and perhaps the meaning of it is that Akbar disembarked and made arrangements for journeying by land without actually doing so.
It was on the wudur or table-land near Patan that Abu-l-Māālī was defeated by Ghāzī Cak in the fifth year of Akbar's reign. A. N. II. 102.
↩Kishtwār town is called Kastawār by the Kashmīrīs. (Bates).
↩I have not found the place. There is a village called Nagpathar w. Patan, but it is too near the latter place. Perhaps it is the Nūrpūr between Barahmula and Patan mentioned in A. N. II. 102. Or it may be the Tapor of the maps, for in Persian writing n. and t. only differ by a dot.
↩Dr. Stein saw the remains of the Drāng or watch-tower in 1892. Here, apparently, was the stone gate through which Hiuen Tsiang passed.
↩See B. 257.
↩Badayūnī III. 59 has a long notice of him. He was a grandson of Ism'aīl Ṣafavī, and so was styled Ardabilī. It was Makhdumu-l-Mulk who drove him from Lahore.
↩Zād in text, but the variant Rai seems preferable.
↩This can hardly be the Kanisapura or Kanpur of Growse p. 28, for that is above Bārāhmūla. There is a Kānpūr marked on Stein's map a little below Bārahmūla.
↩See B. 302 where he is called Khwājah Çandal Cheleh. See also A. N. infra, p. 559, from which it appears that his tomb was west of Barahmūla and near Māhīpara.
↩Ḥakīm 'Alī was a young man, and, according to Badayūnī III. 167, he prescribed harīsa, a thick pottage, with fatal effects. Butin his history he says that Fatḥ Ullah insisted on eating the pottage in spite of Ḥakīm 'Alī's remonstrances. See B. 33 n.
↩Is this a reminiscence of conversations with Acquaviva and an allusion to St. Matthew xiii. 46?
↩Cf. Badayūnī, Lowe, 34. A picture of his shrine and its surroundings forms the frontispiece to Lawrence's work. See also p. 292 id., and Bates' Gazetteer 361. Saiyid 'Alī is the great saint of the valley, and is said to have been the chief agent in converting the inhabitants. See J. II. 355 and n. 4 and ed. 392 and n. 6. He belonged to the last quarter of the 14th century.
↩Probably the Kānelwār of Bates, as there is the variant Kānela. Kānelwār is the taḥsīl station of Dacīnpāra.
↩I think this must be Bhaniyār on right bank of Harpatkai river at its junction with the Jhelam. It is east of Urī and is famous for its temple. But it is on the left bank of the Jhelam.
↩ Dajan ◌
The Kokararmast of Elphinstone's
map. I.O. MS. 236 has Mast-Kūār.
Jahāngīr entered Kashmīr
by the Pakhlī route in the 15th year
of his reign, and gives an itinerary.
He mentions Kūārmast or Kūārmat
◌
It is Paipara in I.O. MS. 236.
↩ Such seems to be the meaning of
the text which has ◌
So in text, but Namakīn is the true reading. It was a nickname given him because he presented Akbar with a plate and cup made out of rock-salt. B. 470.
↩The Peliāsa of the maps. Stein 86 calls it Būlīāsa and identifies it with the ancient Bolyāsaka. It is six marches from Abbottabad. See also Tūzuk 292.
↩ Variant Pushang. There are
both a Pushang and a Mastang east
of Qandahar, J. II. 396, but neither
can be the country here spoken of.
I.O. MS. 236 appears to have Hainak
here and Shahbang lower down. B.M.
Add. MS. 27,247 has ◌
Perhaps the Naoshera of Stein's map, west of Būlīāsa and near Dopatta.
↩I.O. MS. 236 Parka.
↩B. 454 and 501. He was descended from Timūr's Qārlūqs. He is mentioned in the Tūzuk, p. 290. When Jahāngīr saw him (in 1619) he was 70 years old.
↩I.O. MS. 236 Sank ī. Add. 27,247 B.M. MS. has Sīkrī.
↩Shahbang in I.O. MS. 236.
↩Jahāngir, Tūzuk 291, says it was Maḥmūd of Ghaznī who called this river Nain Sukh, “The delight of the eyes.” It is also known as the Kunhār. See Panjab Gazetteer, Hazāra district, and Elliot VI. 372 and I.S. VIII. 365.
↩Sirās or Tirās in B.M. Add. 26,247. Name omitted in I.O. MS. 236. Perhaps it is the Batrassīgalī west of Garhi Ḥabībullah of the Hazāra Gaẓetteer, p. 138.
↩Perhaps Dodyal, 25 miles from Abbottabad.
↩B. 524 and Tūzuk 290. Dantūr or Dhantūr, the Dhamtaur of the map, lies on the right bank of the Dor near Naushahrah. It is some five miles east of Abbottabad.
↩See Elliot VI. 311 and note, which states that the tomb still exists.
↩The passage is obscure, but I think A. F. means that the loss of his friend nearly deprived him of the power of self-restraint. It withdrew the veil over action or conduct, i.e. laid bare his inmost feelings. Cf. the translation at p. 660 of the Darbār Akbarī. It has helped me to understand the passage. Faiẓī's verses were evidently inserted at a subsequent recension of the Akbarnama for they do not occur in B.M. Add. 27,247. There we have instead a few lines from Niẓāmī. In that MS., the date of Abdul Fatḥ's death is given as 19 Shawāl, after two watches of the day had passed. The corresponding A.D. date would be 21st August, 1589. In MS. B.M. 27,247 the wording of A.F.'s reflections is somewhat different. The words there are: “Ān rūz parda-i-kār as rūī-i-ao barkhāsta nazdīk būd ke ba khāristān-ṣūrat jazā khud kashān rafta.” “On that day the veil was removed, and I was nearly falling out with external things.” A. F.'s remark about Abul Fatḥ's not being really a subject of regret is paralleled by the concluding lines of Faiẓī's ode. This poem is finer than that on Kashmīr and shows real feeling. In the first book of A. F.'s letters, p. 43 of the Newal Kishore edition, there is a letter of Akbar to Ḥakīm Hamām, telling him of his brother's death. It is dated from the bank of the Indus, 28th Shawwāl 997 (30th August, 1589). It gives the date of the death as the day of Murdād 7th Shahrīyūr 34th year (night of Thursday 19th Shawwal 997).
↩The variant 88 poles is supported by I.O. MS. 236. This omits the quarter kos and makes the stage 4 1/2 kos, 88 poles.
↩Apparently it is Dastkārī in B.M. Add. MSS. 27,247. Perhaps it is the Dhamuk of Elliot VI. 308 n. 3.
↩B.M. MS. 27,247 has Kahwār. But khar seems the proper word.
↩Perhaps this is Mānikyāla, famous for its Buddhist tope. See I. G. IX. It seems that it was first described by Mountstuart Elphinistone in his book on Kabul. The text has ke aurang nishīn ast, “Which is a capital.” But Mānikyāla apparently never was a capital, and the reading of the two I.O. MSS. agrees with the B.M. MS., viz. Dilzāk nishīn. The Cawnpore ed. has “which is a remain of antiquity”—ke wa guzāsht peshīn ast If the place be really Mānikyāla, Akbar must have gone a good deal out of his way, for Manikyāla lies considerably to the east.
↩The text omits the words PīrSabz, but the variant gives these, and they occur in the I.O. MSS. Perhaps it is the Sawajpeer of the map, N. of Ḥasan Abdāl.
