Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 3

On Friday, 5 Jamāda-al-akharī 1000 Ḥijra, 11 March 1592, after the passing of 10 hours, 5 minutes, the glorious Sun illumined Aries, and filled the world with varied delight. Beauty acquired fresh splendour, and the Age received new ornament.

The awnings were raised up to heaven.
The blemishes of the skies were veiled.
On every wall there were skilful paintings.
Heaven was astonished as if they were demon-wrought.^927a

The third cycle ended and the fourth began. Together with strength of heart, and the glory of dawn, a window of enlightenment opened partially and brightness took possession of my darkened mind. A fresh desire to continue my narrative seized me, and my strength increased.

Again, my fortune became lightsome;
The delight of speech possessed my soul.
When fortune supplies the opening key
A jewel emerges from the dark stone.

From New Year's day to the culmination (sharf) there were continued feasts, and liberality exceeded desire. A prosperous time ensued for the desert-wanderer, and a new veil was placed over spiritual beauty. The cup^927b of worldly success and of joy arrived, but the Shāhinshāh's fortune made this the material of increased wisdom. That day was hostile to reason and taught disturbance, and was a robber of purity. This day is a day of increase of wisdom, and bears rectitude in its breast.

At this time news came that Jalāla had returned unsuccessful from Tūrān, and that he was stirring up strife in the defiles of Tīrāh, and that the tribes of the Afrīdī and Ūrakzaī had broken their allegiance, and had given a position to that turbulent one. An order was given that Qāsim K. should collect the Afghan (Zābulī) army and should proceed to chastise those hot-headed ones. On New Year's day Aṣaf K., Sāīd K., Gakkar, and some others, were sent off from court, and an order was given that the fief-holders of Sind and Peshawar should be collected, and should join the Tīrāh force. In a short time the hill-country was surrounded, and the Afghans had recourse to supplications and cajolery. They represented that Jalāla had not got a footing, and that he had gone back unsuccessful. Qāsīm K. returned to Kabul without fully inquiring into the matter and without submitting a report to court. Aṣaf K. and the other officers remained there and waited for orders. H.M. did not approve of Qāsīm K.'s haste, and issued an order that he should return and exert himself in making inquiries.

When the Khān-Khānān invested the fort, provisions became very dear on account of its being a foreign country, and of the closing of the roads, and the position of the soldiers became somewhat difficult. They were compelled to abandon the siege on 27 Dai of the previous year. All unnecessary^929a stores were put into boats and sent to Sehwān. Saiyid Bahāu-d-dīn, Bakhtiyār Beg, Qarā Beg, and others were sent with them as guards. Most of the soldiers marched towards Tatta in order that by plundering they might get ampler supplies, and also spread consternation among the enemy, and get hold of the country. The Khān-Khānān took up his quarters in Jūn,^929b which is a central place. Shāh Beg K., Muḥammad K. Niyāzī, Qāsim Koka, Murtaẓā Qulī, Dād Māl, Dūda Beg and others were sent to Agham^929c in order that they might take that cultivated country and watch over M. Jānī. Dhārū Bahādur,^929d Khān Qūrdār and others were sent towards Badīn.^929e M. Farīdūn Birlās, Jānish Bahādur, 'Alī Mardān Bahādur, Sarmadī, Ghāzī K. Bilūc went off towards Tatta. Every band went to a certain tract, and had repose. The enemy were somewhat disturbed on account of their families, and many of the landowners submitted. Every detachment did good service, but the troops who were sent to Tatta could not get there as the wicked people set fire to the city. M. Farīdūn and Rāwal Bḥīm^930a and some others were sent to 'Umarkot, and made fitting inquiry into the previous slackness of service (of the Rānā ?). M. Jānī Beg came out of his fort and hastened to Sehwān, thinking that he might lay hands on the boats that had been sent there. On hearing of this, the Khān-Khānān sent Khwāja Muqīm Bakhshī, Dhāru Bahādur K., Muḥammad K. Niyāzī, Daulat K. Lodī, S'aīd K. Kararānī, and some able men, to that quarter and followed them in person. At the time when the men in the boats were disconcerted, the troops sent arrived and remedied matters. Many thought that they should strengthen Lukhī (Lukh means pass in Bilūchī) and wait for reinforcements. At the words of brave men they prepared for battle. The army was drawn up. In the centre were Muḥammad K. Niyāzī, Bahādur K. Qūrdār, Sher K., Kalān K., Daulat K. Lodī, S'aīd K. Kararānī, Khwāja Muqīm Bakhshī. In the right wing were Mīr Māṣūm Bhakkarī, and a number of brave men. On the left wing were Saiyid Bahau-d-dīn and other brave men. In the vanguard were Bakhtiyār Beg, Qarā Beg, Shamsher 'Arab, Ibrāhim Beg, Jūlak Beg, Murshid Qulī, Shāh Qulī Turkamān. They bravely, and under the guidance of fortune, passed Lukhī and encamped six kos from the enemy. On the 21st (Farwardīn) they advanced four kos with the intention ⁶⁰⁹ of giving battle. Before the battle began they were rejoiced by the news^930b of victory. For some days the wind had been blowing from the other side. At this time it blew from this (the imperial) side and gave the news of victory. The battle soon began. First, the enemy's van under the command of Khusrū prevailed over the force opposed to it and also scattered the right wing. Shamsher 'Arab fought bravely in the vanguard; his friends carried him off wounded. Dhārū and others displayed courage. He was wounded in the forehead with a spear and fell from his horse. Soon he played away the coin of life. The enemy's right wing under the command of Malik Muḥammad drove off their opponents, and a number pushed aside Nāhar K. and came as far as the camp, and proceeded to plunder. Saiyid Bahāu-d-dīn fell upon the enemy's van which was existing in its success. He placed a stream between him and them (?) and stood to fight. On account of the wind and dust they could not see one another. In that place of commotion the imperial centre encountered the enemy's right wing, and after a severe contest defeated it. But on account of the darkness the brave men of this force got separated. Bahādur K., Daulat K. and some others stood firm on the battlefield, and were a spectacle (?). Suddenly Muḥammad K. Niyāzī, Saiyid Bahāu-d-dīn, Mīr M'aṣūm Bhakkarī, and Khwāja Mūqīm joined them, and there was a great contest. Similarly the enemy got scattered and did not know where the others were. M. Jānī was on the battlefield with 400 men and in a confused state. The victorious army went quickly there. The Mīrzā, thinking that the centre was now coming, became still more confused. Meanwhile an elephant from that (the enemy's) side became furious and disorganised his own men. There was a slight contest, and the enemy, owing to the Divine aid, took to flight. 300 were killed, and 100 of the victorious troops. Though the Mīrzā turned several times and fought, but of what avail was it to struggle against daily-increasing fortune, although the enemy was more than 5000 and the victorious troops only 1200? Victory declared itself, and the wondrous working of celestial aid was impressed on all. The commander was at a distance and there was no great officer there, and there was much confusion in the beginning of the battle! Dilpat had a choice force, but from cowardice he did not come forward. During this rejoicing, news came of the plundering of the camp. Some active men went quickly there, and the plunderers threw down their booty and fled. The camp became peaceful. On hearing of this good news, the Khān-Khānān proceeded to the fort which M. Jānī had made for his protection, and destroyed it.^931a

On 22 Farwardīn the world's lord embarked on a boat and proceeded to the garden of M. Kāmrān. He enjoyed the spectacle of the spring. Next morning a happy-starred daughter was born in the harem of the Prince-Royal by the sister^931b of Abiyā Kashmīrī. At this time news came that Qaresh Sulṭan^931c had died in Ḥājīpūr ⁶¹⁰ of diarrhœa. The graciousness of the Shāhinshah removed the survivors from the dark days of sorrow. On the 25th the writer of the book of fortune was exalted to a manṣab of 2000. He was raised to this high dignity without having performed any distinguished service. I hope that I may return some thanks by the tongue of action, and that the appreciativeness of my lord may become manifest. On the 29th the lunar weighing took place, and far and near obtained their desires.

There have always been independent rulers in this country. Among them there was formerly Partāb Deo. His son Narsingh Deo^933a out of wickedness rose up against his father, and lulled him into carelessness by the repeating of charms. When he got an opportunity, he poisoned him and acquired eternal death. About that time Mūkund^933b Deo had come from Telingāna, and entered into the service of the Rajah. He was indignant on beholding this wickedness, and resolved upon vengeance. He represented that his wife was coming to pay a visit^933c (to the Rajah) and filled litters (dolīs) with arms and sent them off. He also put presents and goods into the hands of skilful and courageous men, and entered the fort. Inasmuch as a parricide does not last long, the latter was soon disposed of, and the sovereignty went to another. It was not the custom that the Rajah should use the accumulations of his predecessors. This one (Mukund) broke the locks of seventy old treasuries and seized upon the deposits of so many of the departed. Though he opened the hand of liberality, yet he turned away from obedience to wisdom, and indulged in self-gratification. At the time when Sikandar Uzbeg turned away from eternal fortune, and went to Sulaimān Kararānī, the latter sent his son Bayāzīd on an expedition against that country (Orissa) by way of Jhārkhand, and dispatched Sikandar along with him. The Rajah, yielding to self-indulgence, sent two chosen officers Jihata Rai^934a and Durgā Panj, with a well-equipped force, to make war. Those ingrates corrupted the officers of the army by gold and turned to attack their own master by the help of the slaves of gold. Hot engagements ensued, and the Rajah surrendered himself to failure and submitted to Bayāzīd. With his aid, a severe conflict took^934b place, and the Rajah and Jihata Rai manfully yielded up their lives. The government fell into the hands of Durgā Punj. Sulaimān by stratagem got possession of his person and put him to death, and became supreme over the country. Though in the time of Mun'im K. Khān-Khānān and Khānjahān, much of this country was added to the empire, yet from divided thought, and the ignorance of officers, Qutlū Loḥānī prevailed over it. Owing to his foxiness no harm ensued to him. When he died, Rajah Mān Singh ignorantly ⁶¹¹ made peace. Though H.M.'s far-seeing mind disapproved of it, yet it was they who broke the treaty.

When the time of retribution arrives for an evil-doer, he exerts himself for his own destruction. So long as Khwāja 'Īsā, Qutlū's Vakīl, lived, the thread of treaty was not let slip. When he died, the wicked Afghans laid hold of the temple of the worship of Jagannāth, and opened the hand of plunder against the country of Ḥamīr,^934c who had for a long time been obedient (to Akbar). Rajah Mān Singh, who repented of the peace he had made, resolved to conquer the country, and obtained leave from the court. He chose the soldiers of Behar and Bengal for this enterprise. On 23 Ābān of the previous year, the Rajah set off by the route of the river. Tolak K., Farkh K., Ghāzī K. Maidānī, Mīr Qāsim Badakhshī, Rai Bhoj, Sangrām Singh, Akkar Pancānan, Catar Sen, Bhūpat Singh, Barkhūrdār, and other warriors went by land. Mādhū, Lakhī Rai Koka, Pūran Mal Kaidhūrih, Rūp Narain Sīsodiah and some landholders went off by the route of Jhārkand under the charge of Yūsuf K., the ruler of Kashmīr. When the victorious troops came to Bengal, S'aīd K. the governor of that country was ill. The Rajah moved onwards, and when S'aīd K. got well, he joined with Makhṣūṣ K., Pahār^935a K., Ṭāhir K., Bābūī Manklī, Khwāja Bāqar Anṣārī, Makhdūmzāda the son of Tarson K., M. Muḥammad Dīwāna, and other fief-holders of that country, together with 6000 men and 500 horse. Much of that country came into possession. The wicked Afghans broached the subject of a peace. Inasmuch as to try experiments when one has had experience does not accord with foresight, they did not give ear to this, but reproached them for their breach of treaties. But the view of the Bengal officers was for peace. The wicked and black-thoughted Afghans surrounded themselves with a stream at the forest of Malnāpūr^935b (?), which is in the middle of Orissa, and took their stand to fight. On account of the talk about peace and war, there was no proper drawing-up of forces. The Bengal army settled down at some distance, but among them, Makhṣūṣ K., Pahār^935c K., Ṭāhir K. and Bābūī Manklī advanced their camp somewhat. The Bihar soldiers prepared for battle. Rajah Mān Singh was in the centre; on the right wing were Rai Bhoj, Rajah Sangrām, Bāqir K.; on the left wing were Tolak K., and Farrakh K.; in the vanguard were Darjan Singh, Sujān Singh, Sabal Singh, Nūram Koka, Mīr Qāsim Badakhshī, Barkhūrdār, Shibabu-d-dīn Kūr, the sons of Ulugh K. Ḥabshī, Moẓaffar Ījī, Khwājagī 'Inayāt Ullah. Every day some active men on each side fought and the presumptuous foe fled in disgrace. On 31 Farwardīn the Rajah sent off his vanguard, to take an eminence (sarkob)^935d which ⁶¹² was near the enemy, and to proceed to build a fort. If the enemy meant to fight, they should engage him, and he (the Rajah) would join them. The enemy were astonished at this, and drew up their forces and crossed the river. In the centre were Naṣīb K., and Jamāl K., (who were) the sons of Qutlū, Dilāwar K., Allahdād K., Ḥabīb K., with 3000 horse and 25 elephants. On the right wing were Jalāl K., Khāṣa Khel, Tātār K. Ghāzī, Mubārak K., Khwāja Wais with 2000 horse and 25 elephants. On the left wing were Bahādur Kūrūh, Sher K. Lohānī, Ḥabīb K. with 3400 horse and 25 elephants. In the vanguard were Khwāja Sulaimān, 'Uṯmān, 'Īsā K. Aulīyāī, Banī Sulṭān Sūr with 1200 horse and 80 elephants. In a short time the two forces met, and shields and daggers were abundant (lit. had a day-market).

Eager heroes sunk in coats of mail,
Like fire hidden in iron vessels.
Sons of India clad in steel,
Like black clouds, raged and burned.

Some strove with guns and other firearms, and some grappled with one another and gave a new form to courage. The victorious soldiers struck off heads^936a with their shining swords, as maces and clubs were not of service. Cannon-balls at the commencement killed the elephant Mīyān Loharī^936b which was the chief of the enemy's elephants, together with other elephants. The latter then brought forward the elephant Kunhar^936c —which was very famous—and the brave soldiers displayed masterpieces of valour. Mīr Jamshed Badakhshī fought and bravely gave up his life. The elephant caused some confusion, but the archers came up on every side with arrows. The driver was killed, and some men dismounted and lamed the elephant and seized it. Meanwhile Bahādur Kūrūh prevailed over Farrakh K. Rai Bhoj and Rajah Sangrām hastened to his assistance. Jagat Singh and some brave men joined Durjan Singh, and drove off the foe. At this time, the enemy's right wing contended with the soldiers of Bengal. Bābūī Manklī fought, but had to give ground. Pahār^936d K. came behind him and fought nobly. Twice he fell to the ground. The second time a young man offered him his own horse. He replied, You have not yet had the fruit of your life. Mount your horse, and rejoice. It is better for me, who have come to the end of my life, to die in combat in my master's service. By good hap his horse (bāragī)^937a came up and he was saved by Divine help. Makhṣūṣ K. came forward well, and did great deeds. The foot of courage was nearly slipping, when Khwāja 'Abdu-l-ḥalīm came with a force, and there was victory. Khwāja Wais fell bravely, and Sulṭān Sūr was made prisoner. In a short time, in consequence of the Divine aid, the rebels fled with blistered ⁶¹³ feet. More than 300 Afghans fell on the field of battle, and forty of victorious army.

