History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 8

EXTRACTS.

As the comprehension of the design of this work is dependent on a previous acquaintance with the origin and genealogy of Bálájí Ráo, the eloquent pen will first proceed to the discussion of that subject.

Origin and Genealogy of the Mahrattas.

Be it not hidden, that in the language of the people of the Dakhin, these territories and their dependencies are called “Dihast,”²⁵⁸ and the inhabitants of the region are styled “Mahrattas.” The Mahrattí dialect is adopted exclusively by these classes, and the chieftainship of the Mahrattas is centred in the Bhonsla tribe. The lineage of the Bhonslas is derived from the Údípúr Rájas, who bear the title of Ráná; and the first of these, according to popular tradition, was one of the descendants of Naushírwán. At the time when the holy warriors of the army of Islám subverted the realms of Írán, Naushírwán's descendants were scattered in every direction; and one of them, having repaired to Hindústán, was promoted to the dignity of a Rája. In a word, one of the Ráná's progeny afterwards quitted the territory of Údípúr, in consequence of the menacing and disordered aspect of his affairs, and having proceeded to the country of the Dakhin, fixed his abode in the Carnatic. The chiefs of the Dakhin, regarding the majesty of his family with respect and reverence, entered into the most amicable relations with him. His descendants separated into two families; one the Aholias, the other the Bhonslas.

Memoir of Sáhújí, of the tribe of Bhonslas.

Sáhújí was first inrolled among the number of Nizám Sháh's retainers, but afterwards entered into the service of Ibráhím 'Ádil Sháh, who was the ruler of the Kokan. In return for the faithful discharge of his duties, he received in jágír the parganas of Púná, etc., where he made a permanent settlement after the manner of the zamíndárs. Towards the close of his life, having attained the high honour of serving the Emperor Jahángír, he was constantly in attendance on him, while his son Sivají stayed at the jágír. As Ibráhím 'Ádil Sháh for the space of two years was threatened with impending death, great disorder and confusion prevailed in his territories from the long duration of his illness; and the troops and retainers, whom he had stationed here and there, for the purpose of garrisoning the forts, and protecting the frontier of the Kokan, abandoned themselves to neglect in consequence of their master's indisposition.

Memoir of Siva, the son of Sáhú.

* * Ultimately, the Emperor Aurangzeb, the bulwark of religion, resolved upon proceeding to the Dakhin, and in the year 1093 A.H. bestowed fresh lustre on the city of Aurangábád by the favour of his august presence. For a period of twenty-five years he strove to subvert the Mahratta rule; but as several valiant chieftains displayed the utmost zeal and activity in upholding their dynasty, their extermination could not be satisfactorily accomplished. Towards the close of His Majesty's lifetime, a truce was concluded with the Mahrattas, on these terms, viz. that three per cent. out of the revenues drawn from the Imperial dominions in the Dakhin should be allotted to them by way of sar deshmukhí; and accordingly Ahsan Khán, commonly called Mír Malik, set out from the threshold of royalty with the documents confirming this grant to the Mahrattas, in order that, after the treaty had been duly ratified, he might bring the chiefs of that tribe to the court of the monarch of the world. However, before he had had time to deliver these documents into their custody, a royal mandate was issued, directing him to return and bring back the papers in question with him. About this time, His Majesty Aurangzeb 'Álamgír hastened to the eternal gardens of Paradise, at which period his successor Sháh 'Álam (Bahádur Sháh) was gracing the Dakhin with his presence. The latter settled ten per cent. out of the produce belonging to the peasantry as sar deshmukhí on the Mahrattas, and furnished them with the necessary documents confirming the grant.²⁵⁹

When Sháh 'Álam (Bahádur Sháh) returned from the Dakhin to the metropolis, Dáúd Khán remained behind to officiate for Amíru-l umará Zú-l fikár Khán in the government of the provinces. He cultivated a good understanding with the Mahrattas, and concluded an amicable treaty on the following footing, viz. that in addition to the above-mentioned grant of a tithe as sar deshmukhí, a fourth of whatever amount was collected in the country should be their property, while the other three-fourths should be paid into the royal exchequer. This system of division was accordingly put in practice; but no regular deed granting the fourth share, which in the dialect of the Dakhin is called chauth, was delivered to the Mahrattas. When Muhammad Farrukh Siyar sat as Emperor on the throne of Dehlí, he entertained the worst suspicions against Amíru-l umará Saiyid Husain 'Alí Khán, the chief of the Bárha Saiyids. He dismissed him to a distance from his presence by appointing him to the control of the province of the Dakhin. On reaching his destination, the latter applied himself rigorously to the task of organizing the affairs of that kingdom; but royal letters were incessantly despatched to the address of the chief of the Mahrattas, and more especially to Rája Sáhú, urging him to persist in hostilities with Amíru-l umará. ^{* *}

In the year 1129 A.H. (1717 A.D.), by the intervention of Muhammad Anwar Khán Burhánpúrí and Sankarájí Malhár, he concluded a peace with the Mahrattas,²⁶⁰ on condition that they would refrain from committing depredations and robberies, and would always maintain 18,000 horsemen out of their tribe wholly at the service of the Názim of the Dakhin. At the time that this treaty was ratified, he sealed and delivered the documents confirming the grant of the fourth of the revenues, and the sar deshmukhí of the province of the Dakhin, as well as the proceeds of the Kokan and other territories, which were designated as their ancient dominions. At the same period Rája Sáhú appointed Bálájí, son of Basú Náth (Biswa Náth), who belonged to the class of Kokaní Brahmins, to fill the post of his vakíl at the Court of the Emperor; and in all the districts of the six provinces of the Dakhin he appointed two revenue commissioners of his own, one to collect the sar deshmukhí, and the other to receive the fourth share or chauth. ^{* *}

Amíru-l umará Husain 'Alí, having increased the mansabs held by Bálájí, the son of Basú Náth, and Sankarájí Malhár, deputed them to superintend the affairs of the Dakhin, and sent them to join 'Álim 'Alí Khán. ^{* *} After the death of Bálájí, the son of Basú Náth, his son, named Bájí Ráo, became his successor, and Holkar, who was a servant of Bálájí Ráo, having urged the steed of daring, at his master's instigation, at full speed from the Dakhin towards Málwá, put the (subadár) Giridhar Bahádur to death on the field of battle. After this occurrence, the government of that province was conferred on Muhammad Khán Bangash; but owing to the turbulence of the Mahrattas, he was unable to restore it to proper order. On his removal from office, the administration of that region was entrusted to Rája Jai Singh Sawái. Unity of faith and religion strengthened the bonds of amity between Bájí Ráo and Rája Jai Singh; and this circumstance was a source of additional power and influence to the former, insomuch that during the year 1146 (1733 A.D.) he had the audacity to advance and make an inroad into the confines of Hindústán. The grand wazír 'Itimádu-d daula Kamru-d dín Khán was first selected by the Emperor Muhammad Sháh to oppose him, and on the second occasion Muzaffar Khán, the brother of Samsámu-d daula Khán-daurán. These two, having entered the province of Málwá, pushed on as far as Sironj, but Bájí Ráo returned to the Dakhin without hazarding an engagement. ^{* *}

In the second year after the above-mentioned date, Bájí Ráo attempted another invasion of Hindústán, when the wazír 'Itimádu-d daula Kamru-d dín Khán Bahádur and the Nawáb Khán-daurán Khán went forth from Dehlí to give him battle. ^{* *} On this occasion several engagements took place, but victory fell to the lot of the wazír; and peace having been ultimately concluded, they both returned to Dehlí.

