SHÁH-NÁMA
OR
MUNAWWARU-L KALÁM
OF
SHEO DÁS.
[THIS compilation commences with the reign of Farrukh Siyar, and ends with the fourth year of the reign of Muhammad Sháh, but it was not finished before the year 1217 A.H. (1802 A.D.). The author was Sheo Dás, of Lucknow. He was moved to write the work by the consideration that “he had been allowed to remain a long time in the society of learned, scientific, and highly talented men—and had spent his life in the service of the great. He had moreover applied himself to acquiring the art of writing with elegance, and so he determined to show the results of his society in his composition. He named his work Sháh-náma or Munawwaru-l Kalám, because he had been on terms of intimacy with the great, and derived advantages from them.” He follows the fashion of historians, and, although a Hindú, opens his work like a devout Musulmán.
The whole of this work has been translated for Sir H. M. Elliot by “Lieut. Prichard, 15th Regt. N. I.” The work contains a good deal of biography and anecdote, but the period it covers has been already provided for by Extracts from contemporary writers.]
IKHTISÁRU-T TAWÁRÍKH
OF
SAWAN SINGH.
THIS compendium was composed in the year 1217 A.H. (1802 A.D.) by Sawan Singh, son of Thán Singh, a Káyath of the Máthúr tribe. It is professedly a mere abridgment of the Lubbu-t Tawáríkh of Bhárá Mal, and the Hadíkatu-t Akálím.
CONTENTS.
Preface, p. 1—Hindú Rájas, p. 3—Musulmán Kings of Dehlí; Muhammad Sám to Bábar, p. 16—Bábar, Afgháns, and Humáyún, p. 73—Akbar and Jahángír, p. 92—Sháh Jahán and Aurangzeb, p. 98—Sháh 'Álam I. to Sháh 'Álam II., p. 148.
SIZE—8VO., 181 pages, each containing 15 lines.
The Ikhtisáru-t Tawáríkh contains nothing worth translation.
The only copy I have seen of this work is in the possession of Maulaví Subhán 'Alí, of Amroha, in the district of Murádábád.
MIR-ÁT-I AFTÁB-NUMÁ
OF
SHÁH NAWÁZ KHÁN.
THIS “Sun-reflecting Mirror” is a useful compilation written in 1803 A.D. by 'Abdu-r Rahmán, better known as Sháh Nawáz Khán Háshimí, subsequently Prime Minister to the nominal Emperor Akbar II. The name appears to be derived from the poetical title of Aftáb, which the author assumed by direction of Sháh 'Álam.
The Mir-át-i Aftáb-numá contains abundant matter, as the following Table of Contents will show: and some of the notices respecting the countries and cities of Hindústán, as well as the Biographical articles, are well and correctly drawn up. The historical details of the first thirty years of the reign of Sháh 'Álam are treated in some detail; but the preceding reigns are given in a more compendious shape. Altogether, as an historical work it is of little value. The History of Muhammadan India commences with the Slave Kings; but in the work the detailed history begins with the Mughal sovereigns. The work is divided into a Preface, two Parts, and a Conclusion. There are several chapters (jajallí, lustres) in each Part, and several sections (dama, brilliances) in each chapter.
Preface: Regarding the origin and advantages of history, p. 5 to 7.—Part I. in six chapters: i. The Creation of the World, containing sections on Meteorology, Mines, Stones, Products of the Earth, Animals, Man and his Limbs, and Ethics, pp. 7 to 123—ii. Different kinds of Prophets, containing sections on Adam, Idrís, Paradise, pp. 123 to 214—iii. History of Muhammad, containing sections on his Descendants, Wives, Chief Khalífs, and Friends, pp. 214 to 249—iv. Account of the Súfís, Saints, Philosophers, Poets, Artists, Caligraphers and Hindú Sects in several sections, pp. 249 to 414—v. Kings of Arabia and Persia; the Ummayide and 'Abbáside Khalífs, and other Asiatic dynasties; the Ghorian Kings of Dehlí, the Kings of the Dakhin, and the ancient Rájas of India, pp. 414 to 494—vi. The Gúrgání Kings, their nobles and ministers, and the celebrated songsters of their time, with notices of Indian music, pp. 494 to 741. Part II. in eight chapters. The first seven are devoted to an account of the seven grand divisions of the world, pp. 741 to 896. Chap. viii. describes the seven seas, pp. 896 to 910. The Conclusion is occupied with a description of the wonders and curiosities of different countries, pp. 910 to 924.
SIZE—4to., 924 pages, of 18 lines each.
INTIKHÁBU-T TAWÁRÍKH
OF
MIRZÁ MÁSÍTÁ.
THE author of this little work is Mirzá Másítá, descended, both on his father's and mother's side, from ancestors of some consideration in India. The first of his paternal ancestors who came to India was Aliwardí Khán Turkomán, said to be descended from Sultán Sanjar, the Saljúkí sovereign. He arrived in the time of Jahángír, and by his bravery and good qualities (especially that of being a good sportsman, and the inventor of a mode of hunting styled Túrkalání334), obtained admission into the rank of the Nobles of that Emperor, and amongst other offices conferred upon him by his successor Sháh Jahán, he was appointed Governor of Málwá, in succession to Khán-daurán Khán. There are laudatory articles respecting him in the Tazkiratu-l Umará and Ma-ásiru-l Umará. One of his ancestors on the mother's side was the celebrated Islám Khán, the minister of Sháh Jahán, who was at one time invested with almost independent power in the government of three súbas of the Dakhin; so that the author had reason to be proud of his honourable descent.
The Intikhábu-t Tawáríkh was composed by Mirzá Másítá for the instruction of his son, Karímu-llah Khán, commonly called Mirzá Kallú. It is a mere abstract history, and it is not shown to what works the author is indebted for his limited information.
The work is divided into an Introduction, two Books, and a Conclusion. The first Book is devoted to the Kings of Dehlí, Multán, Sind, Kashmír, Jaunpúr, Bengal, and Gujarát; the second to the Kings of the Dakhin, and is divided into warak, “leaves,” and satar, “lines.”
CONTENTS.
Account of the Hindú religion and castes, p. 2; History of the Hindú Rájas, p. 9.—Book I. The introduction of Islám, p. 13; The Sultáns of Dehlí, p. 15; The Sultáns of Láhore and Ghazní, p. 52; The Sultáns of Multán, p. 54; The Sultáns of Sind and Thatta, p. 59; The Sultáns of Kashmír, p. 66; The Sultáns of Jaunpúr, p. 82; The Sultáns of Bengal, p. 86; The Sultáns of Gujarát, p. 93.—Book II. Warak 1. The Sultáns of the Dakhin, subdivided into six Satars. Satar i. The Sultáns of Kulbarga and Ahmadábád, p. 104; ii. Kings of Bíjápúr, p. 115; iii. Kings of Ahmadnagar, p. 122; iv. Kings of Tilang, p. 132; v. Kings of Birár, p. 136; vi. Kings of Bídar, p. 138. Warak 2. Kings of Málwá and Mándú, p. 140; 3. Fárúkí Sultáns of Khándesh, p. 150; 4. Rulers of Malabár, p. 159.— Conclusion—Distances and Revenues of each province of Hindú-stán, p. 163.
SIZE—Large Folio, 166 pages with 27 lines to a page.
The Táríkh-i Másítá is rare. The only copy with which I am acquainted is in one of the Royal Libraries of Lucknow.
The work was written during the reign of Sháh 'Álam, but as the copy is deficient in some parts of that reign, the precise year with which the history concludes cannot be ascertained.
SA'ÁDAT-I JÁWED
OF
HARNÁM SINGH.
THE author of this work was Harnám Singh, a Sarsuti Bráhmin. He was born at Bráhmanábád, in the province of Láhore, and resided at Maláwanur, near Lucknow. His father was Gurdás Singh, who, having been in public employ under the Nawábs of Oudh, is the frequent subject of mention and eulogy in the latter part of this History.
In the opening of this work the author proceeds like a Musulmán to “invoke thousands of blessings upon the most exalted Prophet, the bestower of mercy in the world, the last of all the prophets, he who carried his steed to the field of the ninth heaven, the messenger of God the Creator, Muhammad the chosen, may the blessings of God be upon him, and peace upon all his descendants and friends!”
The author states that from his earliest youth he was a lover of historical studies, and used to devote his leisure hours to writing accounts of Kings, Rájas, and Nobles of the various provinces of Hindústán; but as his circumstances were as embarrassed and perplexed as the loose notes he had taken, he was not able to collect them into a book, till he had been honoured by the patronage of Sa'ádat 'Alí, after whom he denominates his work Sa'ádat-i Jáwed—“Eternal Bliss.”
His dedication is more than usually eulogistic, and we may guess the extent of his gratitude from his speaking of his patron in the following extravagant rhapsody:—“One under whose government the name of tyranny and oppression is erased from the page of the world, and before (the mention of) whose generosity the book of Hátim is put aside. The sun of whose bounty shines from east to west, and the fame of whose general benevolence has reached throughout the whole world. From the drops of whose liberality the garden of the world is always green, and from the stream of whose munificence the orchards of the hopes of all nations are perpetually fresh. From the fear of whose spear the lion crouches near the deer, and the blow of whose sharp sword shortens the life of cruel savages. The clouds of whose generosity rain equally over the rich and the poor, and the ocean of whose bounty benefits the great and the small alike. One who is so liberal that the revenue of the seven regions of the earth does not suffice for one day of his expenditure, and so great that the height of Saturn and 'Ayyúk is not equal to that of his palace. One from whose birth the Muhammadan world became exalted, and from whose hospitality the fame of 'Alí is increased. One who in establishing Islám has shown himself a great warrior, and in promulgating the true faith is as firm and immovable as the Polar Star. One who resembles Aristotle in wisdom, and whose mind is devoted to the welfare of his subjects. One who is equal to Sikandar in prosperity, and who by his conquests has subjugated the whole world—the Rustam of the Age, the Hátim of the time, a Kisrá in justice, Bahrám in attack, destroyer of the foundation of infidelity and idolatry,337 establisher of Islám and the Moslems, possessing a prudence like that of Plato: the chief of all the great men of the world, the sun of all the renowned nobles, the theatre of the miracles of God, and the achiever of endless victories, the great wazír Nawáb Yamínu-d daula Nizámu-l Mulk Mubáriz Jang Sa'ádat 'Alí Khán—may God ever increase his prosperity and wealth!
“A minister who protected the world by his equity and justice;
Master of the sword, and possessed of a noble disposition;
The most fortunate, brave and just;
One who like the sun gives gold to the world.
A brave man who can overcome a tiger, and catch a lion;
In strength and courage has no one equal to himself;When he gives, he is a second Hátim;
At the time of battle, he is another Rustam;
Through his justice the heads of proud tyrants are bowed down;
All his works are readily and expeditiously done.
From the excess of his liberality, bounty, and generosity,
He makes an impression upon the sun and moon, as a die on a
diram.
If I were to speak of his justice,
The story of Naushírwán would sink into oblivion.
The heavens before his greatness bow down their heads.
The foundation of violence is entirely rooted out.
If he gird up his loins in the field of battle,
Alarm will spread from India to Europe.
The whole country of Hindústán is obedient to him.
Nay, I am wrong, I mean the whole world, from one extremity to
the other.
The destiny of the heavens is conformable to his orders.
Victory adorns his flag.
Who has seen his equal in justice and generosity?
He is the greatest in all the world, and superior to all men of courage,
In strength like an elephant, and in bravery like a lion;
Bold in his heart, both in the cabinet and the field;
Head of all great men, and the crown of all the chiefs.
In the time of his government, O world, be happy!
If any person seeks protection from calamity,
He finds rest nowhere but in this country.
Come, oh Nánú!338 shut your lips from speech,
Because his rank is too great.
If a book be written in his praise,
It would still be too small in the estimation of a wise man.
How can a particle of dust speak of the sun,
And what account will be taken of it, if it open its lips?
O God! keep this noble wazír for ever,
With all his ancient pomp, wealth and dignity.
May his shadow be preserved to cover the world!
May the heads of exalted nobles be his footstool!”
After this fulsome nonsense, we cannot expect much truth when he speaks of his benefactor; but the work is, nevertheless, useful for the biographical details which it gives of the Nobles who were most conspicuous in the history of India from the reign of Muhammad Sháh to the author's own time.
The precise date of composition is not given, but as Lord Lake's siege of Bhartpúr is mentioned, and Sa'ádat 'Alí was the reigning Nawáb of Oudh, the work must have been written between the years 1805 and 1814.
The Sa'ádat-i Jáwed is divided into four Books.
CONTENTS.
Preface, p. 1.—Book I. The Ante-Muhammadan History of India, chiefly from the Mahábhárat and Subh-i Sádik, in two Chapters, p. 7; II. The Ghaznívides and Emperors of Dehlí, in two Chapters, p. 52; III. Biographical account of the Nobles of Hindústán, p. 384; IV. Geographical description of the seven climates, marvels of the world, and miscellaneous matters, in four chapters, p. 436.
SIZE—Small 8VO., containing 504 pages of 14 lines each, but a few pages are missing at the end.
The first, second, and third Books are too short to be of any value, and they are for the most part mere abstracts of other common works. The fourth Book conveys information in a useful, and occasionally a novel form, and has, therefore, been copiously abstracted from in the following pages.
The Sa'ádat-i Jáwed is a rare work. I have never heard of any other copy but that in one of the Royal Libraries at Lucknow, which I should have supposed to be an autograph, but that my own copy, which is taken from it, is so very full of errors that I can hardly suppose the original to be free from them. [The following Extracts were translated by munshís, and revised by Sir H. M. Elliot.]
Nawáb Mumtázu-l Mulk Sarbuland Khán.
He was an inhabitant of Lún, and his name was Mirzá Rafí'. His father, Muhammad Afzal Khán, was one of the nobles of the Emperor Muhammad Aurangzeb. Mirzá Rafí', who was the díwán of Prince 'Azímu-s Shán, displayed great bravery in the battle with A'zam Sháh, and obtained the title of Mumtázu-l Mulk Sarbuland Khán. In the time of Mu'izzu-d dín Jahándár Sháh, when Prince 'Azímu-s Shán was slain, Sarbuland Khán, disregarding his obligations, forsook Farrukh Siyar, son of 'Azímu-s Shán, and joined Mu'izzu-d dín. He was deputed to Gujarát on the part of Asad Khán, the minister; and through the recommendations of Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán, Farrukh Siyar, after his accession, pardoned him for his past conduct, and conferred on him the Governorship of Oudh and Alláhábád.
After some time he became Governor of the province of Bihár. He then obtained the rank of seven thousand, as well as a jágír in the súba of Láhore, and the office of súbadár of Kábul. In the time of Muhammad Sháh Badsháh, he was again made Governor of Gujarát, and when he was removed from that office, he fought a desperate battle with Rája Dhankal Singh Ráthor, who had been appointed Governor in his place, and obtained victory over him. When he came to Ágra, the displeasure of the Emperor was evinced by prohibiting him from attending Court for one thousand days. When that period had elapsed, he was admitted to an audience by Muhammad Sháh, and was raised to the Governorship of Alláhábád. At the time of the invasion of Nádir Sháh, he came to Court. Nádir Sháh entrusted him with the duty of collecting the amercement fixed upon the people of Dehlí. He departed to the next world in 1153 A.H. He was a favourite of the Emperor, and always victorious in battle. He was generous, polite, merciful and humane. He always drank the water of the Ganges, and during his governorship of Gujarát and Kábul, large sums were laid out in carrying it to those provinces. It was said by Mansúr Rám, his treasurer, that fifty-six krors of rupees in cash, independent of personal allowance, had passed through his hands for the payment of the Nawáb's troops, and other necessary expenses of the different departments. His power may be readily conjectured from this single statement.
Nawáb Burhánu-l Mulk's contest with Rája Bhagwant Khíchar.341
Rája Bhagwant341a Khíchar, Zamíndár of Gházípúr, in the district of Kora, was the chief of the insurgents of that time. He was a source of constant trouble to Ján-nisár Khán, who had married the sister of Kamru-d dín Khán, the minister, and who had charge of the district of Kora. On one occasion, when Nawáb Sarbuland Khán, the Governor of Alláhábád, came to Kora, Ján-nisár Khán asked him for his aid in destroying Bhagwant. Sarbuland Khán said that it would take much time to subdue Bhagwant, and he had no money to pay the army; but that, if Ján-nisár Khán could provide him with this necessary, he would punish Bhagwant. Ján-nisár Khán refused, and Sarbu-land Khán returned to Alláhábád. Bhagwant, who was watching the opportunity of rising against Ján-nisár Khán, allowed but a short time to elapse, before he suddenly fell upon him, and having put him to death, plundered his camp, and took the ladies of his household, and distributed them between himself and his relatives. 341b Kamru-d dín Khán, the minister, was furious at this intelligence, and, aided by all the nobles of Dehlí, he marched against Bhagwant. The rebel secured himself within the fort of Gházípúr, and though the minister exerted every effort against him, they all proved ineffectual. In the end, he left Nawáb Muhammad Khán Bangash, of Farrukhábád, to prosecute the siege, and himself returned to Dehlí. Muhammad Khán adjusted the matter by receiving a contribution, and then returned to Farrukhábád. At this Bhagwant, being more emboldened than ever, raised the head of arrogance to the heavens, and took possession of Kora.