At this time Zain K. Koka expressed a wish that H.M. should visit his quarters again. On 3 Ardībihisht, his desire was gratified, and that good servant obtained his heart's wish. In the beginning of Khurdād H.M. crossed the Rāvī with the intention of proceeding to Kashmīr. As Shakranisā Begam (Akbar's daughter) became very ill, H.M. took a dislike to the city, and went out with this intention. When God quickly sent convalescence, he returned at the desire of high and low. On the 2nd, Zain K. Koka was dispatched to Swād and Bajaur. News came that the turbulent Afghans had again thought their difficult mountains a protection, and were meditating rebellion. The Kokaltāsh was appointed to chastise them. On the 4th, after the lapse of ten hours four minutes, a daughter was born in the harem of Prince Sulṭān Daniel by the daughter of Sulṭān Khwāja. H.M. gave her the name of S'aādat^937b Bānū Begam.

When by daily-increasing fortune the victorious troops prevailed, it was time that the Mīrzā should waken from the heavy slumbers of ignorance, and have recourse to supplication, and should make apologies the material of obedience. Out of arrogance and self-complacency he regarded his defeat as accidental and again resolved on battle. He resolved that he should proceed all the quicker, and take refuge in the former shelter. On the way he learnt that it was the camp of the victorious troops. He halted to deliberate, and summoned a council to decide on a stronghold. After long contemplation, he approved of a place near Ampūr^938a four kos from Hālākandī^938b and forty kos from Sehwān. There, on the bank of the Indus, he built a fort, and surrounded it with a deep and broad moat. On 26 Farwardīn the Khān-Khānān came there and invested the place. He was answered by arrows and bullets, and there was a brisk time of losing and taking life. The enemy was made arrogant by his long residence, his numerous army, large fleet of war-boats, and the nearness of the rains. At this time the fort of Nīrankot^938c —which is a choice fortress in that country—was taken. There was a great success.^938d A set of Arabs and Kurds, who were in the fort, ⁶¹⁴ quarrelled with the governor Qāsim 'Alī, and brought in his head, and became loyal. The imperial servants were delighted, and increased their efforts to take the place. After the custom of the Turks, they raised up mounds of sand and carried forward their batteries, and set about filling up the moat. From within they made fissures and emptied the mounds. Great efforts were made on both sides. Sometimes the enemy sallied forth and fought, but they returned unsuccessful. However, on account of the strangeness of the land, and the refractoriness of the peasantry, provisions became scarce, and again food became very dear. There was also much sickness. The extraordinary thing was that it only attacked the people of Sind. In that fatal place of trouble some ascetics had a vision to the effect that “the courage of the country was being impressed with the Shāhinshāh's name, and that the heavens were revolving at his pleasure. The people were beholding the retribution of their disobedience, and were suffering the punishment thereof. The panacea for high and low was to recognize this, and to acquire bliss by supplicating the Unique of the age, and to offer presents in accordance with their means, and give them to the needy.” Next morning the secret was revealed, and the proposition was carried into effect. The sickness diminished. When this was reported to H.M. he said, “The True Artist (God) made an old woman the means of the health of a tribe; if He make this servant, who sits upon a lofty seat of rule, a source of good, what is there to cause surprise?” In the time of the great f. Qāān, Cingīz K., in the year 623 (A.D. 1226), the army had invested the fort of Kark^939a -Sīstān (?), and a great pestilence broke out. On the first day there was fever. On the second the teeth loosened. On the third the cup of life became full. An old woman had a daughter. Her nights turned to days in her anxiety to get her married. Might she grow up and might her mother acquire happiness by staining her with henna. At this time this old woman was seized by sickness. On the second day when the teeth became loose, she, out of love and simplicity, employed herself in putting henna on her darling (lit. her liver-lobe). According to common usage a little spittle was used. Thinking of the bridal, night passed into day (i.e. she lay awake), and she shed tears of sorrow. In the morning, when she was ready to depart, her teeth ceased to chatter, and there were signs of improvement. The neighbours were astonished. When they inquired, they could perceive nothing except the use of henna. High and low used it, and a world was delivered from danger of life. Henna became of the value of pearls, and the merchants made great profits.

H.M. sent abundant provisions and money by Allah Bakhsh, and Qazzāq Bahādur. They arrived in the height of the distress, and hearts received new strength. New efforts were made, and the work was advanced. In a short time the garrison was straitened, and the batteries were brought so near that they could pull the spears out of each other's hands. The garrison were troubled and begged for peace with a thousand entreaties. The soldiers accepted the proposals on account of the scarcity of provisions. The agreement was made that Sīwīstān, with the fort of Sehwān, and twenty gẖrābs, ⁶¹⁵ should be given up, and that M. Jānī should accept Īrij, the Khān-Khānān's son, as a son-in-law, and that when the rains were over, he would go and prostrate himself at the threshold. It was agreed that in the first place the siege should be stopped, and afterwards the marriage would take place. When Sehwān was made over, they would spend the rains there. On the 16th Khurdād, the batteries were dismantled, and ceremonies of betrothal performed. Men hastened to give up and to take possession of the fort.

On the 17th Qāẓī Ḥasan was sent to the northern hills. As the Tamūz (July) of Lahore was very hot, he was sent off there to look for summer quarters. Near the town of Panhān^940a a proper place was chosen, but on account of certain reasons the idea was abandoned.

One of the occurrences was the submission of the rebels of the eastern province. When the imperialists were victorious, they pursued the enemy and arrived next day at Jellasore which is one of the great cities of Orissa. They adorned the face of the coins with H.M.'s name and exalted the dignity of the pulpits by it. Every tribe of the Afghans retired. The Rajah continued to advance in order to dig up the root of disaffection. S'aīd K. was displeased and returned to Bengal, not accepting the blandishments of the Rajah. Pahār K., Bābūī Manklī, Bāqar K., Mīr Ghāzī, Bāqar Anṣārī separated from S'aīd K., and joined the Rajah. In a short time the landowners asked for quarter, and the country came into possession. In the town of Bhadrak, news was received that the sons of Qutlū (and) Khwāja Sulaimān, Dilāwar K., Jalāl K., Bahādur Kūrūh, Ulugh K., 'Abdul-l-Ghafūr, Malik Ḥaibat, Malik Dāūd, Kaham Karn, Rajah Mānū, Malik Sikandar, and Purukhotam had collected in the fort of Cuttack with 300 elephants. That fort is at the end of the country and on the seashore. It belonged to Rajah Rām Cand who was a great landholder in that country. It was called Sārangarh.^941a Rajah Mān Singh left Sujān Singh, and some others in the city and went off to attack the fort, and the Afghans took refuge in the forest near the sea. The fort was taken without a contest. 'Alāwal K., the khāṣkhel of Qutlū, surrendered the fort of Āl.^941b Near Kalkalghātī, the Tīla^941c Rajah, who is a distinguished landowner in that part, joined the victorious army. Rajah Rām^941d Cand admitted those who had taken protection to Sārangarh. When Rajah Mān Singh came to Cuttack he left Yūsuf K. the ruler of Kashmīr, the sons of Ulugh K. Ḥabshī, Moẓaffar Ījī, and others, to guard it, and went off to pay his devotions at Jagannāth. His idea was that he would be nearer to Rajah Rām Cand, and that when an opportunity occurred he could lay hold of him(?). When his thought had been realized he returned and took up his quarters near Salī(?). Every day active men went forth and inflicted chastisement. In consequence of counsels he (Rajah Rām Cand) became obedient, and sent his son^941e Bīrbal with presents. The Rajah returned to Cuttack and established the foot ⁶¹⁶ of conquest near the fort of Sārangarh. At this time news came that Ḥabīb K., Daryā K., Sujāwal K., Mewa K., who had taken refuge with Fatḥ K. of Hijlī, had fallen upon Jellasore, and that Bābūī Manklī had not found himself strong enough to fight and had retired. The Rajah sent Pahār K. and some brave men to that quarter, and soon the enemy was scattered without an engagement, and Jellasore again came into possession. The slumbrous ones of Sāranggarh awoke from their sleep of neglect. On the 20th they accepted quarter and waited upon the Rajah. Every one was made hopeful of princely favours.

At this time the victorious army of Sind were in some distress, but soon it became joyful. When peace was made, and the batteries were dismantled, M. Jānī Beg—before that he had obtained leave, and had made over Sehwān—went off to Tatta. The victorious troops thought they had been deceived, and were under apprehensions. Able men were sent to make inquiries. The Mīrzā (Jānī Beg) represented that the atmosphere of the fort had become dangerous on account of the numbers of dead bodies, and that the position of the survivors had become critical. Some of the soldiers and peasants wished to go to their homes. On that account he had given them leave. The whole camp had been harassed, and so without saying anything it had followed them. No one remained with him and so out of helplessness he too had gone off and halted in Naṣīrpūr. God forbid, he said, that I should drop the thread of treaty, or that my words and actions should not correspond. On the 31st they made their quarters in the town of Sunn,^942a and on this day Rustam the governor of Sehwān came and renewed the treaty. He made over the fort to Ḥasan 'Alī 'Arab, and to Maqṣūd Āqā, and all Sīwistān was added to the empire. On 22 Tīr, Prince Sulṭān Daniel took leave in order to capture Qandahār. As the guardians of that country were not equal in strength to the Mīrzās, this jewel of fortune (Daniel) was sent there. He crossed the Rāvī, and alighted in the garden of Rām Dās. On 24th (Tīr), 4th July 1592, H.M. set off to Kashmīr, and his first stage was this same garden. On the 27th, 300 little^942b stars fell from west to east. The Indian astronomers represented that if the first stage exhibited such an appearance they should return and set out again at a chosen hour. The Shāh and the Shāhzāda were obliged to go back.

For a long time he was inclined to go to that country. Most men were averse to his going on account of the difficulty of the journey. Those who had hearts bent on the enjoyment of their master regarded the difficulties of the ravines as slight, but they represented that it could not be proper for H.M.—whose empire it took a year to traverse—to go off to a corner thereof, and to enter that mountainous country. Some farsighted men were convinced from H.M.'s knowledge of mysteries, that there was a secret involved ⁶¹⁷ in his intention, and that this expedition would result in glory. On 12 Amardād,^943a 22nd July 1592, in spite of clouds of rain and the opposition of men, he set out. Several ladies accompanied him. On the 17th he advanced from Rāmbārī,^943b but from the abundance of water there was no place found for his advance-tent (peshkhāna). He left the camp and the soldiers under the charge of Prince Sulṭān Selīm in order that he might bring them on slowly, and went off on elephants with some chosen courtiers. At Shāham^943c 'Alī, Qulīj K. and Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn were sent back to the city. Near this place a woman brought her son and represented that every year his head was growing larger, and his neck becoming weak. No benefit had come from physicians. H.M. bade her to put a leathern cap tightly on the child's head. She did so and the thing was remedied. The skilful were astonished at this cure. On the 28th near Khaima^943d Chatha (?) the Kashmīr insurrection became known, and the veil fell from the holy purpose. A world had collyrium applied to its eyes. More extraordinary still, when he was crossing the Rāvī, he asked “of whom is this verse said?”

Alas, Alas! how have the Cyrus-cap and Shāh's tiara
Become the portion of a bald man?

When the confidant^944b of M. Yūsuf K. represented the increase of the revenue of Kashmīr, Qāẓī Nūru-llah and Qāẓī 'Alī were sent to make inquiries. When the Mīrzā's agents lost hope of getting bribes they adopted evil thoughts. Qāẓī Nūrullah came to court and reported the disorganization of the men and their evil intentions. On this information, some of the evil disposed were summoned, and Ḥusain Beg S. 'Umarī was sent to encourage (the loyal). When the condition of the evil disposed became known in some measure, Darvesh 'Alī, 'Ādil Beg, Y'aqūb Beg Turkamān, Imām Qulī Cūlāq, Qiyā Beg and other servants of M. Yūsuf Beg plotted together to stir up strife. First, they went to Kamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain Asko,^944c who was one of the Aḥadīs, in order to get him to become their leader and to raise a rebellion. He had the auspiciousness not to accept their proposals, and then they made Yādgār^945a the cousin of M. Yūsuf K. their instrument. Every day he took into his head thoughts of sedition and developed mischievousness. One day furious men poured a shower of arrows into the house of Ḥusain Beg S. 'Umarī. One of his servants had contracted a marriage with a member of that set, but at the instigation of wicked people it was broken^945b off. They made this an opportunity and suddenly attacked the house (of Ḥusain B.). His men had gone away, but he closed the door and stood firm. Qāẓī 'Alī and S. Bābā intervened and quelled the tumult. Then they got up a disturbance at the Koh i-Mārān.^945c Ḥusain Beg collected his men and fought with them. There was a slight engagement, and then peace was made. Some surrendered upon promises and were put to death. Their evil thoughts were nearly ⁶¹⁸ being realized in action. Ḥusain Beg and Qāẓī 'Alī were obliged to leave the city and to take up their quarters at the fort of Nāgarnagar^945d (Akbar's fort). They became somewhat supine and careless. On 12 Amardād, 22nd July 1592, they (the Kashmīrīs) closed the routes and proceeded to rebel. The extraordinary thing was that on this very day H.M. the mystery-knower came out from Lahore. Some people gathered together on the pretext of visiting the melon-beds and made a league. Ḥusain Beg and Qāẓī' Alī had not the energy to put down this disturbance with vigour and alacrity.^945e

On receiving this information H.M. went on the faster. On 1 Shahriyūr his tents were pitched on the bank of the Cināb, and though there was a storm, and it was raining, he sate on the bank and superintended the crossing. At dawn he crossed in a boat at the Caugān ferry. On the 4th it appeared that the whole of the Mīrzā's troops had joined the Kāshmīrīs, and that Qāẓī 'Alī had offered up his life in good service, and that Ḥusain Beg had with difficulty saved himself. When Yādgār came out of the city, and they threw away power and opportunity, he came to Kāmrāj, and the success of the rebels increased. At this time they awoke from the heavy slumber of carelessness, and hastened after him. But they returned without effecting anything. Though the Mīrzā's sons did not join him (Yādgār), and the imperial servants did not assist him, that worthless madman returned to the city. Near the Ilāhī garden he was victorious after a slight contest. They were compelled to cross the river and come to the city. Both parties broke down the bridges— the rebels for fear that their comrades would desert them, and the other party for fear that the rebels would pursue them. Qāẓī 'Alī wished to take shelter with Fatḥ K. Jangalī (?), and to wait for reinforcements. Ḥusain Beg said, “M. Yūsuf K.'s men have all joined the revolt, and it would be very difficult to get there.” They were compelled to go rapidly to India. Near Hīrapūr some one from ignorance beat a kettledrum, and the guardians of the roads (rāhbānān ) got news by this and broke down the bridges. They were obliged to throw themselves into the water. Some were drowned, and some were captured. Ḥusain Beg and Qāẓī 'Alī and some Badakhshīs escaped and went on. As the Pīr Panjal road had been closed, they went by the defile of Hastī Watar.^946a By strenuous exertions, and by much shooting they escaped. Qāẓī 'Alī became exhausted by the heights and hollows, and was caught and killed. When Ḥusain and some others emerged from the hills, the landowner of the place plundered them, and sought to kill them. Bahabū (?) the chief of Rajaurī came and rescued them.

On this news H.M. proceeded more rapidly to that quarter, and an order was given that Zain K. Koka should proceed thither with his men by the route of Swād; that Ṣādiq K. should march by the way of Pūnc,^947a and that the landowners of the northern mountains ⁶¹⁹ should start from Jammū, and that the fiefholders and collectors of the Panjāb should encourage some brave peasants and send them off. On 5 Shahrīyūr^947b S. Farīd Bakhshī Begī was sent off together with Mīr Murād * * * (six lines of names). On account of the nearness of the fall of snow, the soldiers were sent from every quarter in order that there might be no delay in inflicting retribution. On that day the writer of the noble volume took an omen from the diwān of Ḥāfiẓ. These four lines gave the news of victory.

Where is the harbinger which tells of victory
That I may shed my life at his feet, like silver and gold.
The stage is en fête on account of the return of the Shāh.
'Tis time for his antagonists to depart to the screen of annihilation.