↩Apparently the I.O. MSS. have Aḥmadī. Perhaps however the Haroh is meant. B.M. MS. 27,247 seems to have Hardo. For the Haroh see I. G.
↩They had been at Rohtās, and B.M. MS. Add. 27,247 states that they came from there.
↩Ṣādiq K. and Shahbāz were on bad terms and so would avoid one another. But there is some confusion in the account and there are variations in the MSS. We are told here that Shahbāz was being brought by Mīr Murād to Attock. But a little above it is mentioned that Shahbāz had the happiness of doing homage at Attock two days before Ṣādiq. At p. 547 we see that Shahbāz had been escorted to Swād by Mīr Murād. I.O. MS. 235 and the Cawnpore ed. make Shahbāz go off quickly in order to avoid Sādiq. The text and I.O. MS. 236 make Ṣādiq go off quickly in order to avoid Shahbāz. Perhaps the Shahbāz first mentioned was not Shahbāz Kambhir. There was a Shahbāz K. who was Collector of Rewārī, III. 557, who apparently was not the Kambhū.
Paklī or Pakhlī is not mentioned in the I.G. It is called a Sarkār in the Āīn and is described at J. II. 390. This account is copied by Jahāngīr, Tūzuk 290, who entered Kashmīr by this route in the 14th year of his reign, 1619-20. See Elliot VI. 367-73. According to Ḥaidar Malik, it was he who suggested this route to the emperor, but it must have been well known to the Moghuls, as Akbar used it twice. Baron Hügel's statement that the Pakhlī route was not properly opened out till the 18th century, Stein 83 n., does not seem to be correct. Paklī now forms part of the Hazāra district and is frequently mentioned in the Hazāra Gazetteer. It is watered by the Sirān river. It is also shown in the curious map of Kashmīr prepared by Captain Gentil and published in Vol. III of Langlés' translation of Forster's Travels, Paris 1802. Forster travelled by Bāramūlah when leaving Kashmīr in June-July 1783. He must have followed Akbar's route for most of the way, for he too came out at Attock, but he did not go through Paklī on account of the evil reputation of the inhabitants. He went by Jiddun, which appears to be the Gudoon of the map, and is to the south of Banū. Elphinstone II. 8 speaks of the Judoon tribe as holding Dhantour, a narrow valley along the Door.
↩Nau ākhtan babārī būmīān. Bābari is properly bāīrī, and means old. It has nothing to do with Bābur or with the Bauboor tribe of Elphinstone II. 69. In B.M. MS. Add. 27,247 the motive given for visiting Kabul was to see the ancestral home.
↩B.M. MS. Add. 27,247 has 1 1/4 kos, 28 poles, and this is probably correct. This MS. has the advantage of always giving the Hijrī date as well as the Persian month and day. Here it says that Akbar crossed over on the last day of Shawwāl (997) (31st August, 1589). It also says that the bridge was placed above Attock. The same MS., which is evidently from an earlier recension, gives the stages of the journey through the Khaibar.
↩This sentence appears in a simpler form in B.M. MS. Add. 27,247. There it is said that “As the autumn of Kabul—which is equal to the spring of other countries—was at hand,” H.M. resolved to hasten on. Cf. J. II. 408 where A. F. speaks of the matchless beauty of the autumn in the Dāman-i-Koh.
↩The B.M. MS. above mentioned says Akbar started at the close of the day and travelled all night and up to the middle of next day. The date given is 8th Mihr = Saturday 19th Ẕī-l-q'ada = 19th September. On this occasion he travelled 13 1/2 kos, 40 bambus, and reached Bārik-Āb. Before he reached Jajdalak, Ḥakīm Ḥamām met him, having come on in advance of his companions on hearing of the death of his brother. They remained in Kabul.
↩These lines are also quoted by Badayūnī, Lowe 383.
↩'Abdullah conquered Khurāsan in 1589. His message is somewhat differently worded in Add. 27,247. After meeting Ḥakīm Ḥamām, Akbar started again at midnight and travelled 10 1/4 kos, 46 bambus, and reached Kabul on the day of Ābān 10th Mihr = Monday 21st Ẕī-l-qāada.
↩The T. Akbarī has 22 Ẕī-l-q'aada (3rd October). A F. has 10th Mihr (corresponding to 21st September).
↩ ◌
Shikār-i-tushqān ramā. But the I.O. MSS. show that the true reading is tūshqāwal, for which see Vol. I. 496, n. 3 of translation of A.N. Rama is Zama in I.O. MS. 236, and probably this is right, for Zama was a village N. Kabul. See A.N.I. 597, n. 2 (translation).
↩The birth took place in Kabul. Cf. Tūzuk J.8. The mother's title was Ṣāḥib Jamāl (Mistress of Beauty).
↩The T. A. Elliot, V. 458, states that Akbar arrived in the city of Kabul on 22 Ẕīl-q'aada 997 (3rd October, 1589) and that he stayed there two months. It adds that he left on 8 Muḥarram, but as this would make his stay only 1 1/2 months, 8 is probably a mistake for 20, which appears in the Newal Kishore ed. 20th Muḥarram 998 corresponds to 19th November 1598. A.F. says Akbar left the city on 4th Āẕar, which corresponds to 14th or 15th November, but on that day he only went to Safed Sang, in the onvirons. On the 10th Āẕar or 21st November he went to Begrām.
↩Sharīf was a great friend of Jahāngīr's. See B.517 and Price's Jahāngīr's Memoirs, 18; also the Tūzuk, Rogers' translation, p. 14, etc. The story is more fully told in the Iqbālnāma, which says that on the march a man came and complained that a camp follower had dishonoured his daughter. An inquiry was held, and the man was executed. Sharīf, who was the cause of the crime, was beaten with the hand (?), and put in prison. He became Amīr-ul-Umarā under Jahāngīr.
↩Bar gufta khud natanīda.—Literally, “had not twisted things to his own speech.”
↩A. F.'s character of Todar Mal should be compared with B. 32 note, and 351, with the Maaṯiru-l-Umarā II. 123, and the Darbār Akbarī 519. The Maaṯir, p. 127 l.c., says Aurangzīb stated that he had heard from his father that Akbar admired Todar Mal's abilities, but objected to his self-confidence. Shah Jahan also stated that A.F. disliked Todar Mal, and tried to injure him. Badayūnī's amusing verses about Todar Mal's death have been well translated by Mr. Lowe, p. 383.
↩It appears from Mrs. Rijnhart's book on Tibet that it is a practice with the Tibetans to pick up firewood on the march, and put it into their gowns.
↩13th Āẕar would be about 24th November, 1589, or 25th Muharam, 998. For a discussion of the question of who translated Bābur's Memoirs see Asiatic Quarterly, July and October, 1900. The Darbār Akbarī 642 ridicules the idea that Abdu-r-Raḥīm personally translated the Memoirs.
↩That is, the adopted son. It appears from the Iqbālnāma that he was really Bhagwān's brother's son.
↩This refers to p. 537 where we are told that Qulīj K. was put in charge of Lahore along with the two Rajahs. This was contrary to the usual practice of only leaving two officers in charge, and the change is attributed by A. F. to Akbar's premonition that they would die.
↩There are several names of places in this paragraph which I cannot identify. Gandamak of course is well known.
↩ The 'Arab (◌
B. 542. He was a physician, and belonged to Herat.
↩Marked on the maps as Neemla, east of Gandamak. There is, or was, a garden here. “From Kuju we passed through the garden of Neemla to Gundamuk. This royal garden was in good order, and we halted to admire it. Cypress trees alternate with the chinar or plane; all of them reaching to the height of 100 feet, and, aṣ the Persian verse has it, “holding each other by the hand and rivalling each other in beauty.” Burnes' Cabool, 1842, p. 135. A Nimlah is mentioned, B. 57, as a place from which rice was obtained.