In the third year from the aforesaid date, through the mediation of Amíru-l umará Khán-daurán Khán Bahádur, the government of Málwá was bestowed on Bájí Ráo, whereby his power and influence was increased twofold. The Ráo in question, having entered Málwá with a numerous force, soon reduced the province to a satisfactory state of order. About the same time he attacked the Rája of Bhadáwar, and after putting him to flight, devastated his territory. From thence he despatched Pílájí with the view of subduing the kingdom of Antarbed (Doáb), which is situated between the Ganges and Jumna. At that very time Nawáb Burhánu-l Mulk had moved out of his own province, and advanced through Antarbed to the vicinity of Ágra. Pílájí therefore crossed the Jumna, and engaged in active hostilities against the above-named Nawáb; but having been vanquished in battle, he was forced to take to flight, and rejoin Bájí Ráo. An immense number of his army were drowned while crossing the Jumna; but as for those who were captured or taken prisoners, the Nawáb presented each one with two rupees and a cloth, and gave him permission to depart. Bájí Ráo, becoming downcast and dispirited after meeting with this ignominious defeat, turned his face from that quarter, and proceeded towards Dehlí. ^{* *}

Samsámu-d daula Amíru-l umará Bahádur, after considerable deliberation, sallied forth from Sháh-Jahánábád with intent to check the enemy; but Bájí Ráo, not deeming it expedient at the time to kindle the flame of war, retired towards Ágra, and Amíru-l umará, considering himself fortunate enough in having effected so much, re-entered the metropolis. This was the first occasion on which the Mahrattas extended their aggressions so far as to threaten the environs of the metropolis. Though most of the men in the Mahratta army are unendowed with the excellence of noble and illustrious birth, and husbandmen, carpenters, and shopkeepers abound among their soldiery, yet, as they undergo all sorts of toil and fatigue in prosecuting a guerilla warfare, they prove superior to the easy and effeminate troops of Hind, who for the most part are of more honourable birth and calling. If this class were to apply their energies with equal zeal to the profession, and free themselves from the trammels of indolence, their prowess would excel that of their rivals, for the aristocracy ever possess more spirit than the vulgar herd. The free-booters who form the vanguard of the Mahratta forces, and marching in advance of their main body, ravage the enemy's country, are called puíkárahs (púíkárahs?);²⁶³ the troops who are stationed here and there by way of picquets at a distance from the army, for the purpose of keeping a vigilant watch, are styled mátí, and chháppah is synonymous in their dialect with a night-attack. Their food consists chiefly of cakes made of jawár, or bájrá, dál, arhad, with a little butter and red pepper; and hence it is that, owing to the irascibility of their tempers, gentleness is never met with in their dispositions. The ordinary dress worn by these people comprises a turban, tunic, selah (loose mantle), and jánghiah (short drawers). Among their horses are many mares, and among the offensive weapons used by this tribe there are but few fire-arms, most of the men being armed with swords, spears, or arrows instead. The system of military service established among them is this: each man, according to his grade, receives a fixed salary in cash and clothes every year. They call their stables págáh, and the horsemen who are mounted on chargers belonging to a superior officer are styled bárgírs. ^{* *}

Bálájí's Exploits.

When Bájí Ráo, in the year 1153 A.H. (1740 A.D.), on the banks of the river Nerbadda, bore the burden of his existence to the shores of non-entity, his son, Bálájí Ráo, became his successor, and after the manner of his father, engaged vigorously in the prosecution of hostilities, the organization and equipment of a large army, and the preparation of all the munitions of war. His son continued to pass his days, sometimes at war, and at other times at peace, with the Nawáb Ásaf Jáh. At length, in the year 1163 (1750 A.D.), Sáhú Ráo, the successor of Sambhájí, passed away, and the supreme authority departed out of the direct line of the Bhonslas. Bálájí Ráo selected another individual of that family, in place of Sáhú's son, to occupy the post of Rája, and seated him on the throne, whilst he reserved for himself the entire administration of all the affairs of the kingdom. Having then degraded the ancient chieftains from the lofty position they had held, he denuded them of their dignity and influence, and began aggrandizing the Kokaní Brahmins, who were of the same caste as himself. He also constituted his cousin, Sadásheo Ráo, commonly called Bháo Ráo, his chief agent and prime minister. The individual in question was of acute understanding, and thoroughly conversant with the proper method of government. Through the influence of his energetic counsels, many undertakings were constantly brought to a successful issue, the recital of which would lead to too great prolixity. In short, besides holding the fortress of Bíjápúr, he took possession anew of Daulatábád, the seat of government of the illustrious sovereigns, together with districts yielding sixty lacs of rupees, after forcibly wresting it out of the hands of Nizámu-l Mulk Nizám 'Alí Khán Bahádur. He likewise took into his service Ibráhím Khán Gárdí, who had a well-organized train of European artillery with him.

The Abdálí Monarch.

Ahmad Sháh Abdálí, in the year 1171 A.H. (1757-8 A.D.), came from the country of Kandahár to Hindústán, and on the 7th of Jumáda-l awwal of that year, had an interview with the Emperor 'Álamgír II., at the palace of Sháh-Jahánábád; he exercised all kinds of severity and oppression on the inhabitants of that city, and united the daughter of A'azzu-d dín, own brother to His Majesty, in the bonds of wedlock with his own son, Tímúr Sháh. After an interval of a month, he set out to coerce Rája Súraj Mal Ját, who, from a distant period, had extended his sway over the province of Ágra, as far as the environs of the city of Dehlí. In three days he captured Balamgarh, situated at a distance of fifteen kos from Dehlí, which was furnished with all the requisites for standing a siege, and was well manned by Súraj Mal's followers. After causing a general massacre of the garrison, he hastened towards Mathurá, and having razed that ancient sanctuary of the Hindús to the ground, made all the idolators fall a prey to his relentless sword. Then he returned to Ágra, and deputed his Commander-in-Chief, Jahán Khán, to reduce all the forts belonging to the Ját chieftain. At this time a dreadful pestilence broke out with great virulence in the Sháh's army, so that he was forced to abandon his intention of chastising Súraj Mal, and unwillingly made up his mind to repair to his own kingdom.

On his return, as soon as he reached Dehlí, the Emperor 'Álamgír went forth with Najíbu-d daula Bahádur, and had an interview with him on the margin of the Maksúdábád lake, when he preferred sore complaints against 'Imádu-l Mulk Gházíu-d dín Khán Bahádur, who was at that time at Farrukh-ábád, engaged in exciting seditious tumults. The Sháh, after forming a matrimonial alliance with the daughter of his late Majesty Muhammad Sháh, and investing Najíbu-d daula with the title of Amíru-l umará and the dignified post of bakhshí, set out for Láhore. As soon as he had planted his sublime standard on that spot, he conferred both the government of Láhore and Multán on his son, Tímúr Sháh, and leaving Jahán Khán behind with him, proceeded himself to Kandahár.

Jahán Khán despatched a warrant to Adína Beg Khán, who at that time had taken up his residence at Lakhí Jangal, investing him with the supreme control of the territory of the Doáb, along with a khil'at of immense value, and adopted the most conciliatory measures towards him, whereupon the latter, esteeming this amicable attention as a mark of good fortune, applied himself zealously to the proper administration of the Doáb. When Jahán Khán, however, summoned him to his presence, he did not consider it to his advantage to wait upon him; so, quitting the territory of the Doáb, he retired into the hill-country. After this occurrence, Jahán Khán appointed a person named Murád Khán to the charge of the Doáb, and sent Sarbu-land Khán and Sarfaráz Khán, of the Abdálí tribe, along with him to assist him. Adína Beg Khán, having united the Sikh nation to his own forces, advanced to give battle to Murád Khán, when Sarbuland Khán quaffed the cup of martyrdom on the field of action, and Murád Khán and Sarfaráz Khán, seeing no resource left them but flight, returned to Jahán Khán, and the Sikhs ravaged all the districts of the Doáb.