On this day M. Yūsuf K. was, on account of foresight, made over to the charge of the writer of the book of fortune. When his family came out of Kashmīr he was released. Near Gujrāt (in the Panjāb) the Prince Royal and the great camp joined H.M., and there was rejoicing. On the 16th, Ṣādiq K. took leave to go forward. When he had gone some stages he made unsuitable requests. H.M.^947c was displeased and recalled him in the middle of his march.

Right-thinking, and proper, actions produce brilliant results. Success increases, and the countenances of the wishes of servants are brightened. There are various victories, and wondrous works are performed at home and abroad. This tale of victory is a new instance of this. When the Khān 'Āẓim gained his victory, his intention was to take this fort (Jūnagarh), and to annex the country. The vexatious behaviour of his companions caused delay. At this time, when the soldiers were recruited somewhat, he renewed the enterprise, and proceeded to the spot. Khokhan, the son of the Jaīn, Jalāl K. Ghilzī,^1948a Malik Rājan, Malik Aman, and many rebels of that part submitted and came in. Somnāth, Ghogah (Gogo), Mangalūr, Mahwah,^948b Bīrū^948c and others—16 ports in all—were taken without a contest. Afterwards he proceeded to take Jūnagarh which was held by the grandchildren of Amīn K. Ghorī. It is a famous fortress, and the country of Sorath is associated with it. He invested it with seven batteries. Naurang K. and some troops were sent to chastise the Kāthī tribe which was assisting the garrison. On this day fire broke out in the fort and many materials of the strength of the fort were burnt. The Feringhī cannoneer, who had turned Muḥammadan, and who was very skilful in his art, fell in his confusion into the moat. The imperial servants received the good news of victory and raised a pæan of joy. But the garrison, from the abundance of provisions, and the strength of the place, were presumptuous, and every day fired several times a hundred guns—some of which shot balls weighing 1 1/2 mans. They also uttered words of arrogance and contempt. Whenever the soldiers were dispirited, the Kokaltāsh encouraged them in various ways, and renewed efforts. By the guidance of fortune, they became aware of a little hill; they raised it somewhat and prepared a tower (sirkob), and from it proceeded to discharge mortars. The somnolent ones were roused from their slumbers and had recourse to entreaties. On 17 Shahriyūr, 27 August 1592, after fighting day and night for three months, the garrison surrendered, and made over the keys. Miyān K., Tāj K., the grandsons of Amīn K. Ghorī, who were the sons of Daulat K.—the former 7 years old and the representative of his father, and the other 12, but from a concubine—Himmat the brother's son of Amīn K., Muḥammad the comptroller of the household, Malik Dahan, Rajān Ḥabshī, Lumba Kāthī, Muḥammad Mīrak, Muḥammad Afẓal and others—57 noted men—came out, and owing to the Kokaltash's observance of treaties, their lives, property and honour were preserved, and every one of them was made happy by a cultivated fief, a fine robe of honour, and a choice horse (bāragī). Sulṭan Maḥmud Bīgarhā the ruler of Gujarat with a large and well-equipped army twice tried to take this fort, and experienced great difficulty. On the second occasion he took^949a it after a long time. H.M. was near Bhimbhar and intent on punishing Yādgār when he got the news of victory.^949b He returned yet more earnestly his thanks to God.

Heaven rises up to take vengeance on every one who commits ingratitude. His day turns to night, and his fortune becomes ruined. ⁶²¹ By his own efforts he hastens to his retribution and plays away his life and his honour. The case of this man of turbulent brain shows this to all. High and low received instruction from it. When the fly-like and mercenary natures gathered together, and (what has been described) happened to the imperial servants, the sons of M. Yūsuf K. approached him with supplications. He eagerly sent^950a them off to India, and then he crossed the river and went to the Mīrzā's quarters. He laid hold of the treasure, the gold vessels, the elephants, the horses, the cannon, etc., and shamelessly sate in the seat of the mighty. He stained the pulpit-tops (farāz-i-mimbar) and the faces of the coins. By glorious fortune at that time, fever and trembling laid hold of him, and when the sealmaker was making his signet, a bit of steel jumped up and entered his eye. This indicated to the acute among the spectators that his career would not be long. In his folly he gave high titles to worthless people. Bahrām Nayik was called Khān-Khānān, Darvesh 'Alī, Khān Jahān, 'Ādil Begī, 'Ādil K., Maqṣūd 'Alī Aḥdī, Makhṣūṣ K., Khwāja Muḥammad Moman, 'Aṣaf K., Mūsā M. Khān, Darvesh Miskīn, Bābū K., Jamman his son, Muṣāḥib K., Shāh 'Alī Beg Turkamān, Shahbāz K., Shāh Manṣūr, Bahādur K., Mīr Sāliḥ, Naqīb K., Niẓāmu-d-dīn, Niẓāmu-l-mulk, Dāūd Cakli, Bijlī K., Qiyā Beg, Qiyā K. Similarly, he gave great names to people of the bazaar.

Fortune cannot be wrested from the holder thereof,
Diadem and throne cannot be sold.
The crow^950b tried for the gait of the partridge.
He ended in forgetting his own.

In ignorance of the world's lord's knowledge of mysteries, he thought that “as the roads were closed, news would not quickly come to him, and if it came, would not be credited. If it were believed, the army could not march quickly in such torrents of rain. In winter it would be very difficult to come to this cold country. When a year had passed, his (Yādgār's) strength would be increased by a choice equipment. For a long time a ruler of Kashmīr had not had such a workshop.” He did not know of the knowledge of mysteries possessed by the world's lord. From the time that the Age smiled upon him with a sardonic smile, he continually had drinking-bouts with persons of no consequence. They encouraged him and talked foolishly, and suggested to him to squander the accumulations and to make capital out of the honour of the Mīrzā, and he from love^951a of money and from his connection by marriage (with the Kashmīrīs) was led into stratagems. When he heard that the Mīrzā had been put in prison, he was compelled to let his family go. When their coming had not yet been heard of, H.M. from his knowledge of secrets sent Ḥājī Mīrak, who was an old servant of the Mīrzā, to bring these helpless people. Near Thāna the wicked men of the country were thinking of plundering them. Suddenly the messengers appeared. Their lives and property became safe, and all at once the news of the coming of the august standards filled the world. That wretch came a little to his senses and petitioned, saying that “Ḥus- ⁶²² ain Beg S. 'Umarī meant to bring the son of M. Shahrukh from Badakhshān to Kashmīr, and make him an instrument of sedition. I contended with him, and he has by crafty words given me a bad name.” By order, the writer of the noble volume replied to his false statements.

When his cajolery was not successful, he sent off Darvesh 'Alī with many troops to the defiles, and strove to strengthen them. Though the soldiers had not^951b arrived from all sides, S. Farīd Bakhshī Begī and his companions made a fort at the foot of the pass,^952a and having left their baggage prepared for battle. On 26 Shahriyūr the vanguard proceeded to the defile in front, and the right and left wings made ready. Darvesh 'Alī had put up two walls on the top of the pass and intended to fight. He stationed men here and there, and indulged in arrogance. By the Divine aid the active men of the vanguard drove away the enemy after a slight resistance. The brave men of the left wing took possession of the ground^952b in front of them. A hot engagement took place, and many of the enemy were killed. Four of the victorious soldiers fell. The right wing took without a contest a fortification (sarkob) that the enemy had. As there was no road further on, they turned back and came behind the vanguard. Next day the enemy retired from the protection of the walls without fighting. The leaders of the soldiers were influenced by idle talk and thought there was a stratagem. The vanguard and the left wing pressed on, and took the Kapartal Pass and got possession of some quadrupeds. One man ignorantly killed a horse in the pass,^952c and much injury followed from a hailstorm. Next morning they traversed the Akrambāl pass and encamped. Their idea was that they would halt five kos from Hastī Watar. Those in front believing it to be deserted pressed on to take it. S. Farīd sent people to recall them. Able men knowing that it was in their power did not draw rein till the top of the pass. Those who were sent chose to join them. At nightfall it appeared that the enemy were in the waist of the hill, and prepared for battle. That night was spent in standing under arms and in watchfulness. When it was morning, parties of Kashmīrīs were seen on the hillocks and many were of opinion that they were coming to fight. In a short time it became certain that they were dispersing. At the close of the day the Shaikh arrived with some men. As the main army was behind, and the star^953a in front he delayed to advance. Meanwhile Muḥammad Kāshī surrendered himself and reported that Yādgār had thrown away endurance and had fled, and that all the men had gone off into retirement. Next morning 2 Mihr, 12 September 1592, they passed through the defile and reached Hīrapūr. Near there a body without a head was seen, and it was conjectured that the headstrong Kul had met with his deserts. In a short time ⁶²³ his head was brought in, and the thing became certain.

When that worthless one learnt that the defile had been taken, he left 'Ādil Begī with a force at Srīnagar, and came to Hīrapūr. Next day, he gave some presents to the men and moved forward. On the 31st Shahriyūr at midnight an army rushed forth crying “Allah Akbar,” and a report was spread that H.M. had arrived. The whole camp was plundered, and hat wretch was annihilated. Shahbāz K. Niyāzī, Ibrāhīm K. Kākar, Ibrāhīm K. Miyāna, Sārū Beg Shāmlū, Ḥusain Beg Maṣlū, Yār Beg Uzbeg, Malik Muḥammad and some others of the servants of M. Yusuf K. made a plot, and were lying in wait. When half of the night had passed, they blew the trumpet of “Allah Akbar,” and proceeded to pillage. The wretch came out from his enclosure (saraparda) and fled into the open. No servant was with him except one Yūsuf. When he had gone some way, he took shelter in some brushwood^953b (bota); and sent back his companion to fetch a horse. Some well-wishers of eternal dominion did not turn to plundering, but searched for Yādgār, and were astonished at not finding him. Suddenly, Sārū Beg saw Yūsuf, and put him to torture. He was helpless and told what had happened; and at his guidance Yādgār was found. He had recourse to humility. Shahbāz K. came up and relieved his shoulders of the burden of his head.

In the garden the pumpkin raised its head beside the cypress.
Forsooth, to raise the head is to make oneself equal!
Heaven knows between the cypress and the pumpkin
Which of them is worthy of honour.

On 6 Mihr Mathrā^954a Dās brought the head of the brainless one to court, and there was worship of God. The world's lord's knowledge of mysteries was impressed on all; and a world had collyrium applied to its eyes. On the day that he heard of the disturbance of this wretch, this verse came upon his lips.

The bastard^954b is envious; I'm what my horoscope is.
The bastard-slayer has come like the star of Yemen.

The mother of this man of disturbed brain was the daughter of Nuqra (or perhaps, was called dukht-i-Nuqra) and had no equal among prostitutes (lūlīyān) for immodesty and wickedness. H.M. said, “It has been indicated to me that the destruction of this wretch, and the rising of Canopus, will take place at about the same time. By his order, the Greek, Persian, Kashmīri, and Indian astronomers examined the skies and reported that Yādgar would meet with his punishment in from two to three months. He said, “Something tells me that the time will not be less than forty days or more than two months.” On this day it appeared that the whole time of the rebellion ⁶²⁴ was fifty-one days. On the same day that Canopus appeared, this evil star (Yādgār) set. The secret vision of the world's lord was anew impressed on high and low. A wonderful thing was that about the same time a shoulder-bone was produced before H.M. and that on reading it he said that the disturbance would soon subside, and that no one except the rebel himself would be hurt. The saying became fact, and able men were astonished at his knowledge.

In this glorious year there were great victories on four sides. These were the submission of the ruler of Tattah, and the delivery of Sewīstan, the conquest of Orissa, and the submission of the rebels of the eastern provinces, the taking of Junagarh and Somnāth, the capture of Moẓaffar, the punishment of Yādgār Kul, and the prevailing over Kashmīr. When the disturbance was suppressed, H.M. went^955a on the 13th to perambulate that garden, and he said with his truth-uttering tongue, “On my first visit, I saw the bridal chamber of spring, now I behold the coquetry of autumn, on that day. Beauty's veil was withdrawn, to-day the attributes of Power (jalāl) are seen.” The Harem and the great camp were left under the charge of Prince Sulṭan Daniel that they might stay at Rohtās till his return. As Sulṭān Khusrū was somewhat ill, he was committed to the care of God, and H.M. made up his mind to part from him. His wish was to take some ladies with him but the difficulty of the road and the severe cold prevented this in some measure. Prince Sulṭan Selīm was sent to make close inquiries, and that day the hill of Bhimbhar was traversed, and an encampment made. In the morning on account of a disagreeable wind the camp was not moved. H.M. said, “Apparently snow is falling to-day in Kabul.” When the year and month were noted, H.M.'s knowledge of mysteries was revealed, and there was an increase of the collyrium of the eyes. Next day the tents were set up at Naushahra. On this day the prince returned. He went into Kashmīr by the route of Hastī Watar and returned by Pīr Panjāl. He represented the difficulty of the road, and the amount of snow, and the idea of conveying the ladies was abandoned. As the route by Pīr Panjāl was reported to be somewhat easier, H.M. resolved to go by that route. On the day that Pūshāna was reached, H.M.'s horse slipped and that skilful rider came to the ground in an agile manner. Next day he passed through the Pīr Panjāl defile, and pitched his camp near Nārī Barārī. On that day too there was a similar slipping, and the Divine protection was revealed. On the^955b 23rd, when the hour was favourable—Srīnagar the capital was brightened by his advent. On the way the soldiers who had gone on in advance paid their homage. In accordance with orders, thirty-four persons entered into the trunk of a cenār tree which had been hollow for ages. If they had sate closer some more might have been accommodated.^956a Although the root of rebellion had been dug up, yet, owing to a report that H.M. had ordered the punishment of high and low, people had scattered, and there was no population in any of the villages. Though those who had gone on in front had used soothing measures, they were not ⁶²⁵ believed. When H.M.'s intentions were known, and his great benevolence had been impressed on hearts, people came back to the city, and rejoiced on beholding forgiveness and liberality. Able and truthful men were sent out in every direction, and they regarded the apprehension of rebels as the price (pāiranj) of obedience. Some who had been the leaven of the disturbance met with their deserts, except 'Ādil Begī, who hastened to the Deccan in the dress of a Qalandar. Those who from farsightedness had kept themselves aloof (from the rebellion) obtained high dignities. The world's commander offered up supplications, and thanksgivings had a new foundation. Though on the first occasion he had had the pleasure of water-fowling, yet as it was not the season, he did not care for it. This time he enjoyed it in perfection. On the 2nd Ābān he had a great feast, and the solar weighment took place. He who was of equal value with the heavens, was weighed against twelve things, and high and low shared his bounty. He appointed several persons to distribute money. The writer distributed presents to 14,000 necessitous people in the 'Idgāh. In this cultivated country thieves and beggars were few in number. At this time owing to an evil mixture there was loss, and many failed in patience and contentment.

One of the occurrences was the success of Zain K., Koka. Though a commotion had not broken out there, H.M. had from foresight appointed him to Swād and Bajaur. During the Kashmīr disturbance the evil-minded Afghans broke out into rebellion. As there were no chosen troops there, the Gagiyānī^957a tribe and the Muḥammadzaī tribe, who had always been loyal, joined with the Tārīkīs and Yūsufzais, and proceeded to hunt for the life of Muḥammad Qulī Turkamān, who was in Begrām, in order that they might get possession of the whole of that country. Suddenly, the Kokaltāsh arrived, and the rebels of every tribe withdrew. The Yūsufzai and some Tārīkīs came to the hill-country of Bajaur under the command of Waḥidat 'Alī. Jalāla put his family with him and went off to Tīrāh. The idea was that Waḥadat 'Alī would take possession of the land of the Kāfirs—which is close to Kāshghar^957b —and prepare a refuge there, and whenever there was pressure on the part of the victorious he would go there. On 7 Amardād the Koka came from the defile of Malkạnd to Swād, and easily took the futile but difficult-of-conquest country. He came by the way of Mardān to Bajaur. The rebels had not the strength to resist, and were obliged to hurry to the land of the Kāfirs. In a short time the hill country of Hardil^957c (?) was taken from that tribe. It is bounded on the east by Sawād, west by Kunār and Nūrkal, north by Kāshghar and Badakhshān, and south by Bajāur. They strengthened the fort of Cankārī^957d (?) and behaved presumptuously. The Koka set himself to put them down, and went there with brave and experienced men. He built forts at ⁶²⁶ each stage and traversed the mountains. Whenever the enemy tried a night-attack, they failed. The Koka invested the fort. On 1st Abān he took it after a severe battle, and the power of the rebels was broken.