↩Apparently, the hunting-ground was north of the Kabul river. That river would form one side of the enclosure, and perhaps the Surkh Āb would be another.
↩See Badayūnī, Lowe, 366 and B. 313, 380. The man was an impostor, and ended by murdering Qāsim K. See Maaṯiru-l-Umarā III. 65 and A. N. III. 576 and 652.
↩The Jūībārī Khwājas according to M. Schefer form one of the two branches of the Khwājās. See Ney Elias' Khojas, J.A.S.B. for 1897, Supplement.
↩But see Badayūnī, Lowe, 364. The Iqbālnāma speaks of him under the 35th year and says he hailed from Mashhad. B.M. M.S. Add. 27,247 calls him s. Mullā Quṭbū-d-dīn Jalgū.
↩Badayūnī says he spitefully laid Mālwa waste when it was taken from him.
↩There are various readings. See B. 477 n. 2. In Price's Jahangir, 20, the lady's father is called Darya Komm and described as a powerful Rajah at the foot of the Lahore mountains. The child only lived seven months.
↩Basir shud. Perhaps became exhausted. There is the variant tand shud, i.e. galloped off. Basir shud means “came to an end, died.” Here it probably means “fell on his head,” i.e. stumbled. This is shown by the expression in the Iqbālnāma “Iskandarī khūrda, i.e. tripped.
↩B. 544. Text has Miṯr, but the word should be Mishar, and represents a Brahman family. Bhīm is Pīm in text.
↩A.F.'s father, and presumably his mother also, came to Lahore in May, 1586. She belonged to a Quraysh family and apparently was a daughter or other near relative of Mīr Rafīu-ud-dīn Ṣafavī of Īj. Cf. B. XVI and J. III. 446. A. F. does not give her name. Blochmann quotes Akbar's remark to A. F. and puts the original in a note, probably because he did not feel quite certain of the meaning. It is certainly an obscure sentence, the difficulty lying in the expression jiz eké. B. renders this “only once,” which seems to give no meaning. His translation, which is evidently intended to be a free rendering, is: “If the people of the world lived for ever, and did not only once die, kind friends would not be required to direct their hearts to trust in God and resignation to His Will; but no one lives long in the caravanserai of the world, and hence the afflicted do well to accept consolation.” I conceive the meaning to be: “If permanence were the general lot, and your mother's death an exception, then there would be no means of consoling you, but since all must die, why subject yourself to the reproach of impatience?” “The M'aaṯur merely quotes the words II. 610 and gives no explanation, but I am glad to see that the author of the Darbār Akbarī, p 470, takes the same view as I do of the jiz eké, rendering it “ek ke sawā,” though he renders the next clause differently, making it to mean “even then the friends would have no remedy but resignation.” Possibly jiz eké should be jizagī and the meaning be “if a portion did not die.”
↩Text Rahnās.
↩The making of two bridges is referred to again at p. 575, line 5. Hīlān is a ferry on the Jhelam. See B. 127 and note, and also 360.
↩Perhaps Malūl Rūi, i.e. “Sulky,” is not the elephant's name, but refers to his disposition.
↩Bar farāz-i-ān barāmid. Perhaps this means, Came on to the neck of the female elephant. It is supposed that no elephant, however mast, will attack a female.
↩The Rājputs made a disturbance. See Maaṯir II. 607, second last line, and A. N. III. 577.
↩Ghulām. Possibly the meaning is that his name was Ghulām. The elephant was ashamed at his driver's telling a lie!
↩It seems to me that the text is wrongly pointed. According to it the meaning is that many Uzbegs joined M. Zamān to defeat 'Abdu-l-Mūmin.
↩As pointed out by B., Mān Singh's exploits are recorded by Stewart. See his “Hist. of Bengal,” ed. 1813, pp. 180-91. Stewart speaks of Jagat Singh's going to Jessore, I know not on what authority. Apparently it is a mistake for Tājpūr.
↩The Maaṯir II. 162 has Ranpat Cerūh.
↩B. 480. He was s. Khān Kilān.
↩ 26th Farwardīn 998 corresponds
to about 6th April, 1590. I believe
the Padre in question to be Leon
Grimon who was a sub-deacon of the
Greek Church. Perhaps A. F. wrote
◌
In Alwār, the Bīrāt or Parāt of J. II, 191. The Iqbālnāma calls it Bīrāt and says it has a copper-mine.
↩Presumably not Shahbāz K. Kambhū.
↩The Iqbālnāma, apparently, calls him Dīpaya, and says he was related to Nāẓir Daulat.
↩See B. 493 and 622, and A. N. III. 472. He had behaved badly when the Khān Khānān was marching to Gujarāt. His son Pahār was executed by Jahangir for matricide. Tūzuk translation, I. 353, and also Errata, do., p. 453.
↩The Iqbālnāma says the prince was made over to Zain K.'s mother who had been Akbar's nurse. Parvīz's mother was Zain K.'s cousin.
↩The name of this daughter is not given. A sister was born in the 37th year and called S'aīda Bānū Begam. Altogether Daniel had four daughters, A. N. III. 837.
↩This is Sulṭan Husain.
↩This is Ḥusain Beg S. Umarī. He was afterwards cruelly put to death by Jahāngīr.
↩The Sultan Husain of Pāklī.
↩Akbar refers to this in his letter to 'Abdullah, infra, p. 706. A note to the Newal Kishore ed. of A. F.'s letters says that Akbar had the messenger drowned because the letter asked for Akbar's daughter in marriage. Neither A. F. nor the Iqbālnāma says this, but the latter while stating that 'Abdu-l-Mūmin demanded the surrender of the Aimāqs who had fled, with their families, to Akbar on account of 'Abdu-l-Mūmin's tyranny (Akbar had sent them to Paklī with Ḥusain S. Umar), adds that the letter contained other improper things, and that perhaps the drowning was in accordance with an intimation from Akbar and was just. I am not sure if the author means to suggest that Akbar had the messenger drowned, or that it was a miraculous intervention in accordance with the secret desire of Akbar. Probably it was an act of insolence for 'Abdu-l-Mūmin to write direct to Akbar, instead of through his father. See also infra 583, last paragraph. Yet Akbar received an embassy from Khudābanda the Governor of Khurāsān during Ṭahmāsp's lifetime. B. M. MS. 27. 257 gives an abstract of a letter of Akbar's to 'Abdullah in which he says that his court was the asylum of the world, and that he could not surrender any one who took shelter there. As for the proposal of marriage story, it is not likely that 'Abdu-l-Mūmin would make it in a letter in which he was asking for the return of fugitives. Probably the other improper things referred to in the Iqbālnāma were complaints of Akbar's supporting M. Zamān.
↩The text has a negative barnatābid, but this is surely wrong.
↩Add. 27,247 says 16 Tīr = Sunday 4 Ramaẓān. This would be 27th June 1590. It adds that the execution took place in Srīnagar and by Akbar's orders, and that the heads were sent to court. There were four men executed.
↩This is Qāẓī 'Alī Bagdādī, the settlement officer of Kashmīr.
↩B. 508. He was father of Nūr Jahān and is better known as 'Itimādu-d-daula.