As soon as active hostilities were commenced between Najíbu-d daula and 'Imádu-l Mulk, the latter set out from Farrukhábád towards Dehlí, to oppose the former, and forwarded letters to Bálájí Ráo and his cousin Bháo, soliciting aid, and inviting the Mahratta army to espouse his cause. Bháo, who was always cherishing plans in his head for the national aggrandizement, counselled Bálájí Ráo to despatch an army for the conquest of the territories of Hindústán, which he affirmed to be then, as it were, an assembly unworthy of reverence, and a rose devoid of thorns.

Memoir of Raghunáth Ráo.

In 1171 A.H. (1757-8 A.D.) Raghunáth Ráo, a brother of Bálájí Ráo, accompanied by Malhár Ráo Holkar, Shamsher Bahádur, and Jayají Sindhia, started from the Dakhin towards Dehlí at the head of a gallant and irresistible army, to subdue the dominions of Hindústán. As soon as they reached Ágra, they turned off to Sháh-Jahánábád in company with 'Imádu-l Mulk, the wazír, who was the instigator of the irruption made by this torrent of destruction. After a sanguinary engagement, they ejected Najíbu-d daula from the city of Dehlí, and consigned the management of the affairs of government to the care of 'Imádu-l Mulk, the wazír.

Raghunáth Ráo and the rest of the Mahratta chiefs set out from Dehlí towards Láhore, at the solicitation of Adína Beg Khán, of whom mention has been briefly made above. After leaving the suburbs of Dehlí, they arrived first at Sirhind, where they fought an action with 'Abdu-s Samad Khán, who had been installed in the government of that place by the Abdálí Sháh, and took him prisoner. Turning away from thence, they pushed on to Láhore, and got ready for a conflict with Jahán Khán, who was stationed there. The latter, however, being alarmed at the paucity of his troops in comparison with the multitude of the enemy, resolved at once to seek safety in flight. Accordingly, in the month of Sha'bán, 1171 A.H. (April, 1758 A.D.), he pursued the road to Kábul with the utmost speed, accompanied by Tímúr Sháh, and made a present to the enemy of the heavy baggage and property that he had accumulated during his administration of that region. The Mahratta chieftains followed in pursuit of Tímúr Sháh as far as the river Attock, and then retraced their steps to Láhore. This time the Mahrattas extended their sway up to Multán. As the rainy season had commenced, they delivered over the province of Láhore to Adína Beg Khán, on his promising to pay a tributary offering of seventy-five lacs of rupees; and made up their minds to return to the Dakhin, being anxious to behold again their beloved families at home.

On reaching Dehlí in the course of their return, they made straight for their destination, after leaving one of their warlike chieftains, named Jankú, at the head of a formidable army in the vicinity of the metropolis. It chanced that in the year 1172 A.H. (1758-9 A.D.) Adína Beg Khán passed away; whereupon Jankújí entrusted the government of the province of Láhore to a Mahratta, called Sámá, whom he despatched thither. He also appointed Sádik Beg Khán, one of Adína Beg Khán's followers, to the administration of Sirhind, and gave the management of the Doáb to Adína Beg Khán's widow. Sámá, after reaching Láhore, applied himself to the task of government, and pushed on his troops as far as the river Attock. In the meanwhile, 'Imádu-l Mulk, the wazír, caused Sháh 'Álamgír II. to suffer martyrdom, in retaliation for an ancient grudge, and placed the son of Muhi'u-s Sunnat, son of Kám Bakhsh, son of Aurangzeb 'Álamgír, on the throne of Dehlí.

Dattá Sindhia.

Dattá Sindhia, Jankújí's uncle, about that time formed the design of invading the kingdom of the Rohillas; whereupon Najíbu-d daula and other Rohilla chiefs, becoming cognizant of this fact, and perceiving the image of ultimate misfortune reflected in the mirror of the very beginning, wrote numerous letters to the Abdálí Sháh, and used every persuasion to induce him to come to Hindústán. The Sháh, who was vexed at heart on account of Tímúr Sháh and Jahán Khán having been compelled to take to flight, and was brooding over plans of revenge, accounted this friendly overture a signal advantage, and set himself at once in motion.

Dattá, in company with his nephew Jankú, after crossing the Jumna, advanced against Najíbu-d daula, and 'Imádu-l Mulk, the wazír, hastened to Dattá's support, agreeably to his request. As the number of the Mahratta troops amounted to nearly 80,000 horse, Najíbu-d daula, finding his strength inadequate to risk an open battle, threw up intrenchments at Sakartál, one of the places belonging to Antarbed (the Doáb), situated on the bank of the river Ganges, and there held himself in readiness to oppose the enemy. As the rainy season presented an insurmountable obstacle to Dattá's movements, he was forced to suspend military operations, and in the interim Najíbu-d daula despatched several letters to Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula, begging his assistance.

The Nawáb, urged by the promptings of valour and gallantry, started from Lucknow in the height of the rains, which fell with greater violence than in ordinary years, and having with the utmost spirit and resolution traversed the intervening roads, which were all in a wretched muddy condition, made Sháhábád the site of his camp. Till the conclusion of the rainy season, however, he was unable to unite with Najíbu-d daula, owing to the overflowing of the river Ganges.

No sooner had the rains come to an end, than one of the Mahratta chieftains, who bore the appellation of Gobind Pandit, forded the stream at Dattá's command, with a party of 20,000 cavalry, and allowed no portion of Chándpúr and many other populous places to escape conflagration and plunder. He then betook himself to the spot where Sa'du-llah Khán, Dúndí Khán, and Háfiz Rahmat Khán had assembled, after having risen up in arms and quitted their abodes, to afford succour to Najíbu-d daula. These three, finding themselves unable to cope with him, took refuge in the forests on the Kamáún hills.

Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula, being apprised of this circumstance, mounted the fleet steed of resolution, and in Rabí'u-l awwal, 1173 A.H. (Oct. Nov. 1759 A.D.), taking his troops resembling the stars in his train, he repaired on the wings of speed to Chándpúr, close to the locality where Najíbu-d daula was stationed. As Gobind Pandit had reduced the latter's force as well as his companions to great straits, by cutting off their supply of provisions, Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula Bahádur despatched 10,000 cavalry, consisting of Mughals and others, under the command of Mirzá Najaf Khán Bahádur, Mír Bákar Himmatí and other leaders, to attack the Pandit's camp. He also afterwards sent off Anúpgar Gusáín, and Ráj Indar Gusáín in rear of these. The leaders in question having fought with becoming gallantry, and performed the most valiant deeds, succeeded in routing the enemy. Out of the whole of Gobind Pandit's force, 200 were left weltering in blood, and as many more were captured alive, whilst a vast number were overwhelmed in the waters of the Ganges. Immense booty also fell into the hands of the victors, comprising every description of valuable goods, together with horses and cattle. Gobind Pandit, who after suffering this total defeat had escaped from the field of battle across the river Ganges, gave himself up to despair, and took to a precipitate flight. As soon as this intelligence reached the ears of Háfiz Rahmat Khán and the rest of the Rohilla chieftains, they sallied forth from the forests of Kamáún, and repaired to Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula's camp. Meanwhile Najíbu-d daula was released from the perils and misfortunes of his position.

Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula Bahádur assembled the Rohilla chiefs, and offered them advice in the following strain: “The enemy has an innumerable army, his military prowess is formidable, and he has gained possession of most of the districts in your territory; it is therefore better for you to make overtures for peace.” Every one, both high and low, applauded the Nawáb's judicious counsel, and voted that pacific negociations should be immediately entered into with Dattá; but the truce had not yet been established on a secure basis, when the news of Ahmad Sháh Abdálí's approach, and of his arrival on this side of Láhore, astonished the ears of all. Dattá, with the arrogance that ever filled his head, would not allow the preliminaries of peace to be brought to a conclusion; but haughtily discarding the amicable relations that he was in process of contracting, moved with a resolute step along the road to Dehlí, with a view to encounter the Abdálí Sháh. He was accompanied at that time by 80,000 horsemen, well armed and equipped.

When the Sháh set out from Láhore in the direction of Dehlí, he thought to himself that on the direct road between these two places, owing to the passage to and fro of the Mahratta troops, it would be difficult to find any thriving villages, and grain and forage would be almost unprocurable. Consequently, in the month of Rabí'u-l awwal, 1173 A.H., he crossed the river Jumna, and entered Antarbed. Be it not unknown, that Antarbed is the name given to the land lying between the Ganges and Jumna, its frontier being Hardwár and the Kamáún hills, which are situated in the northern quarter of Hind. ^{* *}

In short, Ahmad Sháh Durrání entered Antarbed, and Najíbu-d daula and the other Rohilla chiefs, whose territories were situated in that kingdom, came to join the Sháh. They likewise brought sums of money, as well as grain and provisions, to whatever extent they could procure them, and delivered them over for the Sháh's use. Through this cordial support of the Rohilla chiefs, the Sháh acquired redoubled strength, and having directed his corps of Durránís, who were employed in the campaign on skirmishing duties, to pursue the ordinary route, and be in readiness for an engagement with Dattá, proceeded himself to the eastward, by way of Antarbed.

On this side too, Dattá, travelling with the speed of wind and lightning, conducted his army to Sirhind, where he happened to fall in with the Sháh's skirmishing parties. As the Durránís are decidedly superior to the Mahratta troops in the rapidity of their evolutions, and in their system of predatory warfare, the moment they confronted each other, Dattá's army was unable to hold its ground. Being compelled to give way, he retired to Dehlí, keeping up a running fight all the way, and took up a position in the plain of Báwalí, which lies in the vicinity of Shah-Jahánábád. At that juncture, Jankújí proposed to his nephew with haughty pride, that they should try and extricate themselves from their critical situation, and Jankújí at once did exactly what his respected uncle suggested. In fact, Dattá and his troops dismounted from their horses after the manner of the inhabitants of Hind about to sacrifice their lives, and boldly maintained their footing on the field of battle. The Durránís assailed the enemy with arrows, matchlocks, and swords, and so overpowered them as not to allow a single individual to escape in safety from the scene of action. This event took place in Jumáda-l awwal, 1173 A.H. (Jan. 1760 A.D.).

Malhár Ráo Holkar.

As soon as this intelligence reached the quick ear of Malhár Ráo Holkar, who at that time was staying at Makandara, he consigned the surrounding districts to the flames, and making up his mind, proceeded in extreme haste to Súraj Mal Ját, and importuned that Rája to join him in the war against the Durrání Sháh. The latter, however, strongly objected to comply with his request, stating that he was unable to advance out of his own territory to engage in hostilities with them, as he had not sufficient strength to risk a pitched battle; and that if the enemy were to make an attack upon him, he would seek refuge within his forts. In the interview, it came to Holkar's knowledge, that the Afgháns of Antarbed had moved out of their villages with treasure and provisions, with intent to convey them to the Sháh's camp, and had arrived as far as Sikandra, which is one of the dependencies of Antarbed, situated at a distance of twenty kos from Dehlí towards the east. He consequently pursued them with the utmost celerity, and having fallen upon them, delivered them up to indiscriminate plunder.

The Abdálí Sháh, having been apprised of this circumstance, deputed Sháh Kalandar Khán and Sháh Pasand Khán Durrání, at the head of 15,000 horse, to chastise Holkar. The individuals in question, having reached Dehlí from Nár-naul, a distance of seventy kos, in twenty-four hours, and having halted during the day to recover from their fatigues, effected a rapid passage across the Jumna, as soon as half the night was over, and by using the utmost expedition, succeeded in reaching Sikandra by sunrise. They then encompassed Holkar's army, and made a vast number of his men fall a prey to their relentless swords. Holkar found himself reduced to great straits; he had not even sufficient leisure to fasten a saddle on his horse, but was compelled to mount with merely a saddle-cloth under him, and flee for his life. Three hundred more horsemen also followed after him in the same destitute plight, but the remainder of his troops, being completely hemmed in, were either slain or captured, and an immense quantity of property and household goods, as well as numbers of horses, fell into the hands of the Durránís. About this time, too, the Sháh arrived at Dehlí from Nárnaul, and took up his quarters in the city.

Forces of the Dakhin.

In the year 1172 A.H. (1758-9 A.D.), Raghunáth Ráo, the brother of Bálájí Ráo, after confiding the provinces of Láhore and Multán to Adína Beg Khán, and leaving Jankújí with a formidable army in the vicinity of the metropolis of Dehlí, arrived at the city of Púná along with Shamsher Bahádur, Malhár Ráo Holkar, and Jayájí Sindhiya. Sadásheo Ráo Bháojí, who was Bálájí Ráo's cousin, and his chief agent and prime minister, began instituting inquiries as to the receipts and disbursements made during the invasion of Hind. As soon as it became apparent, that after spending the revenue that had been levied from the country, and the proceeds arising from the plundered booty, the pay of the soldiery, amounting to about sixty lacs of rupees, was due; the vain illusion was dissipated from Bháojí's brain. The latter's dislike to Raghunáth Ráo, moreover, had now broken into open contumely and discord, and Bálájí Ráo, vexed and disgusted at finding his own brother despised and disparaged, sent a letter to Bháojí, declaring that it was essentially requisite for him now to unfurl the standard of invasion in person against Hindústán, and endure the fatigues of the campaign, since he was so admirably fitted for the undertaking. Bháo, without positively refusing to consent to his wishes, managed to evade compliance for a whole year, by having recourse to prevarication and subterfuge.

Biswás Ráo, the son of Bálájí Ráo.

Biswás Ráo, Bálájí Ráo's eldest son, who was seventeen years old, solicited the command of the army from his father; and though the latter was in reality displeased with his request, yet in the year 1173 A.H. (1759-60 A.D.) he sent him off with Bháojí in company. Malhár Ráo, Pílájí Jádaun, Ján Ráo Dhamadsarí, Shamsher Bahádur, Sabúlí Dádájí Ráo, Jaswant Ráo Bewár, Balwant Ráo, Ganesh Ráo, and other famous and warlike leaders, along with a force of 35,000 cavalry, were also associated with Bháo. Ibráhím Khán Gárdí, who was the superintendent of the European artillery, likewise accompanied him. Owing to the extreme sultriness of the hot season, they were obliged to rest every other day, and thus by alternate marches and halts, they at length reached Gwálior.