On the 9th H.M. went off by boat to visit the saffron^957e -grounds. He arrived there next morning and enjoyed himself. Travellers cannot point out rose-gardens which come up to them in delight and fragrance. Though they (the flowers) resemble the lotus, yet their enchantment and joy-giving cannot be described. A banquet of delight was prepared, and a new door was opened for the Divine bounty. Also at this time Mulla^958a Ḥusain the Turān ambassador died. He had been left behind at Lahore in order that he might prepare for his return, and he was to have got his leave when H.M. came back. Indigestion conduced to his last day. By H.M.'s orders his family and household were sent to their native country. Also at this time Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn arrived and paid his respects. He was summoned from Lahore in order that Kashmīr might be made crown-land (Khālṣa) for a time, and that by his sympathetic treatment it might be developed. On the 12th the Dīwālī^958b feast was celebrated, and by orders, the boats, the river banks and the roofs were adorned with lamps. They presented a splendid appearance. Also on this day the daughter of Shams Cak entered the harem. He belonged to the great men of the country, and had long cherished this wish. On this occasion it was gratified. Also in order to pacify the landowners the daughter^958c of Mubārak Khan the son of Ḥusain Cak was made over to the harem of Prince Sulṭān Selīm. Similarly, some of the countries were united by marriage (with Kashmīrīs). In this year M. Qubād^958d the oldest son of M. Ḥakīm received some punishment. He was sent to the place of instruction of the prison. He had ignorantly given himself up to wine-drinking. His punishment led to the amendment of many. At this time a kind of ink was introduced to H.M.'s notice. Whatever was written with it was not obliterated by water or by rubbing, nor did any harm happen to the writing. H.M. examined it and taught the use of it to skilful persons.

On account of the delightful climate and of its adaptation to H.M., his idea had been to spend the winter in Kashmīr, but from consideration of the fact that the high price of food incommoded high and low, and of the severe cold making life difficult for the inhabitants of hot countries, he resolved to leave the country. He ⁶²⁷ wished to make over the territory to M. Yūsuf K., but the latter again was eloquent about the question of the revenue. By the wonders of fortune the (papers of the) assessment which Qāẓī^959a 'Alī had made, was found, and the representations of the Mīrza's confidant were proved. The Mīrzā felt ashamed for not having accepted (the increased revenue). H.M. in accordance with his first idea made Kashmīr crown-land (khālṣa) and entrusted it to Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn, and assigned him 3,000 cavalry. When the holy heart turned away from the country, he on 20^959b Ābān, 31 October 1592, embarked on a boat, and went off to India. The army went by land. On that day he halted at Andarkūl. There was the dwelling of M. Ḥaidar there, which was a grand building and a memorial of him. At the request of Prince Sulṭān Selīm, Kashmīr was given in fief to M. Yūsuf K., and he was sent off there. The jāgīr in India^960a (of M. Yūsuf?), the saffron, the silk and the game, were made khālṣa. Other increases were remitted. On 23 Ābān he came to the Wular^960b lake. He obtained information about the marvels of that tract. It is an extensive reservoīr. Its circumference is twenty kos, and the river Bihat flows through it, and hastens on to India. Sulṭān Zainu-d-dīn erected,^960c after great difficulty, a stone platform (ṣaffa) in it, 119 yards long, and 82 broad. Upon that he built choice mansions as a memorial of himself. Afterwards other rulers erected buildings there. A high wind always blows there, and boats encounter storms. On this occasion H.M.'s advent made the water calm. High and low were delighted. At dawn the tents were pitched at Bārahmūla. Though for two months no day had passed on which some soldiers did not get furlough to India, there was still a large army. H.M. chose out of the seven sets of guards some men as his companions, and appointed active and energetic men to the remainder in order that each party after the other might, after a suitable interval, march off. On 3 Āẕar, 13 November 1592, while the camp was at Paklī, it rained (snowed ?) the whole night, and snow gathered round the camp. The advance-tents could not proceed. H.M. went off on horseback to select a suitable camping ground. As a fitting place was not found, he left the household behind and went on quickly with some companions. In the course of the journey it came on to rain and snow. He halted in the village of Mānglī^960d (?) which is a dependency of Paklī. For a long while it snowed heavily, and high and low were astonished. One month before this, when it was very cold, and the Indians were apprehensive of its snowing, H.M. said, “I hope^960e that when we pass Paklī, and get sight of India, the fall of snow will afford delight, and that the inhabitants of warm countries will not be disconcerted, but will enjoy the spectacle.” His prescience was manifested, and the lamp of guidance was kindled. In the morning the wind rose. He went forward, and on that day he halted for a while at Damtour at the request of M. Shahrukh's^961a son whose home was there. On the 7th he hastened on so rapidly ⁶²⁸ that he passed Rāwal Pindī, Rabāṭ,^961b Nagarkot, Thāna and Serai Carwa (?). He traversed a difficult hill and near Serai Har (?) rested for a while on the top of a hillock. On the way Ṣādiq K. was exalted by doing homage. At the beginning of the expedition he had fallen ill, and had been sent back to Lahore. When he got better he proceeded towards Kashmīr. Unexpectedly he had this blessing (of meeting Akbar). His son Yār,^961c and Rām Sāh, had the honour of kissing the threshold. He had obtained leave in order that he might tame Rajah Madhkar and this proprietor (Rām Sāh ?) and convoy them to Mālwa to the Prince (Murād), and might free those frightened savages from their consternation. The landowners got new life from these royal favours and came forward with supplications. The Rajah, though he was ill, intended to come also, but died of his illness. He (Ṣādiq) brought his son Rām Sāh to Ujjaīn, and from thence to court. He was received with favour. As the camp of Ṣādīq K. was set up, he expressed a wish that the sovereign would spend the night there. When evening came, H.M. sent him away in order that he might come slowly after him, and himself set off. The Prince Royal and other servants begged that he would take some repose in a litter. He did not agree. In a night and a day he travelled 22 kos. On the 8th he unexpectedly cast the shadow of his graciousness over Rohtās—where the ladies were. Crowds of men, who were going to Kashmīr (?), had the pleasure of doing homage. Prince Daniel and Sulṭan Khusrū illuminated their foreheads by paying their respects near the city (Rohtās).

When Jūnagarh was taken, and the landed proprietors had become obedient and had made their submission, the Kokaltāsh made courage shoulder to shoulder with skill. He applied all his energies to the capture of Moẓaffar, who was the thornbush of the sedi tion. That evil-thinking man had given himself up to failure and had taken refuge with Sīvābād^962a Hail who was the ruler of the country of Hālār. The temple of Dwārka belongs to him. The Kokaltāsh sent to that quarter Naurang K., Gūjar K., Anwār,^962b Niẓāmu-d-dīn^962c Aḥmad, Bābā Khwāja, Qādir Qulī Koka, the Saiyids of Cambay, M. Qulī Mogal and other soldiers. On 16 Mihr they left the camp 25 kos from the enemy and arrived in morning (cāsht) at Dwārka, and took it without a contest. There it was learned that Moẓaffar was in Basīna^962d (?) the residence of Sīvā (?), and that in the town of Arāmrāh,^962e Sangrām, a rolation of that landholder, was bohaving arrogantly. Qādir Qulī and some others were left at Dwārka, and then ⁶²⁹ two bands were made out. Naurang K. with a large force proceeded to chastise Moẓaffar. Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad, Bābā Kbwāja, and a number of gallant men also went off in that direction. At the end of the day they arrived at his residence, and a severe engagement took place. A little before this, the report of the approach of the victorious troops had made the landholder demented, and he sent off Moẓaffar and his household by boat to an island^963a which he had fortified. He himself went after them. The imperialists followed him, and he, from being doomed, turned and fought with them. On account of the heights and hollows, the brave men got off their horses and engaged. Naurang K. beheld this from a ridge. A force, thinking that he had few men, attacked him, but by the Divine help they had to retire with disgrace. There was close fighting up to evening. During the struggle an arrow reached the turbulent one (Sīva ?), and he went to annihilation. The rebels were dispersed, and many were killed. Those also who had gone to punish Sangrām were successful. By the Divine succour the breeze of victory played on the pennants of fortune, and in both places much plunder was obtained. Some said that Moẓaffar had been drowned. He could not remain where he was, but fled to Cutch. Bihāra Jāreja the ruler of that country placed him in retirement. On 26 Ābān the Khān A'ẓim went there from Jūnagarh, sending on ahead his son 'Abdullah with some brave men. Mīr 'Abdu-r-Razzāq M'amūrī, who had been appointed Bakhshī of that country, arrived on this day. On 9 Āẓar he arrived, after traversing 55 kos in ten marches, at the village of Amrān,^963b which is the burial-place of Dāwar-al-Mulk. The Jām came with his sons and other relatives and renewed his promises of good service. The ruler of Cutch sent able men and had recourse to cajolery. He spoke about obeying orders and sent his son to do service. His pretences did not lull asleep the Kokaltāsh, and he replied that if he wished to be delivered from the victorious troops, he should deliver up Moẓaffar, and come in person. At this time, Lokan Kohal (?) went off with evil thoughts and without leave to his house, and the soldiers in Jūnagarh plundered his house and household. His three sons were killed. The Khān Ā'ẓam sent his son Khurram to that quarter with some brave men. He himself left Morbī, and havīng marched 31 kos in five stages arrived at the village of Cārbāra.^964a As the words of that proprietor^964b in those two matters did not produce action, he (M. Koka) wished to make over his estates to the Jām. He left his pretences and sent a message to the effect that if the town of Morbī—which had belonged to his ancestors for a long time—were given to him as a reward, he would deliver up Moẓaffar. His proposals were accepted, and some persons were sent ahead of the army. On 13 Dai, 23 December 1592, they arrived there. The proprietor's agents represented to the turbulent ⁶³⁰ one (Moẓaffar) that Bihāra was coming to wait upon (dīdan) him. He was pleased^964c and came out with alacrity. When he came near, they arrested him and brought him back. That night passed on the journey. Next morning, he retired^964d on pretence of easing himself, and put a razor—which he had kept hidden—to his throat. Thus-by his own hand he gave the final touch to his retribution. Apparently this was well, for the Khān A'ẓam would not have put him to death without orders, and if they had brought him into the Presence, H.M.'s abundant graciousness would not have hunted for his life. In revenge for Quṭbu-d-dīn K., his head was severed from his body and hung^965a up at the door of Naurang K., and afterwards Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad^965b brought it to court. Two days previous to this H.M. had said, “Inasmuch as the help of God towards this suppliant increases daily, every one who turns away his head from obedience descends into non-existence. The ingratitude of Moẓaffar has gone far. Something tells my heart that about this time he will be killed.” On beholding this intelligence, eyesalve became cheap and a door of auspiciousness was opened out for many.

Thanks be to God that the veil was once more withdrawn from the world-ruler's knowledge of mysteries and that high and low obtained materials of guidance. During his return, his idea had been that he would locate the army for a time on the bank of the Indus, and enjoy some hunting. The soldiers would recruit and the rebels would be reduced to obedience. For this reason Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn Khāfī was sent off to prepare the camping ground at Attock. H.M. halted in Rohtās and questions^966a were put to Zain K. Kokaltāsh and other officers who had been appointed to chastise the Tārīkīs. As it did not appear proper to proceed in that direction, he on 2nd Dāi^966b went on towards Lahore. After sixteen marches he arrived in that city on the 19th Dai, 29 December 1592. Crowds of men obtained the material of fortune, and largesse was the order of the day (lit. there was a daily market of largesse). From Srīnagar to Rohtās is 112 kos, 30 poles, and the distance was traversed in eighteen marches. To Lahore (from Rohtās) the distance is 162 1/2 kos, 16 poles, and it was traversed in thirty-four marches. An account of the Divine favours which were bestowed during this expedition has been given. A world sate gathering bliss, and the Age rose up to the fruition of its desires. At this time Balbhadahar the son of Rām Cand the ruler of Bhat'h^966c obtained lofty rank. His father had left him to wait upon H.M. At this time news came that the father had died on 27 Shahrīyūr. On 27 Dai H.M. appointed him to the same dignity of Rajaship. He conferred favours on him and sent him off to that country. On this ⁶³¹ day Khwāja Sulaimān, the Bakhshī of Gujarat, had an audience and the presents of the Mīrzā were produced. On the 29th H.M., contrary to his morning custom, came into the daulatkhāna. After seeing^967a that everything was as usual he went to the gynocaeum. The pigeon house, in the shed of which many animals were reposing, fell down, and the cause of his unusual coming out became evident. On 2 Bahmān news came that Ghāzī K. Qazwīnī had died in Bengal of diarrhoea. On the 4th a female elephant which did not use to hurt a tiny ant broke out and killed her keeper and fourteen others.

One of the occurrences was the sending of an army to the northern mountains. As the proprietors there showed themselves refractory and did not accompany^967b the expedition to Kashmīr, H.M., on the 16th, at the request of Qulīj K., sent his son Saif Ullah there, and gave him Qāẓī Ḥasan as a companion. Though some proprietors came forward and paid their respects, Lāl Deo the ruler of Jammū was recalcitrant. Zain K. gave him quarter and brought him to court, and the northern rising subsided. At this time the home of Rām Cand was plundered. He is one of the famous zamīndars of Orissa, and by the glory of H.M.'s star he became obedient, and sent his son to do service. Rajah Mān Singh summoned him and he objected. The Rajah from inappreciativeness consigned his goodnesses to oblivion and sent Jagat Singh, Mīr Sharīf Sarmadī, Mīr Qāsim Badakhshī, Barkhūrdār, Abu-l-baqā, Maḥmūd Beg Shāmlū, Shihābu-d-dīn Diwāna and others to wage war on him. A commotion arose. Rām Cand entered the fort of Khurdah^967c which was the strongest of his fortresses. The imperialists took up their quarters close by, and proceeded to attack the country. The forts Sahajpāl (?) Khāragarh, Kālūpāra, Kahnān, Longarh, Bhūnmāl, and many populated places fell into possession. On hearing of this, H.M.—who appreciates dignities—became angry, and issued censures. The Rajah recalled his troops, and apologised. Rām Cand, on seeing the graciousness of H.M., took the thought of paying his respects. On 21 Bahman he visited the Rajah (Mān Singh), and was treated with much respect.