↩23 Amardād = 1st or 2nd August, 1590. The date however is doubtful. There is the variant 28th and I.O. MS. has hashtam, 8th. This looks more likely to be correct as shortly below we have the 13th mentioned. But hashtam is written very like bīstam, and perhaps this is the true date as L'Art de verifier les dates says there was an annular eclipse of the sun on 31st July, 1590. The account of the affair is differently worded in Add. 27,247. It is there said that some days previously Akbar said it would be good if rain came at the time of the eclipse, and hid it. So A. F. was ordered to assemble the Brahmans and see if they could bring about the rain. They could do nothing. Half an hour before the eclipse, clouds gathered. Akbar remarked that perhaps this occurred in order to save the astronomers' credit as in spite of the clouds the sun was still bright. Apparently this alludes to the fact that the eclipse was not total, and the darkness not complete. This MS. does not give any date for the eclipse.
↩'Abdu-r-Raḥman was then 20. He had a son, Bishotan, by S'aādat Yār's niece.
↩This paragraph is translated in Elliot VI. 85.
↩In Hūglī district, on the Dhālkishor.
↩Perhaps the Raipūr of J. II. 112 in the Sarkār of Jalesar. It is described as having a strong fort.
↩In the Bankura district.
↩See Price's Jahangir, 20. The child only lived two months. Her mother is there called Bībī Karnutty.
↩Died in twelve months. Her mother was Jagat Gosain, i.e. Jodh Bāī.
↩Akbar was then at Lahore. His mother had left Fatḥpūr some months previously, to see her son, and also in hopes of seeing Kashmīr. Gulbadan Begum was with her. But hearing that her son was marching to Kabul she went there and they met at Begrām (in Afghanistan). Akbarnāma III. 568. No doubt she accompanied him to Lahore.
↩B. 543. He was Murād's physician.
↩B. 468. The verse is from Ḥāfiẓ.
↩I am not sure if the meaning is that the letter was written when he was made Khān-Khānān, or simply that when A. F. wrote to him he was to tell him so and so. Īrij must have been born long before 998 for in the 40th year he was made a commander. Qāran is not mentioned by B. or in the Maaṣīr. The Khan-Khānān had four sons, but he survived them all.
↩B. 477, note.
↩The date given on B.M. MS. 27, 247 is 18 Ābān and Sunday 3 Muḥarram 999. This is equal to 22nd October, 1590. The same MS. calls Y'aqūb's brother lbrāhīm and says the attempt at escape took place near Māhimpūr (or perhaps it is Yāhirpur and in the pargana of Niẓāmābād). This is a pargana in Jaunpūr J. II. 164 and is mentioned in Badayūnī, Lowe 85 as a place where Akbar was once weighed. The Iqbālnāma says that Hasan Beg recovered from his wounds and that he conveyed Y'aqūb in chains to Rajah Mān Singh. According to the author of a history of Kashmir B.M. MS. Add. 24,029 Yāqūb was eventually poisoned by Akbar who sent him a poisoned robe. See Rieu Catalogue I. 300. The story told in MS. 24,029 and referred to by Rieu is that Akbar was prejudiced against Y'aqūb by his courtiers so he sent him to Allahabad to assist in putting down a rebellious zamindar. At the same time he instructed his generals to cut off Y'aqūb's head as soon as he had finished the business of the zamindar. Y'aqūb behaved with great valour, crossed a river which Akbar's generals had been unable to cross from want of boats, challenged the landholder to a duel, took him off his elephant, and brought him in a prisoner. The general reported Yāqūb's bravery, and as he felt unwilling to kill so brave a man, he referred to Akbar for further orders, thereupon Akbar sent a poisoned robe of honour which killed Y'aqūb as soon as he put it on. But Rafi'u-d-dīn the author admits that there is another version, according to which Y'aqūb died a natural death, and he concludes with a “God knows which is the truth.” See MS. 126b etc.
↩ It is Dat ◌
See above, p. 581.
↩Text Nepāl, but the variant Bathān seems nearly right. The place meant seems to be Pathānkot. It is Pathān on I. O. MS. 236 and in the M'aaṣir II. 367.
↩A Simla hill state. J. II. 325.
↩In the Bārī Doāb Sarkār, J. II. 319.
↩Apparently the text is corrupt. Jeswāl appears from the MSS. to be a Raja's title and not the name of a country. The Iqbālnāma has Rajah Sirinjānwal.
↩Apparently this should be Bhīka.
↩A Gwālyār in the Bārī Doāb. J. II. 319.
↩Dahwāl in the M'āasir Umari.
↩Sīha in text. J. II. 317.
↩Jasrota is an extinct principality in Kāshmīr. I. G. VII. 147. It lies on the south of the province of Jammū, and on r. bank tributary of Rāvī.
↩B. 345 has Lakhinpūr, but perhaps Lakhnūr, J. II. 321, is meant.
↩Sharkat in Bijnaur, I. G. XII. 380?
↩Haskanat in text. It is the Sakhat-Mandaewī of J. II. 317. See I. G. under Sukat and Mandī. They are hill-states.
↩Mulawariya (?) in I.G. 236. No. 235 has Talwāriah, from Talwārah in the Bārī Doāb. The M'aaṯir II. 367 has Balāwrih. See Balāwarah. J. II. 320.
↩Bhannī in text. It is Dhamrī in I.O. MSS.
The Iqbālnama also gives a list of the Rajahs. Some of the names are very doubtful.
↩He repaired and reopened Fīrūz Shāh's Canal. See B. 332 and S. Aḥmad's Aṯār Sanādīd, p. 3 of Part III, and I. G. S. V. Jumma Canal, XIV. 234. See also Badayūnī, Lowe 386. His wife Bāba Agha or Māmā Aghā was related to Mirīām Mahani and died in 1005 A.H., 1597. See A. N. III. 716.
↩B. 516. He was a Khawāfī.
↩He was kept in prison for three years, not being released till the end of 1001, August 1593. Elliot V. 467. The Iqbālnāma says his fault was partly his unruly tongue. Jahāngīr describes him as foulmouthed. The sentence about his having given up Kālpī seems obscure. The Persian is bāz guzāsht. Perhaps it means “he went to Kālpī.” But probably it means that he had given up, or transferred, Kālpī to somebody else, for at p. 585 we find that Kālpī was in the fief of Qāsīm 'Alī. There is a somewhat different reading in I.O. MS. 236, and perhaps the meaning is that Kālpī was taken from him on account of his avarice. But I do not think this is the meaning. B.M. MS. Add. 27,247 has also a different reading. Apparently, what it says is that Shahbāz gave away Kālpī.
↩A variant contains the clause that the assistance would benefit the Persians.
↩The list is a very long one, and Niẓāmu-d-din, Elliot V. 459, judiciously remarks that the names of the officers are too numerous to record. The Bakhshi was his father. It seems from the T. A. and Badayūnī and from Faiẓī's chronogram that Tatta was the main object of the expedition. M'aṣūm Bhakkarī is the well-known author. B.M. M.S. 27,247 gives the Muḥammadan date of the expedition as 17 Rabi-al-awwal 999, corresponding to 3rd or 4th January, 1590.
↩Apparently the Biluchīs are meant. The Khān-khānān never got to Qandahar. See infra, p. 601. According to B.M. Add. 27,247, it was the Biluchīs who were to join the army.
↩These lines are from Ḥāfiẓ, but the quotation is not exact. They are the 4th and 5th stanzas of ode 104 in Bicknell.
↩This corresponds to 19 April 1591 and 5 Rajab 999 which was the anniversary of Akbar's birthday. The B.M. MS. adds that Akbar was now fifty years of age, and that the writer hopes he will live for 150 years.