When the charge of that district was conferred by His Majesty on Burhánu-l Mulk, he went there with a formidable army. Bhagwant, with a body of three thousand horse, sallied from the fort of Gházípúr, and suddenly appeared before the army of the Nawáb on its arrival, upon which occasion many of his followers were killed by the Nawáb's artillery. Bhagwant, avoiding the fire of the guns, fell upon the advanced division of the army, which was headed by Abú Turáb Khán. This officer was slain, and Bhagwant then attacked the Nawáb's body-guard. Mír Khudáyár Khán, with 6000 horse, advanced to oppose him, and was defeated after a severe action. The Nawáb himself thought it necessary to move to his support, and a close conflict ensued. Shaikh 'Abdu-llah of Gházípúr, Shaikh Rúhu-l Amín Khán of Bilgrám, Durjan Singh342 chaudharí of Kora, Diláwar Khán, 'Azmat Khán and other Afgháns, attacked and surrounded Bhagwant, who affected to despise his enemy, but was slain by the hands of Durjan Singh chaudharí. Nawáb Burhánu-l Mulk obtained the victory, and the head342a of Bhagwant was sent to Dehlí.
Be it known that heaps of paper would have to be written were I to give an account of the battles which the deceased Nawáb fought, or were I to attempt to describe the acts of his generosity, patronage, and liberality. The Almighty God, by virtue of the excellent character of that great noble, whose rank was as high as the heavens, and who possessed the qualities of Rizwán the doorkeeper of Paradise, has opened the gates of prosperity to his descendants even to this very time. May the holy God preserve the foundation of the wealth, dignity and authority of this house to eternity, and give victory to its well-wishers; and may the wicked enemies of his family, from which the whole of Hindústán is benefited, be confounded and punished! May the desolated world be filled by his noble descendants to the day of resurrection!
An account of the death of Nawáb Burhánu-l Mulk, which happened at the time of the invasion of Nádir Sháh, by a disease in his legs, has been given above. After his death it was found by his accounts that his army had received two krors of rupees in advance. Nawáb Safdar Jang, his son-in-law and successor, expunged that enormous sum, and resigned all claim to it. An account of Nawáb Safdar Jang, and of his accession to the post of Wazarat in the time of Ahmad Sháh, son of Muhammad Sháh, will be given hereafter.
Mahárája Jai Singh Sawáí, of the Kachhwáhá tribe.
His ancestors have been from ancient times the Rájas of Amber. Amongst them was Rája Bhárá Mal, whose son was Rája Bhagwán Dás, and Rája Mán Singh was the eldest son of that Rája. These, in the time of the Emperor Akbar, were raised to the dignity of Amíru-l umará or generals of the army. With a view to strengthening the foundation of his government, Akbar connected himself by marriage with this family. They rendered valuable services and performed great exploits, which are narrated in the histories of Hindústán. Mahárája Jai Singh was very generous, kind, wise and brave. After his death, thirty krors of rupees were reckoned to have been given by him in charity and rewards. He performed the sacrifice of a horse according to the well-known Hindú custom.
The city of Jainagar is a monument of his greatness. After his death, Muhammad Sháh granted a khil'at to his son Rája Isrí Singh, confirming him in his hereditary dominions. This Prince, in the battle fought against Ahmad Sháh Durrání, fled from Sirhind, and went to his country as has been before related.
The descendants of Rája Jai Singh Sawáí are still in possession of their hereditary dominions, and maintain great state. As the lamp of Dehlí has been long since extinguished, and the Dakhinís (Mahrattas) have taken possession of most of the cities of Hindústán, and the Rájas of Joudhpúr, Údípúr and other Chiefs of Marwár have become weak, and pass their days as if they were nights; so also the Rájas of Jainagar pay a fixed annual tribute to the Dakhinís and enjoy a state of peace.
Nawáb Zakariya Khán, son of Nawáb 'Abdu-s Samad Khán.
Zakariya Khán was for many years Governor of Láhore. He had married the daughter of Kamru-d dín Khán. He was a just, harmless and honourable nobleman, and as he found the people of Láhore to be similarly disposed, their company was very agreeable to him. In those days the bigoted Mullás of Láhore used to dispute with the Hindús on religious points, and persecuted them; but the Khán always tried to adjust their quarrels amicably.
A Mughal was enamoured of the wife of a Khattrí, and cast a longing look upon her; but the modest woman refused to receive his advances. The Mughal hit upon the expedient of making an accomplice of the wife of the washerman whom she employed, and gave her a large sum of money. The washerman's wife wrapped up a costly veil and trowsers, such as are generally worn by a Muhammadan bride, in the other clothes belonging to the Khattrí's wife, and took them to her in the evening. About the same time, the Mughal celebrated in his own house his nuptials with a slave-girl who lived with him, in the presence of some Muhammadans of his neighbourhood; and, as is done on the occasion of marriages, sweetmeats, etc., were sent in large quantities to the neighbours and friends. The next day, with a number of wicked characters, he went to the house of the Khattrí, and declared, that during the night, the Khattrí's wife had come to his house of her own free will, and having embraced the Muhammadan faith, had been married to him. The relatives of the woman were much surprised at this, and asked her what the truth was. She said that she had never seen the Mughal, who asserted, by way of proof, that the marriage clothes which she had worn last night must be in the house; and when they searched, true enough, there was found a suit of such apparel as is worn, according to Muhammadan custom, at the time of marriage.
Great were the consternation and grief of her relatives, and the poor woman in her shame resolved to die. At last, the matter was brought before the Khán, and about a hundred Muhammadans of the neighbourhood of the Mughal, who had eaten the sweetmeats, declared that on the previous night the Mughal had in reality celebrated his nuptials. The Kází of Láhore decreed that a Hindú woman, who had espoused the Muhammadan faith, and had entered into marriage with a Muhammadan, could not be allowed to apostatize again. The Khán was much surprised, and deferred his decision to the next day.
In the night-time, he disguised himself in the habit of a fakír, and first went to the house of the woman. There he saw some other fakírs sitting in a corner, conversing with each other in this wise. “Friends, we have observed this woman for a long time, and have never found her conduct other than modest and continent. How could it be that she went to the Mughal and was married to him? God knows what deception has been practised.” The Khán, having heard this, went to the quarter in which the Mughal was residing, and there heard some people saying, “This Mughal is a fornicator, liar, and impostor. We never saw the wife of the Khattrí coming to his house; how then was she married to him?” The Khán returned to his house, and the next morning, having called the washerman's wife, put her to torture, when she confessed that the Mughal had given her money to place that bridal apparel amongst the woman's clothes. The Khán put both the Mughal and the washerman's wife to death. Many stories like this of the justice of the said Khán were related in Láhore. May God forgive him for his sins!
Lála Lakhpat Ráí and Jaspat Ráí, both Khattrís of Láhore, were secretaries and counsellors of Zakariya Khán, and entrusted with the conduct of all his affairs. Although they both had received the title of Rája, yet they did not themselves assume that appellation. When Nádir Sháh, after his plunder of Dehlí, returned to his native country, he ordered that all the people of Láhore should be taken away prisoners. Lála Lakhpat Ráí made him a present of three lacs of rupees, which were accepted; and having thus caused the freedom of about five hundred thousand people, male and female, of the Hindú and Muhammadan persuasions, he left a good name behind him in this world.
Rája Majlis Ráí.
Rája Majlis Ráí, a Sarsutí Bráhmin, inhabitant of Láhore, was díwán of Kamru-d dín Khán, the minister. It is said that although he was the head of the minister's office, yet he could not write a letter. His clerks used to compose all his official records. One day, Kamru-d dín Khán ordered the Rája to write in his presence, and having seen bad writing, said, “Rája Majlis Ráí, how could you get the Wazárat of Hindústán with this elegant hand?” He replied, “My master, good luck does not require either knowledge or art, for it is said, ‘Fortune equal to a barleycorn is better than a whole load of science.’” Rája Majlis Ráí was very generous and a great friend of the needy. During the winter he gave quilts to the fakírs who wandered about the lanes and streets of Dehlí; and from his dispensary all kinds of medicines were given to the poor patients.
Nádir Sháh seized Majlis Ráí, with a view to discover the treasures of Kamru-d dín Khán, and in his own presence, asked him where they were. He replied, “O King of Kings! the minister is very luxurious and a great drunkard; what he gets he consumes, and lays by nothing.” Nádir Sháh, being angry, menaced him with punishment. Majlis Ráí then presented him, from his own stores, with a kror of rupees in cash, jewels and other property, and said that it was all procured from the treasure of the minister. Nádir Sháh, at the instigation of some of the nobles of Hindústán, who acted according to the saying that people of the same profession hate each other, put Rája Majlis Ráí to the torture, and cut off one of his ears. Although the whole treasure of the minister was in his possession, yet he did not discover it to any man. He took the Emperor's soldiers with him to his house, and having stabbed a dagger into his belly, departed this world. Nádir Sháh was very sorry on hearing of the intelligence, and remarked that he was a rare instance of a grateful Hindú. He then ordered the Rája's servants to be punished. In all the city of Dehlí exclamations arose in praise and admiration of the departed soul of Majlis Ráí.
His eldest son, Rája Khushhál Ráí, was superintendent of the bath and private chapel, an office which generally belongs to the prime minister.
Defeat of Hurmat Khán, son of Háfiz Rahmat Khán.
In these days, Hurmat Khán Rohilla, son of Háfiz Rahmat Khán, having collected a force of about 20,000 vagabonds and Afgháns, crossed the Ganges at Anúpshahr. He laid siege to the fort of Pílíbhít, which was in possession of the minister's adherents, and began to spead devastation throughout the country. He determined that when the army of the minister should come against him, he would fly to the forests at the foot of the Kumáún hills. Mahárája Súrat Singh sent the father of the writer of these pages, Ráí Gurdás, against Hurmat Khán, who, on hearing that the army of the minister was approaching, abandoned the siege of Pílíbhít, and pitched his camp on the borders of the jungle. Ráí Gurdás Singh pursued and came up to his encampment, upon which Hurmat Khán set his army in array, and, after a very severe engagement, was defeated and fled, leaving some of his men in ambush in a ravine. Ráí Gurdás Singh, being an experienced man, obtained intelligence of the ambuscade, and with a body of his gallant companions in arms went to the place. The scheme of the Afgháns being thus disconcerted, they fled away. About two thousand of them were killed and wounded, and victory declared in favour of the Nawáb Wazír. Hurmat Khán took refuge in the Kumáún hills, and Ráí Gurdás Singh sacked the villages which were below the hills, and within the territory of the Rája of Kumáún. He also determined to invade him in the hills, but the Rája sent his ambassadors, and sued for peace. Hurmat Khán fled beyond the Kumáún jurisdiction, and sought protection under some other hill chiefs. In the mean time a letter was received from Nawáb Ásafu-d daula, of which the following is a copy:
“May the sincere and faithful Ráí Gurdás Singh be protected from evil! It has been represented by the intelligencers, that having proceeded with the army placed under you against Hurmat Khán Rohilla, you have given him a complete defeat. This is considered a most valuable service on your part. You should now take a written engagement from the Rája of Kumáún to the effect that he will never give protection to the enemies of this State within his dominions, and having done this, you should return from that country. You should consider these orders imperative, and act according to them.”
In short, the father of the writer of this book took a definite agreement from the Rája of Kumáún to this effect, and returned. During these same days Mahárája Súrat Singh was removed from the governorship of Bareilly, which was bestowed upon other officials.
Beni Bahádur.
A person named Bení, who was first employed by Rája Mahá Naráin as the carrier of his water-vessel, but latterly was employed by him on certain occasions as a medium of communication with the Nawáb, actuated by his bad disposition, began to complain of the conduct of his master before the Nawáb. The Nawáb at first appointed him to the charge of certain districts, but by degrees the star of his fortune rose to the height of the fulfilment of his desire. He became deputy of the Nawáb, obtained the title of Rája Bení Bahádur, and was exalted with the grant of the insignia of the Máhí-murátib, Naubat-khána, and Roshan-chaukí. This is the same Bení Bahádur who, in the contests with the English, acted very treacherously, and combined with them. The Nawáb, after he was established in his kingdom, deprived him of sight. “I do not expect that you, who have sown barley, will reap wheat at harvest.”
In short, from such conduct as has been before mentioned, the Nawáb was very angry with Rája Mahá Naráin, and kept him for some time under surveillance. He was at last set free through the intercession of the great and most respected mother of Nawáb Wazíru-l Mamálik Shujá'u-d daula. The most extraordinary part of it was this, that during all the time Rája Mahá Naráin suffered this severe treatment, the Nawáb never gave any annoyance to his father, Rája Rám Naráin, or his uncle, Rája Partáp Naráin, who were both living.
When, in 1186 A.H. (1772 A.D.), the province of Kanauj, and the country up to the boundary of Anupshahr, was wrested from the possession of the Dakhinís by the Nawáb, Rája Mahá Naráin was appointed governor of it. At the same time, Rái Gurdás Singh, the author's father, according to the Nawáb's orders, having resigned his office as deputy in the district of Kora, under Mirzá Haidar Beg Khán, was employed in the settlement of the new acquisition. During the time that he was so employed, Mukh-táru-d daula, being disgusted with Rája Mahá Naráin, obtained Nawáb Ásafu-d daula's orders to confiscate his jágír.
Mahárája Nuwul Ráí.
He was a Suksaina Káyath by caste, and an inhabitant of the district of Etáwa. In the commencement of his career he served Nawáb Burhánu-l Mulk as a writer; but Nawáb Safdar Jang gave him the title of Rája, and appointed him his deputy and commander-in-chief, in which capacity he punished the insurgents of the province severely. Although the Nawáb Wazír resided at Dehlí for several years, yet, through the good management of the Mahárája, no disturbance ever arose in the country under his rule. At the time when Muhammad Sháh Bádsháh went against 'Alí Muhammad Khán, and besieged the fort of Bangash, he could not take it, though it was made only of mud, and he was accompanied by all the nobles of his Court. But when, according to the orders of the Nawáb Wazír, the Mahárája reached the place, he demolished the wall of the fort in one day with the fire of his heavy artillery, and having enhanced his reputation, was received with distinction by his master. It has been above mentioned that Mahárája Nuwul Ráí was slain after a bold resistance in the battle with Ahmad Khán Bangash.
Rája Khushhál Ráí.
Rája Khushhál Ráí was the son of Mahárája Nuwul Ráí. Although he obtained no distinguished employment under Nawáb Wazír Shujá'u-d daula, yet Nawáb Ásafu-d daula, in consideration of the services of his ancestors, raised him to the office of Paymaster, and gave him charge of Alláhábád. He lived till his death in a state of affluence and comfort.
Nawáb Ásafu-d daula and the Rohillas.
Faizu-lláh Khán Rohilla, whom Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula, at the conquest of Bareilly, had placed in possession of the districts of Rámpúr and other maháls yielding a revenue of thirteen lacs of rupees, maintained as long as he lived great dignity and pomp, and having taken great pains to improve his country, he realized double the amount of revenue from it.
Muhammad 'Alí Khán, his eldest son, sat upon the masnad with the sanction of Nawáb Ásafu-d daula. But Najjú Khán, 'Umar Khán, and his son Sarbuland Khán, together with other Rohilla chiefs, attempted to remove Muhammad 'Alí Khán and instigated his younger brother, Ghulám Muhammad Khán, to usurp the masnad. Muhammad 'Alí Khán was an intimate friend of Nawáb Ásafu-d daula, and had received from him much kindness, so the Nawáb wrote to Ghulám Muhammad Khán to the effect that it was of no great consequence that he had usurped the masnad, but that, as he had taken Muhammad 'Alí Khán prisoner, he should send him to Lucknow, where some employment might be given to him, which would induce him to abstain from annoying the usurper. Ghulám Muhammad Khán, apprehensive that Muhammad 'Alí Khán's departure would occasion some disturbance, with the advice of Najjú Khán and 'Umar Khán, put him to death in prison.