One of the occurrences was the going astray of the Afghans. When the rebels of Orissa submitted, the Rajah wisely gave Khwāja Sulaimān, Khwāja 'Uṯmān, Sher Kh. and Haibat Kh. fiefs in Khalīfahābād, and selected Ṭāhir K. and Khwāja Bāqir Anṣārī to accompany them. From the shortsightedness and foolish talk of inexperienced persons he afterwards took away their jāgīrs and summoned ⁶³² them to his presence. Out of ignorance, the Afghans became frightened and made sedition-mongering the means of their deliverance. On the 27th Bāqir was near Kharakpūr^968a and was going with some elephants to his estates when that crew cast aside the veil of respect and opened the hand of plunder. He was wounded, and retired. Pahār K., Tolak K., Farakh K., and the men of S'aīd K. gathered together to remedy matters, but from want of courage did not address themselves to battle. The Rajah sent his son Himmat Singh with some troops. The Afghans went on plundering and came to the port of Satgāon.^968b But as they could not lay hands on it, they returned unsuccessful, and proceeded to the house^968c of Cānd Rai. The officers came from Jahānābād. Himmat Singh went on a little way and then turned back. When the Afghans came near that place, Cānd Rai, at the suggestion of his father, conceived the idea of capturing them, and by his unskilfulness forfeited his own life. When Dilāwar, Sulaimān, and 'Uṯmān encamped within four kos of the place (Bhūshna), he adopted the manners of a host. On 1 Isfandārmaẕ the first two came to his house. When Dilāwar got up for a necessary^969a purpose they seized him. Sulaimān, seeing this, laid hold of his sword and scattered the men. He killed three men and got to the gate of the fort. He killed several and bravely made his exit. On the road some men joined him, and he got on his horse and went quickly to his quarters. Cānd Rai followed him, and 'Uṣmān, on hearing of the affair, came to help. On the way, Sulaimān told the tale of Dilawār's capture, his own escape, and of the coming of the foe. Of necessity they set their hearts upon dying, and there was a hot engagement. The servants of the proprietor who were mostly Afghans, turned traitors and joined their country men, and he (Cānd) was killed. They plundered, and then set off for the fort. Those inside thought it was Cānd Rai and opened the gate. In this way the Afghans prevailed. By the intrigues of 'Isā zamīndār they took shelter with him, and made over the fort and territory to Kedār Rai the father of Cānd Rai. At this time the fort of Mānpūr was taken. It lies between Orissa and Telingāna. An army marched against it and took it without much trouble. Rajah Mān Singh gave it to Rām Cand.

One of the occurrences was the marriage-feast of Prince Sulṭān Selīm. Just as for other people more than one wife is not suitable, so for great persons more are necessary, so that their dwellings may be more^969b splendid, and a large number of people may be supported. Especially is this so with nobly-born persons who are the ornament of the Age. At the beginning of this spring Gulrukh Begam, the daughter^969c of M. Kāmrān, begged that her daughter might enter the harem of the Shāhinshāh's son. H.M. agreed and there was a banquet of joy. There was largesse and there were marriage presents. On the night of 7 Isfandārmaẕ H.M. had a meeting ⁶³³ in the house of Miriām Makānī, and the marriage was solemnized at an auspicious hour.

On the 23rd Pahār^970a K. died in Bardwān. His heirs were treated with princely favours.

One the eve of Sunday 17 Jumāda-al ākhirī, 1001 A.H., 10 or 11 March 1593, after 3 hours 55 minutes, the spiritual and physical light-increaser cast his rays on the Sign of Aries. Melancholy terrestrials had heavenly bliss, and had equal rank with the celestials.

The hand of morn kindled the torch of the new spring.
The branching^971a standards took to torch-bearing
By the side of the wind, the black earth clothed itself in green.
Every flowerpot^971b drank milk from the breast of the clouds.

There was a daily feast till the day of Exaltation, and high and low rejoiced.

On 8 Farwardīn the Khān-Khānān came from Sind and was exalted by doing homage. M. Jānī gathered bliss by having an audience, and placed the forehead of supplication on the ground, while the crown of his fortune was exalted to the skies. After the peace, the victorious army took up its quarters in Sann, 20 kos from Sehwān. When the rains came to an end they were in expectation of the arrival of the Mīrzā and of his departing to court. Suddenly a message arrived that as he was a little indisposed, and there was a long journey in prospect, he would go to court after collecting the autumn-revenue; also that the agreement was that this side of Sehwān would be restored to him; but Puran (?) and Hālākandī had not been given up. The imperial servants took the envoy under their supervision and proceeded to take active measures. Shāh Beg K., Ghāzī K., Jānish Bahādur, Nūram Khwāja Khiẓrī, and other brave men crossed the Indus and proceeded by land towards Tatta. Bakhtiyār Beg, Qarā Beg, Muḥammad K. Niyāzī, Bahādur K. Qūrdār, Khwāja Muqīm Bakhshī, 'Alī Mardān Bahādur, Khwāja Ḥisāmu-d-dīn, Sālār Beg, Sarmadī, Mubāriz Beg, Subḥān Qulī, Tāj K., Nūru-d-dīn, S'aīd Beg and others went in war-boats by the river. Sher K., Khūlgān, Langā, Dada Beg, 'Alī Āqā and others went by the river bank. It was arranged that all three bodies should keep touch of one another, and that they should take possession of Naṣīrpūr which was on the ⁶³⁴ route. The idea was that the Mīrzā must go to court. After some days the Khān-Khānān sent an ambassador with weighty advices, and followed in person. The troops prevailed over Naṣirpūr. The Mīrzā came out of Tatta and took post at a distance of three kos. His intention was to make his rear^972a safe up to the river (?). When the Khān-Khānān arrived at Naṣīrpūr he sent on the three corps with the same arrangements as before. They attacked the Mīrzā's camp and plundered it, and some of the Arghūnians joined them. The Mīrzā had recourse to supplications, and he sent able men to inquire why the treaty was broken. The reply was, “We are not breaking the treaty, and we have no new ideas in our minds, but we have heard that the Feringhī soldiers of Ormuz intend to come to this country. Hence we intend to go on to Bandar Laharī.”^972b The plunder which had been taken was returned with apologies (?). The Khān-Khānān always had an eager desire for concord. On 10 Ābān of the previous year they met each other on horseback. Out of foresight the Khān-Khānān proceeded as far as Tatta. His ostensible motive was to see the place, but his real intent was to secure the lower part of the river, and to prevent any change in the feelings of the Arghūnīāns. When he had gone some way in that direction, and his mind was set at rest, he returned. “As the bond of friendship had been established, it was fitting that the Mīrzā should deliver up his fleet so that no one could have occasion to make any remark, and that foolish praters might be reduced to silence.” The Mīrzā was thus constrained to give up the whole country to the victorious army. He prepared to go to court. After viewing Tatta, the Khān-Khānān went on to Bandar Laharī. He dispatched Shāh Beg K., Bakhtiyār Beg, Farīdūn Barlās and others to go forward with the Mīrzā. He left some in Tatta and returned by land. Near Fatḥ Bāgh he arrived in person. On 29 Bahman he left Saiyid Bahāu-d-dīn … to guard the country and went off to court with the Mīrzā. Though he (the Mīrzā) wished to leave his family in Tatta, he could not. His household went off by land and water, and he himself went on with the Khān-Khānān, and set his heart upon kissing the threshold. Shāh Beg K. … and, from among the nobles of Tatta, Shāh Qāsim Arghūn, Khusrū Bāī K., 'Il Dastam, Saifullah 'Arab, and Nadīm Koka had the honour of being presented, and every one of them recieved princely favours.

M. Jānī^973a is the son of Payinda Muḥammad, s. M. Bāqī, s. M. ⁶³⁵ 'Isā, s. 'Abdu-l-'Alī, s. 'Abdu-l-Khāliq, who was descended from Shakal^973b Beg Tarkhān. As his (Shakal's) father Atkū^973c Timur fell bravely in the war of Taqtamish K., the Ṣāḥib Qirānī (Taimūr), cherished him in his early years, and gave him the rank of Tarkhān. He is four generations from Arghūn K. s. Abāgh^973d K., s. Hulāgū K., s. Tūlī K., s. Cingīz K. Just rulers exempted some among their servants from certain injunctions and prohibitions, and distinguished them by this name (Tarkhān). A Tarkhān of the Ṣāḥibqirān was one whom his ushers (Chāwashān) did not keep out of any place, and from whom, and from whose children, no inquiry was made up to the number of nine faults. The great Qāan Cingīz K. exalted Qishlīq and Bānā^973e to this rank because they had given information about the enemy, and, from his abundant graciousness, relieved them from the burden of attendance (bār-i-farmāīsh), and did not exact from them the royal share of the booty. For a while the Tarkhān had seven privileges, viz.—1st, A Ṭabb (kettle-drum). 2nd, A Tumantogh (standard). 3rd, A Naqqāra (also a drum). 4th, A Tarkhān could confer on two of his select servants a qushūntogh^974a (the standard of a squadron?). 5th, He also could carry a Chatrtogh. 6th, He had a qūr.

It is a Moghul regulation that no one except the sovereign can carry his quiver in his hand. His hunting-ground is also taboo (qurq). If any one enter it, he becomes a slave. He^974b is the head of his tribe. The Amīrs in the high-divan sit further off and on both sides of him, and are a bow's length away. When Amīr Būlāgī raised Tughlaq Taimūr (to the throue of the Khānate), there was conferred upon him the right of appointing and dismissing officers up to the rank of one thousand (hazārī). It was also ordered that no inquiry should be held about (the offences of) his children up to nine generations. When the offences exceeded nine in number, an inquiry would be held. Then when retribution for this was to be inflicted, he was to be placed on a two-year old white horse, and a white cloth was to be put under the horse's feet. His representation was to be conveyed (to the Khān) by one of the chiefs of the Barlās tribe, and the answer by one of the chiefs of the Arkīwat tribe. Then his neck vein (shāhrag) was opened and the two Amīrs stood on each side and watched, until he died. Then they removed him from the presence and buried him with lamentation. Khiẓr Khwāja raised Amīr Khudādād to this rank, and he added three other privileges. 1st, On feast-days, when all the grandees stood, and one yasāwal of the ruler was on horseback to keep order, the Tarkhān also had a horse. 2nd, As when in that feast of joy the cup of qimōz was held on the Khān's right hand, so also did a cupbearer hold one on the left hand for the Tarkhān. 3rd, His seal appeared on the face of the firmāns, but the seal of the king is put at the head of the last line, and that of the Tarkhān below that.

If all favours be in accordance with discretion they will agree with the performance of God's will. The provision about not inquir- ⁶³⁶ ing until nine faults have been committed, of whatever nature they may be, does not appear to be consonant with propriety. If farseeing princes are engaged in testing men, and take care that no evil deed be committed by them, and if such orders have been issued for the exaltation of some persons, then it is something comprehensible. But as for that provision that no inquiry is to be made for nine generations, it would look as if the Almighty had given him (the Khān) the power of knowing the future! Whither have my words strayed! And whither have I gone in order to refresh my narrative?^975a

What words do I utter, whither have they driven my conveyance?
Whether have we gone, and where has our steed halted?

M. 'Abdu-l-'Alī attained to high rank under Sulṭān Maḥmūd M. the son of Sulṭān Abu S'aīd M., and became ruler of Bokhāra. Shaibek K. Uzbeg was in his service, but when he attained the Sultanate, he killed his master^976a and his five sons, and so gathered the materials of eternal ruin. M. ‘Īsā was six months’ old. The Arghūn clan being without a head, left Transoxiana and some came to Khurāsān. Mīr Zū-n-nūn Beg Arghūn became a great man under Sulṭān Ḥusain M. Qandahār, Sīstān and Zamīndāwar were given to him as his fiefs. When Badī'u-zamān M. had the wickedness to rebel against Sulṭān Ḥusain M. (his father), Mīr Ẕū-n-nūn joined him, and gave him his daughter. When Sulṭān Ḥusaīn M. died, his two sons Badīu'z-Zamān and Moẓaffar ascended the throne, and there ensued distractions in the country. Shaībeg came to fight, and Ẕū-n-nūn was killed in battle against him. His son Shāh Beg was kept in Qandahar under surveillance (by Shaibānī). Shāh Beg sent for Bābur from Kabul in order that he might enter into his service and proceed to Khurāsan, but when Bābur approached, he fought with him. A great battle took place, and Shāh Beg was defeated, and Qandahar and the collections of years were lost. Bābur left Nāṣir M. (in Qandahar) and returned to Kabul. At the instigation of Muqīm, Shah^977a Beg's brother, Shaibānī (Uzbeg) came to Qandahar. Nāṣir carefully guarded it, and as there was a report of a disturbance in Khurāsan, Shaībāni made peace and returned. After some time Nāṣir left Qandahar without cause, and came to Kabul. Shāh Beg acted promptly and took Qandahar. When Shaībāni in battle with Ism'aīl Ṣafavī got his retribution for killing his master, Shāh Beg came to Herat at the summons of the Shāh (Ism'aīl), and was put into prison. Sanbal^977b by name, a slave, from goodness and faithfulness, made a plot with forty leaders of the Arghūns, and, going to Herat, set up as a shopkeeper. He set up a shop for a while. He made clever arrangements and by means of pretexts contrived to convey news to the prison, and he in a consummate manner revealed his secret plan. Shāh Beg got the help of the other prisoners, and that faithful one brought together strong horses and had them shod backwards. At night he drugged the food of the guards and brought Shāh Beg out of prison. He himself guided him to Qandahār. After some time Firdūs Makānī (Bābur) made an expedition against him. He did not think himself strong enough to resist and retired into the fort. After two years peace was made. He went towards Shāl^977c and lay in wait. From there he came to ⁶³⁷ Sehwān and took Sewistān from Jām Nandā^977d who was of the Jādūn tribe and known generally as Samma (?). During the time of his son Jām Fīrūz, Shāh Beg got possession of the whole of Sind. He also took Multan from the Langāhs. When he died, he was succeeded by his son Shāh Ḥusaīn. Jinuat Āshīyānī (Humāyūn) came to him at the time of his misfortune, but Shāh Ḥusain in his folly went to war with him. Some account of this has been given in the first volume (of the Akbarnāma). As^978a a retribution for his wickedness, he lost his intelligence, and could not distinguish a friend from an enemy. He took flattery and cajolery to be the tests of goodness. He constantly spent six months in ascending the river, and six months in going down stream. When he was going towards Bhakkar, Kastak,^978b (?), Mīr Shāham, and Kīrchak, who were noted men among the Arghūns, raised up M. 'Isā—whose ancestors had been the heads of the Arghūn clan—and seized Tughlaqābād^978c and Tatta. On hearing this, Shah Ḥusain turned back without going to Bhakkar. With the help of Sulṭān Maḥmūd his foster-brother, who was governor of Bhakkar, he prepared for war, and encamped near Koh Haftdakhtar (the hill of the seven danghters), and with a stream in front of him. For six months, naval fights went on. By the evil machinations of Sulṭān Maḥmūd, a sort of peace was made. The country of Sind was divided into five portions, three being assigned to M. 'Isā and two to M. Shah Ḥusain. Afterwards^978d that ingrate deprived his master of the wine he was accustomed to. He died in the same^978e year as that in which Humāyūn went to heaven, and the whole country came into the possession of M. 'Īsā. When he died, his son M. Bāqī succeeded him. Madness overcame him, and he stuck a sword-hilt in a wall, and drove the point into his belly. He died,^979a and the Arghūns assigned the name of royalty to his son M. Pāyinda, but as he was a recluse, and of an insane disposition, the administration was committed to his son M. Jānī Beg. In the previous year (1000? 1592) the recluse died. For the sake of refreshing my narrative, I have disgressed somewhat. Now I return to my tale with the same straightforwardness as formerly. May this quality never fail!

On 15 Farwardīn Shāham K. Jalāīr and Qāsim K. Tamkīn came from their fiefs and had the good fortune of an audience, and were exalted by princely favours. On the day of exaltation (sharf) the feast of the lunar weighment look place. That noble personality was weighed against eight articles, and many necessitous ones had their desires gratified. On this day, the territory of Tattah was given in fief to M. Shāhrukh. M. Jānī Beg was given a manṣab of 3000, and the province of Multan. All those who had served in Sind received ⁶³⁸ the reward of their service. Shāh Beg K. was made an officer of 2500 and Saiyid Bahāu-d-dīn one of a 1000. Similarly, every one received in accordance with his merit. On this day, M. Qubād, who had learnt wisdom in the school of the prison, was released.