↩This passage does not occur in the Cawnpore edition, and only occurs in a mutilated form in I.O. MS. 235. It occurs in full in MS. No. 236. The B.M. MS. Add. 27,247 ascribes A.F.'s cure to the benign influence of Akbar. The illness began on 4 Bahman, the day of Shahriyūr of the preceding year.
↩The reading is a little doubtful. The text has ba āīn-i-sipāh while I.O. 236 has basipāh.
↩B. 491 and Badayūnī III. 165. Even he has a good word for this physician. His death is described infra, p. 783. See also Darbār Akbarī 713. B.M. MS. Add. 27,247 adds line 13 from bottom of page 395a, the statement that the Ḥakīm had been imprisoned on his way from the Deccan by Amīn K Ghorī of Jūnagarh. At p. 393a the same MS. gives a statement of Ḥakīm Miṣrī and others of the revenues of the various rulers of the Deccan. It is stated there that the Deccani dām is equal to eight tankas of Hindustan. The revenue of Khāndesh is given as 2 1/2 krors = 40 krors of dāms; that of Aḥmadnagar as 9 krors of tankas equal to one arb 44 krors of dāms; Bijāpur's revenue is 12 krors of tankas = one arb 92 krors of dāms; that of Golconda is 3 1/2 krors of tankas = 56 krors of dāms.
↩This paragraph is translated in Elliot VI. 87.
↩B.M. MS. Add. 27,247 states that a report came from Mālwa, from Jamālu-d-din Ḥusain Anjū, on 26 Rabī'-ul-awwal, that Shihābu-d-dīn had died in Ujjain on the day of Dai ba Mihr of the 11th Divine month equal to 8 Rabī'-ul-awwal (January 1590). It says Muḥibb 'Alī Khwāfi was appointed in his room. The same place records that an elephant called Behūl Nigār had killed another elephant.
↩bardāshta. This sometimes means “to defeat,” as at III. 98, line 11, and it has been so translated by Dowson, Elliot VI. 87. But the context shows that the meaning is that Jamāl took Ismāīl with him. B.M. MS. Add. 27,247 also shows that this is the meaning here, for it says that Jamāl made Ism'aīl an instrument of strife-mongering. The account of Burhān's expedition is in this MS. different from Bib. Ind. text, and is more detailed. It says that Jamāl defeated 'Ādil K. at Dhārasūr in Bījāpūr.
↩Fardāpūr is a village near the Ajanta caves, and is used as a starting point by visitors to them. Ferishta does not mention Fardāpūr in his account of Burhān-al-Mulk. He says Jamāl tried to march through the Ghāt Rohangīr Pass, and that when he found it closed, he went by a more difficult route. He dates the battle 13 Rajab 999 (27 April 1591) which corresponds to A. F.'s 17 Ardībihisht. B.M. MS. Add. 27,247 calls the place Farīdābād, and gives the date of Jamāl's defeat as the day of Sarosh 17 Ardībihisht (Tuesday, 13 Rajab). The expression of Rajah 'Ali keeping Burhān and the Berar officers apart from one another, is explained by this MS. which says that Rajah 'Alī got hold of a letter of the Berar officers which said that they would desert Burhan on the day of battle. It also says that after the battle Ṣuhail the eunuch conveyed Ismāīl to a fort, and that Burhān entered Aḥmadnagar on 20 Sh'abān or 3 Khurdād (3rd June 1591).
↩This is made a new chapter in I.O.MS. 236 and is so also in a variant noted in the Bib. Ind. ed.
↩Text Rūmlū, but at pp. 656 and 705 he is called Shāmlū, and that this is correct is shown by B.M. MS. Add. 27,247 and by the Iqbālnāma. Perhaps this is the ambassador to whom Akbar refers as about to arrive, in his letter to 'Abdullah, p. 499.
↩Text kahn sāl-i-nau khirad. The word nau is curious, ut I think it means that the ambassador though old had a fresh and vigorous understanding. B.M. MS. Add. 27,247 has mard kahn, khirad dost “an old man who loved wisdom.” The same MS. gives the Ḥijra date of the ambassador's reception 3 Sh'abān, 17 May 1591. The long digression about the Ṣafwī dynasty is not given in this MS. Here it may be remarked with reference to the note to Mr Oliver's paper J.A.S.B. for 1887, p. 37, that though the dynasty took its name from Ṣafī-u-dīn, yet their followers are often called Ṣūfis in MSS.
↩There is a full account of the early history of the Ṣafavī family in the Habību-s-Siyar, 4th part of 3rd vol. See also the 'Ālam Ārāī.
↩See D'Herbelot s. v. Moussa Bin Giafar Ṣādik. He died at Bagdad on 183 A.H. or 799 A.D., and is the father of the Imām Rezā whose shrine is at Mashhad.
↩The Habību-s-Siyar has Zangīn.
↩The word appears to be Hiliyagirān in the MSS. It is perhaps the Kelheran of Olearius's Travels (Davies's translation), p. 244, which is described as a league and a half from Ardabīl and as the site of the tomb of S. Safī's father; Olearius 374 calls Zāhid S. Sahadī.
↩The Ḥabību-s-Siyar says her name was Fāṭima.
↩The proper spelling seems to be Nikalū. The Rustāq are not mentioned in Malcolm. The text has Qarācār, but Qājār is right.
↩S. Sufī's name has nothing to do with Ṣūfism, but apparently A. F. connects the two words. Perhaps the Ṣafavī dynasty sought to do this.
↩Olearius calls her Martha and says she was the daughter of Despina the daughter of John King of Trebizond.
↩Should be 10. Ṭahmasp was born on 22 February 1514, and succeeded his father on 24 May 1524, but according to the lunar calendar he was eleven, viz. from 919-30.
↩Text has Rozābād, but I.O. MS. 236 has Zorābād. The battle was fought on 10 Moḥarram 935 = 27 August 1528. See Mr. Oliver's paper, J.A.S.B. for 1887, p. 41.
↩He was the ruler of Gīlān. See above, p. 144.
↩Ṭahmāsp's conduct in this matter is described in Malcolm's History of Persia, ed. 1829, I, p. 332. It is there stated that Bayāzīd was at first kindly received, but that he and his servants behaved badly, and so Ṭahmāsp gave him up to his father Sulaimān. It seems certain that Ṭahmāsp behaved badly, and his own Memoirs, and the account in the 'Ālam Ārāī, do not clear him. The story that Bāyazīd tried to poison Ṭahmasp is ridiculous.
↩15 Ṣafr 984. 'Ālam Ārāī, p. 94.
↩The text seems corrupt. The variant Ṯūfīyān is supported by the I.O. MSS. Instead of dar maḥfil-i-shāhī these MSS. have dar mātam shāhī “during the royal mourning.” Apparently, the meaning is that the story about Ḥaidar's having brought about his father's death is corroborated by the fact that the Ṣūfīs, i.e. the followers or devotees of the dynasty, put to death the physician during the public mourning— presumably because they thought he had, at Ḥaidar's suggestion, poisoned his master. The title of the physician's father Ṣadr-i-sharīya' signifies chancellor or chief ecclesiastical judge. Olearius, p. 367, says the ecclesiastical judges are called Shahru. The text of the next clause is corrupt. As there given it seems to say that Sulṭān Ibrāhīm poisoned Ṭahmāsp. The real meaning is that some people said that Sultan Ibrāhim (a son of Ṭamāsp's brother Bahram) got up the story about the physician on account of a private quarrel he had with him. The variant to the text clears the matter a little, but the az dushmanī-i-ān ba tang amida there should apparently be az dushmanī-i-ān pizishk “out of enmity with that physician.” This is the reading of I.O. MS. 235.