As soon as the story of 'Imádu-l Mulk and Jankújí Sindhia's having sought refuge in the forts belonging to Súraj Mal Ját, and the particulars of Dattá's death and Holkar's defeat, as well as the rout and spoliation of both their forces, were poured into the ears of Biswás Ráo and Bháojí by the reporters of news and the detailers of intelligence, vast excitement arose, so that a sojourn of two months took place at Gwálior. Malhár Ráo Holkar, who had escaped with his life from the battle with the Durránís, and in the mean time had joined Biswás Ráo's camp, then started from Gwálior for Sháh-Jahánábád by Bháo's order, at the head of a formidable army, and having reached Ágra, took Jankújí Sindhia along with him from thence, and drew near to his destination.

Ahmad Sháh Abdálí, on ascertaining this news, sallied out from the city of Dehlí to encounter him; but the latter, finding himself unable to resist, merely made some dashing excursions to the right and left for a few days, after the guerilla fashion. As the Sháh, however, would never once refrain from pursuing him, he was ultimately forced to make an ignominious retreat back along the road he had come, and having returned to Gwálior, went and rejoined Bháojí. The rainy season was coming on, ^{* *} so Ahmad Sháh crossed the river Jumna, and having encamped at Sikandra, gave instructions to the officers of his army, to prepare houses of wood and grass for themselves, in place of tents and pavilions.

Bháo and Biswás Ráo, having marched from Gwálior, after travelling many stages, and traversing long distances, as soon as they reached Akbarábád; Holkar and Jankújí, at Bháo's instigation, betook themselves to Rája Súraj Mal Ját, and brought him along with them to have an interview with Bháo. The latter went out a kos from camp to meet him, and 'Imádu-l Mulk, the wazír, also held a conference with Bháo through Súraj Mal's mediation. Súraj Mal proposed that the campaign should be conducted on the following plan, viz. that they should deposit their extra baggage and heavy guns, together with their female relatives, in the fort of Jhánsí, by the side of the river Chambal; and then proceed to wage a predatory and desultory style of warfare against the enemy, as is the usual practice of the Mahratta troops; for under these circumstances their own territory would be behind their backs, and a constant supply of provisions would not fail to reach their camp in safety. Bháo and the other leaders, after hearing Súraj Mal's observations, approved of his decision; but Biswás Ráo, who was an inexperienced youth, intoxicated with the wine of arrogance, would not follow his advice. Bháo accordingly carried on operations in conformity with Biswás Ráo's directions, and set out from Akbarábád towards Dehlí with the force that he had at his disposal. On Tuesday, the 9th of Zí-l hijja, 1173 A.H. (23 Sept. 1760 A.D.), about the time of rising of the world-illumining sun, he enjoyed the felicity of beholding the fort of Dehlí. The command of the garrison there was at that time entrusted to Ya'kúb 'Alí Khán Bahmanzái, brother to Sháh Walí Khán, the prime minister of the Durrání Sháh; who, in spite of the multitude of his enemies, would not succumb, and spared no exertions to protect the fort with the few martial spirits that he had with him.

Capture of the fort of Dehlí.

Bháo, conjecturing that the fort of Dehlí would be devoid of the protection of any garrison, and would therefore, immediately on being besieged, fall under his subjection, went and took up a position near Sa'du-llah Khán's mansion, with a multitude of troops. ^{* *} Ibráhím Khán Gárdí, who was a confederate of Bháo, and had the superintendence of the European artillery, planted his thundering cannon, with their skilful gunners, opposite the fort on the side of the sandy plain, and having made the battlements of the Octagon Tower and the Asad Burj a mark for his lightning-darting guns, overturned many of the royal edifices. Every day the tumultuous noise of attack on all sides of the fort filled the minds of the garrison with alarm and apprehension. The overflowing of the Jumna presented an insurmountable obstacle to the crossing of the Durrání Sháh's army, and hindered it from affording any succour to the besieged. The provisions in the fort were very nearly expended, and Ya'kúb 'Alí Khán was forced to enter into negociations for peace. He first removed, with his female relatives and property, from the fort to the domicile of 'Alí Mardán Khán, and then, having crossed the river Jumna from thence on board a boat, betook himself to the Sháh's camp. On the 19th of the aforesaid month and year, Bháo entered the fort along with Biswás Ráo, and took possession of all the property and goods that he could find in the old repositories of the royal family. He also broke in pieces the silver ceiling of the Díuán-i Kháss, from which he extracted so much of the precious metal as to be able to coin seventeen lacs of rupees out of it. Nárad Shankar Brahmin was then appointed by Bháo to the post of governor of the fort.

The Durrání Sháh, after his engagement with Dattá, which terminated in the destruction of the latter, had despatched Najíbu-d daula to the province of Oudh with a conciliatory epistle, which was as it were a treaty of friendship, for the purpose of fetching Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula Bahádur. Najíbu-d daula accordingly betook himself by way of Etáwa to Kanauj; and about the same time Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula marched from Lucknow, and made the ferry of Mahdipúr, which is one of the places in Etáwa situated on this side the river Ganges, the site of his camp. An interview took place in that locality, and as soon as the friendly document had been perused, and the Nawáb's heart had been comforted by its sincere promises, he came to the fixed determination of waiting on the Sháh, and he sent back Rája Bení Bahádur, who at that time possessed greater power and influence than his other followers, to rule as viceroy over the kingdom during his absence. When Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula approached the Sháh's army, the prime minister, Sháh Walí Khán, hastened out to meet him, and, having brought him along with him in the most courteous and respectful manner, afforded him the gratification, on the 4th of Zí-l hijja, 1173 A.H. (18th July, 1760 A.D.), of paying his respects to the Sháh, and of folding the son of the latter, Tímúr Sháh, in his embrace.

Bháo remained some time in the fort of Sháh-Jahánábád, in consequence of the rainy season, which prevented the horses from stirring a foot, and deprived the cavalry of the power of fighting; he sent a person named Bhawání Shankar Pandit to Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula, with the following message: “If it is inconvenient for you to contract an alliance with your friends, you should at least keep aloof from the enemy, and remain perfectly neutral to both parties.” The above-named Pandit, having crossed the river Jumna, went to Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula Bahádur, and delivered this message. The latter, after ascertaining its drift, despatched his eunuch Yákút Khán, who was one of the oldest and most confidential servants of his government, in company with Bhawání Shankar Pandit, and returned an answer of this description: “As the Rájas of this empire and the Rohilla chiefs were reduced to the last extremity by the violent aggressions of Raghunáth Ráo, Dattá, Holkar, and their subordinates, they solicited the Abdálí Sháh to come to Hindústán, with the view of saving themselves from ruin. ‘The seed that they sowed has now begun to bear fruit.’ Nevertheless, if peace be agreeable to you, from true regard for our ancient friendship, my best endeavours shall be used towards concluding one.” Eventually, Bháo proposed that as far as Sirhind should be under the Sháh's dominion, and all on this side of it should belong to him; but the whole rainy season was spent in negocia-tion, and no peace was established.

In the interim, Rája Súraj Mal Ját, who discerned the speedy downfall of the Mahratta power, having moved with his troops, in company with 'Imádu-l Mulk, the wazír, from his position at Sarai Badarpúr, which is situated at a distance of six kos from Dehlí on the eastern side, and traversed fifty kos in one night, without informing Bháo betook himself to Balamgarh,²⁷⁸ which is one of his forts.