One of the occurrences was the departure of M. Koka for the Ḥijāz. For a long time fancies had taken possession of him. He thought that H.M. disliked him, and he regarded^979b marks of favour as censures. At the time when he showed good service, H.M. out of excessive affection summoned him to his presence. The old frenzy boiled over, and he sank into improper thoughts. He had not the courage to treat his imaginings as realities, and yet come to court, nor the discernment to rid himself of his wrong ideas. He dismissed Naurang K., Gūjar K., Khwāja Ashraf and many of the royal servants to their jāgīrs, and went off himself to Jūnagarh. But without going there, he proceeded to Dwārka, in order that he might after the fashion of thorough-going men take the road of exile. He disclosed his secret to some confidants, and hurried off to Pūr Bandar. That is a populous place on the seashore. It has a stone fort, and most of the wall is of stone. From there he went to Mangalūr.^980a He gave out that he meditated the capture of the port of Diu, and he stopped the coming and going of traders from all the ports of Gujarat — a traffic which makes Diu prosperous. The Christians were put into straits and made a peace. It was agreed that this year the Divine^980b ship (Jahāz-i-Ilāhī) which is always filled up in Diu, should only be half filled (there) and that the other half should be freighted wherever the owner of it (khedive) chose, and that the 10,000 Maḥmūdis,^980c which was the hire, would not be demanded, and that the embarkation might take place wherever he chose (?). No one would interfere with this. In order to deceive people, he wrote to the Jām and to Bihāra (of Kach) that he was going to court by way of Sind, and asked that they would arrange to accompany him. He also described the route, stage by stage, and requested them to make suitable arrangements for food and water. When he came to Pattan Somnāth he confined Mīr 'Adu-r-Razzāq Bakhshī and Saiyid^980d Bāyazīd, and took a promise from the soldiers that they would not prevent him from going. On 15 Farwadin,^980e 25th March 1593, he embarked on the ship Ilāhī at the port of Balāwal^980f which is near Somnāth. Six of his sons—Kharram, Anwar, 'Abdu-l-lah, 'Abdu-l-laṭīf, Martaẓā, 'Abdu-l-Ghafūr, and six daughters, together with their mothers, accompanied him. He took^981a with him Khwāja Bā bā, Ḥāfiẓ 'Abdu-r-raḥmān, Mullā Yūsuf, Ḥakīm Masa'ūd, Muḥam mad Ḥusain, Qāsim 'Alī, and others, to the number of one hundred persons. The anchor was raised at night, and he went afar from the Qibla of hope. H.M., on hearing of this, forgave the crookedness of his vision, and his errors, and prayed to God for his deliverance, and for the success of his journey. He said, “Inasmuch as I have trod the path of peace with Jews and Nazarenes and others, how can I rise up against my own protegé? I so love 'Azīz that though he show evil thoughts, we can think nothing but good of him. ⁶³⁹ Should his mother die of grief for his absence, it will be hard for him to be delivered from the harshness of the world. Otherwise he will soon repent of what he has done.” He also said, “Before this, the mother of the Mīrzā came into our presence. Before I knew what she was going to do she made a cup of water revolve round my head and then drank it. When I asked what she meant, she said, ‘This night I had a dream that something untoward had happened to the Shāhinshāh. I have taken it upon myself.’ Apparently she had seen her son in my^981b form.” H.M. was most gracious to his sons and servants—who were in a state of great perplexity—and raised his eldest son Shamsī^982a to the rank of 1000, and his other son. Shādmān to the rank of 500. A fertile jāgīr was also bestowed. They got new life on beholding his kindness, and felt ashamed on account of their father's conduct.

One of the occurrences was the appointment of Prince Sulṭān Murād to the government of Gujarat. When M. Koka took the road of disobedience, and that country remained without a guardian, an order was issued on 10 Ardībihisht to that nursling of fortune, informing him that skilful and liberal men were being sent and that he should use them in the administration. When the Governor of Mālwa arrived, he should make over the province to him and proceed to Gujarat. On the 28th the standard of the seekers after knowledge, the Poet Laureate S. Faiẓī, returned from the Deccan, and, after an absence of 1 year, 8 months, 14 days, did homage. He was exalted by various favours. He had gone on an embassy. Burhān in his arrogance and self- will had not listened to his counsels. He had not sent fitting^982b presents and had prepared the materials of his own injury. Rajah 'Alī K. had to some extent listened to the commands, and had sent his daughter with choice bridal gifts for the wooing of the Prince Royal.

One of the occurrences was the capture of Kanshān.^982c When Zain K. Koka took Cīnkārī he stayed at Fort Fatḥābād which he had founded in Bajaur. He sent Mubārik K., Jalāl K. and some troops to watch over Swād. At this time the watching over the country from the other side of the Indus up to the Hindu Koh was made over to him, and the fiefholders there were directed to assist him. He applied himself to the uprooting the thornbrake of the Tārīkīs, and went to Tīrāh. Qāsīm K. came unattended to Jalālābad. A feast of concord was held, and it was arranged that he should go via Bāzārak to the hill-country, and that the army of Bangash should come from that quarter. With this idea, the Koka went to Kabul by the Ilam^982d Pass. Near Gagīānī Āṣaf K. came in from Bangash, and accompanied him. At Bigrām Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn and other officers—who had obtained leave from court—joined him. The Koka took up his quarters at the Pass. Qāsim K. proceeded with the Kabul troops to Tīrāh by way of Bāzārak. The Yārān (?), who ⁶⁴⁰ were among the leaders of the Afrīdīs, were killed in battle, and though other soldiers had not arrived, the Afrīdī and Orakzai tribes had recourse to entreaties. They submitted and gave some hostages. Jalāla Tārīkī left Tīrāh and went to the country of the Kāfirs. At the time when the Koka took the Fort of Cīnkārī and returned, Waḥdat 'Alī his (Jalāla's) relation (son-in-law?) with the help of the Yūsufzai prevailed over the fort of Kanshān and parts of the territory of the Kāfirs. He (the Koka) left Qāsim K. in Jalālābād, and Muḥammad Qulī and Hamza Beg Atālīq in Bigrām. He took with him Āṣaf K., Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn, S'āīd K. Ghakar, Takhta Beg and others, and went to that quarter (Kanshān). Before the ill-fated Tārīkīs had crossed the Kabul river, the victorious troops came and barred their road. They failed and had to go back to the hills of Tīrah. Some were of opinion that an effort should be made to chastise them. The Kokaltāsh said, “The land-owners of Tīrāh have submitted. Probably they (the Tārīkīs) wont get access there, and they will become vagabonds. Now let our efforts be directed to overthrow Waḥdat 'Alī. Before he make this difficult country secure we shall be at our ease regarding him.” All approved. They left their baggage, and entered the Kāfir country by the route of Shāhzādī. Near the village of Kandī Kahār they made a new bridge over the Bajaur^983a river—which is 70 yards broad and is very swift. The Tārīkīs, when they crossed, had broken down the bridge. Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn was left to guard it, and to keep the road open. They marched seventeen stages of heights and hollows and came to a great pass, eight kos from the enemy. The latter had strengthened the fort of Kanshān, and were exulting in their arrogance. Halfway, at this defile and uneven ground—where a single horseman could with difficulty proceed, and there were four kos of straits (tegha)^983b —they had collected stones in ten places, and were prepared to give battle. On 6 Khurdād, 16 May 1593, the Koka advanced with some men and was searching for a camping ground. Takhta Beg, S'aīd K., Ḥaidar 'Ali 'Arab and other brave men were sent on as the vanguard. They were to select a choice spot and halt there, and not to engage in fighting. The Afghans attacked this party, and a battle became inevitable. The enemy was driven off four times. When the Koka heard of this, he joined with the few men who were with him. The sound of the trumpet restored courage to those of the vanguard who had lost heart. Many had left their place, but Takhta Beg, S'aīd K., Ḥaidar' Alī 'Arab and some others did not shift their foot from the arena, and fought stoutly. On the arrival of the Kokaltāsh they renewed their efforts and devotion. Brave men too came up from the rear and took part in the fight. First, Áṣaf K. came up. The place was narrow and for three pahars there was a fight of spears and daggers. Suddenly Waḥdat 'Alī could not get out of the defile^984a (? tegha). With a large number of followers he went down into a deep hollow, and by the Divine help the enemy was dispersed, and victory exalted the hearts of the imperialists. The fort of Kanshān, and much cultivated country, came into possession. There was a daily market of ⁶⁴¹ submission. The wicked went off to the high mountains, and perished (?). This hill-country is the seat of the officer (dārogha nishīn) of the ruler of Kāshghar.^984b It is full of snow throughout the year. Active men followed, and made many men and women prisoners. Many Kāfir leaders submitted and helped to put down the Afghans. Some went off towards Caghānserai and Badakhshān in order that they might cross the Bajaur river and get shelter with the other Kāfirs. A party of the victorious troops broke down the bridges on the other side, and so the heads of the Yūsufzai—Hātim, Bābā 'Alī, Hindāl, S. Husaīn—came in and paid their respects under the safe-conduct of Qāsim K. and others. Waḥdat 'Alī too could not help coming in (i.e. surrendering). Four hundred of the enemy were killed, and 7000^984c were made prisoners. On the side of the imperialists thirty persons gave up their lives with honour, and 150 were wounded. The country was conquered up to Kāshghar and Badakhshān.

At this time Shahbāz K. was^985a set free. His success had somewhat darkened his understanding, and the gracious sovereign placed him in the school of instruction (the prison). When signs of instruction showed themselves, he was, after two years and more, made the recipient of favour on 24 Khurdād. On the 30th, Sher Beg Tawācībāshī arrived from Bengal, and produced 127 elephants and other articles which Rajah Mān Singh had obtained at the conquest of Bengal. At this time Naqīb K.^985b represented that Qāẓī 'Īsā his uncle had made his daughter a present to H.M. and that this chaste and secluded lady had for a long time been spending her days in cherishing this wish. The world's lord—though at this time he paid less attention to such matters—accepted the representation, and on 12 Tīr he visited the house of Naqīb K. and received that chaste lady according to ancestral rites. The long-standing desire was gratified. On this day the Mota Rajah took leave to go to Sirohī in order that he might reduce the proprietor there to obedience, or else prepare punishment for refractoriness.

One of the occurrences was the sending of Ṣādiq K. as Atālīq to Prince Sulṭān Murād. As Ismā'īl Quli K. did not do well in this appointment, Ṣādiq K. was on the 13th appointed to the high office and sent off. By his skill, things were well managed there. On the 12th Amardād H.M. visited the house of Rai Rai Singh and by heartfelt sympathy soothed his grief. His beloved daughter was married to the son^985c of Rajah Rām Cand. When that Rajah died, his son was treated with favour and sent to that country (Pannah or Bāndhū). On the way he fell out of his litter. To cure him, he was bled, but, from unseasonable bathing, he died near his home in the town of Khora (Jarrett II. 193). On hearing of this Rai Singh's daughter thought of burning herself, but H.M. induced her to refrain from^985d such an idea on account of the tender age of her children.

One of the occurrences was the restoration of the country of ⁶⁴² Tatta to M. Jānī Beg. Though the farseeing sovereign read goodness on the forehead of the Mīrzā, and had this idea (of restoring him), yet he delayed somewhat on account of the objections of undiscerning persons. At this time it came to be known that the Arghūn tribe, to the number of 10,000—men and women—was coming upstream by boat. Owing to the emigration,^986a the boatmen and servants were in distress and were tearing themselves with their hands and teeth. H.M.'s benevolence was touched, and on the 17th the Mīrzā was gratified by this great favour. Though some courtiers represented in a proper manner that he should be restrained from returning, their suggestions were not successful. Bandar Lahorī was made crown-property (khālṣā), and Sewistān, which had been a present (peshkash) in the first instance, was given in fief to Bakht yār Beg and some others. The emigrants got fresh life and returned from near Bhakkar.

On the 20th Zain K. Koka did homage. When Kanshān was taken, and the neighbouring country conquered, and all the rebellious made submissive, he encouraged the Kāfir chiefs to settle and develop the country. He then withdrew his thoughts from the country and returned. When he had come midway, news arrived that Jalāla was two stages off. Apparently, after he heard of the victory and of the capture of Waḥdat 'Alī he had returned back and was hastening to Tīrāh. The Koka was on the point of either leaving a body of troops to protect the camp while he himself should hasten on, or of sending a party of soldiers to that spot. Owing to the ignorance of his companions neither thing was effected. Near Bajaur it became known that Jalāla was passing in the neighbourhood. They blocked the roads and halted to look for him. He, owing to the somnolence of a few, passed near the camp. The Koka sent some of his own servants in pursuit of him under the charge of Ṭālib Beg Badakhshī. He came up (with Jalāla) with a few men and played away his life. At the end of the day when the villain had entered the hills, Zain arrived in person with some men and Jalāla went off rapidly to Tīrāh. The inhabitants had given hostages and so did not give him a passage. He went off in a distracted state to Kānguram (?). The Koka came to Begrām, and was thinking about entering the hills. At this time an order came, summoning him, and he went off to court. In this year he attained his wish. 'Aṣaf K., Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn and others of his companions had the bliss of an audience, and each of them was exalted by royal favours.

One of the occurrences was that a day of distraction came upon the writer of the noble volume. At the close of the 24th (Amardād) corresponding to 17 Ẕī-l-q'ada, 5th August^987a 1593, my honoured father, the Teacher of the Age and the guide of the intelligent, departed to the sublime world. A carbuncle formed on his neck, and after eleven days he left this transitory life. Wisdom rose up to mourn, and knowledge sate down helpless.

The Imām of science, the venerated councillor, the perfect ⁶⁴³ teacher,
Who in world-guidance was the confidant of universal Reason.
200 Bū Naṣrs^987b and Avicennas departed that he might be born.
Fate in her nine^987c shops oft practises such trafficking.

Whiles he circled the earth with the caravan of the Peripatetics,
Whiles he careered o'er the skies with the Illuminati,
The Ages contended for his perfect birth
With the era of Jalālu-d-dīn Akbar Ghāzī.

Who would have supposed that the ocean would sink into two yards of earth or that a mountain would at a breath be moved from its place? Had substitution been permitted, many life-lovers had shed their lives! What question then of a life-hater? The condition of myself—who had but little understanding—was overset, and I was near abandoning my life.

My heart became blood, and blood rose above my chest,
Because that soul of the world passed from my view.
Alas, it is in every respect a day of orphanhood,
For to-day both my sire and my saint have passed away.

He held high rank in the rational and traditional sciences, and had on his tongue the views of the philosopher, the orator, and the Ṣūfī, and of every form of religion. He had received from the Great Teacher (God) every kind of knowledge. He removed the veil of formal science from over spiritual beauty, and cultivated seclusion in the midst of society. The ways of contemporaries stained not the hem of his soul. In spite of his profound insight he did not see his own perception and devotion (i.e. was not conscious of them), and did not bring his goods to market. He did not sell his ecstasy (ḥālat) and knew no finesse (ḥīlat). The turmoil of the world did not engage his mind. His search for proof made no distinction between the great and the small, and from his intelligence, he when vexed took the path of humility. He did not withhold the truth from the powerful, and in giving counsel he never troubled for himself. At the close of his life, and when little^988a time remained to him, he at the desire of some friends completed a great commentary, and left an abundant memorial of himself in every description of knowledge. The discerning remained in astonishment. In his^988b hundredth year he possessed the fire of youth, and fulness of years did not restrain him from expending soul and body. At the beginning of his illness he sent for this one (the author) who was bewildered with existence and took him in his arms. He spoke many heartfelt words and bade him adieu. On account of my crudity I was in a state of distraction, but was silenced somewhat by the kindness of H.M. Ten years before this a severe illness befell him (Mubārik). H.M. said, “If it does not end within ten hours, there will be danger on the 10th day: if not, there will be danger in the 10th month: and if not, there will be (danger) in the last day of the tenth year.” Afterwards it so happened, and the veil was once more removed from H.M.'s knowledge of hidden things. Out of his stout-heartedness and strong life, he did not die, and bore the burden of life on the shoulder of weakness. There is no contending against Fate! Nor any remedy against its hunting after life, and its destruction of endurance!

Gone is the world's philosopher to whom
While yet on earth^989a the gates of the spiritual heaven were open.
Without him, his kindred are orphans and dead of heart.
He was the Adam of his race and the Jesus of his family.