The Nawáb, thirsting for the blood of Ghulám Muhammad Khán, marched from Lucknow with a powerful army of his own, aided by his English allies. Ghulám Muhammad, having collected eighty thousand Rohillas and Afgháns, raised the standard of revolt, and advanced from Rámpúr with the intention of plundering the city of Bareilly, which belonged to the Nawáb. In those days Ráí Gurdás Singh had charge of Bareilly in conjunction with Sambhu Náth. Depending upon the good fortune of the Nawáb, he prepared to defend the city, and the Afgháns were not able to plunder it. Before the arrival of the Nawáb, the army of the English had reached Bareilly, and Ghulám Muhammad, who had encamped at five kos from the city, made a vigorous attack on the English battalions, and fought most desperately. But the English, who in battle are very Rustams and Isfandiyárs, made a good stand, and having confounded the Afgháns with the shot of their guns, gave them a complete defeat. Najjú Khán and Sarbuland Khán were slain, and Ghulám Muhammad Khán fled towards the forests under the Kumáún hills. The compiler of this book was with his father in this battle.
The victorious army encamped for two months near the forest to chastise the Rohillas, and Ghulám Muhammad was obliged to surrender. With the advice of the English he was sent prisoner to Calcutta. It is said that he obtained leave to go to Mecca; but where he went to afterwards is not known. In short, Nawáb Ásafu-d daula, proceeding through Rámpúr, entered the city of Bareilly in triumph. He gave some maháls of the district of Rámpúr, the revenue of which amounted to about ten lacs of rupees, as jágírs to the other sons and descendants of Faizu-llah Khán; the rest of the territory he confiscated, and then returned to Lucknow.
At the present time Bareilly and other places have been ceded to the English, and although the jágírs of the descendants of Faizu-llah Khán are still maintained, yet the English keep their eyes upon this tribe of Afgháns, and in their wisdom deal with them with great circumspection and prudence, as is essential in politics.
Contests between the English and Ranjít Singh Ját.
The impetuous army of the English had the greatest difficulty in taking the fort of Díg belonging to Ranjít Singh, and then laid siege to that of Bhartpúr. Jaswant Ráo Holkar ventured to plunder the country round the English army, and sent an officer of his, by name Amír Khán, with a body of twenty thousand horse, towards Hardwár. Amír Khán crossed the Ganges, and pillaged the country up to Murádábád and Sambhal. The English officers at Bareilly, with the little force they had with them, prepared to repel him. Some of the Afghán officers who had accompanied Amír Khán made a conspiracy against him. As he could not stand his ground, he fled, and having joined the camp of Jaswant Ráo Holkar at Bhartpúr, a great part of his army dispersed.
War raged for seven months between the English on one part and Rája Ranjít Singh and Jaswant Ráo Holkar on the other, and more than fifteen thousand men were killed on both sides. The daily conflicts before Bhartpúr form a narrative which is worth hearing, and on both sides such courage was shown as threw the chivalric stories of the ancients into oblivion. “Such battles nobody had seen in the world, nor the wisest men of the whole earth had heard of.”
At last the English, according to the orders of their Governor General at Calcutta, pardoned Ranjít Singh for his faults, and gave him back the fort of Díg. They spent the rainy season at Mathurá. Jaswant Singh Holkar fled to Láhore, and sought an asylum with Ranjít Singh, its ruler.
In 1220 A.H. (1805 A.D.), the brave General, Lord Lake, marched towards Láhore, and having forded the Sutlej, pitched his tents on this side of the Biyáh, twenty kos east of Láhore. Great alarm spread among the people of the Panjáb. Without delay the Sikh chiefs around Láhore, in order to save their lives and property, joined the English army, and were received with favour. Consequently, Ranjít Singh, the ruler of Láhore, sent a mission of experienced men to express his submission, and ascertain the pleasure of the British Government. Through great humility and flattery, which politicians are enjoined to observe, he retained possession of his dominions. Moreover, it was through his mediation that peace was concluded between the English and Jaswant Ráo Holkar.
The British Government granted some districts of the Dakhin, etc., part of Hindústán, to Jaswant Ráo, and relieved the world from ravage and oppression. They also allotted some districts of the Dakhin and Málwá, and a portion of Hindústán, together with the fort of Gwálior, to Mahárája Daulat Ráo Sindhia, and for a long time secured the people from unjust demands. At present, the city of Akbarábád, together with some districts of the province of Dehlí, and the whole territory of Bundelkhand, is in their possession. The chiefs also of the Panjáb and of the country bordering on the hills acknowledge submission to this powerful body. The administration of the British Government differs in no respect from that of the great Nawáb Wazír, who is endowed with the grandeur of the Pleiades.
MA'DANU-S SA'ÁDAT
OF
SAIYID SULTÁN 'ALÍ.
[THE author gives in his Preface his name and paternity as Saiyid Sultán 'Alí ul Husainí ul Musawí us Safaví, and states that he was a native of Ardabíl, in Ázarbáíján, from whence he travelled eastward, and took up his “abode under the auspicious asylum of Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula” at Lucknow. In the second year of the reign of Sa'ádat 'Alí, in 1213 A.H. (1798 A.D.), he determined to write the history of India from the times of Tímúr to the death of the Emperor Muhammad Sháh. He enumerates the authorities he has consulted: Zafar-náma, Wáki'át-i Bábarí, Táríkh-i Alfí, Firishta, 'Álam-áráí 'Abbásí, Akbar-náma of Abú-l Fazl, Ma'dan-i Akhbár-i Ahmadí, Ikbálnáma, Táríkh o Sair-i Jahángírí, Tabakát-i Akbarí, the work of Khwája Atábak Kazwíní and others. The latter part of the work is particularly occupied with the affairs of the Nawábs of Oudh, and comes down to the seventh year of the reign of Sa'ádat Alí, 1805 A.D.
Sir H. M. Elliot did not obtain a copy of this work, but the above notice has been drawn from a translation of the Preface and Table of Contents which is among his papers.]
MAJMA'U-L AKHBÁR
OF
HARSUKH RÁÍ.
THIS compilation is the work of Harsukh Ráí, son of Jíwan Dás, son of Ráí Basant Rám, a Sahkal Khatrí.
Ráí Basant Rám was Governor of Ágra for many years, from the time that province was made over to Mahárája Jai Singh Sawáí by Muhammad Sháh, down to the decline of the Ját power. During this long interval of time, he is said, by his grandson, to have acquitted himself with great credit in the estimation of all men. The author's great-grandfather, Dyá Rám, was díwán to Mubárizu-l Mulk Nawáb Sarbuland Khán. While he praises his own studious disposition, he censures the idleness of his contemporaries. He observes that most people of his time, whether from their slothful nature, or on account of their numerous worldly avocations, are averse to reading long and elaborate works of the great writers and historians, who in a style of correctness, and even of eloquence, have very beautifully written with their golden pens, and, by the aid of their wit and ability, given accounts of monarchs of past ages; that as the science of history is the means of gathering knowledge for wise men, and affords examples to intelligent observers; that as every narration respecting those who have flourished before our time is a precept which improves the understanding of sensible men, and every fact of former time is a precedent which increases the knowledge of inquiring persons; and that as the study of this science is very beneficial to kings and rulers, and also opens the eyes of the common people, by affording information in all respects useful to them; it had therefore been for a long time the ardent desire of this gleaner of crumbs from the table of liberal persons to compile a book in a very simple, intelligible, and concise style, which might form a collection of historical subjects and a depository of facts, embracing an account of the great Rájas and powerful Kings of the extensive country of Hindú-stán, some short sketches of the Princes of Persia from the Kaiánian, Sássánian and other dynasties, who raised the standard of sovereignty on the surface of the earth before the promulgation of the Muhammadan religion; an account of the creation of Adam, a history of the Prophets, great Saints, the rising of the sun of the true religion, memoirs of the great Prophet, the benefactor of mankind, his holy companions, sacred Imáms, philosophers, pious men and the Muhammadan Kings who ruled over the countries of Írán, Túrán, and Hindústán, and who, having caused the khutba to be read and money coined in the name of Islám, erected the standard of power and prosperity in the four quarters of the world, a detail of the several climates, the celebrated cities, their rarities and wonders, the governors of the famous countries of the world, an account of the Europeans, the New World which was conquered by these wise people, a short detail of each tribe with its religion, commencing from the creation of the world. Such was the work he undertook to compile from abstracts taken from credible works and authentic narrations, with a view that the hearers and readers of it might, with a little attention, obtain acquaintance with the history of the world. This object he was not able to accomplish, until he met with a patron in the person of Ráí Srí Naráin, his maternal uncle, on whom a ridiculous and fulsome eulogium follows, extending through two pages, which it is needless to repeat.
The author tells us that his work was compiled in the 1214th year of the Hijra era, or forty-second of Sháh 'Álam, and the chronogram in the Preface, which is formed by combining Majma'u-l Akhbár with another word, gives also 1214 A.H. (1799 A.D.); but as he carries down the history to the 1220th year of the Hijra (1805 A.D.), or the forty-eighth of Sháh 'Álam, as appears from one of the translated Extracts which follow, it is probable that an incorrect date has been assumed, in order to make it accord with the title of the work. Though the work is a mere compilation, it is useful in many respects, and is well written. It is divided into eight books (akhbár), and several chapters (khabr), of which a full detail is given below.
The Majma'u-l Akhbár is not uncommon. I know five or six copies, of which the best is in the possession of Nawáb Míán Faujdár Khán, of Bhopál, through whose kindness I obtained the copy in my possession.
CONTENTS.
BOOK I. The institutes and notions of the ancient Hindús and their Rulers, in thirteen Chapters.—Chap. i. Creation of the world, and the appearance of Brahma, p. 16; ii. The Rulers and Rájas of Hindústán, from the time of Rája Man to the days of Rája Pánd, father of Rája Judhishthar, p. 26; iii. Reign of Rája Judhishthar and his Descendants, p. 50; iv. Rája Bisrawá and his Descendants, p. 121; v. Rája Sarwah and his Descendants, p. 122; vi. Rája Dhundar and his Descendants, p. 124; vii. Rája Bikramájít, p. 126; viii. Rája Samundarpál and his Descendants, p. 130; ix. Rája Malúk Chand and his Descendants, p. 131; x. Har Prem and his Descendants, p. 132; xi. Rája Dahí Sen and his Descendants, p. 133; xii. Díp Sen and his Descendants, p. 134; xiii. Rái Pithaurá, the last of the Rájas of Dehlí, p. 136.
BOOK II. History of the Persians, in six Chapters.—Chap. i. Their notions regarding the creation of the world and Mahábád, the first father of mankind, p. 142; ii. The followers of Mahábád, and their manners and customs, p. 147; iii. The Kings of Persia, from the time of Kaiúmárs, who is said to be the first King, to the period of Dárá (Darius), son of Dáráh, who were called the Mulúks of 'Ajam—Some of their contemporary Prophets, eminent Philosophers—Rise of Alexander the Great, p. 155; iv. Alexander the Great—Kings of Rúm who ruled after him— A description of Rúm, p. 252; v. The Mulúku-t Tawáif down to the rise of Ardashír Bábagán, who ruled after Alexander, p. 296; vi. The Sássánians, from the time of Ardashír Bábagán to the period of Yazdajird, the last of the line, p. 299.
BOOK III. History of the Muhammadans, in ten Chapters.— Chap. i. Creation of the World, p. 356; ii. Creation of the Jinns, p. 366; iii. Creation of Adam, p. 368; iv. The great Prophets, p. 374; v. Birth and rise of Muhammad chief of the Prophets, p. 447; vi. The great Khalífas, p. 461; vii. The twelve Imáms, p. 471; viii. The four Imáms, founders of the Sunní doctrines, and the ten persons who are said to have gone to Paradise, p. 481; ix. The 'Ummayide Khalífas, p. 484; x. The 'Abbáside Khalífas, p. 493.
BOOK IV. Kings of Yemen, Sultáns of Írán, Túrán and other Countries, in eleven Chapters.—Chap. i. The Táhirian Kings or Mulúks of Khurásán, p. 533; ii. The Sultáns of Khail or Gáopára, p. 536; iii. The Saffárians, p. 543; iv. The Sámániáns, p. 545; v. The Dailamite Kings of Tabaristán, p. 551; vi. The Saljúkians, p. 556; vii. The Khwárizm-sháhís, p. 565; viii. The Atábaks, p. 569; ix. The Kará-khitáís, p. 577; x. The Isma'ílians, p. 578; xi. Changíz Khán and his Descendants, p. 587.
BOOK V. The Kings who reigned after Sultán Abú Sa'íd, in twelve Chapters.—Chap. i. The Ílkánians, p. 631; ii. The Chaupánians, p. 633; iii. Shaikh Abú Is'hák King of Persia, p. 634; iv. The Muzaffarians, p. 635; v. Kings of Kart, p. 638; vi. The Sarabdárians, p. 640; vii. The Sarwán-sháhís, p. 645; viii. The Kará-kúínlú rulers, p. 648; ix. The Ák-kúínlú Sultáns, p. 650; x. The Saffaví Kings, p. 652; xi. Conquests of Nádir Sháh; xii. Ahmád Sháh Abdálí, and his Descendants, p. 692.
BOOK VI. The Muhammadan Kings who ruled in Hindústán, in nine Chapters.—Chap. i. The Ghaznívide Kings, p. 706; ii. The Ghorians, p. 723; iii. The Khiljí Princes, p. 745; iv. Tughlik Sháh and his Descendants, p. 767; v. Khizr Khán, surnamed Ráyát-i A'lá, and his Descendants, p. 796; vi. The Lodí Afgháns, p. 808; vii. Amír Tímúr Gúrgán and his Descendants, p. 822; viii. Sher Sháh and other Súr Afgháns, p. 879; ix. History of Humáyún after his second conquest of Hindústán and his Descendants, to the time of Sháh 'Álam Bádsháh, p. 901.
BOOK VII. The Rulers of the different Provinces of Hindústán, in eleven Chapters.—Chap. i. The Territory of the Dakhin, p. 1188; ii. Rulers of the Dakhin, in twelve Sections.—Sect. 1. The Bahmaní Dynasty, p. 1195; 2. The 'Ádil-sháhí Dynasty, p. 1223; 3. The Nizám-sháhí Dynasty, p. 1234; 4. The Kutb-sháhí Dynasty, p. 1246; 5. The 'Imád-sháhí Dynasty, p. 1247; 6. The Baríd-sháhí Dynasty, p. 1249; 7. Rulers of Khándesh, p. 1250; 8. Rulers of Málwá, p. 1252; 9. Sultáns of Gujarát, p. 1259; 10. The Mahrattas, p. 1268; 11. Battle with Haidar Náik and his son Típú Sultán, p. 1293; 12. Nizámu-l Mulk and his Descendants, p. 1299.—Chap. iii. The Eastern Kings of Jaunpúr, p. 1307; iv. Kings of Orissa and a description of the Province, p. 1310; v. Provinces of Bengal and Bihár and the Sultáns and Governors who ruled over them, p. 1312; vi. Provinces of Alláhábád and Oudh—Nawáb Burhánu-l Mulk Sa'ádat Khán and his Descendants who governed them, p. 1345; vii. The Rohilla Afgháns who ruled in the territory of Katehr, p. 1389; viii. The Bangash Afgháns of Farrukhábád, p. 1398; ix. The Ját Chiefs, p. 1401; x. Najaf Khán, p. 1412; xi. The Panjáb and the followers of Nának Sháh called Sikhs, p. 1415.
BOOK VIII. Division of Countries according to the English —Discovery of the New World—Their mode of Government, in five Chapters.—Chap. i. The Seven Climates, as described by the English; and account of the Countries of the New World, which were conquered by them, p. 1423; ii. An account of the Planets and the Stars, p. 1425; iii. The Earth—Rivers—the four divisions of the whole World, p. 1429; iv. The Countries of Europe—the Conquest of the New World—the Countries of the four Continents, and the Constitution of the European States, p. 1430; v. The possessions of the English in Europe and Hindústán, and the rules of their Government, in five Sections.—Sect. 1. The Kingdom of England, which is the original country of these people, p. 1461; 2. A description of the City of London, the seat of their Government, p. 1463; 3. The rules of their Government, p. 1465; 4. Kings of England, p. 1471; 5. Account of the East India Company, p. 1481.
[The following Extracts were apparently translated by munshís, and received revision from Sir H. M. Elliot.]
The Játs of Bhartpúr.
Among the former chiefs of the tribe of Játs, Bajjá Ját was pre-eminent. He was a zamíndár of mauza Sansaní, a village situated between Díg and Kumbher. He had in attendance on him a body of nearly one hundred horse, consisting of his relations. The strong fort of Thún was the place of his residence. He led a predatory life, and displayed great courage in every excursion. He died, leaving behind him three sons, named Chúráman, Badan Singh, and Rája Rám.