↩Cf. Olearius, who says Ḥaidar, who was only 17, put the crown on his head, and presented himself before his father who was then near his death.
↩This seems the meaning of the phrase yāzish namīrdand.
↩His maternal uncle. He was a Circassian or Georgian. See Price's Jahangir, p. 72. The Masṭafa M. who tried to release Ḥaidar was his brother. Sham Khāl was put to death. 'Ālam Ārāī, 162.
↩So in text, but the preposition az does not occur in the I.O. MSS. and is probably wrong. Ṭahmāsp apparently left more than six sons. According to Olearius he had eleven. The 'Ālam Ārāī, p. 95, says Ṭahmāsp left nine sons and eight daughters, p. 102. What A. F. means, I think, is that Ism'aīl killed six of his brothers. The text only mentions four or almost five, but then it omits one—Sulṭān Maṣtafa, who was killed by Ism'aīl and who is mentioned in both the I.O. MSS. and in Price's Jahāngīr, 72. I.O. MSS. 235 mentions six.
↩'Ālam Ārāī, p. 96. He was 18 when his grandfather died.
↩She is mentioned in the 'Ālām Ārāī, p. 160. She was a capable woman and probably the real contest was between her and her sister-in-law Parī Khānim. The 'Ālam Ārāī notices her death, p. 179, etc. She apparently instigated her husband to put Pari Khanim to death. In the 'Ālam Ārāī, 180, she is called Khairu-n-nisā. Both she and her mother were put to death by the discontented officers, do. 182.
↩His biography is given in Maaṯir-ul-Umra, III. 423.
↩Khudābanda's Vizier. For account of his death, see 'Ālam Ārāī, 210.
↩Perhaps Turkān is a mistake for Turkoman.
↩'Ālam Ārāī, 241.
↩Text dalāl, a broker, but the variant dallāk, a barber, seems right. Olearius 347 mentions the barber story, but assigns it to Ism'aīl. He says Ḥamza was killed by some men who were disguised as women, and he represents this as occurring after Khudābanda's death.
↩So in text, but Muḥammad seems the correct spelling, and occurs in the MSS. The person meant is 'Ābbās's father Khhudābanda.
↩'Abdullah did not die till 1597, 6 February = 2 Rajab 1006.
↩Pīlānī is, I think, used elsewhere in the A. N. to mean elephants. It may, however, mean a single, large elephant. It appears from a report by Sarmadi Bakhshi, p. 414a of B.M. Add. 27,247, that 106 elephants were obtained in Orissa. It is also said that the Afghans were to send 300.
↩(Satr Sāl).
↩See Bayley's Gujarat 55 and note. He is called there the ruler of Girnān. The Iqbālnāma calls him Rajah Khengār. See J. II. 249, n. 2.
↩The Veirumgaon of Bayley's map. W. Aḥmadabād.
↩This obscure passage becomes clearer in the Iqbālnāma. It was this advance force which indulged in foolish negotiations.
↩Text karohī “kos,” but the true reading is gurohī. See the T. A. which has seven bodies (fauj).
↩This is M. Koka's son. B. 328.
↩B. 485. He was brother of Akbar's teacher.
↩Tex qaral. The MSS. have Qizil, and this seems right, as Qizil occurs at p. 767.
↩MS. No. 235 MS. Sayyid Qāsim Bārha.
↩So in text, but the MSS. have the name Anwar instead of the word hazār (1000), and the account in the Iqbālnāma shows that Anwar is right. Anwar is for M. Anwar, the son of the Kokaltāsh : see Blochmann 328 and 475. 1600 seems too large a figure for the altamsh and is reduced in MSS. to 600 or 300. Anwar is no doubt the M. Nour of Price's Jahāngīr, 42, who was put to death for a murder. In B.M. MS. Add. 27,247, the name is written Nūr.
↩Sīyah āb “Blackwater.” Perhaps the Ran of Cutch is meant, but most probably it is the name of a river. The K. A'ẓim was marching along the south side of the Ran. Perhaps the Siyah āb is a name of the Sabarmatī.
↩The B.M. M.S. Add. 27,247 distinctly states that it was the enemy who attacked.
↩That is, they got ahead of the altamsh.
↩It appears from the Iqbālnāma that this is Khwāja Muḥammad Ḥusain who afterwards died of his wounds.
↩The fifteen who also fell were apparently related to Khwāja Rafī? For S. Kabīr see B. 519, note. His father Mukammal Khān of Gujarat translated a work on Astronomy for Akbar. B. 105.
↩The middle part of a sword is called its heart (dil).
↩Brother's son of Abū Turāb.
↩Cf. J. III. 8, end of 1st para. The Iqbālnāma adds “girt up their trowsers (fautahā) and stood like Alexander's rampart.” Cf. Elliot I. App. 535.
↩ 28th Amardād = 8th August,
1591. The battle is described by
Niẓamud-dīn, Elliot V. 459, and by
Badayūnī, Lowe 385. It is not correct
to say that it had no results, for
it was followed by the surrender of
Jūnagarh, etc. See Elliot V. 461 and
the Maaṯir U.I. 683. The date of the
victory is said to be 6th Shawāl 999
= about 18th July, 1591. The T. A.
and Badayūnī make it 998, but
Faiẓī's chronogram and A. F.'s
statement show that it should be 999.
According to I.O. MS. 235, M.
Koka's force amounted to 8000 men,
and the enemy's to 17,000. I.O. MS.
236 has 8900 for M. Koka's force
and 21,000 for the enemy's. The
Cawnpore edition has 8900 for M.
Koka's force, and 17,000 for the
enemy's. I think that we may take
8900 to be the number of M. Kokā's
men and 21,000 as that of the foe.
The latter number agrees with
Niẓāmu-d-dīn's statement that the
enemy had about 20,000 horse. The
reduction from 30,000 to 21,000 is
not inconsistent with A. F.'s first
statement, for he says that many of
the rebels left when M. Koka made
the forward movement towards their
homes. Though the authorities
speak of M. Koka's arranging his
force in seven bodies, A. F. mentions
eight. Horn's Das Heer und
Kriegs wesen der Gross Moghuls,
Leyden, 1894, pp. 65 etc., and also
113, has some interesting remarks on
this battle. The MS. Add. 27,247
says M. Koka held a review (shān)
and that he found the number of
his men was 9000. The total of the
figures given in the MS. for the
enemy seems to be 17,000. It says
the day first fixed for the battle was
the Īzān (also called Anīrān), that is,
the 30th day of the month (of Tīr)
and which corresponded to Monday
the 'Īd of the Ramẓān=13th July,
1591. It gives 600 as the number of
the altmash, and calls the Jām's son
Aca. The actual day of the battle it
gives as 4th Amardād or 6th Shawāl
(18th July). Instead of Sīah āb,
black river, it seems to have ◌
Text Barṭuṭa, and there is the variant Harṭūṭa, but it appears from B.M. MS. 27,247 that the man's name was Ṭoṭa and that he was a Khatrī, and that bar is the preposition. Qāẓī Nūr Ullah is apparently the author of the Majalisa-l-Mūmīnān who was afterwards flogged to death by Jahāngīr's orders on account of his Shiism. See Rieu Cat. I. 337a, and Badayūnī III. 137, who praises Nūr Ullah in spite of his being a Shia! It has been stated above, p. 549, that Akbar on his visit to Kashmīr raised the revenue from 20 to 22 lakhs. The paragraph is rather obscure. I think the words u Daryāft-i-hamwāra bar gasht must be a phrase meaning that everything would be ascertained by a local investigation. It seems as if the author of the Iqbālnāma so understood them, for he says that the clerk (Ṭoṭa) said that the truth would be ascertained if an Amīn were sent. Qāẓī Nūr Ullah retreated in time, but Qāẓī 'Alī was killed by the Kashmīris. The subject is referred to by Blochmann at p. 346, but apparently he has taken his account from the Maaṯir III. 315 and not directly from the A. N.