⁶⁴⁴ Where is the strength to control my grief for that unique one of God? My heart is lacerated with its own grief. I, who am an inmate of the hermitage of resignation and submission, was struck a heavy blow, and nolens volens I became impatient. I cannot tell if this misfortune (his father's death) was the result of destiny or was one greater than could be imagined. This story of grief and pain is very long, and this tale of a lasting sore is life-consuming. It is better that I wrap up this mortal event in this book of fortune, and with this verse^990a control my disturbed mind.

Happy are they, for the bitter waters of death's poison
Have smote their pitchers with the highest and deepest organ tones
Close the lips, for the incurably wounded of Fate
Have become wild, and have cried from the depths.

On the 26th Mīr Manīr—who had been sent with counsels to the ruler of Golconda—arrived with the ambassador and the tribute (peshkash), and was honoured by an audience.

One of the occurrences was the accepting of Shāhrukh M. as a son-in-law (farzandī). On 11 Shahriyūr (September 1594), that jewel of a noble family, who joined modesty with knowledge, received his exaltation. In the quarters of Miriam Makānī, Shakrnisā Begam—the beloved child of the Shāhinshāh—was united to him. When this auspicious meeting was over, another great feast was prepared and another daughter, viz. Khānim^990c Sulṭān, was united to Moẓaffar Husain M., the son of Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. On the 19th the daughter of Rājah Àlī K. was made over to the harem of the Prince-Royal, and that family obtained a strong protection. On the 23rd, Adham, the son of Niyābat K. died. The world's lord conveyed his sympathies to Māmā^990d Āghā. From there he went to the quarters of Zain K. Koka and reposed there a little. At dawn M. Yūsuf K. came from Kashmīr and had the bliss of performing the kornish.

One of the occurrences was the sending Shāhrukh M. to look after Mālwa. H.M. had been searching for a governor of Mālwa from the time that Gujarat had been made over to Prince Sulṭan Murād. As his ability and consideration for the peasantry were conspicuous, he was on 7 Mihr raised to the high rank of 5,000, and after receiving weighty counsels he was sent off there. Shahbāz K. was raised to the office of Atālīq and sent with him—Ḥaidar Dost and … (three lines of names) were also appointed.

From the time when, by the order of H.M., Shāh Muḥammad ⁶⁴⁵ Qilāti made over Qandahar to the agents of Shāh Ṭahmāsp and came to India, the Shāh (Ṭahmāsp) had given it to his brother's son Sulṭan Ḥusain M., the son of Bahrām M. He always behaved respectfully to H.M. and sent presents, and reckoned himself as a servant. As he always kept the chain of obedience in motion, Qandahar was not taken from him in spite of the Shāh's death. He died of drinking in the 21st year, leaving four^992a sons: Moẓaffar Ḥusain M., Rustum M., Abū S'aīd M., Sanjar M. From courtesy and appreciation of rank, that populous country was left to them. Shāh Ism'āīl—that bloodshedder—set about, in his distracted brain, the slaying of his brothers and his other relatives. He appointed some persons to put those at Qandahar to death. Those sent got hold of them, but cupidity and the gratification of their wishes led to the preservation of life. When the Shāh heard of this, he became indignant, and assigned Qandahar to Shāh Qulī Sulṭān Ẕū-ul-Qadr, and the latter sent Budāgh Beg to take their lives and to annex the country. The murderers trembled^992b for themselves and arranged that on the following morning they would put them to death. Suddenly a report spread that the bloodshedder was dead, and the innocent persons escaped. When the government of Persia came to Sulṭan Muḥammad Khudābanda, he left them in possession of the country. M. Moẓaffar Ḥusain, the elder brother, was in Qandahar, while Rustum M. and his two other brothers lived in Zamīn Dāwar. From selfwill and the turbulence of youth, they quarrelled among themselves. Moẓaffar Ḥusain was defeated and retired to the fort. Rustum M. invested it for forty days, but by contrivances, peace was made and they met one another. When 'Abdullah Khān, the ruler of Tūrān, besieged Herat, Īgān Sulṭān Afshār, the governor of Farāh, by means of entreaties brought Rustum M. to his aid. He fought with the Turanian soldiers and did not give up Farāh. From not knowing his friends, and from somnolence of intellect, he (Rustum) killed Īgān Sulṭān. Sulaimān Khalīfa joined him from Khurāsān in order that he might make the Mīrzā an instrument of strife, but a happy star prevented the Mīrzā from acceding to this. But at his instigation he laid hands upon Sīstān which is commonly known as Nīmroz. Moẓaffar Ḥusain M. found his opportunity and hastened to make an expedition against Zamin Dāwar. Rustum M. came there, and a great battle ensued. Moẓaffar Ḥusain M. could not withstand him and retreated to Qandahar. Mercenary and fly-like creatures were continually going from one to the other, and were disturbing the public peace. When the old enmity had got the upper hand, they severed the ancient connection with Persia, and did not attach themselves to the Shāhinshāh's court. At last, the elder brother prevailed, and took Zamīn Dāwar. M. Rustum came to Herat and attacked Qilāt. Meanwhile a report was spread of the approach of the victorious troops, and M. Rustum had the good thought of making friendly overtures to Sharīf K. Atka, the governor of Ghaznīn. He also sent a humble representation to the sublime court, and expressed a wish to pay his respects. A comforting letter was sent to him by Mīrak Jalaīr and Mihtar Ibrāhīm, and an order was given to the fief-holders ⁶⁴⁶ on the route that they should regard the coming of the Mīrzā as an honour, and show him proper respect. When he arrived within the empire, Qarā Beg, Ḥakīm 'Aīn-ul-Mulk and Bakhtyār Beg were sent one after the other, and when he had nearly approached, Sharīf K. Atka, Shāh Beg K., Āṣaf K. and other officers were sent off (to meet him). On 12 Mihr, which was the festival of the Dasaraha, the Khān-Khānān, Zain K., and others received him and brought him into the presence. He glorified his forehead by performing the sijda. Sanjar M., his younger brother, and his four sons, Murād, Shāhrukh, Ḥasan, Ibrāhīm and 400 Turkomans had the honour of an audience. Every one of them was exalted by princely favours. H.M. conferred on him a manṣab of 5,000, Multan and many parganas, and Bilūcistān—which is larger than Qandahar.^994a On the 18th, Qāsim K. came from Kabul and did homage, and was the recipient of royal favours.

In this year Prince Sulṭan Daniel was saved by the Divine protection from a sudden danger. A great uproar occurred in the female apartments. The souls of the servants there melted. The world's lord came out to offer prayers. At evening there was some carelessness on the part of the sentinels. A madman thought it was the public hall, and entered the harem. The prince saw him and ran after him. Near the inner pigeon-house he flung him on the ground and got on the top of him. Thinking the man might use a weapon, he held both his arms tightly, and twisted them. The inner servants, who were Circassians, Qalmāqs, Russians (Arūs, text has Ardūs), and Abyssinians, rushed after him, and taking the prince for a stranger they attacked him with sticks and clods (khisht, perhaps bricks). From promptitude, the prince did not let go the man. At this time H.M. came out, and saw the affair. He stated: “When I approached, I thought of using my sword, and so drove off the girls. A beam which had been left at the pigeon-house prevented me from doing what I intended. Thinking that the prince was a stranger I seized him by the hair, and dragged him, and wanted to prick him with the point^994b of my sword. Suddenly, my wrath subsided, and mighty love seized the skirt of my heart.” At the same time it appeared that the prince had thought the madman was an evil-intentioned man in his senses and so was holding him down. The lunatic was let go.

One of the occurrences was the despatch of Prince Sulṭan Daniel to chastise Burhān-ul-Mnlk. As words of enlightenment did not enter his ears, and he regarded advices as futilities, H.M.'s idea was that he would go to Agra and from there appoint the troops. But as ⁶⁴⁷ provisions were somewhat high in that quarter his intention was not carried out. He was obliged to send away Prince Sulṭan Daniel on the eve of the 25th Mihr to carry out the undertaking. He sent with him the Khān-khānān, Rai Rai Singh and many officers, and treasure, a park of artillery, and elephants. An order was given to Shāhrukh M., Shahbāz K. and the other fief-holders of Mālwa to equip troops and to proceed with the prince. An order was also given to Rajah Mān Singh to the effect that if he could turn away his attention from Bengal he should proceed from there to the Deccan. An order was also written to Prince Sulṭan Murād that he should make preparations for the conquest of the Deccan, and that when the soldiers had been gathered together from every side, near him, he should carry out the order. On the 4th Ābān, the solar weighment took place, and H.M. was weighed against twelve articles. A world had its desires gratified.

At this time the marriage-feast of Prince Sulṭan Daniel was arranged. For a long time it had been H.M.'s intention that the daughter of Qulīj K. should be united to this pearl of the crown. At this time the idea was renewed, and on the 5th, the grandees were assembled outside of the city, and the marriage was effected. There were various rejoicings and there was a daily market of enjoyment. It occurred to Qulīj K. that H.M. might visit his house. In gratitude for this great favour he arranged a feast. His request was accepted, and on the 13th there was a time of enjoyment. On the 20th, H.M. spent some time in the Rāmbārī garden, and M. Yūsuf K. obtained leave to go to Kashmīr. Artificers by the command of H.M. commenced to build four ships. On 7th Āẕar, Sulṭan Khusrū commenced to learn Indian philosophy. Shīv Dat Brahman, who was famed as the Bhattācārje of the age, and had few equals in science, was appointed to this service. Sulṭan Rustūm^995a and Sulṭan Parvīz were set to learn knowledge, and by H.M.'s orders the writer of the book of fortune taught something of the alphabet. On the 17th, the elephants of M. Koka, which had been left in Gujarat, were brought, and were presented. On 3rd Dai, H.M. went to Sulṭanpūr to hunt. On the 8th, near Haibatpūr, news came that Prince Daniel was still in Sirhind, and that the army was not making progress. H.M. did not approve, and his former idea revived (of going in person to Agra, etc.). He summoned the Khān-khānān to come post to him. Near the town of Shaikhūpūr^996a he had an audience. He represented that “the time for the army to enter the Deccan was after the rains. Water and forage would then be plentiful, and corn cheap. On this account there was slowness of movement.” When a council was held it was unanimously agreed that Prince Daniel should return, and that when the rains were ended, the royal standards should advance, and that the Prince should remain to ⁶⁴⁸ guard the Panjab. H.M. also said, “Since I ordered Prince Sulṭan Murād to go on this service, perhaps this sending (of Daniel) may vex him.” Qulīj K. was sent off to turn back the Prince. At this time a large black deer appeared on the hunting ground. The sovereign so struck it with an arrow that it did not move, and when an enquiry was made it was found that the bones of its waist were broken. The head (of the arrow) came out with difficulty. Some persons stated that in the Ajmere expedition a large tiger had been knocked over in this way. The acute of sight were astonished. On the 15th near Sulṭanpūr the Khān-khānān obtained leave in order that he might assemble the troops in Agra. H.M. returned. On the 17th, near Patīāla, Prince Sulṭan Daniel did homage. An extraordinary thing was that on this day a petition came from Prince Sulṭan Murād representing that “he had come to Aḥmadābād on 6 Āẕar, and was preparing for the expedition to the Deccan. He had heard that Prince Sulṭān Daniel had also been appointed to this service. H.M.'s sublime thoughts were pleasing to God, but he (Murād) feared lest he might have done something improper, or meddlers might have said something unfitting.” H.M., from his knowledge of secrets, had anticipated his wishes. On the 22nd, H.M. arrived at Lahore, and the world reposed anew.

One of the occurrences was the increase of saffron^996b in Kashmīr. Formerly each seed yielded less than three flowers, and the amount received by government did not exceed 20,000 traks, but was not less than 7,000. Once in M. Haidar's time it was 28,000 traks. This year when it became khālṣa the ruler's share was 90,000 traks. Though there was more land under cultivation, yet the flowers were also more than usual. Every seed yielded up to eight flowers. On 18 Bahman, the report was received, and thanks were returned to God.

One of the occurrences was the destruction of the Kashmīr porters. Numerous traders were bringing their goods. Near Pīr Panjāl there was a fall of snow, and a hillock was dislodged. 115 men lost their lives under it. In accordance with justice the goods reached the owners and the despairing had their desires gratified.

At this time Rai Patr Dās was sent to conquer the fort of Bandhū. It is one of the famous fortresses of the world. When Rājah Rām Cand and his son died, wicked men made the young grandchild an instrument of strife, and rose up to oppress the peasantry. H.M. on 1 Isfandārmaẕ sent that servant to civilise the country and to punish the evil-doers, and to take the fort. Next day Abū S'aīd M. had an audience. He was the brother of Rustūm M., and had remained behind in Qandahar. At this time he was exalted by doing homage, and was gratified by princely favours. On the 13th, Rajah Mān Singh did homage. After conquering ⁶⁴⁹ Orissa, he came to Rohtās. H.M. had called him to himself. When he arrived within one stage of Lahore, the Prince-Royal was given leave^997a from the hunting field. An order was given that as during the mourning for Rajah Bhagwānt Das, condolences had not been sent to the Rajah (Mān Singh, the adopted son of Bhagwānt), the Prince-Royal should proceed from the hunting-ground to his quarters. The order was carried out, and that chosen servant (Mān Singh) obtained high honour. Naṣīb, Lodī and Jamāl, the sons of Qutlū, Jalāl K. Khāṣkhel … Yūsuf Kāshī Pānde, Purusotam— who were headmen in Orissa—were introduced by the Rajah. On the 14th, Ismaīl Qulī K. arrived from Gujarat, and did homage On the 22nd, M. Yūsuf^997b arrived from Kashmīr.

On the eve of Monday 28 Jamāda-al-ākhirī, 1002 H. (10 or 11 March, 1594) after the passing of 9h. 44m. 22s., the world-illuminating sun lighted up his mansion of exaltation, and the third year of the 4th cycle began. The earth rose up with grace, and the heavens set themselves to rejoicings.

By the might of delineation, the moon became like the Gallery of Mānī.
The parterre became by skill like the mind of Avicenna.
In the tray of the buds the morning was like the musk of Khallakh (a city in Turkistan).
In the mortar of tulips the air became like the powdered ambergris of Sārā.^998a

H.M. celebrated entrancing feasts up to the day of exaltation, and Divine worship assumed a higher form. On 7 Farwardīn 10,000 cavalry were assigned to the Prince-Royal. Five thousand (of them) received jāgīrs in Bengal. Among them were Jagat Singh, Darjan Singh, Sakat Singh, Bāqir Safarcī, M. Muḥammad, Bāqīr Anṣārī, Mīr Qāsim Badakhshī, Y'aqūb Kashmīrī,^998b Sharīf Sarmadī. Four thousand (received jāgīrs) near Lahore the capital. Among them were Takhta Beg, Rai Manūhar, Bahādur K. Qūrdār, Ṣalāḥa-d-dīn Bāngā, S. Khūbū, Mīr Murād Sarmast, Muqīm K., Khwāja Muḥibb 'Alī Khāfī, S. Kabīr, Ḥakīm Moẓaffar. One thousand^3998c Aḥadīs were appointed who received pay monthly from the (imperial) treasury. Sulṭān Khusrū, who though small^999a (khurd) in years was great in wisdom (khird), was raised to the manṣab of 5,000. Rajah Rām Cand, Himmat Singh, Bahāū Singh, Sher K., Bahādur Kūrūh, Salīm K. Loḥānī, Sulṭān Sūr, Allahdād Lohānī, 'lsā K. Maswānī. Nūram Koka, S'aīd K. Mandūrī, Naṣīr K. Mīāna, Manū K. Loḥānī, Tāj K. Loḥānī, Sajāwal K. Jīlam, Ulagh K. Loḥani, and some others were assigned to that new fruit of dominion. The territory of Orissa was given to him in fief. Rajah Mān Singh, whose ability and loyalty were conspicuous, was made Atālīq, and his maintenance-jāgīr was allotted^999b to him in Bengal, which country was made over to his charge. S'aīd K. became the warden of the province of Bihar. On this day M. Rustum obtained a flag and a drum, and was exalted by great favours. On the 8th the feast of the lunar weighment took place, and H.M. was weighed against eight articles. There was a daily market of liberality, and all sorts of men attained their desires.