The first-named son succeeded him in the chiefship of the tribe, and as his good fortune proved like waters richly fertilizing the field of his successful career in life, he, on the occurrence of the tumult which followed closely on the death of Aurangzeb, revolted, and thus laid the foundation of his fortune. Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, on ascending the throne, despatched Rája Jai Singh Sawáí with an overpowering force to chastise Chúráman, and as the Rája, after a siege of one year's duration, succeeded in reducing Chúráman to the last extremity, the latter had sagacity enough to sow the seeds of prudence in the field of good fortune. By entering into a league with Saiyid Husain 'Alí Khán Bárha, who was in charge of the entire administration of the affairs of the State, and jealous of the power of Rája Jai Singh, he rescued the store of his treasure and greatness from the shock of misfortune, which was likely to prove as severe as that of lightning. Rája Jai Singh was obliged to raise the siege of the fort of Thún, and return with malicious feeling engendered in him by the defeat of his object.361 This circumstance made Chúrá-man so arrogant, that the plant of his independent spirit grew up and touched the very heavens. At the time when Husain 'Alí Khán fought with the army of Muhammad Sháh, Chúráman was so presumptuous that he repeatedly fell on the camp of the Emperor, and engaged in plunder. He thus continued to incur public odium, till the fourth year of the reign of Muhammad Sháh, when Rája Jai Singh and other amírs of note were despatched with an effective force to reduce the fort of Thún, and exterminate him. They employed their utmost exertions to effect the purpose, and as the earthly career of Chúráman was at an end, his brother, Badan Singh, leagued with Rája Jai Singh, gave him all the information that might tend to the ruin of Chúráman, and thereby enabled the Rája to open the gate of the strong fort. Chúráman, on seeing his affairs desperate, burnt himself in the magazine of the fort. Rája Jai Singh levelled the fort to the ground, and caused it to be ploughed up by a yoke of asses.
Rája Badan Singh, through the interest of Rája Jai Singh, became the successor of Chúráman, whose son, Muhkam Singh, forfeited the succession in consequence of his father's offence. Badan Singh, on obtaining the chiefship, built the forts of Bhartpúr and Waira. The fort of Bhartpúr was made very strong, if not impregnable. The ditch round it is so deep that even the imagination cannot pass one half of its depth. Its rampart is so wide that it can admit of the passage of several carriages at a time. Besides this, it is surrounded by forests.
It is said that Badan Singh was in the habit of swallowing every day quicksilver of the weight of a pice. He had hundreds of concubines and twenty sons. On feeling his sight defective in his latter days, and finding amongst his sons Súraj Mal to be the most sagacious and wise, he placed the reins of government in his hands, and retired from the cares of State to pass the remainder of his life in seclusion and peace, which he enjoyed up to the year 1174 A.H. (1760-1 A.D.), when he died. It is said of him that, in consequence of his numerous descendants, he used to inquire always, when any one of them came into his presence, as to who the person was.
Súraj Mal, who, during the lifetime of his father, was entrusted with the entire administration of the affairs of the State, strongly fortified the posts of Kumbher and Díg; and on his father's death, when he attained absolute power, he employed his exertions for the extension of his territory. The declining state of the Empire of Dehlí afforded him the means of making encroachments on the royal territories. In the reign of Ahmad Sháh, he was on friendly terms with Wazíru-l Mamálik Safdar Jang, and thereby placed his affairs on a firm basis. He afforded every aid and countenance to the schemes of Safdar Jang. In the year 1164 A.H. (1750-1 A.D.), when Safdar Jang directed a second time his army against Ahmad Khán Bangash, Súraj Mal acted in co-operation with him, at the head of an effective force. The war terminating in favour of Safdar Jang, Súraj Mal obtained possession of the province of Ágra, and became the master of the whole territories of Mewát, and a tract of land as far as the neighbourhood of Dehlí, yielding more than two krors of rupees. This extension of his territories exalted his dignity to the very heavens, and contributed to augment the strength of his force to nearly one hundred thousand horse and foot. His subjects were in the enjoyment of all the blessings of a good government. In the year 1170 A.H. (1756-7 A.D.), when Ahmad Sháh Abdálí was on his march to Hindústán, most of the inhabitants of Dehlí, both high and low, took shelter in the territories of Súraj Mal, who extended his protection towards them, and treated them all with the respect due to their respective ranks.
Jahán Khán, the Commander-in-Chief of the army of the Abdálí, moved at the head of an overwhelming force to capture the fort of Kumbher, and Súraj Mal proceeded in an undaunted spirit to resist him. In the year 1173 A.H. (1759-60 A.D.) Gházíu-d dín Khán Wazír, being dismayed by the approach of Ahmad Sháh Abdálí to Hindústán against the Mahrattas with whom he had entered into a league, took refuge with Súraj Mal, who received him courteously, and protected him for a time in his adversity. In this year, also, Súraj Mal took possession of the fort of Akbarábád from the Emperor of Dehlí.
When the legitimate son of 'Álamgír the Second ascended the throne of his father in the East, under the title of Sháh 'Álam, and Najíbu-d daula Rohilla assumed the management of the affairs of State, and appointed Jawán Bakht, the eldest son of Sháh 'Álam, as the heir apparent, Súraj Mal felt an ardent desire for the possession of Dehlí, and with this object he marched early in the year 1178 A.H. (1764 A.D.) with a considerable force against that place in the spirit of predominant pride. Najíbu-d daula, dreading the prowess and strength of Súraj Mal, entreated him in abject terms to make peace; but Súraj Mal refused, and prepared himself for action. After both armies were drawn up in battle array, Súraj Mal, with a small force, unfortunately advanced too far beyond his army to examine one of his batteries, and while standing between it and that of his enemy, a party which, after having been plundered by Súraj Mal's army, were returning to their camp, on recognizing him, made an attack on him and put him to death. This event brought on, in the twinkling of an eye, the discomfiture and dispersion of the immense force of Súraj Mal without a fight. A circumstance so unexpected can be ascribed to nothing else but to the decree of Providence, and victory, which is in its gift, fell to the lot of Najíbu-d daula.
Súraj Mal, however, had several sons, among whom Jawáhir Singh, the most sagacious, succeeded him. To avenge the death of his father, Jawáhir Singh marched with a considerable force against Najíbu-d daula, accompanied by Malhár Ráo Mahratta and a body of the Panjáb Sikhs. Najíbu-d daula, taking shelter in the fort of Dehlí, applied himself to strengthen the bastions and gates of the fort and city. Jawáhir Singh encamped round the tank of Kishan Dás, ten miles distant from Dehlí, and laid siege to the city. Cannonading and musketry continued for four months, when the report of the arrival of the Abdálí troops disposed Najíbu-d daula to purchase peace, and he offered concessions to the Mahrattas. The peace was concluded through the interposition of Malhár Ráo, and both parties remained in their independent positions.
Late in the year 1179 A.H. (1766 A.D.) Raghú Mahratta came from the Dakhin, besieged Gohad, and demanded tribute from Jawáhir Singh, which obliged the latter to depute to him, for the purpose of negociating peace, Gosain Himmat Bahádur and his brother Amráo Gír, who had formerly, on the defeat of Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula by the English, left the Nawáb's service, and entered that of Jawáhir Singh. They now, from avaricious motives, excited by the bribes offered them by the Mahrattas, deviated from rectitude, and promised Raghú to betray Jawáhir Singh into his hands. Jawáhir Singh, on learning of this treachery, despatched a portion of his army in which he could place confidence, with instructions to fall on them unawares, with a view to bring them to their senses. The two brothers, seeing the arrival of the troops in a hostile spirit against them, gave up all for lost, and took to flight with some of their immediate attendants. Their equipage and baggage were all carried off as plunder.
In short, Rája Jawáhir Singh became master of most of the neighbouring territories. But in consequence of his having attained such glory and power, his pride was heightened into vanity, and his mind exalted with the imagination of extending his conquests far and wide. In the year 1182 A.H. (1768 A.D.) he called on Rája Mádhú Singh, son of Rája Jai Singh Sawáí, to surrender the parganas in the neighbourhood of Bhartpúr.364 But as Rája Mádhú Singh did not attend to his call, Jawáhir Singh quarrelled with him, and fitted out a large expedition. Under pretence of performing ablution in the lake near Ajmír, he marched in that direction. Mádhú Singh, however, being aware of his hostile intentions, placed a select body of his troops under the command of Harsaháí Khatrí, a confidential dependent, with instructions to oppose Jawáhir, who was prepared to take the field without any provocation. This Rájpút force met Jawáhir Singh in the neighbourhood of Jainagar while on his way back from the lake. An obstinate battle took place, and the gallant charges made by both parties occasioned numbers of slain.
In consequence of the bold and vigorous attacks of the valiant Rájpúts, Rája Jawáhir Singh's troops could not stand their ground. Rája Harsaháí, Gunsaháí (his brother-in-law), and most of the brave Rájpúts displayed their valour, but fell at last on the field of battle. Confidence and courage failed Jawáhir Singh. With a dejected heart he retreated towards Bhartpúr, and became, in consequence of his ineffectual encroachment and disgraceful return, the subject of public ridicule. He at last glutted his vengeance by wresting the territory of Kámún from. Rája Mádhú Singh. He then proceeded from Bhartpúr to Ágra, where a villain, whose name is not known, put him to death while engaged in viewing an elephant-fight.
Jawáhir Singh's brother, Ratan Singh (another son of Súraj Mal), succeeded him. This Prince remained constantly in a state of intoxication, and wasted his precious moments in pleasure and indolence. A few days after his accession, he felt seriously disposed to gain a knowledge of alchemy, and with this view made over a large quantity of gold to a darwesh of the name of Rúpánand, who had given out that he was a very skilful alchemist. This individual, however, appropriated the gold to his own use, amusing Ratan Singh with evasive stories. When subterfuges on his part exceeded their reasonable bounds, Ratan Singh threatened him with punishment; and the impostor, being apprehensive of the loss of his honour, if not his life, conducted him unattended by any servants to his own place, under pretence of showing him the alchemical discoveries made by him. On his arrival there, he put Ratan Singh to death by stabbing him with a knife. This event coming to the knowledge of the adherents of Ratan Singh, they immediately killed the darwesh. Ratan Singh ruled only nine months.
On his death, Kherí Singh, his son, only five years of age, was installed by the ministers of the State, and Nuwul Singh, son of Súraj Mal, was appointed regent; but one month afterwards, when Kherí Singh died, Nuwul Singh became independent, and placed himself on the gaddí.
This Prince, being desirous of extending his territories, wrested, in the year 1196 A.H. (1774 A.D.), the fort of Balamgarh from Ajít Singh, son of Bagú Ját. He also overcame the Imperial force which had been ordered to give support to Ajít Singh, and he became master of Sikandrá and several other places belonging to the crown. These conquests made him assume an air of haughtiness, until Najaf Khán,366 by command of His Majesty Sháh 'Álam, hoisted the banner of bravery for his expulsion, and succeeded in wresting from him the possession of Farídábád. He waged war with Nuwul Singh in the neighbourhood of Hadal and Barsáná. He was so fortunate that, notwithstanding a forest being situated to his disadvantage, he gained a complete victory over Nuwul Singh, who being thus doomed to sustain a defeat, fortified himself in the fort of Díg. Najaf Khán, in a short time and with little opposition, effected the restoration of all the usurped territories which were in possession of Nuwul Singh, even to the very walls of Akbarábád, and afterwards marched to besiege the fort of Díg. When the fort had been in a state of siege for two years, Nuwul Singh died.
Ranjít Singh, son of Súraj Mal, who was then at Bhartpúr, on hearing of his brother's death, hastened to Díg, applied himself to strengthening the gates and bastions of the fort, and animated the courage of the besieged. He killed Mullá Ahmad Khán Rohilla, who had been employed by Nuwul Singh to protect the fort, but on Nuwul Singh's death aspired to the possession of it himself. It is through the exertions of Ranjít Singh, that the besieged held out for eleven months more, when, on the failure of supplies, Ranjít Singh, seeing the desperate state of his affairs, surrendered. A few days afterwards, Najaf Khán captured the fort of Kumbher; but the forts of Bhartpúr and Waira, with some other places, remained in the possession of Ranjít Singh.
After the death of Najaf Khán, when the Mahrattas obtained a footing in his territories, Ranjít Singh professed subjection to Sindhia Patel, the commander-in-chief of the Mahratta force. Sindhia, being pleased with him, committed to his charge, on the occasion of the march of his army in the direction of Jainagar, the forts of Díg and Kumbher, which Najaf Khán had annexed to his own territories.
When, in the year 1218 A.H. (1803 A.D.), the British overcame the Mahrattas, and took possession of their territories, Ranjít Singh was prudent enough to acknowledge ostensibly the supremacy of the British; but in the following year, on the occasion of the march of the united force of the Mahratta chiefs, Daulat Ráo Sindhia and Jaswant Ráo Holkar, against the British, he joined the Mahrattas, in gratitude for their former good will and regard for him. When, in the latter part of the year, the British, after reducing, through the wisdom of their policy and sagacity, the strong forts of Díg and Kishangarh, gallantly determined to take the fort of Bhartpúr, he with a valiant body of Játs marched boldly to resist them.
It is said that these Játs, in spite of the superior strength of the British, fell upon them regardless of life as moths of fire, committed great slaughter, and thus displayed their valour to the admiration of all who witnessed or heard of the fact. But when the rulers of Bengal and Bihár, the potentates of the Dakhin such as Haidar and Típú Sultán, the Mahrattas and others equal to Rustam and Isfandiyár, have been worsted by the British army, what could be expected from that poor and helpless body? Their fight with the English is just as that of a musquito with an elephant, or of a moth with fire, a parrot with a hawk, or a goat with a lion! Indeed, these Englishmen emulate the great heroes who figure in ancient history.
The Mahratta chiefs were presumptuous enough to continue opposing and harassing the English, until such time as the most exalted General Lake, by his prudent strokes of policy, and every sort of kindness and regard, gained over Ranjít Singh to espouse the interests of the British. He restored to Ranjít Singh the forts of Díg and Kishangarh, and then made preparations for the expulsion of the Mahrattas. Ranjít Singh enjoyed a high name in every direction of the world by his attachment to the English. He died in the latter part of the year 1220 A.H. (1806 A.D.), leaving his name immortal in the pages of history.
The English Company.
The Company, or the English merchants, sent their agents in ships laden with the productions of Europe for sale, and also with money in cash to purchase goods in Hindústán. They commenced their business in this country in the time of the Emperor Núru-d dín Jahángír, and obtained from him several houses for the residence of their agents in the port of Surat. Afterwards, by the Emperor's orders, they took several places from the Portuguese. Gradually they established their factories in Bombay, Madras, and other maritime places in Hindústán.
In the reign of Muhammad Aurangzeb 'Álamgír, they obtained permission to build a factory in Bengal, and thus they laid the foundation of the city of Calcutta. As long as the rulers of India did not molest them, the agents of the Company paid taxes into the royal treasury, like other merchants; but when they were oppressed by Chandá Sáhib, governor of Arcot, and Siráju-d daula, grandson of Mahábat Jang 'Alíwardí Khán, ruler of Bengal, they submitted their complaints to their King, and being reinforced by a royal army, they took possession of Arcot and Calcutta. By degrees they established their dominion in Bengal and Bihár. By the assistance of Almighty God, and their good fortune, and through the aid of their armies, they achieved, as has been before mentioned in this brief narrative, repeated victories over Shujá'u-d daula, and with great magnanimity and generosity restored the country to him which they had conquered. But as a measure of precaution, they placed a division of the English army on the frontier of his possessions, the pay of which was to be paid by him, and an intelligent and wise English officer was also appointed to remain with him.
After his death, the English received the districts of Benares, Jaunpúr, Gházípúr, and Chunár, from Ásafu-d daula, in consideration of his being confirmed in the masnad, and these places were annexed to the Company's possessions. When Ásafu-d daula expired, after the quelling of the disturbances raised by Wazír 'Alí Khán, and the accession of Nawáb Sa'ádat 'Alí Khán to the masnad, one-half of the Oudh territory was ceded to the Company.