↩Possibly the rendering should be “A pearl of eloquence has dropped.” But it appears from B. 571 that 'Urfī spoke of his standing before a door, etc. Possibly there is a pun in the remark about self-love, and dar khud may mean both “in himself” and “his own door.”
↩Cf. B. 571, “Not a grain, etc.” The translation is Mr. Lowe's, 387. B. 569 says 'Urfī died in Lahore in Shawwāl 999. Badayūnī has a notice of 'Urfī III. 285. See also Khāfī K. I. 200 where two witticisms of 'Urfī at Faiẓī's expense are recorded. His real name according to B. was Khwaja Sayyadī, though Beale says it was Jamālu-d-dīn. His poetry appears to have been translated by Maulvi'Abdu-s-Salām. See Rieu, Cat. 667a, for an account of 'Urfī.
↩See translation 1. 131. She was one of Akbar's wet-nurses.
↩Sher Beg Yasawaltāshī B. 515.
↩Perhaps No. 277 of B. 497. B.M. MS. Add. 27,247 calls Karam Sulṭān Beg.
↩Should be Dīpālpūr. It is the Dīpālpūr Lakhī of J. II. 332 and Qanūla appears to be the Qabūlah there mentioned.
↩The Khān-Khānān had Multan as his fief.
↩See B. xxxv and for Bishotan id. xxxvi.
↩B. 402, and Badayūnī, Lowe 387. He was very wealthy. Add. 28,247 gives the Hijra date as 7 Ẕī-l-Q'ada.
↩The meaning is obscurely expressed in the text, and I have been obliged to paraphrase A. F.'s expressions. A. F. speaks in another place of the people of Agra being very difficult to manage. Ibrāhīm Cistī accumulated an immense fortune during his governorship, and the most of it went into the government coffers. The expression bar guẕrānd seems identical with the words bar guẕārand on the next page, line eleven.
↩Cf. Badayūnī, Lowe, 389-90, and Elliot V. 460. B.M. M.S. Add. 27,247 gives copies of the firmāns (see that MS., pp. 398b and 400) to Rajah 'Alī and Burhān. Apparently these also occur in the Inshā, Book I.
↩These were Uzbegs who had left 'Abdullah K. See B. 455 and 519. Their fate is recorded below, p. 600. Add. 27,247 mentions three sons, Qambarī, Shādī and Pīrū (?). They and their father had gone to the Deccan and joined Burhānu-l-Mulk without obtaining leave from Akbar.
↩Elliot V. 460 gives 23 Ẕī-l-ḥajja as the date, but the Newal K. ed. gives 8th and Badayūnī, Lowe, 391, has 12th. The 8th would correspond to 18th September, 1591. The Iqbālnāma says Murād was also made a commander of 8,000. B.M. MS. 27,247 gives 9th Zi-l-ḥajja as the date when Murād was sent.
↩Referring, apparently, to the two recording angels who attend every man. One records his good actions, and the other his evil deeds. See Hughes' Dict. of Islam, article, Angels.
↩The passage is obscure, but apparently the meaning is that the devotee is always engaged in worship, while the layman is necessarily subject to interruptions.
↩The text here differs from the MSS., but they too are not very intelligible.
↩That is, do not expect more from an ordinary man than he can do.
↩This sentence is obscure and there are different readings in the MSS. Perhaps, instead of khirad “wisdom” we should read khūd, and the reference may be to the oriental proverb that every thing returns to its original. The word bachīra “at the end” occurs in the Lucknow ed. and in a MS. of my own.
↩The text has bāda, wine, but some MSS. have pāra, money. The words in text are be khāwish-i-bāda-i-buzurgī farokhtan, “without the desire of selling the wine of greatness” (?). Apparently, what is meant is that they are not to be accessible to bribes. Badayūnī, Lowe, 391-92, has a sarcastic account of Prince Murād's administration of Mālwa. The Prince was then under twenty-one years of age. No doubt he was preferred to his elder brother on account of the latter's drunken habits. The MS. Add. 27,247 gives a very long Wājibu-l-'Arẓ or Petition of the prince to his father, asking for instructions in the performance of his duties. To each item of his queries is appended Akbar's order thereon. Each of these is headed ḥukm shud. In the same MS. A.F. describes how after Akbar had given directions to the prince, A.F. was sent next day to give verbal instructions, and to receive his applications for orders. Murād asks a great many questions. He begins by saying that he dreads the separation from his father, and says he would have liked to remain near him as his ewer-bearer. He fears he may be attacked by enemies in his absence and that he may be accused of hypocrisy. He asks how he is to act with regard to kornish, how he is to check drunkenness among his followers, how he is to regulate his time of sleep, etc. He begs that two persons, whom he names, may be allowed to accompany him. Akbar replies that one of them will be sent, but that the wife of the other man objects to his going, and that until she can be persuaded to let him go, he cannot be sent. Murād asks about amusements, and about days of fasting (ṣū??īāna). He also asks for books, and is told that the translation of the Mahābhārat will be sent him. Also that the sacred names of God will be sent him to help him in his devotions.
↩ban rū nī āward, “did not bring him to book (?).” Perhaps it means, did not attend to him. Add. 27,247 has nekohish āmid, “he was censured.”
↩Perhaps, Sāvda in Khāndes, the Sāodā of J. II. 225.
↩Not identified.
↩Text has Qambar Be, Raḥim Be hardū. But Raḥim is a mistake for zakhmi as Add. 27,247 and the Iqbālnāma show. Naẓar Be had a third son, called Bāqī at III. 487. Add. 27,247 says Qambar took shelter with Tewārī, a dependent of Moẓaffar Gujaratī, after he was wounded. This is interesting, for it supports the statement of I.O. MS. 235, p. 684a, last line, that the wounded man took refuge with the zemindar of Rājpīpla, for his name was Tewārī. See J. II. 251. I.O. MS. 236 also speaks of Qambar Be's taking refuge with Tewārī, and adds that he died at his place.
↩6 Muḥarram 1000, according to Add. 27,240.
↩Bhilalpūr or Bahlolpūr of I.G., VI. 205, in the Ludiana district. The names of the two villages which were dependencies of Bahlūlpūr are different in Add. 27,247. The wording too of the passage is different. The names in the B.M. MS. seem to be Barkowal and Jaguwāl. The other site was in the village of Kahūra near Shūdra. Akbar was then in the village of Shāh 'Ālam, and while there he discussed and reprobrated some trick perpetrated by Alexander against Porus. This subject is referred to in the “Sayings of Akbar,” given in the Ayīn, J. III. 392 and note.
↩The text, following apparently the Lucknow edition, says he was made a commander of 4000. But this, as B. has pointed out, 452, n. 1, must be a mistake. I.O. MS. 235 gives one of the four offices as Khalīfagī, “apostleship.” Evidently the text is wrong, for it only mentions three offices. Add. 27,247 has a very curious statement. It says that the highest office was to give advice to the Prince Royal (Jahāngīr) who had gone wrong through drink.