At this time Moẓaffar Ḥusain came forward with apologies. When it became bruited abroad that the victorious troops intended to capture Qandahar, and Rustum M. arrived at the threshold of fortune, he turned his rein somewhat from wickedness, and fell into consternation. From a happy star he sent his mother with his eldest son Bahrām M. and begged for quarter. On the 9th the visitors obtained an audience, and the petition was granted. Qarā Beg^999c — who had been long connected with that family—and M. Beg Qadīmī were sent to convey to the Mīrzā the news of forgiveness and to bring him to court. Shāh Beg was appointed to watch over that country. On the day of exaltation (sharf) Khwāja Daulat Nāẓir was promoted on account of his good service and received the high dignity of Khanship. On this day Mīr^999d Ḥaidar M'aammāī (riddle-maker) came from Persia, and had an audience, and was gratified by princely favours. On the 20th Shīroyah the son of Sherāfgan (B. 455) received the title of Khān, and that good servant's wishes were gratified. On the 30th, Jabbārī the son of Majnūn K. Qāqshāl was released and treated with favour. From associating with wicked men, he had rebelled in Bengal. When he was arrested, he was sent to the school of the prison. Signs of repentance were read on his forehead, and he was released. On 1 Ardībihisht (11 or 12 April, 1594) Mullā Ṣālaḥ Bokhārī came from Tūrān, and had the bliss of kissing the threshold. He was acquainted with the current sciences, and was to some extent free from bigotry. At this time Ḥakīm 'Alī Gīlānī made a wonderful tank.^1000a There was a passage in it to a room (kāshāna), and a wonderful thing was that the water of the tank did not enter it. Men who went down into it to find the entrance had much trouble, and many returned from half-way. On the 5th H.M. went to inspect it, and personally went down. He did not listen to the warnings of men and entered the place, and stayed for some time. The spectators^21000b nearly died (of terror), but came to themselves on hearing of his welfare. I lost my senses on seeing this misplaced courage, but submitted to fate and remained silent. On 1 Khurdād Ḥājī Ḥabīb Ullah died. He was one of the good men of the world, and enjoyed H.M.'s favour. On this day Sharīf Wuqū'ī^1000c died. On the 13th Samānj'ī K. was summoned from Oudh, and was exalted by doing homage. Next morning Qāsim K. was sent off to Kabul, and Shāh Beg K. was sent to his fiefs in Khūshāb and Bangash, and an order was issued that he should prepare for an expedition, and march to Qandahar whenever the officers going there should summon him. In this year the Jām came to Prince Sulṭān Murād, and enjoyed eternal bliss. On this day Naurang K. died of diarrhœa near Jūnagarh. His survivors were cared for by H.M.

At this time the thorn-brake of falsehood was uprooted and a world had repose. The collectors of the Khālṣa, the fief-holders and the assayers (ṣairafī) of the mint were summoned, and a proper test and just weight were assigned to the coins. On the 15th the charge of this work was given to Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn. His disinterestedness and laboriousness remedied in the course of two months the old disease of the gold and silver. The embezzlers retired into obscurity. Also on this day Ism'aīl Qulī K. was deputed to Kālpī in order that he might develop the jāgīr, and make himself ready for service. On the 20th, 'Abdu-r-razzāq M'amūrī arrived from Gujarat, and had an audience. Next morning Muḥammad Yār, the daughter's son of Gulbadan Begam, from illfatedness, went off to the hills with some companions. He hurried off with rebellious designs. Silhadī and Danmandās and others were sent after them. Khair Ullah Kotwāl went a little ahead and contrived to detain them by words, so that the others came up. Some were killed and he and seven others were made prisoners. Fourteen rubies, a chaplet of choice pearls, some embroidered jewels (maraṣṣ'aāt) and much property were taken from him. On the 24th Rajah Mān Singh was sent off to Bengal after receiving weighty counsels, in order that he might carry out the royal regulations. On the 30th a ship was completed on the banks of the Rāvī. The length of the keel (cobī), which formed the foundation of this wooden house, was 35 Ilāhī yards. 2936 large planks (shahtīr) of sāl and pine (nāgā),^1001a and 468 mans two sīrs of iron, were used in building it, and 240 carpenters and blacksmiths ⁶⁵² and others were employed. H.M. went to see the spectacle. A thousand persons struggled to drag it along. In ten days it was brought from the dry land to the water, and sent to Bandar Laharī. There was much difficulty on account of deficiency of water. On 20 Tīr Miyān Karm Ullah died of illness in Saronj. His children were provided for by H.M. On 7 Amardād Durjan Kachwāha, who was one of the confidential servants, died.

One of the occurrences was the death of Qāsim K. and the punishment of Muḥammad Zamān. It has been mentioned that a native of Andijān gave himself out as the son of M. Shāhrukh, and that ignorant people accepted him. As he had attached himself to eternal dominion, he had some success. When by baseness he dropped that thread from his hand, he sank into the abyss of failure. The hill-men became disgusted with him on account of his misconduct, and the soldiers of Tūrān prevailed over him. When he failed, he formed a friendship with the Hazārahs of Afghanistan, thinking that with their help he might make a disturbance in that country. When Qāsim K. went to court, he (M. Zamān) came to this tribe with a hundred followers. He represented to the road-patrols that he was going to court, and they believed this and informed Hāshim K., the son of Qāsim K. He sent 'Alī Sher Mākrī, Selīm Beg and Allah Dost with 500 men to escort him. That villain, when he passed Panjsher, hurried off to the houses of the Hazāra. When Hāshim K. heard this, he quickly went there in person, and encountered M. Zamān near Maidān. There was a slight engagement, and Qarā Beg Bahādur, Jahāngīr Beg and some others of the victorious troops were killed. M. Zamān was defeated and made prisoner and brought to Kabul. When Qāsim K. came there, he, out of simplicity, gave M. Zamān a place near himself, and but slightly guarded him. He took his companions into service, and in accordance with commands set about arranging for sending him to court. He appointed Hāshim Beg as his conductor. The villain conspired with 500 Badakhshīs and watched for an opportunity of assassination. The leaders of the plot were Mīr Shamas K., 'Āqil Qāẓīzāda Baqlānī, and Gadā Beg Ḥiṣārī. Some suggested that Hāshīm K. should be killed on the road, and some proposed that father and son should be put to death in the city. They would get abundant plunder, and obtain possession of a cultivated country. On 12 Amardād the villain sent a message to Hashim Beg, and represented his dulness and begged him to come and have a game at dice (nardbāzī). His sole idea was to get rid of both father and son at one time. Hāshim was preparing ⁶⁵³ for his journey, and did not come. At midday Qāsim K. finished his food and went to sleep. There was no one near him except some servants. The rebels appointed some to go to Hāshim K.'s house, and went off to attack Qāsim K. He bravely gave up his life, and they cut off his head and set it on a spear. Khwāja Arbāb and Khudādād Khāṣakhel lost their lives in good service. Hāshim K. came out to quell the disturbance. Active men were sent to close the gates of the fort; soon the state of affairs was known. Hāshim then went to the citadel. The shutting of the gates helped the conclusion of the matter, for many of the rebels could not get in. When he came there, he broke the bolts and there was a hot engagement, and several were killed. Some active men got upon the wall and discharged bullets and arrows. Many of the rebels were killed, but some got into the wardrobe-room (toshah khāna) which formerly was the arsenal. Their idea was that they would get shelter and get materials for fighting. Brave men watched the door and whoever came out was killed. They opened the roof and threw fire inside. The rebels were bewildered and threw themselves into the warm-bathroom, which was close by. They were compelled to come out, one by one, and were killed. Things went on in this manner from midday till the end of the night. At dawn eighty men came out together, and lost their lives. Meanwhile the ringleader (M. Zamān) was killed. The fight went on till another midday, and there was a glorious victory. As he was doomed, foresight deserted Qāsim K., and though well-wishers informed him of the rebellion that was meditated, it was of no avail. Though all the soldiers and artizans (shāgird pasha) put their hands to the work, M. Aḥmadī, Mīr Momin, Mīr 'Abdullah, Allah Dost and Maḥabbat K. made great efforts side by side with Hāshim K. His courage and skill were conspicuous. No one lost his life. At the end of the day there was again some disturbance. Hāshim Beg and other brave men armed themselves. Five men who were breathing their last breath in the bathroom came out, thinking that it was night and that they might escape. They were soon killed. Next day Hāshim Beg seized every Badakhshī that he could hear of and killed him, and some injustice was done. He reported that on the first day he, on account of the little help he received, and the number of the enemy, had thought of killing himself. The comforting warcry of the Shāh was heard by many and gave strength to the despairing. Malik Moẓaffar Mas'audābādī used to say, “On the day of the disturbance I was coming to the city of Kabul and on the way I encountered some noble figures on horseback. When I looked closely at them, I discerned among them the king. He had a dark tiara on his head, and a cloak round his breast. I supplicated him, and was greatly astonished. He said, ‘Tell no one, for I have a work in hand.’” ⁶⁵⁴ Mādhū Das reported, “On the night that was pregnant with this adventure, I saw my Pīr in a dream, and I asked him why he came. He replied that the Shāhinshāh had come there for a purpose, and that many imperial servants were in attendance on him.” Some reported, “When we set out, we were very few in number, but from every side soldiers gathered together in troops, and fought.” There is nothing in this to wonder at. The great ones of horizons do such things. What difficulty there is then about chosen spirits! On the 23rd Ḥājī Muḥammad Mashadī, and Yūsuf the brother of 'Alī Dād Kashmīrī conveyed the rebel's head to court. H.M. was somewhat grieved at the death of so able an Amīr, but returned thanks to God for the glorious victory, and royally rewarded the good servants. He sent Mīrak and Qarā Aḥadī with a gracious message, a choice khilāt, a sword, and an embroidered belt. The charge of Kabulistan was given to Qulīj K., and Khwāja Shamsu-d-dīn was made Dīwān-i-Kul in his room. Jaunpūr, which was the jāgīr of Qulīj K., was made the fief of M. Yūsuf K. Kashmīr was given to Aḥmad Beg,^1004a Muḥammad Qulī Beg, Ḥamza Beg, Ḥasan Beg Gurd, Ḥasan 'Ali 'Arab, and Muḥammad Beg Aimāq of Badakhshān. Sharīf K. was sent off to guard Ghaznīn, and thus an old desire of his was gratified. On 2 Shahrīyūr Āṣaf K. was sent to Kashmīr in order that he might make a new and proper division among the jāgīrdārs, and that the saffron and the game might become crown-property. On the 11th Qulīj K. received weighty advices and went to Kabul. He was favoured with a choice khilāt and a special horse. On the 30th news came that M. Koka had returned to Gujarat. He arrived at the same harbour as he had set out from. He desired to kiss the threshold and was busy with preparations for the journey. The gracious sovereign sent him choice khílāts and numerous swift horses and camels.

One of the occurrences was the sending of troops to the northern hills (i.e. the Siwaliks). Though the Rajahs and chiefs of that hill-country did not cast away the thread of submission, yet their shortness of view and the strength of their country carried them somewhat out of the road (of obedience). At this time the demon of arrogance took possession of them, and they behaved improperly. On 1 Mihr S. Farīd Bakhshī Begī, Ḥusain Beg Shaikh 'Umari, 'Alī^1005a Muhammad Darbārī, Bahādur K. Qūrdār, Aḥmad Qāsim, Muḥammad K. Turkamān, Naṣīr K., Junaid Mural, Ulugh Beg Kūlābī, Abdūl Sīāh Gosh, Dost Muḥammad Barwatī, and many others, were sent off in order that if the Rajahs did not take advice, their rust might be cleared off by the shining sword. On 12 Mihr, 22 September 1594, the writer of the noble volume went to the resting place of his honoured father and mother, and in obedience to (their) orders sent off the bodies of both these chosen ones of God to Agra the capital, and buried them in the old home. ⁶⁵⁵

On 2 Ābān the feast of the solar weighment took place, and H.M. was weighed against twelve articles, and crowds of necessitous persons had their wishes gratified. On the 4th he crossed the Rāvī for the purpose of hunting beasts of prey. Next morning he alighted at Faẓlābād, which was a house which the writer of the book of fortune had built on the roadside. By this, eternal glory was conferred (on A.F.). On the 14th Khwāja^1005b Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad Bakhshī became very ill near Shāham 'Alī from a high fever. His sons obtained leave and conveyed him to Lahore. He died on the bank of the Rāvī. H.M.'s discerning heart was somewhat grieved, and he begged forgiveness for him at the court of God. Strangers and acquaintances mourned, and honesty (rāstī) indulged in grief. It is to be hoped that his right-thinking will be a provision for him on his long journey. On the 21st, after the passing of 8 hours and 28 minutes, a sister to Sulṭān Parvīz was born. It is the rule that H.M. promptly gives names to the children and grandchildren. Though the inner servants expressed a wish that he would do this, he did not accept the proposition. Suddenly that newly-born one descended into non-existence, and H.M.'s knowledge of hidden things was anew displayed! On the 28th he reached Lahore, and high and low rejoiced. He went to Ḥāfiẓābād and then returned. On the 6th Āẕar he sent Qāẓī Ḥasan to the northern mountains. As S. Farīd had done much work in that quarter, it was ordered that he should be recalled, and that the envoy (Qāẓī Ḥasan) should finish the task with the help of Ḥusain Beg S. 'Umarī. On this day Shīroza K. was sent to Ajmere in order that he might become acquainted with the soldiers and peasantry, and might promote happiness by the administration of justice. On the 13th M. Koka had the bliss of an audience. When he glorified his forehead by prostration, H.M. raised his head by the hand of graciousness, and embraced him. From exceeding love, tears fell from his eyes, and he called his (the Mīrzā's) mother into the presence and relieved her of her dangerous sorrow. He was favoured by being made a Panjhazārī (5,000), and was named the Khān 'Ā'ẓam. It was left to his choice as to whether he should take his jāgīrs in Gujarat, or in the Panjāb, Bihar, etc. He chose Bihar. His sons also received manṣabs and fiefs. The idea of great and small had been, that he would not return to this country (India). One morning, at the hunting-ground of Sulṭānpūr, H.M. said, “M. Koka will soon repent and convey the face of apology to court.” In a short space of time his heart emerged from darkness, but he remained in a state of bewilderment. He had not the effrontery to return, and he could not think of staying. Suddenly, he became aware again of H.M.'s graciousness, and giving up all other ideas he set out on the ocean. In twenty-four days he came back from the port of Balāiwal, and gathered eternal bliss by paying his devotions (to Akbar). A new aspect was given to submission. On this day 'Alī Muḥammad Asp brought to ⁶⁵⁶ court Bahabū the zamindār of Jasrota. When S. Farīd went to the northern mountains, he adroitly came and paid his respects. As his craftiness was proved, he was seized and sent to court. On the 16th S'aādat Yār Koka died. His elementary constituents were dissolved by excessive drinking. H. M. implored mercy for him. He graciously went to the house of his sister Ḥājī^1006a Koka and administered consolation. He also showed suitable kindness to his children.

One of the occurrences was the return of the Persian ambassador. A long time ago Yādgār Sulṭān Shāmlū had brought a supplicatory letter from the ruler of that country along with presents. On the 23rd he received a gracious firmān and permission to depart. Ẓīyā-al-Mulk was sent with him as ambassador and Abū Nāṣir as custodian of the presents. An order was given that they should go by the Rāvī to Bandar Lāharī, and from thence to Persia by way of Ormuz. A weighty letter from the court of the Caliphate was written which might be of use to the acute, and an arm-amulet of fortune.