In the end of the year 1217 A.H. (1802 A.D.), Mádhú Ráo left this perishable world, and Bájí Ráo, son of Raghunáth Ráo, succeeded him. Having been defeated by Jaswant Ráo Holkar, in consequence of his minister's defection, he requested assistance from the Lord Marquis, the Governor-General, who sent his brother, General Wellesley, at the head of a formidable army for his succour. Having thus recovered the government of Púna, he was again established firmly upon the masnad. Daulat Ráo Sindhia, Jaswant Ráo Holkar, and Raghújí Ghoslá,369 the Mahratta chiefs, having combined together, prepared to fight with the English army. The Governor-General, seeing them hostilely disposed, ordered General Wellesley and other officers at different stations, in 1803 A.D., corresponding with 1218 A.H., to extinguish the fire of their opposition, and wrest from them the forts and the cities which they had conquered. He also sent large supplies of treasure in all directions, and, as has been mentioned in this work in the history of the Mahrattas, the English forces were everywhere victorious, and all the territory and forts of these rebels fell into the hands of the British warriors. Daulat Ráo, Raghújí Ghoslá, and other chiefs sued for peace, which they obtained, and enjoyed tranquillity and ease. According to the Governor-General's orders, some of the conquered cities and forts were restored to them. Jaswant Ráo Holkar, however, continued still to be refractory, and having left the Dakhin, he now kindled the fire of rebellion in Hindústán.
In those days also Ranjít Singh Ját revolted, and began to betray insubordination and insolence. Many English were slain in fighting with him, and on all sides round their camp the forces of Jaswant Ráo commenced plundering. General Lake with great valour and prudence did not move his foot from the field of firmness and perseverance, and with great kindness and favour having restored the forts of Díg, Kishangarh, etc., to Ranjít Singh, and made an alliance with him, directed his whole efforts to the expulsion of Jaswant Ráo, who, in his extreme prudence, always took care to keep himself at a distance from the English artillery, and fought after the Mahratta fashion. He proceeded to the territory of the Panjáb, where the brave General also boldly pursued him to the environs of Láhore.
In the mean time, the Governor-General, the Lord Marquis, having been removed from his office, returned home, and the honourable, the great and noble Lord Cornwallis, the new Governor-General, the praise of whose excellent character and good conduct is beyond the extent of imagination, and in whose time and by whose sagacity and wisdom the conquest over Típú Sultán was achieved, came from the east towards the western part of the country with the intention of quelling the disturbances and tumults which the Mahrattas had raised. But on the 5th of the month of Rajab, 1220 A.H., corresponding with the 10th of October, 1805 A.D., he died of some disease in the vicinity of Gházípúr; and all the English officers, as well as other people of all ranks, were much overwhelmed by sorrow at his death.
General Lake, according to the orders of the Government, purchased peace from Jaswant Ráo Holkar, at the expense of some treasure and the restoration of the conquered territory to him, which belonged to the Rájpútána states; after this, the General returned from the territory of the Panjáb to Dehlí.
In these days, the end of the year 1220 A.H., and the close of the forty-eighth year of Sháh 'Álam Bádsháh's reign (may his dominion and sovereignty be prolonged to eternity!) Mahárája Holkar came from the Panjáb to Rájpútána, and there having raised the standard of triumph and success, established his rule, and is now engaged in exacting contributions from the Rájas and Ráís of that territory. The English retained the districts of Dehlí and Ágra in their own possession. General Lake triumphantly proceeded from the capital to the eastern part of the country, and Mr. Barlow having been appointed to officiate in place of the Governor-General, took the management of the Government affairs into his hands.
In short, all the chiefs and proud rulers of Hindústán, whose heads touched the heavens, and who from their dignity and pomp claimed equality with Saturn, now having considered their safety to lie in repentance and obedience, could not raise their heads from their knees out of respect to this powerful people, and all the rebellious and turbulent characters who always scratched the head of pride and vanity with the nails of tumult and quarrel, put the cap of their obstinacy upon the ground of submission, and did not place their foot beyond the bounds of respect to this body of wise men, who, from their great humanity and liberality, have subdued every one of their enemies. Whoever sought their protection was much honoured, respected, and treated with great kindness, and they fixed an allowance for his maintenance. Notwithstanding that the English are few in number, yet, by their prudent measures and superior wisdom and understanding, they have introduced such management into the countries conquered by them as never was known in the days of any ancient rulers, although they possessed much greater power and more numerous armies.
For the comfort of their subjects and tranquillity of all the people they have established courts in all their cities and towns, so that, in fact, in apprehension of their equity and justice, the wolf and the lion live in the same den with the goat and the deer; and the wagtail and sparrow sit in the same nest with the falcon and hawk. The powerful fly before the weak, and robbers and highwaymen show the way to benighted travellers. All enjoy rest under their protection, and all are comforted by their justice. If a brief account of the rules and regulations which are made by these great people for the administration of justice were given, it would much lengthen this work. The judges, at the time of hearing complaints, look on all, poor and rich, respectable and mean, with an impartial eye, and punish them according to the law, in proportion to the atrocity of their deeds, so that others may take warning from them, and avoid to commit crime. May Almighty God preserve the shadow of their favour and kindness over the heads of all people, as long as the world exists!
KÁSHIFU-L AKHBÁR
OF
'INÁYAT HUSAIN.
THIS “Revealer of News” was composed by 'Ináyat Husain of Mahrard for the instruction of his son, Imdád Husain, and the edification of some of his friends, and occupied him nine years. There is nothing whatever in it to warrant so much waste of time, for the historical portion is a mere transcript from his predecessors without a word of novelty. The geographical chapter is most useful, though even in that there is little not to be found in the Hadíkatu-l Akálím. 'Ináyat Husain does not himself mention his authorities, but the transcriber of the copy I have used adds in a postscript the monstrous assertion that the author has consulted no less than four hundred and eighty-four works in the course of his compilation. This information he professes to have derived from the author himself.
The exact year of completion is not mentioned, but as notice is taken of the death of Sháh 'Álam, and the accession of Akbar II., the work must have been completed subsequent to 1220 A.H. (1805 A.D.). The Káshifu-l Akhbár is not divided into books and chapters, but the most prominent divisions and subjects are the following. Some miscellaneous matters, such as a “history of inventions,” are necessarily omitted in this abstract of contents.
CONTENTS.
Preface, p. 1; Creation, Jinns, Prophets, Muhammad, Grecian Philosophers, Eastern Poets, p. 2; Versification, Composition, Astronomy, and Physical Geography, p. 101; The four Persian Dynasties and early Arabs, p. 119; 'Ummayides, 'Abbásides, and the Dynasties which arose in their time, p. 141; Changíz Khán, and the Mughal Dynasties, Saffavís, p. 172; Kings of Hindústán, Hindús, Ghaznívides, Ghorians, Khiljís, etc., to Akbar II., p. 201; Sikhs, Mahrattas and English, p. 314: Kings of the Dakhin, Gujarát, Málwá, Bengal, Jaunpúr, Multán, Sind, and Kashmír, p. 322; Descriptive account of the Súbas of Hindústán, p. 381; Conclusion, p. 423.
SIZE—Folio, 425 pages, each containing 25 lines.
There is nothing in the volume worth translation in this place.
I know of only one copy of the Káshifu-l Akhbár, which was transcribed in 1263 A.H. (1847 A.D.) for Nawáb Daula Saiyid Muhammad 'Alí Khán Bahádur, by Muhammad 'Arfán 'Alí of Bareilly. It is clean and correct.
ZUBDATU-L AKHBÁR
OF
UMRÁO SINGH.
THIS work is an abridgment of the Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh, by Umráo Singh, of Benares, continued down to the accession of Muhammad Akbar II., or rather to the appointment of Sir E. Colebrooke as one of the Commissioners of the “Ceded and Conquered Provinces,” an era of importance to the author, as he seems to have been employed by the British Government in the Revenue Department. The work opens in a manner which would lead us to suppose it the production of a Musulmán rather than a Hindú.
The Zubdatu-l Akhbár is divided into seven Books, of which the first five are abstracted from the Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh, a portion of his labour which the author tells us occupied him fifteen days. He also informs us that he was fond of studying history, and reading Arabic and Persian works, and was seldom engaged except in these agreeable occupations. One day, after reading the Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh, it came into his head that he would abridge that work, because he found it tedious to peruse so long a history, which was comprised in 656 pages, each numbering 20 lines, and he wishes to save others the trouble he had experienced in turning over so many leaves.
CONTENTS.
Preface, p. 1.—Book I. Description of Hindústán and the súbas and sarkárs dependent on Dehlí, with a statement of the revenues collected from each, p. 4; II. The Kauravas and Pándavas, p. 29; III. The Hindú Rájas from the time of Paríchit, including an account of Bikramájít, p. 45; IV. The Muhammadan Sovereigns of Ghazní, Láhore, and Dehlí, including the Ghaznívides, Ghorians, Slave Kings, Khiljís, Saiyids and Lodís, p. 77; V. The Tímúrian Dynasty from Bábar down to the close of Aurangzeb's reign, including an account of the Súr Afghán Dynasty, p. 123; VI. From the reign of Bahádur Sháh to the death of Sháh 'Álam, including an account of Nádir Sháh, the Abdálís, Rohillas, Mahrattas, and English, p. 233; VII. Accession of Muhammad Akbar II., the capture of the forts of 'Alígarh, Kamona, etc., and the duration of reigns from Judhishthar to Sháh 'Álam, p. 556.
This work contains nothing in matter or manner worthy of translation.
The only copy which I know of the Zubdatu-l Akhbár is in the possession of the Sadr Bakhshí of 'Alígarh. It contains 612 pages, with 16 lines to the page.
MUNTAKHAB-I KHULÁSATU-T TAWÁRÍKH
OF
RÁM PARSHÁD.
THIS is not an abridgment of the Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh, as the name might lead us to suppose, but a brief abstract History of India, made without any reference to that work.
The Muntakhab has no Preface, and begins without any preliminary praises; but at the end, the copyist says that it was composed by a person named Rám Parshád. It is of no use except to the merest beginner. It is chiefly devoted to the Tímúrian Sovereigns—one page only being given to the period which preceded them. The work ends with the accession of Akbar II., and contains 40 pages of 15 lines each; but some tables are added from the Jám-i Jam of Saiyid Ahmad Khán, by which the volume is expanded to 84 pages.
The only copy I know of belongs to Nawáb 'Alí Muhammad Khán of Jhajjar.
AKHBÁR-I MUHABBAT
OF
NAWÁB MUHABBAT KHÁN.
A GENERAL History of India from the time of the Ghaznívides to the accession of Muhammad Akbar II., at the close of the year 1806.
The author Nawáb Muhabbat Khán is not to be confounded with his contemporary and namesake, the second son of Háfiz Rahmat, favourably known as the author of Ríázu-l Muhabbat, a grammar and dictionary of the Pushtú language, written in Persian. A manuscript of his work in the East India Library has been much quoted by Dr. Bernhard Dorn, in his Annotations to the History of the Afgháns. The same writer is author also of the poem called Asrár-i Muhabbat, having called his two chief works, like the author to whom this article is devoted, after his own name—Muhabbat. M. Garcin de Tassy devotes an article to him in his Histoire de la Littérature Hindoui et Hindoustani.376
The style of the author of the Akhbár-i Muhabbat is slovenly and inaccurate, as is often observable in works written in India by foreigners from Afghánistán. He dwells with peculiar pleasure upon the deeds of his ancestors, and is very proud of a lineage, which he traces through Diler Khán, Daryá Khán, Saul, Abraham and Noah, up to Adam.
The work is in too abridged a form to be of much use, except towards the end, where the author expands the narrative, giving an unusually minute account of the Durrání invasions, and some of the transactions of Sháh 'Álam's reign, to which he assigns only thirteen years, contrary to the usual mode of reckoning. Certain portions also of the reigns of Jahángír and his successors are enlarged upon, when he has the opportunity of recounting the exploits of Daryá Khán, Khán Jahán Lodí, Bahádur Khán, Diler Khán, and other heroes of the author's race and family.
In his Preface he quotes several authorities, as Akbar-náma by Abú-l Fazl, an anonymous history of Shahábu-d dín Ghorí, an anonymous history of 'Aláu-d dín Khiljí, the Táríkh-i Afághana by Husain Khán, the Zafar-náma by Sharafu-d dín, the Tímúrnáma of Hátifí, Bábar's Memoirs, the Táríkh-i Akbarí by 'Atá Beg Kazwíní, the Kitáb-i Akbar-Sháhí by Shaikh Illahdád Faizí, the Tabakát-i Akbarí by Nizámu-d dín Ahmad, the Ikbál-náma of Mu'tamad Khán, the Autobiography of Jahángír, the Táríkh-i Sháh-Jahání by Wáris Khán, the Táríkh-i 'Álamgírí by Muhammad Kázim, two works under the name of Táríkh-i Bahádur-Sháhí , the Táríkh-i Muhammad-Sháhí, Ahmad-Sháhí, Sháh' Álam-Sháhí , the Táríkh-i Kashmírí by Mauláná Sháhábádí, the Mahá-bhárat, Rámáyana, Vishnu Purána, the Bhágavata, Jog-bashisht, Singhásan Battísí, Padmáwat, the Rájávalí of Bháo Rám, and Rája Taranginí.
Most of these are of ordinary currency, and are often quoted in Prefaces without being read. The perusal, and even the existence of the anonymous works, may be doubted. He mentions also the history of Násiru-d dín and Mahmúd by 'Unsurí, and the Táríkh-i Fíroz-Sháhí by 'Izzu-d dín, though why either should be quoted it is impossible to say, inasmuch as only two lines are devoted to Fíroz Sháh's reign, and only thirty pages to the entire Khiljí and Tughlik dynasties. In the Ghaznívide dynasty he follows the words and the defective arrangement of the Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh, which he does not quote, ascribing, like that work, only seven reigns to the whole dynasty. This is another instance of the shameless fraud of which we have shown the author of the Khulásat himself to have been guilty.
He informs us that in the latter part of his history he benefited by the verbal information derived from his father, uncle, brothers, and other trustworthy persons. He quotes also two new works, the Daryá-i Dilerí and the Risála-i Dilerí, which most probably relate to the achievements of his ancestors.
[There can be no doubt that he either used the Táríkh-i Manázila-i Futúh, the Táríkh-i Ibráhím Khán, and the Nigárnáma-i Hind, or if he did not, that he and the authors of these works all copied from the same original authority.]
CONTENTS.
The Preface, an account of the arrival of the author's ancestors in Hindústán, the Patriarchs, 'Alí, 'Abdu-l Kádir Jílání, Sálár Mas'úd, the twelve Imáms, the conquest of Bengal, Bikramájít, and other miscellaneous matters, p. 1; The Ghaznívides, p. 100; The Ghorides, Khiljís, etc., p. 121; Bábar, p. 150; Humáyún, p. 160; Akbar, p. 197; Jahángír, p. 208; Sháh Jahán, p. 240; Aurangzeb, p. 351; Bahádur Sháh, and an account of the súbas, p. 420; Jahándár Sháh, Farrukh Siyar, etc., p. 430; Muhammad Sháh, with accounts of the English, Játs, Nawábs of Oudh, Nádir Sháh, etc., p. 487; Ahmad Sháh, p. 630; 'Álamgír II., p. 699; Sháh 'Álam, p. 726; Muhammad Akbar, p. 768.
SIZE—8VO., containing 782 pages, of 17 lines each.
I have seen but one copy of this work, and that is in the possession of one of the descendants of the author.
[The Extracts, translated by a munshí, were revised by Sir H. M. Elliot.]
Foundation of the city of Calcutta by Mr. Chának (Job Charnock),
chief of the English tribe.
Calcutta formerly was only a village, the revenue of which was assigned for the expenses of the temple of Kálí Deví which stands there. As in the Bengalí language the words Karta and Kat mean the proprietor of that Kálí, in course of time, by the elision of the í, it began to be called Calcutta.379 I now proceed to an account of the foundation of the city, and how the Honourable Company's factory was maintained at Gholghát379a and Mughal-púra, near Húghlí. Suddenly, at about sunset, when the English officers were at their dinner, a violent bore arose in the river, and fell with such force upon the shore that the factory was in danger of falling down. The officers ran out in great consternation and saved their lives. All the goods and property were destroyed by the water, and a few men and several animals lost their lives. Mr. Chának, their chief, having purchased the Benárasí Bágh, which belonged to the Company's agent at Gholghát, near the city, cut down the trees, and founded a factory, the buildings of which were raised two and three stories high. When the compound was made, and the rooms were ready to be roofed in, the nobles and chief men among the Saiyids and Mughals, who were great merchants, went to Mír Násir, Faujdár of Húghlí, and declared that if the strangers were allowed to ascend their lofty houses, they, the Mughals, would be greatly dishonoured, seeing that the persons of their females would be exposed to view. The faujdár sent a report of the matter to Nawáb Ja'far Khán, and directed the Mughals and other principal inhabitants of the place to accompany it. They all complained before the Nawáb, who issued orders to the faujdár, to the effect that not another brick or timber should be allowed to be raised. The faujdár, immediately on receipt of the order, prohibited all the masons and carpenters from carrying on the work, and ordered that no one should go to the factory. Thus the work remained unfinished. Mr. Chának, with great indignation, prepared to fight; but as he had a very small force, and only one vessel was present at the time, while the Mughals, who were joined by the powerful faujdár,379b had assembled in great number, he saw no advantage in taking any hostile measure against them, and was obliged to weigh anchor. He had a burning glass in his ship, with which, by concentrating the sun's rays, he burnt the river face of the city as far as Chandernagore. With a view to avenge this injury, the faujdár wrote to the police station at Makhúá, with orders to stop the vessel. The thánadár accordingly, in order to prevent the passage of the vessel, prepared an iron chain, each link of which was ten sírs in weight, and having made it in length equal to the breadth of the river, kept it ready and made it firm to the wall of the fort. The chain being extended across the river, the vessel was thus intercepted; but Mr. Chának cut through the chain with a European sword, and went on his way.380 He took his vessel out to sea, and proceeded towards the Dakhin.