↩He too is one of Badayūnī's heretics. B. 391 N. and 607. Sarmadī wrote a long and interesting account of Mān Singh's conquest of Jagannāth (Pooree), which is preserved in B.M. MS. 27,247.
↩Qanjaq or qānjaq, a canine bitch.
↩Badrak in text, but Bāzārah or Bazārak (a little bazaar) in Afghanistan seems meant. See ante, translation I. 526.
↩They derive their name from the grandson of Hulāgū. Elliot I, 303. At p. 428 l.c., it is stated that the dynasty ended with Shāh Husain, but see B. 361, 362. The Tarkhāns represented the older branch.
↩Presumably this means that the Khān-Khānān obtained Akbar's consent to the change of plan. A.F. does not give the date of the Khān-Khānān's arrival at Bhakkar. M'aṣūm, Elliot I. 247, says he himself arrived there on 14 Ṣafr 999 (2 December 1590), and that Khān-Khānān came there at the same time. On account of the hot winds, and the violence of the river, he stayed there some time, and then sent M'aṣūm to Sehwāṇ, and himself followed afterwards. The naval battle was not fought till about eleven months after the K. K.'s arrival at Bhakkar.
There are some words in the B.M. M.S. Add. 27,247 which are omitted in the text. It appears that Akbar, or at least A.F., disapproved of the change of plan, for the remark is that Qandahar could have been easily reached by way of Ghaznī and Bangash, and that the alteration of plan made an easy task difficult. There is a paragraph about Qandahar in the annals of the 35th year, page 584 of Bib. Ind. ed. It corresponds to a passage in Add. 27,247, but the wording is different. According to the latter, Qandahar had always belonged to India, but Humāyūn had resigned it to the ruler of Persia. Now that the star of the Persians was setting (dar ufūl ast), it occurred to H.M. that it would help Persia if he took Qandahar, and so saved it from the Uzbegs! Also the Mīrzās (nephews of Ṭahmāsp) had grown deaf of heart, and were not acting properly. Akbar proposed to take Qandahar from them, and to bring them to India. The Khān-Khānān therefore was sent off with a large force on 24 Mihr— the day of Dīn, corresponding to 17 Rabī'-ul-awwal (999)=January 1590; but from self-interested motives, and a desire to gather the spoils of Sind, he did not go by Baluchistan. M. Jānī Beg's offence was that he had not paid his respects to Akbar at Lahore.
↩See B. 335 and note Hughes' Gazetteer of Scinde, p. 686, says, “Between the towns of Lakī and Sehwān the mountain has a nearly precipitous face about 600 feet high towards the Indus, between which and the precipice there was at one time a road, though in some places so narrow that only a single camel could pass at a time. The defile was swept away in 1839.” Part of the Khān-Khānān's forces went by water, and part by land. Apparently, he himself went by land. The taking of the Lakī Pass secured the route to Tatta. The Sehwan Fort stands on an artificial mound, and, according to legend, was built by Alexander the Great. It is known as the “Kāfur Qila?” See also about Lakī and the taking of it by the K. K., Elliot I. 285. Lukh means a defile in Balūchi. (Pottinger).
↩The Manchhār lake, I.G., XVII. 122 and J. II. 338, where it is called Manchūr. See also Hughes' Gazetteer.
↩The Nasarpūr of the I.G., XVIII. 398, in the Hāla division of the Ḥaidarābād district, J. II. 341.
↩Variant and also I.O. MSS. buzurg daryā “great river.”
↩Text az gumrāhī “from losing our way.” But the I.O. MSS. have az kam ābī “deficiency of water,” and this seems right. Apparently the reference is to the want of drinking water on the route by Bhakkar.
↩21 Ābān = 31 Oct. 1591. The Tārīkh Akbarī, Elliot V. 461, has 26 Muharram 1000 = about 3 November, as date of battle.
↩ Text wakhshūr, ambassador.
But the variant qaiṭūr ◌
Apparently the meaning is that the governor of Ormuz (perhaps a Portuguese) left a representation at Tatta as a sort of hostage so that the Tatta merchants might feel safe in going to Ormuz.
↩M'aṣūm says the powder magazine in the imperialists' boat caught fire.
↩M'aṣūm Bhakkarī's account of the battle will be found in Elliot I. 248, etc.
↩Cf. Badayūnī, Lowe, 388.
↩ This is Shah Jahān. He was born
on 30 Rabī'-al-awwal 1000 on 5 January
1592 at Lahore, B. 311. His mother's
name was Balmatī (Beale).
Jahāngīr, Price 20, calls her Jagat
Gosāine. MS. Add. 27,247 writes the
name of the child as Sultan Khūram
◌
There follows the word ◌
See B. 252. The text has Bawī for Māvī, but a variant gives Māwī. See Elliot Supp. Gloss. I, 99. The Māvī are a branch of the Gūjar tribe. They claim to be descended from a Chauhān. They are apparently also connected with the Dhāuks.
↩See J. III. 448. He was born on 18th February 1560.
↩B. 487. He is also called Rām Cand.
↩In Sarkār Bayānwān, J. II. 189. See B. 356. The I.O. MSS. call Hamīr Ḥamīr. Perhaps he is the Ḥamīr of pp. 490, 91.
↩The person referred to here is Madhukar and not the prince.
↩pozish, but I.O. MSS. seem to have pūrash “his son, but apparently Rām Sāh did not come to court till later. See p. 628.
↩Wā mīrasīd. I am not sure of the meaning. Qulīj K. was Dīwān or Finance Minister after Todar Mal's death. The reference to the Āīn seems to be to B. 35, where we are told that on 26 Bahman in the 36th year Akbar adopted 'Az du daulah's method about the currency. Cf. Badayūnī, Lowe, p. 393. Probably what is meant by Qulīj K.'s receiving reports is that he still remained at the head of affairs, and that reports were made to him, but that the work was lightened by the appointment of additional officers.
↩It appears from the Beglārnāma that his name was Rānā Megrāj. See Elliot I. 297. It does not appear that Akbar ever visited 'Umarkot.
↩Tod says 17, and that 12 of them grew up.
↩Apparently referring to the victory Hindāl obtained over the Mirzās. See translation I. 322.
↩According to B. 458, Askaran was a brother of Rajah Behārī Mal. See also his article in the Calcutta Review for April 1871, which gives a genealogical tree. Though Askaran is stated in the T.A. to have been an officer of the rank of the 3000, his name is not mentioned in A. F.'s list. Tod calls Askaran the son of Bhīm and says Askaran killed his father because his father had killed his own father Prithīrāj! Behārī Mal was a son of Prithīrāj and younger brother of Pūran Mal. See the Māaṯir-al-'umrā II. III. The author of that work puts most of the Hindus under the letter R. on account of their being Rajahs. There is some confusion in A. F.'s narrative, caused by his affected brevity; possibly also, the text is corrupt, Blochmann in the article above referred to calls Ratn Sai Ratn Singh. Apparently, Karn, who was Sūjā's son, killed Askaran's son in revenge for his granduncle's murder. Sūjā, or Soja, grew up and in the 6th year, A.N. II. 155, we find him leagued with M. Sharafu-d-dīn in oppressing Bihārī Mal. As B. remarks, the disturbances consequent on Pūran Mal's death ended with the appointment or usurpation of Bihārī Mal. He adds that Askaran was adopted to the guddee of Narwar, and so his branch (gotrī) became extinct.
↩