As the Mahratta troops made repeated complaints to Bháo regarding the scarcity of grain and forage, the latter, on the 29th of the month of Safar, 1174 A.H. (9th October, 1760 A.D.), removed Sháh Jahán, son of Muhi'u-s Sunnat, son of Kám Bakhsh, son of Aurangzeb 'Álamgír, and having seated the illustrious Prince, Mirzá Jawán Bakht, the grandson of 'Álamgír II., on the throne of Dehlí, publicly conferred the dignity of wazír on Shujá'u-d daula. His object was this, that the Durrání Sháh might become averse to and suspicious of the Nawáb in question. Leaving Nárad Shankar Brahmin, of whom mention has been made above, behind in the fort of Sháh-Jahánábád, he himself set out, with all his partisans and retainers, in the direction of Kunjpúra.^278a This place is fifty-four kos to the west of Dehlí, and seven to the north of the pargana of Karnál, and it is a district the original cultivators of which were the Rohillas.

Capture of the fort of Kunjpúra.

Bháo, on the 10th of Rabí'u-l awwal, 1174 A.H. (19th October, 1760), encompassed the fort of Kunjpúra with his troops, and subdued it in the twinkling of an eye by the fire of his thundering cannon. Several chiefs were in the fort, one of whom was 'Abdu-s Samad Khán Abdálí, governor of Sirhind, who had been taken prisoner by Raghunáth Ráo in 1170 A.H. (1756-7), but had ultimately obtained his release, as was related in the narrative of Adína Beg Khán's proceedings. There were, besides, Kutb Khán Rohilla, Dalíl Khán, and Nijábat Khán, all zamíndárs of places in Antarbed, who had been guilty of conveying supplies to the Abdálí Sháh's camp. After reducing the fort, Bháo made 'Abdu-s Samad Khán and Kutb Khán undergo capital punishment, and kept the rest in confinement; whilst he allowed Kunjpúra itself to be sacked by his predatory hordes.

As soon as this intelligence reached the Sháh's ear, the sea of his wrath was deeply agitated; and notwithstanding that the stream of the Jumna had not yet subsided sufficiently to admit of its being forded, a royal edict was promulgated, directing his troops to pay no regard to the current, but cross at once from one bank to the other. As there was no help but to comply with this mandate, on the 16th of the month of Rabí'u-l awwal, 1174 A.H. (25th October, 1760 A.D.), near Sháh-Jahánábád, on the road to Pákpat, which is situated fifteen kos to the north of Dehlí, they resigned themselves to fate, and succeeded in crossing. A number were swallowed up by the waves, and a small portion of the baggage and quadrupeds belonging to the army was lost in the passage. As soon as the intelligence reached Bháo's ear, that a party of Durránís had crossed, ^{* *} he sounded the drum of retreat from Kunjpúra, and with his force of 40,000 well-mounted and veteran cavalry, and a powerful train of European artillery, under the superintendence of Ibráhím Khán Gárdí, he repaired expeditiously to Pánípat, which lies forty kos from Dehlí towards the west.

Battle between the Mahratta Army and the Durránís.

The Abdálí Sháh, after crossing the river Jumna at the ghát of Pákpat, proceeded in a westerly direction, and commanded that Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula Bahádur and Najíbu-d daula should pitch their tents on the left of the royal army, and Dúndí Khán, Háfizu-l Mulk Háfiz Rahmat Khán, and Ahmad Khán Bangash on the right. As Bháo perceived that it was difficult to contend against the Durránís in the open field, by the advice of his counsellors he made a permanent encampment of his troops in the outskirts of the city of Pánípat, and having intrenched it all round with his artillery, took up his quarters in this formidable position. ^{* *}

In the interim Gobind Pandit, who was the tahsíldár of the district of Shukohábád, etc., betook himself to Dehlí at Bháo's suggestion, with a body of 10,000 cavalry, and intercepted the transport of supplies to the Durrání Sháh's army.^{280 * *}

When the basis of the enemy's power had been overthrown (at Pánípat), and the surface of the plain had been relieved of the insolent foe, the triumphant champions of the victorious army proceeded eagerly to pillage the Mahratta camp, and succeeded in gaining possession of an unlimited quantity of silver and jewels, 500 enormous elephants, 50,000 horses, 1000 camels, and two lacs of bullocks, with a vast amount of goods and chattels, and a countless assortment of camp equipage. Nearly 30,000 labourers too, who drew their origin from the Dakhin, fell into captivity. Towards evening the Abdálí Sháh went out to look at the bodies of the slain, and found great heaps of corpses, and running streams produced by the flood of gore. ^{* *} Thirty-two mounds of slain were counted, and the ditch, protected by artillery, of such immense length that it could contain several lacs of human beings, besides cattle and baggage, was completely filled with dead bodies.

Assassination of Sindhia Jankújí.

Ráo Káshí Náth, on seeing Jankújí, who was a youth of twenty, with a handsome countenance, and at that time had his wounded hand hanging in a sling from his neck, became deeply grieved, and the tears started from his eyes. ^{* *} Jankújí raised his head and exclaimed: “It is better to die with one's friends than to live among one's enemies.”

The Nawáb, in unison with Sháh Walí Khán, solicited the Sháh to spare Jankújí's life; whereupon, the Sháh summoned Barkhúrdár Khán, and consulted him on the propriety of the step, to which the Khán in question returned a decided negative. At the same time, one of the Durránís, at Barkhúrdár Khán's suggestion, went and cut Jankújí's throat, and buried him under ground inside the very tent in which he was imprisoned.

Ibráhím Khán Gárdí's Death.

Shujá'u Kulí Khán, a powerful and influential servant of the Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula Bahádur, having captured Ibráhím Khán Gárdí on the field of battle, kept him with the said Nawáb's cognizance in his own tent. No sooner did this intelligence become public, than the Durránís began in a body to raise a violent tumult, and clamorously congregating round the door of the Sháh's tent, declared that Ibráhím Gárdí's neck was answerable for the loss of so many thousands of their fellow-countrymen, and that whoever sought to protect him would incur the penalty of their resentment. Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula, feeling that one seeking refuge cannot be slain, prepared for a contest with the Durrání forces, whereupon there ensued a frightful disturbance. At length, Sháh Walí Khán took Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula aside privately, and addressing him in a friendly and affectionate tone, proposed, that he should deliver up Ibráhím Khán Gárdí to him, for the sake of appeasing the wrath of the Durránís; and after a week, when their evil passions had been allayed, he would restore to him the individual entrusted to his care. In short, Ashrafu-l Wuzrá (Sháh Walí Khán), having obtained him from the Nawáb, applied a poisonous plaister to his wounds; so that, by the expiration of a week, his career was brought to a close.

Discovery of Bháojí's Corpse.

The termination of Bháojí's career has been differently related. Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula, having mounted after the victory, took Shishá Dhar Pandit, Ganesh Pandit, and other associates of Bháojí along with him, and began wandering over the field of battle, searching for the corpses of the Mahratta chiefs, and more especially for Bháojí's dead body. They accordingly recognized the persons of Jaswant Ráo Balwár, Pílájí, and Sabhájí Náth who had received forty sword-cuts, lying on the scene of action; and, in like manner, those of other famous characters also came in view. Bháo's corpse had not been found, when from beneath a dead body three valuable gems unexpectedly shone forth. The Nawáb presented those pearls to the Pandits mentioned above, and directed them to try and recognize that lifeless form. They succeeded in doing so through the scar of a gunshot wound in the foot, and another on the side behind the back, which Bháo had received in former days. With their eyes bathed in tears they exclaimed: “This is Bháo, the ruler of the Dakhin.”²⁸² Some entertain an opinion, that Bháo, after Biswás Ráo's death, performed prodigies of valour, and then disappeared from sight, and no one ever saw him afterwards. Two individuals consequently, both natives of the Dakhin, have publicly assumed the name of Bháo, and dragged a number of people into their deceitful snare. As a falsehood cannot bear the light, one was eventually put to death somewhere in the Dakhin by order of the chiefs in that quarter; and the other, having excited an insurrection at Benares, was confined for some time in the fort of Chunár. After his release, despairing of the success of his project, he died in the suburbs of Gorakhpúr in the year 1193 A.H.

Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula Bahádur, having obtained permission of the Sháh to burn the bodies [of the Bháo and other chiefs], deputed Rája Himmat Bahádur and Ráo Káshí Náth, his principal attendants, to perform the task of cremation. Out of all those hapless and unfortunate beings [who survived the battle], a number maintained a precarious existence against the violent assaults of death for some days; but notwithstanding that they used the most strenuous exertions to effect their escape in divers directions from Pánípat, not a single one was saved from being slain and plundered by the zamíndárs of that quarter. Out of the whole of the celebrated chiefs too, with the exception of Malhár Ráo Holkar, 'Appájí Gaikawár and Bithal Sudeo, not another was ever able to reach the Dakhin.

Account of Bháojí's Wife.

Bháo's wife, in company with Shamsher Bahádur, half-brother²⁸³ to Bálájí Ráo, and a party of confidential attendants, traversed a long distance with the utmost celerity, and betook herself to the fortress of Díg. There that broken-hearted lady remained for two or three days mourning the loss of her husband, and having then made up her mind to prepare for an expedition to the Dakhin, Rája Súraj Mal Ját gave her one morning a suitable escort to attend her, and bade her adieu. She accordingly reached the Dakhin; but Shamsher Bahádur, who was severely wounded, died after arriving at Díg.

Death of Bálájí.

Shortly before the occurrence of these disasters, Bálájí Ráo had marched from Púná. He had only proceeded as far as Bhílsa, when, having been informed of the event, he grew tired of existence, and shed tears of blood lamenting the loss of a son and a brother. He then moved from where he was to Sironj, and about that very time a messenger reached him from the Abdálí Sháh, with a mourning khil'at. The Ráo, feigning obedience to his commands, humbly dressed his person in the Sháh's khil'at, and turning away from Sironj, re-entered Púná. From excess of grief and woe, however, he remained for two months afflicted with a harrowing disease; and as he perceived the image of death reflected from the mirror of his condition, he sent for his brother, Raghunáth Ráo, to whom he gave in charge his best beloved son, the younger brother of the lately slain Biswás Ráo, who bore the name of Mádhú Ráo, and had just entered his twelfth year, exclaiming: “Fulfil all the duties of goodwill towards this fatherless child, treating him as if he were your own son, and do not permit any harm to come upon him.” Having said this, he departed from the world on the 9th of Zí-l ka'da, 1174 A.H. (14th June, 1761 A.D.), and the period of his reign was twenty-one years.

Mádhú Ráo, son of Bálájí.

Mádhú Ráo, after the demise of his father, was installed in the throne of sovereignty at Púná; and Raghunáth Ráo conducted the administration of affairs as prime minister, after the manner of the late Bháo.

Account of the pretender Bháo.

One of the remarkable incidents that occurred in Mádhú Ráo's reign was the appearance of a counterfeit Bháo, who, in the year 1175 A.H. (1762-3 A.D.), having induced a number of refractory characters to flock to his standard, and having collected together a small amount of baggage and effects, with camp equipage and cattle, excited an insurrection near the fort of Karáza, which is situated at a distance of twelve kos from Jhánsí towards the west. He gave intimation to the governor of the fort, who held his appointment of the Púná chiefs, as to his name and pretensions, and summoned him by threats and promises into his presence. The latter, who, up to that time, had been in doubt whether Bháo was dead or alive, being apprehensive lest this individual should in reality prove to be Bháo, proceeded to wait upon him, and presented some cash and valuables by way of offering. After that, the Bháo in question sent letters into other parganas, and having summoned the revenue officers from all quarters, commenced seizing and appropriating all the cash, property and goods. Whatever horses, elephants, or camels he found with any one, he immediately sent for, and kept in his own possession.

This pretender to the name of Bháo always kept his face half covered under a veil, both in public and private, on the plea that the wound on his visage was still unhealed, and people were completely deceived by the stratagem; no one could have the impudence to scrutinize his features. In short, for six months he persevered in his imposture, until the news reached Púná, when some spies went over to him to examine strictly into the case, and discovered that he was not Bháo.

About the same period, Malhár Ráo Holkar was moving from the Dakhin towards Hindústán, and his road happened to lie through the spot where the pretender in question had pitched his tents. The above-mentioned spies disclosed the particulars of the case to Malhár Ráo, who thought to himself, that until Párbatí Bái, the late Bháo's wife, had seen this individual with her own eyes, and all her doubts had been removed, it would not do to inflict capital punishment on the impostor, for fear the lady should think in her heart that he had killed her husband out of spite and malice. For this reason, Malhár Ráo merely took the impostor prisoner, and having appointed thirty or forty horsemen to take care of him, forwarded him from thence to Púná. The few weak-minded beings, who had gathered round him, were allowed to depart to their several homes, and Holkar proceeded to his destination. When the pretender was brought to Púná, Mádhú Ráo likewise, out of regard for the feelings of the late Bháo's wife, deemed it proper to defer his execution, and kept him confined in one of the forts within his own dominions. Strange to say, the silly people in that fort did not discover the falseness of the impostor's claims, and leagued themselves with him, so that a fresh riot was very nearly being set on foot. Mádhú Ráo, however, having been apprised of the circumstances, despatched him from that fort to another stronghold; and in the same way his removal and transfer was constantly taking place from various forts in succession, till he was finally confined in a stronghold, that lies contiguous to the sea on the island of Kolába, which is a dependency of the Kokan territory.

Nawáb Nizám 'Alí Khán Bahádur.

The following is another of the events of Mádhú Ráo's reign: Bithal, díwán of Nawáb Nizám 'Alí Khán Bahádur, advised his master, that as the Mahrattas were then devoid of influence, and the supreme authority was vested in an inexperienced child, it would be advisable to ravage Púná. Jánújí Bhonsla Rája of Nágpúr, Gopál Ráo a servant of the Peshwa, and some more chiefs of the Mahratta nation, approved of the díwán's suggestion, and led their forces in a compact mass towards Púná. When they drew near its frontier, Raghunáth Ráo, who was Mádhú Ráo's chief agent and prime minister, got terrified at the enemy's numbers, and finding himself incompetent to cope with them, retired with his master from Púná. Nawáb Nizám 'Alí Khán Bahádur then entered the city, and did not spare any efforts in completing its destruction.

After some time, Raghunáth Ráo recovered himself, and having entered into friendly communication with Jánújí Bhonsla and the other chiefs of his own tribe, by opening an epistolary correspondence with them, he alienated the minds of these men from the Nawáb. In short, the above-named chiefs separated from the Nawáb on the pretence of its being the rainy season, and returned to their own territories. In the interim, Raghunáth Ráo and Mádhú Ráo set out to engage Nawáb Nizám 'Alí Khán Bahá-dur, who, deeming it expedient to proceed to his original quarters, beat a retreat from the position he was occupying. When the bank of the river Godáverí became the site of his encampment, an order was issued for the troops to cross over. Half the matériel of the army was still on this side, and half on that; when Raghunáth, considering it a favourable opportunity, commenced a furious onslaught. The six remaining chiefs of the Nawáb's army were slain, and about 7000 Afgháns, etc., acquired eternal renown by gallantly sacrificing their lives. After this sanguinary conflict, the Nawáb hastily crossed the river, and extricated himself from his perilous position. As soon as the flame of strife had been extinguished, a peace was established through the intervention of Malhár Ráo Holkar, who had escaped with his life in safety from the battle with Abdálí Sháh. Both parties concurring in the advantages of an amicable understanding, returned to their respective quarters.