In those days the Emperor Aurangzeb was in that part of the kingdom, straitened by his enemy for provisions, and his camp was reduced to starvation. Upon this the chief of the factory in the Carnatic sent vessels laden with grain, showing great consideration for the throne, and proved of great service. The Emperor was much pleased with the English people, and desired to know the Honourable Company's wishes. The English chief requested him to grant a sanad and farmán, giving permission to establish factories in all parts of the kingdom, and particularly in Bengal. The request was granted, and the royal orders exempting the Honourable Company's ships from custom duties, fixing a sum of three thousand rupees as a peshkash to be presented to the bakhshí of the port, and giving permission for the establishment of factories, were issued. Mr. Chának returned with the royal farmáns from the Dakhin to Bengal. He sent his agents with the peskhash and some presents to Ja'far Khán, and obtained permission to erect a factory in Calcutta. Mr. Chának accordingly erected a new factory at the place where he anchored after returning from the Dakhin, which is known by the name of Chának. He founded the city and populated it, and gave a stimulus to the trade of Bengal. That factory is well known to this day by the name of the Old Fort.
Calcutta is a large city, situated on the banks of the Bhágíratí. It is a large port, and the great mart of the trade of the Honourable Company and their dependents. Small vessels called salap (sloops?) every year trade with this port from China, Europe, and other countries, and almost at all times some are at anchor there. In these days this city is the residence of the chief English officers, and the city and its dependencies are considered their property. The buildings are built entirely of masonry, plastered with lime or mud. The land, on account of its vicinity to the sea, is very brackish and damp, and hence the houses are raised two or three stories high. The lower apartments are not fit to be inhabited. The buildings are like those of Europe, airy, spacious, and commodious. The city is very large, and all constructed of brick. Besides the English, the Bengalís, Armenians, and other inhabitants, are also opulent merchants. The water of the wells, on account of its brackish quality, is not drinkable. If any person drinks it, he is sure to suffer. In the hot and rainy seasons it becomes peculiarly bitter and saline, and consequently drinking water is procured from tanks. The sea is forty kos distant from the city, and the ebb and flow of the tide occur every day and every night. At full moon the bore rushes in for three days with unusual violence. It presents a curious and wonderful scene; it throws some boats on the shore, and breaks others to pieces; those which are not near the shore receive no injury from it, and therefore no boat, large or small, is left there unanchored. In the same manner, towards the end of the lunar month, the water rolls in with great violence for three days and nights. These high floods are called homán in the Bengalí language, and that which takes place daily is termed jowár-bháta .
A mud fort towards the south, outside the city, constructed after the English model, is very marvellous. Its praise is beyond all expression; it is well worth seeing. The wall which encircles it appears in every direction low from the outside, just like the embankment of a tank; but looking at it from the inside it appears high. Very large and lofty buildings are erected within it, and much skill is shown in the entire construction of this fort. There are many other wonderful and excellent works in this city. As regards the beauty of the buildings and various novelties, there is no city like this in the whole of Hindústán, except Sháh-Jahánábád, which is incomparable. Its only defects are that the air is very insalubrious, the water brackish, and the soil damp, to such a degree that the floors of the houses, although made of bricks and lime, are still, from the excess of moisture, always damp, and the walls also are wet to the height of two or three cubits. For four months in the winter the climate is not so unhealthy; but for eight months during the summer and rainy seasons it is very injurious.
Calcutta is a wonderful city, in the country of Bang.
It is a specimen of both China and Farang.
Its buildings are heart-attracting and delightful.
Their heads are exalted to the height of the sky.
The decorations executed in them by skilful persons
Exhibit a variety of good colours and beautiful drawings.
From the beauty of the works of the European artists
The senses of the spectator are overpowered.
The hat-wearing Englishmen who dwell in them
All speak the truth and have good dispositions.
As are the dwellings, so are their occupants.
How can I sufficiently indite their praises?
The roads made of pounded brick are so level,
That the morning breezes sweep away all the dirt from them.
In all the lanes persons whose faces are like the moon take their walks,
So that you would say the earth was bathed in moonlight.
One is like the moon, the other like the planet Jupiter,
The third shows a beauty like that of Venus.
As a multitude of persons like the planets roam in every direction,
The streets take the resemblance of the Milky Way.You will see, if you go to the bazár, all the excellent things of the
world.
All things which are produced in any part of the inhabited world
Are found in its bazár without difficulty.
If I attempt to write in praise of the marvels of the city,
The pen will refuse its office.
But it is well known to all of every degree
That it combines the beauties of China and Farang.
The ground is as level as the face of the sky,
And the roads in it are as straight as the line of the equator.
People go out to walk on them,
And there they meet together like the planets.
Such a city as this in the country of the Bengalís
Nobody has seen or heard of in the world.
Account of Farásdángá.
Chandernagore, alias Farásdángá, is twelve kos from Calcutta, and there is a factory in it belonging to the French Christians. It is a small town on the banks of the Bhágíratí. An officer on the part of the King of France remains there to govern the town and manage the commercial affairs of the place. The English have no concern with it. In the same manner, Chochrá (Chinsura) is in possession of the tribe of Walandíz (Hollanders). This place is a little to the south of the port of Húghlí, and is one kos to the north of Farásdángá. In like manner, Seorámpúr (Serampore), which is also situated on the same stream, and opposite to Chának, has a factory of the tribe of Danámár (Denmark), by which name the station itself is sometimes called. In these places no other rule prevails than that of the nation which owns the factories.
I again resume my original subject. Nawáb Ja'far Khán, towards the close of his life, built on his own property, which lay to the east of the city of Murshidábád, a ganj, a katrá, a mosque, a minaret, a reservoir, and a large well. He also raised his tomb at the foot of the stairs of the mosque, with the view that by that means it might not soon get injured, and that by the fortunate contiguity of the mosque, prayers might constantly be made in his name. As his end approached, having no son, he appointed as his representative and successor Sarfaráz Khán, his daughter's son, whom he had brought up from infancy, and consigned to his care all public treasure, the buried wealth, furniture, and all the privileges appertaining to the Nizám and the Emperor.
The Sixth Year of the Reign of Ahmad Sháh.
In this year, 'Imádu-l Mulk (Gházíu-d dín), having secured the concurrence of Malhár Mahratta, attacked Súraj Mal Ját, who was one of the dependents of Safdar Jang. Súraj Mal, having taken refuge in one of his forts, wrote to Ahmad Sháh and Intizámu-d daula, representing that if 'Imádu-l Mulk, joined by the Mahrattas, should acquire power, he would assuredly ruin the Empire as well as the Wazárat. Intizámu-d daula saw the evil, and persuaded the Emperor to proceed, on pretence of hunting, towards Sikandrá, where Holkar Mahratta suddenly made an attack upon the royal army. Ahmad Sháh with his mother, Intizámu-d daula, and some other followers, fled. All the royal camp equipage and the insignia of royalty were plundered by the Rájpúts. Malika Zamániya, the daughter of Farrukh Siyar, with other ladies of the royal household, were captured by the Mahratta and received into his zenána, and the honour of the family of Tímúr received a deadly wound.384
'Imádu-l Mulk, on receipt of this intelligence, abandoned the siege of the Ját's forts, and in company with Malhár Ráo Holkar and Samsámu-d daula, the commandant of artillery, returned to Dehlí. There, in concert with the chief officers of the throne, he first killed Intizámu-d daula, his maternal uncle, and then assumed the rank of wazír for himself, under the title of Gházíu-d din Khán. He took Ahmad Sháh and his mother prisoners, and treated them with every indignity. The pen now turns to other matters, and, if God please, the present subject shall be hereafter resumed.
The Muhammadans and Christians in Malíbár and the Dakhin.
Let it not be hidden from the sun-resembling minds of those who understand the value of the gems of intelligence, that, previous to the rise of Muhammadanism, the Jews and the Christians had intercourse, as merchants, with most of the ports of the Dakhin, such as Palniár385 and others. Having become familiar with the people of that country, they established their residence in some of the cities, and built houses and gardens.
In this manner they sojourned for many years. When the great star of Muhammadanism appeared, and the rays of that world-enlightening sun shone from the east to the west, gradually the countries of Hindústán and the Dakhin were also benefited by the light of the Muhammadan law, and intercourse of the Musulmáns with that country began. Many of the kings and rulers of that country espoused the Muhammadan faith. The Rájas of the ports of Goa, Dábal, and Chand, etc., allowed all the Musulmáns who came there from the different parts of Arabia to settle on the sea-shore, and treated them with great honour and respect. For this cause the Jews and Christians burned with the fire of envy and malice. But when the countries of the Dakhin and Gujarát came into the possession of the Kings of Dehlí, and Islám was established in them, the Europeans put the seal of silence on their lips, and never uttered a word of animosity or opposition, till at length, about the year 900 A.H. (1495 A.D.), when weakness and disorder found their way into the government of the Sultáns of the Dakhin, the Portuguese Christians received orders from their King to build their forts on the shore of the Indian Ocean. In the year 904 A.H. (1499 A.D.) four ships of the same people arrived at the ports of Kandaría386 and Kálíkot (Calicut), and having made themselves acquainted with the circumstances of the place, they returned to their own country. Next year six vessels came and anchored at Kálíkot. The Portuguese petitioned the chief of the place, who was called Sámurí (Zamorin), to prohibit the Muhammadans from intercourse with Arabia, remarking that they would benefit him much more than the Muhammadans could. The Sámurí, however, gave no heed to their prayers, but the Christians began to deal harshly with the Muhammadans in all their transactions. At last the Sámurí, being provoked, gave orders that the Christians should be slain and plundered. Seventy persons of rank were destroyed among the Christians, and those who remained embarked on the vessels, and thus saved themselves. They landed near the city of Kojí (Cochin), the chief of which was at hostility with the Sámurí. They obtained his permission to build a fort, which they completed hurriedly in a very short time. They demolished a mosque on the sea-shore, and made a Christian church of it. This was the first fort which the Christians built in India.
With the same expedition they built a fort at Kanúr (Cananore), and to their entire satisfaction engaged in the trade of pepper and dry ginger, preventing others from engaging in the same traffic. On this account the Sámurí raised an army, and having killed the son of the chief of Cochin, plundered the country and returned. The heirs of those who were slain again collected their forces, raised the standard of sovereignty, and restored the population of the country to its former state. By the advice of the Firingís they built ships of war, and the chief of Cananore followed their example. This excited the anger of the Sámurí, who lavished immense treasure upon an army raised for the purpose of attacking Cochin; but as the Firingís always gave their assistance to its chief, the Sámurí returned twice unsuccessful. He was at last obliged to send his ambassadors to the Kings of Egypt, Jedda, Dakhin, and Gujarát, complaining to them of the outrages of the Christians, and imploring their aid. He also at the same time represented their disrespect towards Islám, and thus excited the wrath as well as the zeal of those Princes. The Sultán of Egypt, Mansúr Ghorí, sent one of his officers named Amír Husain with thirteen ships (ghrábs) full of fighting men and munitions of war towards the coasts of Hindústán. Sultán Mahmúd of Gujarát also prepared several ships to oppose the Firingís, and despatched them from the ports of Diú, Surat, Goga, Dábal, and Chand. The Egyptian vessels touched first at Diú, and joining those of Gujarát, sailed towards Chand, where the Firingís had assembled. This force was augmented by forty vessels of the Sámurí, and some from the port of Dábal. When the junction was effected, a fire-ship of the Firingís, without being observed, suddenly fell upon their rear, and the whole surface of the water was instantly in a blaze. Malik Ayáz, the chief of Diú, and Amír Husain, prepared to oppose the enemy, but all to no avail. Several Egyptian ships were taken by the enemy, numerous Muhammadans drank the sweet water of martyrdom, and the Firingís returned victorious to their port.
It was during these days that Sultán Salím of Rúm obtained a victory over the Ghorí Sultáns of Egypt, and thus their dynasty closed. The Sámurí, who was the originator of all these disturbances, was disheartened, and the Firingís obtained complete power; so much so, that in the month of Ramazán, 915 A.H. (Dec. 1509 A.D.), they came into Kálíkot, set the Jáma'-masjid on fire, and swept the city with the broom of plunder. Next day, the Palnádís collected in large numbers, and falling upon the Christians, killed five hundred men of rank, and many were drowned in the sea. Those who escaped the sword fled to the port of Kúlim (Coulon). Having entered into friendly relations with the zamíndár of that place, they erected a fortress for their protection about half a farsakh from the city.
In the same year they took the fort of Goa, belonging to Yúsuf 'Ádil Sháh, who retook it by stratagem; but after a short time, the Firingís, having bribed the governor of the place with large sums of gold, again became its masters, and they made the fort, which was exceedingly strong, the seat of their Government. This made sorrow and grief prey upon the health of the Sámurí, who expired in 921 A.H. (1515 A.D.). His brother, who succeeded him, rolled up the carpet of destruction, and pursued the path of friendship with the Firingís. He gave them ground for a fort near the city of Kálíkot, and took an agreement from them that he should be allowed to send four ships laden with pepper and dry ginger to the ports of Arabia. For some time the Firingís observed these terms; but when the fort was completed, they prohibited his trading in those articles, and began again to practise all kinds of tyranny and persecution upon the followers of Islám.
In like manner, the Jews of Kranghír (Cranganore), observing the weakness of the Samurí, advanced their foot beyond the proper limit, and made a great many Muhammadans drink the cup of martyrdom. The Sámurí, repenting of his concessions, marched towards Cranganore, and so entirely extirpated the Jews that not a trace of them was found in that land. After this, joined by all the Musulmáns of Palnád, he proceeded to Kálíkot, and laid siege to the fort of the Firingís, which he reduced with great difficulty. This increased the power and pride of the Palnádís, who, according to the terms of the original agreement with the Firingís, began to send their ships full of pepper, dry ginger, etc., to the ports of Arabia.
In the year 938 A.H. (1531 A.D.) the Firingís founded a fort at Jáliát, six kos from Kálíkot, and prevented the sailing of the Palnádí vessels. About the same time, during the reign of Burhán Nizám Sháh, the Christians built a fort at Rívadanda, near the port of Chaul, and took up their residence there. In the reign of Sultán Bahádur Sháh of Gujarát, 941 A.H. (1534 A.D.), they took possession of the ports of Swalh, Damán and Diú, which belonged to the Kings of Gujarát, and in the year 943 A.H. (1536 A.D.) they fully established themselves at Cran-ganore by force of arms.
At this time Sultán Salím of Rúm determined to expel the Firingís from the ports of India, and make himself master of them. With this view, in the year 944 A.H. (1537 A.D.), he despatched his minister, Sulaimán Bádsháh, in command of one hundred vessels, and he, having wrested the port of Aden from Shaikh 'Ámr, son of Shaikh Dáúd, whom he put to death, sailed to the port of Diú, and there made preparations for war. He was nearly victorious, but, for want of provisions and treasure, he was obliged to return unsuccessful to Rúm.
In the year 963 A.H. (1556 A.D.) the Tarsás (Christians) were in possession of the ports of Hurmúz, Muskat, Sumatra, Malacca, Mangalore, Negapatam, Barcelore, Ceylon, and Bengal, to the very borders of China. In all these places they built their forts. But Sultán 'Alí Haí captured the fort of Sumatra from them, and the chief of Ceylon also, having subdued the Firingís, expelled them from his dominions. The Sámurí, chief of Kálíkot, being much harassed, sent his ambassadors to 'Alí 'Ádil Sháh and Murtazá Nizám Sháh, instigating them to wage a holy war against the Firingís and turn them out of their country.
In 979 A.H. (1570 A.D.) the Sámurí besieged the fort of Jáliát, and Nizám Sháh and 'Ádil Sháh besieged that of Ríva-danda. The former, through his courage, was successful in capturing the fort; but the latter, on account of the infidelity of their servants, who were deceived by the temptations which the Firingís offered them, returned without fulfilling their object.
From this time the Christians became more audacious in their persecution of the Muhammadans, in so far that they stretched out their rapacious hands to plunder on their return from Jedda some ships of the Emperor Jalálu-d dín Muhammad Akbar, which had sailed to Mecca without their permission, and they treated the Musulmáns with great severity and contempt. They burnt down the port of 'Ádilábád Faráín, which belonged to 'Ádil Sháh, and entirely destroyed it. In the guise of merchants, they also came to Dábal, and wished, by cunning and deceitful means, to obtain possession of it; but its chief, Khwája 'Alíu-l Malik, a merchant of Shíráz, being aware of their views, killed one hundred and fifty of their men of rank, and devoted himself to extinguish the fire of mischief.
Establishment of the English Power in India.
Be it known to men of curiosity that from the date that the ships of the Emperor Jalálu-d dín Muhammad Akbar were seized by the Christians, the sending of vessels to the ports of Arabia and Persia was entirely closed, not only in the Dakhin and Bengal, but in other provinces of Hindústán, because it was considered beneath the royal dignity to enter into treaties with the Firingís, and to send them without entering into any understanding was to throw lives and property into danger. The Emperor's nobles, however, such as Nawáb 'Abdu-r Rahím Khán Khán-khánán, and others, having entered into an agreement with them, used to send their own ships, and affairs continued in this course for some time. When the Emperor Núru-d dín Muhammad Jahángír ascended the throne of Dehlí, there existed great discord and animosity between the Christians of Portugal, France, etc. Thirsting after the blood of each other, they read together the same evil book of hatred and malice. Contrary to the manner in which they had been treated, the Emperor granted the English a spot in Surat for the erection of a factory. This was the first settlement which the English made on the coasts of India. Before this, they also occasionally brought their cargoes to the ports of Hindústán, and having sold them there, returned to their native country. Afterwards, they also began to establish their factories at different places in the Dakhin and Bengal. In the time of Aurangzeb 'Álamgír, they founded the city of Calcutta, an account of which has been given above, and requires no repetition.
Nawáb Muzaffar Jang, grandson of Nawáb Nizámu-l Mulk Ásaf Jáh, at the instigation of Husain Dost Khán, alias Chandá, a resident of Arkát (Arcot), joined the French of Phúljarí (Pon-dicherry), and invaded Anwáru-d dín Khán Shahámat Jang of Gopámau, who had been governor of Arkát from the time of the said Nawáb Nizámu-l Mulk, with the intention of wresting the place from him. A great battle ensued. Nawáb Shahámat Jang, however, having fought very boldly, and given proof of his valour, fell in the field. Nawáb Nizámu-d daula Násir Jang, the second son of Nawáb Ásaf Jáh, who had succeeded him in the chiefship of the Dakhin after his death, on receiving the news of the defeat of his sister's son, marched to punish Muzaffar Jang with a body of 70,000 horse and a lac of foot-soldiers. Having reached the port of Phúljarí, he engaged in battle on the 26th of Rabí'u-l ákhir, 1163 A.H. (24th March, 1750 A.D.), and became victorious. Muzaffar Jang was captured alive. Nizámu-l Mulk passed the whole rainy season in Arkát.
The French of Phúljarí, having made a confederacy with Himmat Khán and other Afghán chiefs of the Carnatic, and servants of Nizámu-d daula, made them blind to the obligations they owed to their master, with the temptation of land and riches. These ungrateful people prepared to take cunning and deceitful measures, and joining with the Christian French of Phúljarí, made an attack in the night of the 16th Muharram, 1164 A.H. (19th Nov. 1750 A.D.). They made Nawáb Nizámu-d daula drink the red cup of martyrdom, and after his death the said Afgháns and French raised Muzaffar Jang to the chiefship of the Dakhin. This Nawáb, with a body of the Afgháns, went to Phúljarí, and having employed a great number of the Christian French, purchased their support of himself. In the same year he proceeded with an army of the Afgháns and the French to Haidarábád, and passing through Arkát, entered the territory of the former tribe.
By the revolution of time a difference arose between Mu-zaffar Jang and the Afgháns, which turned to open hostility. On the 17th Rabí'u-l awwal of the said year, both parties prepared for battle. On one side stood Muzaffar Jang and the French, and on the other the Afgháns. Himmat Khán and the other Afghán chiefs suffered the consequences of ingratitude, and were slain. Muzaffar Jang also, having received a wound in his eye-ball, hastened to his grave. After this the French entered the service of Amíru-l Mamálik Salábat Jang, the third son of Ásaf Jáh, and having obtained possession of Shikákul (Chicacole), Rájbandar, etc., they acquired great strength. Their sway extended to different parts of the Dakhin. For a long time they had kept up an intercourse with this province, but nobody took them into service. Muzaffar Jang was the first who employed them, and brought them into land belonging to Muhammadans.
When the French had reached this degree of power, the English, who are ever on thirst for their blood, also ventured to encroach upon the territories belonging to the Emperor. Having taken possession of some parts of the Dakhin, they made themselves master of the fort of Surat, and erected strong factories in Bengal. They obtained orders from the Court of 'Álamgír for the exemption from tax of their goods, and they firmly settled in Bengal. As the French had put Nawáb Anwáru-d dín Khán, of Gopámau, Governor of Arkát, to death, and having nominally chosen a person as chief, had gained ground in the Dakhin, Nawáb Muhammad 'Alí Khán, his son, made friendship with the English officers, who in all respects gave him their assistance, and used their best efforts to extirpate the French. In 1174 A.H. (1760 A.D.) they laid siege to the fort of Phúljarí, and having wrested it from the hands of the French, levelled all the buildings in it with the ground. Shikákul, Rájbandar, and other possessions of the French, the conquest of which was beyond all expectation, fell of themselves into their hands. Nawáb Muhammad 'Alí Khán Mansúr Jang, by the favour of the English, became governor of Arkát, under the title of Wálájáh Amíru-l Hind Muhammad 'Alí Khán Bahádur Mansúr Jang. He gave himself up to the guidance of the English officers, and spent his whole life in the enjoyment of pleasure and delight. At present the territory of Arkát, like Bengal, is under the sway of the English, as will be shown hereafter.
TÁRÍKH-I SHÁH 'ÁLAM
OF
MANÚ LÁL.
[THE author of this little work was Manú Lál or Múná Lál, son of Bahádur Singh Munshí. Sir H. M. Elliot's MS. extends to the twenty-fourth year of the reign, and at the end Sir Henry has written, “Imperfect as usual.” It is the most common life of this Emperor, and was used by Colonel Francklin for his Life of Sháh 'Álam.]
SHÁH 'ÁLAM-NÁMA
OF
GHULÁM 'ALÍ KHÁN.
THIS life of Sháh 'Álam was written by a Mughal named Ghulám 'Alí Khán, who was formerly in the service of Prince Mirzá Jawán Bakht Bahádur Sháh. It gives at the end the date of the death of Sháh 'Álam, but the history in reality stops far short of that event, just previous to the blinding of the Emperor by Ghulám Kádir in 1788 A.D. This work also was used by Colonel Francklin.
SIZE—8 by 5 inches, 252 pages of 13 lines each.
'IMÁDU-S SA 'ÁDAT
OF
MÍR GHULÁM 'ALÍ.
THIS work was composed in 1223 A.H. (1808 A.D.), by Ghulám 'Alí Razwí [or according to Mr. Morley,394 Mír Ghulám 'Alí Nakawí bin Saiyid Muhammad Akmal Khán] at the request of Col. Baillie, Resident at Lucknow. It contains an account of the Nawábs of Oudh, from Sa'ádat Khán to Sa'ádat 'Alí, and gives some particulars regarding the transactions in Rohilkhand which make it worthy of perusal. It also gives many interesting details relative to the affairs of Hindústán, the Mahrattas, the Durrání Afgháns, the Nizáms, the Sikhs, etc. The work concludes with the arrival of Lord Minto as Governor-General in 1807 A.D. I have heard that there is another work of the same author, called either Imámu-s Sa'ádat or Ma'dan-i Sa'ádat, which goes over the same ground, but in much greater detail.
The author gives the following account of himself. When he was eight years old, he was summoned by his father from Rai Bareilly to Sháh-Jahánábád, where, though he was placed under tutors, his idleness prevented him acquiring any knowledge. In consequence of Ghulám Kádir's proceedings, his father left Dehlí on a pilgrimage to Mecca, and our author repaired to Lucknow, where, instead of devoting himself to his studies, he became a great opponent of the learned men of the city, and vainly tried to argue with them upon false and insufficient premises; nevertheless, he thus, by questionable and illicit means, managed to acquire a little true knowledge. Meanwhile the news arrived of his father's death in the Dakhin, after having performed his pilgrimage. He was thus forced to visit and remain in that country for the period of seven years, after which he returned to his native land. He says he mentions all these circumstances in order to excuse his sad deficiency of learned acquirements.”
Size of MS. 8VO., 646 pages of 15 lines each. [This work has been printed at Lucknow.]
Death of Shujá'u-d daula.
[There are many stories current about the disease with which the Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula was affected; some of them opposed to all reason, and others so unworthy of credence that they are not worthy of being recorded. What was constantly affirmed is, that he had a bubo (khiyárak) which suppurated. Ointment was applied to it, but so far from healing, the wound grew worse from day to day. He lived for a month and thirteen days at Faizábád, during which time, that form which had been noted for its stalwart proportions grew thin and slender as a thread; and his arms looked like reed pens in his sleeves. He died on the night of the 14th Zí-l ka'da, 1188 A.H. (1775 A.D.).]395
NIGÁR-NÁMA-I HIND
OF
SAIYID GHULÁM 'ALÍ.
[THIS work was written by Saiyid Ghulám 'Alí, the author of the preceding work. He states in his Preface that he wrote the 'Imádu-s Sa'ádat, containing memoirs of the ancestors of Yamínu-d daula, Nizámu-l Mulk, Nawáb Sa'ádat, 'Alí Khán Bahádur Mubáriz Jang, at Colonel John Baillie's396 suggestion, by whom it was highly approved of on perusal. At his patron's recommendation, he then went away in expectation of employment, and after spending a short interval at Cawnpore and Gorakhpúr, came to Faizábád, where he, for certain reasons, remained a considerable time. During his stay, he longed for an opportunity of sending his patron some present, by which he hoped to be recalled to his presence; when he had the good fortune to hear from a person of known veracity, who had been present at all the engagements, and had seen with his own eyes a whole world turned topsy-turvy, and whose name he says shall be disclosed on fitting occasions, an account of the battle between the chief of the Dakhinís, Sadásheo Ráo Bháo and the Sháh Ahmad Sháh Abdálí. Although these events had been chronicled in the 'Imádu-s Sa'ádat, yet they were not equally well authenticated nor so fully detailed, being merely recorded briefly, and in conformity with conflicting statements. They were introduced among the exploits of Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula Bahádur; but as the main object of the work was something else, many important facts were omitted; consequently he had determined to compose a separate little book regarding this wondrous incident. Partly from the bent of his own inclinations, and partly for the sake of pleasing Colonel Baillie, of whose taste for historical researches he was well aware, he wrote these few pages, and styled them the Nigár-náma-i Hind. He concludes with a hope that that gentleman will have the kindness to peruse his work, and that the public will charitably excuse all its faults and failings, etc.
In a subsequent page the author informs us that his authority was a brahman of the Dakhin, named Ráo Káshi Ráo,397 who was in the service of Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula of Oudh, and was present at the interview which the Mahratta envoy Bhawání Shankar had with him.397a “He related just whatever happened before his eyes, and the writer of these lines clothed the facts detailed to him without increase or decrease in the garb of phraseology.”
This work travels over some of the ground already covered by the Táríkh-i Ibráhím Khán, and there are strong indications that our author had access to that work when he wrote this. The Táríkh-i Ibráhím Khán was finished in 1786 A.D. The Nigárnáma bears no date, but it was written after the 'Imádu-s Sa'ádat, which was not finished till 1808 A.H. So the oral information which the author received must have been reminiscences of more than twenty years' standing. This work is written in much greater detail than the Táríkh-i Ibráhím Khán, and the language is more laboured and high flown.
The whole work was translated for Sir H. M. Elliot by the late Major Fuller, and from that translation the following Extracts have been taken.
SIZE—6 inches by 4, 280 pages of 9 lines each.]
Ahmad Sháh's Review of his Army.
The ever-triumphant army of the Sháh, consisting of twenty-four corps, each of which consisted of 1200 horsemen, were drawn up, armed and accoutred, at the foot of the mound, under the command of the under-mentioned chiefs: Barkhúrdár Khán, Ashrafu-l Wuzrá Sháh Walí Khán, Sardár-i Sardárán Sardár Jahán Khán, Sháh Pasand Khán, Nasír Khán Bulúch, Bark-húrdár Khán Sakma'ah, Zamralah Khán Kúlwarághásí, and Murád Khán an Irání Mughal. Out of the whole 24,000 horsemen, 6000 were ghuláms,398 who were encamped all round the royal pavilion at the distance of half a kos; and the rest of the army was ranged under the above-named leaders. Two thousand camels for the transport of sháhíns, each camel carrying one sháhín (a swivel-gun) and two sháhínchís (men to serve it), as well as 40 pieces of ordnance, and several camels laden with rockets, were counted among the royal troops. Along with Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula Bahádur were 2000 cavalry, 2000 infantry, and 20 guns of different calibre; and with Najíbu-d daula 6000 cavalry and 8000 Rohilla infantry. * * Along with Davíndí Khán and Háfizu-l Mulk Háfiz Rahmat Khán were counted 18,000 Rohilla infantry, 3000 or 4000 cavalry, and some guns; while with Ahmad Khán Bangash Farrukhábádí there were only 2000 horse and foot altogether, besides camp followers and attendants and a few guns.
The total force on this side was reckoned at 40,000 cavalry and several thousand infantry; out of which number 40,000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry398a. The men of the royal army were of several different denominations. First, Durránís of the same tribe as the Sháh, every one of whom might be well called iron-hearted, and a smasher of the hardest rock; second, Kazalbáshís, all of whom were equal in strength and martial prowess to Rustam and Narímán; third, Kábulís, who used the sher-bachahs, all youths with frames sturdy as elephants, and mounted on steeds of foreign breed, looking like mountains and accustomed to traverse the desert; fourth, the valiant and devoted ghuláms and 4000 sháhínchís, well-drilled and expert shots, two of whom rode one camel. These made up 24,000 cavalry, and there were also 4000 sháhínchís, who were reckoned the most warlike force, and used to receive subsistence money from the presence. Their names were inscribed on a roll in the Bakhshí's office; they were all picked and experienced soldiers of proved courage and loyalty, and strong, valiant and impetuous warriors. Besides, there was a force not taken into account, which was styled the corps of yatíms, for in company with each Durrání were four yatím horsemen. The corps was intended solely for harassing and pillaging the enemy; and hence, after the Durránís made a charge in the heat of a battle, the yatíms followed in rear of them, and prosecuted their attacks. These same Abdálí yatíms used to be employed for the purpose of cutting off supplies, and making predatory forays, and whatever spoil fell into their hands, they were allowed to retain, but no subsistence was granted them by government.
Review of the Bháo's Troops.
Sadásheo Ráo Bháo, having heard the news that the Sháh had been holding a review of his troops, and that the royal army resembling the waves of the sea was preparing to move, came several marches this side of Kunjpúra, and had an inspection of his own soldiery. In effect, the muster of the army (terrible from its numbers as the day of judgment) belonging to the Ráo in question was according to the under-mentioned detail. Ibráhím Khán, besides the body of horsemen mentioned below, of whom only 2000 accompanied him, had 9000 Gárdí carbineers, with four pieces of ordnance to every 1000 men. His full complement was 6000 cavalry;400 Malhár Ráo Holkar, 5000 cavalry; Jhankújí Sindhia, 10,000; Appájí Gaikawár, 3000; Jaswant Ráo Panwár, 2000; Shamsher Bahádur, 3000; Pílújí, Jádún's son, 3000; Bithal Sheo Deo, 3000; Balwant Ráo, a half-brother of Bháo, who, on all trying occasions, dashed forward in advance of the latter, 7000; Biswás Ráo's private risálah, 5000; and Appájí Mángesiah, 2000. In a word, there mustered 51,000 warlike cavalry, suitably armed and mounted, and 11,000 infantry, together with the Gárdí carbineers, 200 pieces of artillery, and camels carrying rockets, and several others zambúraks. The arms, horses, and equipments of this force were in such excellent order, that no one of the royal or Hindústání armies had ever reached so high a state of discipline. Out of all the irregular troops accompanying Biswás Ráo and the body of Chorghorí Dhol horsemen, there were nearly 20,000 cavalry, as well as 2000 Rájpút horse, along with the wakíls of the Rájas of Kachhwáha and Ráthor, and other people belonging to the forces of different chiefs of Hindú extraction, who had mostly, through fear of the ravages of the Dakhinís, put the ring of obedience in their ears, and deeming submission to these chiefs the means of escape from disaster, hastened zealously to comply with their instructions As for Nárad400a Shankar, who had been left behind with 6000 cavalry and a small quantity of military stores, with a view to protect the city of Dehlí, his detachment was in addition to this. It is a well-known fact that the whole Dakhin came along with Bháo, and I therefore assert, that however large the equipment and army which has been enumerated may appear, it is but a trifle after all.
Entrenched Camps.
Having at last reached Pánípat, the Bháo encompassed that city, and having regularly encamped his army around it, gave directions for the excavation of a ditch all round his own camp. Immediately after the promulgation of the order, the men applied themselves vigorously to the work, and having in a very short space of time dug a ditch twenty yards broad, and deeper than the height of an elephant, made it their safeguard against the enemy's fire, and having thus gained confidence, held their ground with firmness and intrepidity. Bháo having fixed upon this place in his own mind as the scene of strife and tumult, took up his quarters there, and planting his artillery at intervals connected by chains all along the ditch, closed the path of access against the enemy. The Sháh having likewise arrived at the head of his army, terrible as the day of judgment, within a distance of four kos, directed the excavation of an ordinary ditch, such as was usually dug every day. The pioneers, agreeably to orders, dug a ditch according to custom, and placed along the brink of it an abattis of dhák trees, or whatever else they could find; but as a longer stay was expected here than at other places, the excavation of a larger ditch than usual was undertaken.
The Bháo makes Overtures for Peace.
Bháo, notwithstanding his vast pomp, mighty valour, and numerous associates, lost heart, and beholding the form of adversity in the mirror of his understanding, let slip the cord of firmness from his hand, and knocked at the door of humble solicitation with the utmost importunity. Káshí Ráj, who is the narrator of these incidents, has thus related the story: “An individual by name Ganesh Pandit, who occupied the post of newswriter on behalf of the above-mentioned Ráo at the Court of Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula Bahádur, and enjoyed the honour of being admitted to his presence, began, after the occurrence of these events, to make overtures for peace at the instance of the aforesaid Ráo. Most of the Hindí notes in the Mahratta dialect he wrote to me with his own hand, and the pith of their contents was this: ‘Do you solicit His Highness, and urgently persuade him to this course, viz., in combination with Ashrafu-l Wuzrá (Sháh Wali Khán), to throw open the door of peace to me, and if a peace be concluded, immense favours shall be shown him in return for it.’ Accordingly, on one occasion he sent His Highness the impression of his hand in saffron, together with a sworn agreement, and a white Dakhiní turban, with a sarpech studded with diamonds, by way of an interchange of turbans, and I presented it for the auspicious inspection. From this side likewise the customary present was made in return, and by degrees I brought His Highness's mind to this, that he entered into a consultation with Ashrafu-l Wuzrá on the subject; and whatever appeared in writing between them was always addressed to Ashrafu-l Wuzrá through the medium of your humble servant. [Long consultations upon the proposal.] After all, the communications led to nothing.”
MUNTAKHABU-T TAWÁRÍKH
OF
SADÁSUKH.
AUTHOR Munshí Sadásukh Dehlawí, whose poetical title was Niyáz.
This is a history of India from the time of the Ghaznívides to the closing scenes of the Mughal Empire, and the accession of Akbar II. It is written with much personal knowledge of the later transactions, into which the English begin at last to be introduced. It includes at the end of the first Book an account of the revenues of the later Mughal Empire, with a few geographical particulars more intelligibly recorded than is usual with Hindústání authors; and an account of the Rájas of the northern hills, Rájpútána and the Dakhin, and their respective dominions, at the end of the second Book. Though it is not mentioned in the Preface, we learn from several parts of the work that it was composed in the year 1234 A.H. (1818-19 A.D.).
Sadásukh opens his history with a critical account of Firishta's ante-Muhammadan period, which he condemns as in every respect untrustworthy; but after that he follows him implicitly to the time of Akbar. The history of the minor monarchies is entirely abstracted from that author, and he divides his work in the same manner. When he reaches the earlier Mughal monarchs, he avails himself of the other ordinary sources of information, and intersperses his accounts with anecdotes, in which the principal actors are represented as Jahángír, Sháh Jahán and other noted Indian characters; but in reality the stories are familiar in the East as showing the justice, ingenuity, clemency, or vigour of older and more celebrated potentates, such as Sulaimán and Naushírwán. These misrepresentations probably arise more from ignorance than design.
The real value of the work commences only from the reign of Sháh 'Álam, and indeed the author states that it was chiefly his object to write a full and connected history of the period commencing with Bahádur Sháh to his own time, in which he has been, it must be confessed, entirely successful; but that in order to render the work complete as a General History of India, he freely extracted a brief account of the several countries and kings of India from every historical composition procurable in his time, and especially from Firishta, from whom he confesses he has copied verbatim even where he suspected error. Where he quotes original works, as the Táríkh-i Guzída and Tabakát-i Násirí, it is evident that he obtains them second-hand from Firishta.
The author was born at Dehlí, and died at an advanced age at Alláhábád subsequent to the introduction of our rule. It is understood that he was employed at the close of last century under the British Government in some official capacity at Chunár. He wrote several other works and treatises besides this history, among which the Tambíhu-l Jáhilín, which contains an account of the Hindú Shástras, customs and tribes, is exceedingly useful, and exhibits great powers of observation. Much is of an anecdotical character, but is not less valuable on that account.
The same title which this history bears is usually given to the Táríkh-i Badáúní. Another contains a history of Tímúr and Sháh Rukh Mírzá, with letters written by the latter to the Emperor of China, in which he endeavours to effect his conversion to the Muhammadan faith. It also contains the Mughal's correspondence with Saiyid Khizr Khán, Emperor of Dehlí, and has an appendix giving an account of Transoxiana. Another is the Muntakhab-i Be badal.
The author tells us that when released from his official duties, he went, at the age of sixty-five, to reside at Alláhábád. For the period of ten years from that time he engaged himself in literary occupations, and wrote, like another Lucilius, no less than 125,000 lines of verse in Persian, Urdú and Bhákhá, besides nearly 5000 pages of prose.
It was after these labours that he commenced his History, in which he professes not to have followed the plan of other historians, “who, being in the service of powerful kings, have obtained reward and promotion by their flatteries—have made mountains out of mole-hills, and suns out of atoms. He, on the contrary, who had one foot in the grave, and wished for no other recompense than the praise of honest men, who coveted no bread but that which the Almighty might be pleased to give him, who had no object in glozing his narrative with lies and misrepresentations, and whose only remaining ambition was to leave a good name behind him, was determined to write without fear or favour.”
Under this declaration, it is gratifying to find him taking every opportunity to praise the English, expressing his gratitude for the evils from which they had saved his country, and contrasting their administration with that of the Muhammadans. With a spirit unusual with his countrymen, which his secure residence at Alláhábád enabled him to express without reserve, he thus records his opinions at the end of the first introductory chapter: “At this time there is neither Ráí nor Rája, nor Musulmán, but only Mahrattas, Firingís and Sikhs. God forbid that the Firingís should imitate the Musulmáns in carrying on a holy war against infidels! else to poor people it would be a sore day of judgment. God be praised that those wretches are now the sufferers! From the day that the rule of the English has been established, even the wing of a gnat has not been injured by the blast. Although it must be acknowledged that employment in their service is as rare as a phœnix, yet there is extreme security under them. I have myself seen the depredations of the Afgháns round Dehlí and Mattra. God defend us from them! It makes the very hair of the body stand on end to think of them. Two hundred thousand men were destroyed in these massacres, and the hordes of the enemy were without number. Such atrocities, forsooth, were perpetrated in compliance with their religion and law! What cared they for the religion, the law, the honour and reputation of the innocent sufferers? It was enough for such bigots that splendour accrued by their deeds to the faith of Muhammad and 'Alí!”
[A large portion of this work has been translated for Sir H. M. Elliot by a munshí, including the histories of the Nizám-Sháhí and Kutb-Sháhí dynasties, the history of Malabar taken from the Tuhfatu-l Mujáhidín, some particulars relating to the rulers of Nipál, etc., for which there is no room in this Volume.]
The author divides his history, according to the fanciful language of Eastern authors, into two palaces (kasr). The first is subdivided into two mansions (mahall), the second into ten mansions and six chambers (aiwán, which in the second Book are called by some oversight hujra).
CONTENTS.
Preface, p. 1; Introductions, p. 6—Book I., in two Chapters: Chap. i. The Ghaznívides, p. 44; ii. The Kings of Dehlí, p. 80.—Book II. in ten Chapters: Chap. i. in six Sections: Sec. 1. The Bahmaní Sovereigns, p. 880; 2. The 'Ádil-Sháhís, p. 986; 3. The Nizám-Sháhís, p. 1008; 4. The Kutb-Sháhís, p. 1038; 5. The 'Imád-Sháhís, p. 1070; 6. The Baríd-Sháhís, p. 1074; Chap. ii. The Kings of Gujarát, p. 1096; iii. The Kings of Málwá, p. 1108; iv. The Rulers of Khandesh, p. 1156; v. The Kings of Bengal, p. 1186; vi. The Kings of Jaunpúr, p. 1200; vii. The Kings of Thattá, p. 1214; viii. The Kings of Multán, p. 1236; ix. The Kings of Kashmír, p. 1248; x. The Rulers of Málabár, p. 1314.
SIZE—8vo., 1357 pages, with 15 lines to a page.
I know of only one copy of Sadásukh's history, a very illegible autograph of the author, in the possession of his family at Alláh-ábád. From this my own was taken, and from the work being altogether unknown elsewhere, it may be presumed there is no other.
Shujá'u-d daula.
Shujá'u-d daula (after his defeat by Sháh 'Álam and the English) went to consult with Ahmad Khán Bangash. In reply to Shujá'u-d daula, Ahmad Khán Bangash said, “I recommend you to go to the English attended by only one or two hundred unarmed men, and entertain no fear, because they are very wise and liberal, and it is not to be expected that they will treat you otherwise than in a becoming manner.” Shujá'u-d daula, after deliberation, saw that the old man was right, and agreed with him that what he had said was best. “I have got with me,” he said, “some very valuable presents to give them. The fact is, two boys of noble extraction, ten or twelve years of age, who belong, perhaps, to the family of the King of England, have fallen into my hands, and I have regarded them with much greater care and affection than my own sons. They are much pleased with me, and they have promised that, if I take them to their own people, they will do me much good. Although no dependence can be placed upon the words of boys, yet I see no other chance of success. I will go to the English according to your suggestions. Let the event be what it may, I will launch my boat on the water.” The Nawáb, having left Ahmad Khán, proceeded in that direction with about one thousand of his servants, including his own family. It happened that at this time Lord Clive, who was a very experienced officer, had just arrived from England, and had proceeded from Calcutta to Alláhábád, on the part of the Honourable Company to settle pending disputes, and to obtain the liberty of the two boys who had been taken by Shujá'u-d daula. When the Nawáb arrived at Nawáb-ganj, which is six kos from Alláhábád, Lord Clive, Mr. Stacy, and some other officers in the King's service, came to receive him. The English gentlemen took off their hats, and showed all marks of respect, according to the custom of their country, and behaved with great affability. They stood before him closing their hands together. After that, they conducted him with great honour into the fort of Alláhábád. At this Sháh 'Álam changed colour. What passed in his mind he knew alone. There is no room to say more about it. All this honour and respect which the English showed to the Nawáb were very disgusting to Sháh 'Álam.
Bení Bahádur, who had gone towards the district of Bíswára and Lucknow, also came with all speed, and sought the protection of the English, fearing lest, by being separated from Shujá'u-d daula, some mischief might befall him. After showing every hospitality and respect, the English intimated to the Nawáb that they would not take the country which formerly belonged to him. Shujá'u-d daula surrendered both the boys whom he had kept with such care to Lord Clive. The Governor-General sent them to England, and after this it was proposed to the Nawáb, that at all times the English army would be ready to assist him, and so it would be kept at his disposal wherever he chose to place it; he should therefore make a provision for their pay from the revenue of his territory. Thus it was agreed that the Nawáb should take ten anas in the rupee, and should give up six anas on account of the army.
This being done, the English recommended Sháh 'Álam to him, saying that he had separated himself from the Nawáb, and had taken their side only with a view to his own interest, and that the Nawáb ought to assist him by making some provision for his maintenance. The districts of Alláhábád, Kora, and Karra, might be made over to him. At this time Shujá'u-d daula was a mere cipher. Whatever he received he considered as the gift of God, and was satisfied. Such honours and distinguished treatment were beyond his expectation, and he knew not, as somebody says, “Whether all this was reality or a dream.” He esteemed it a favour of Providence to see himself in such a fortunate state after his distress. What could he do, had he not accepted? He agreed to the proposals of the English with all his heart. He said that he was a slave of that noble house, and he should be very happy to render it any assistance in his power.
After this the English were going to submit another question. But the Nawáb, interrupting them, said, if they wished to recommend him to forgive that ungrateful wretch, he would not accept all the favours they were bestowing on him. He would go to Calcutta or England and remain there, but they should say nothing in behalf of Bení Bahádur. He would proceed against him in the manner he thought best. The English also thought that Bení Bahádur was a mean and low person, who had been raised to such rank only through the favour of Shujá'u-d daula, that he had ruled instead of the Nawáb himself, and yet had behaved towards him with ingratitude. He was a servant of the Nawáb, who might do with him what he liked; they had no concern with that wretch. But they requested that the Nawáb would grant them one favour, which was not to take his life. Shujá'u-d daula agreed, and having deprived him of sight, fixed a daily allowance of ten rupees for his subsistence.
The Nawáb, very happy and cheerful, marched thence and came to Faizábád. He paid no attention to the old army and the Mughals, so that they dispersed in all directions. The truth is that within the last three hundred years, Humáyún and Shujá'u-d daula are the only two potentates who have recovered their lost kingdoms after most marvellous vicissitudes. The latter even exceeded the former in this respect; for Humáyún, after obtaining his kingdom, did not enjoy the pleasures of it, because he soon died. But Shujá'u-d daula, after emerging from a state of the utmost embarrassment, added, by the power of his arms, the districts of Etáwa and Rohilkhand to his former dominions, and ruled in great prosperity and happiness for ten or twelve years after it. His descendants also enjoy their power to this day, * * and at present, among the Muhammadans, there are no princes so fortunate. The Nawáb, after dismissing the old army, organized a new force in imitation of the English. He taught the soldiers the use of muskets or matchlocks. He made several divisions, each counting one thousand men, and gave them the appellation of Bark Battalion, Bakht Battalion, and Báísí. Instead of Kumaidans and Captains, he called the officers by the name of Sálár. In short, he introduced everything into the army entirely contrary to, and at variance with what prevailed before.
'Sháh 'Álam.
Sháh 'Álam angrily demanded from Najaf Khán an account of the revenues of Alláhábád and the districts under his charge, and also the payment into his treasury of all the money he had appropriated to himself from the income of the khálisa maháls, He dismissed Najaf Khán from the Governorship of the province of Alláhábád, and appointed Shukru-llah Khán in his stead. Najaf Khán prepared to dispute the matter by force. He replied that in rendering assistance to Shujá'u-d daula, ten lacs of rupees had been spent when he was fighting alone for thirteen days, and that money ought to be repaid to him. A great misunderstanding arose between him and the King, and at last the English became mediators, and caused three lacs of rupees to be given to Najaf Khán by the King. Twenty-six lacs of rupees from the revenues of Bengal, out of which two lacs were to be annually paid to Najaf Khán; thirty lacs from the chakla and the province of Alláhábád; about five or six lacs from Shujá'u-d daula's territory, and an equal amount from those of Najíbu-d daula and Háfiz Rahmat Khan, viz. altogether about seventy lacs of rupees, were fixed to be paid to the King. All this may be considered to have been done through the kindness of the English, who thus enabled the King to live very comfortably. Ahmad Sháh and 'Álamgír had not even dreamt of such wealth as Sháh 'Álam enjoyed through the favour of God and the liberality of the English. After some time, Zú-l fikáru-d daula was appointed, on the part of Sháh 'Álam, collector of Kora, and Shákiru-d daula governor of Alláhábád. The English returned to Bengal.
The Company.
In England the ruling power is possessed by two parties, one the King, who is the lord of the State, and the other the Honourable Company. The former governs over his own country; and the latter, though only subjects, exceed the King in power, and are the directors of mercantile affairs. Their agents carry on traffic in the foreign countries, such as India, China, Rúm, and other distant islands and ports. They themselves remain in their own country, like subjects obedient and submissive to their King.
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