Quarrel between Raghunáth Ráo and Mádhú Ráo.

When Raghunáth Ráo began to usurp greater authority over the administration of affairs; Gopiká Bái, Mádhú Ráo's mother, growing envious of his influence, inspired her son with evil suspicions against him, and planned several stratagems, whereby their mutual friendship might result in hatred and animosity, till at length Raghunáth Ráo became convinced that he would some day be imprisoned. Consequently, he mounted his horse one night, and fled precipitately from Púná with only a few adherents. Stopping at Násik, which lies at a distance of eight stages from Púná, he fixed upon that town as his place of refuge and abode, and employed himself in collecting troops; insomuch that Náradjí Sankar, the revenue collector of Jhánsí, Jaswant Ráo Lúd, Sakhá Rám Bápú and Nílkanth Mahádeo, volunteered to join him, and eagerly engaged in active hostilities against Mádhú Ráo. As soon as Raghunáth Ráo arrived in this condition close to Púná, Mádhú Ráo was also obliged to sally forth from it in company with Trimbak Ráo, Bápújí Mánik, Gopál Ráo and Bhímjí Lamdí. When the line of battle began to be formed, Raghunáth Ráo assumed the initiative in attacking his adversaries, and succeeded in routing Mádhú Ráo's force by a series of overwhelming assaults; and even captured the Ráo himself, together with Nar Singh Ráo. After gaining this agreeable victory, as he perceived Mádhú Ráo to be in safety, and his malicious antagonists overthrown, he could not contain himself for joy. As soon as he returned from the battle-field to his encampment, he seated Mádhú Ráo on a throne, and remained himself standing in front of him, after the manner of slaves. By fawning and coaxing, he then removed every trace of annoyance from Mádhú Ráo's mind, and requested him to return to Púná. After dismissing him to that city, he himself went with his retinue and soldiery to Násik.

Haidar Náik.

After the lapse of some years of Mádhú Ráo's reign, a vast disturbance arose in the Dakhin. Haidar Náik having assembled some bold and ferocious troops, ^{* *} with intent to subdue the territory of the Mahrattas, set out in the direction of Púná. Mádhú Ráo came out from Púná, and summoned Raghunáth Ráo to his assistance from Násik, whereupon the latter joined him with a body of 20,000 of his cavalry. In short, they marched with their combined forces against the enemy; and on several occasions encounters took place, in which the lives of vast multitudes were destroyed. Although Haidar Náik's army proved themselves superior in the field, yet peace was ultimately concluded on the cession and surrender of some few tracts in the royal dominions; after which Haidar Náik refrained from hostilities, and returned to his own territory; whilst Mádhú Ráo retired to Púná, and Raghunáth Ráo to Násik.

Raghunáth Ráo's movements.

When a short time had elapsed after this, the idea of organizing the affairs of Hindústán entered into Raghunáth Ráo's mind. For the sake of preserving outward propriety, therefore, he first gave intimation to Mádhú Ráo of his intention, and asked his sanction. The Ráo in question, who did not feel himself secure from Raghunáth Ráo, and considered any increase to his power a source of greater weakness to himself, addressed him a reply couched in these terms: “It were better for you to remain where you are, in the enjoyment of repose.” ^{* *} Raghunáth Ráo would not listen to these words, but marched out of Násik in company with Mahájí Sindhia, taking three powerful armies along with him.

As soon as he reached Gwálior, he commenced hostilities against Ráná Chattar Singh, who possessed all the country round Gohad, and laid siege to the town itself. Godh is the name of a city, founded by the aforesaid Ráná. It is fortified with earthen towers and battlements, and is situated eighteen kos from Gwálior. Mádhú Ráo, during the continuance of the siege, kept constantly sending messages to Ráná Chattar Singh, telling him to persist in his opposition to Raghunáth with a stout heart, as the army of the Dakhin should not be despatched to his kingdom to reinforce the latter. In a word, for the period of a year they used the most arduous endeavours to capture Gohad, but failed in attaining their object. During this campaign, the sum of thirty-two lacs of rupees, taken from the pay of the troops and the purses of the wealthy bankers, was incurred by Raghunáth Ráo as a debt to be duly repaid. He then returned to the Dakhin distressed and overwhelmed with shame, and entered the city of Násik, whither Mádhú Ráo also repaired about the same time, to see and inquire after his fortunes. In the course of the interview, he expressed the deepest regret for the toils and disappointment that the Ráo had endured, and ultimately returned in haste to Púná, after thus sprinkling salt on the galling wound. Shortly after this, Kankumá Tántiá and his other friends persuaded Raghunáth Ráo to adopt a Brahmin's son. ^{* *} Accordingly the Ráo attended to the advice of his foolish counsellors, and selected an individual for adoption. He constituted Amrat Ráo his heir.

Raghunáth Ráo's imprisonment at Púná.

Mádhú Ráo no sooner became cognizant of this fact, than he felt certain that Raghunáth Ráo was meditating mischief and rebellion, and seeking to usurp a share in the sovereignty of the realm. He consequently set out for Násik with a force of 25,000 horsemen, whilst, on the other hand, Raghunáth Ráo also organized his troops, and got ready for warfare. Just about that period, however, Kankumá Tántiá and Takújí Holkar,²⁹⁰ who were two of the most powerful and influential men in Raghunáth's army, declared to him that it was necessary for them to respect their former obligations to Mádhú Ráo, and therefore improper to draw the sword upon him. After a long altercation, they left the Ráo where he was, and departed from Násik. Raghunáth, from the paucity of his troops, not deeming it advantageous to fight, preferred enduring disgrace, and fled with 2000 adherents to the fort of Dhúdhat.^290a

Mádhú Ráo then entered Násik, and commenced sequestrating his property and imprisoning his partisans; after which he pitched his camp at the foot of the above-named fort, and placed Raghunáth in a most precarious position. For two or three days the incessant discharge of artillery and musketry caused the flames of war to blaze high, but pacific negocia-tions were subsequently opened, and a firm treaty of friendship entered into, whereupon the said Ráo came down from the fort, and had an interview with Mádhú Ráo. The latter then placed his head upon the other's feet, and asked pardon for his offences. Next day, having mounted Raghunáth Ráo on his own private elephant, he himself occupied the seat usually assigned to the attendants, and continued for several days travelling in this fashion the distance to Púná. As soon as they entered Púná, Mádhú Ráo, imitating the behaviour of an inferior to a superior, exceeded all bounds in his kind and consoling attentions towards Raghunáth Ráo. After that he selected a small quantity of goods and a moderate equipment of horses and elephants, out of his own establishment, and having deposited them all together in one of the most lofty and spacious apartments, solicited Raghunáth Ráo in a respectful manner to take up his abode there. The latter then became aware of his being a prisoner with the semblance of freedom, and reluctantly complied with Mádhú Ráo's requisition.

Rája of Nágpúr.

As soon as Mádhú Ráo had delivered his mind from all apprehension regarding Raghunáth Ráo, he led his army in the direction of Nágpúr, in order to avenge himself on Jánújí Bhonsla, the Rája of that place, who had been an ally and auxiliary of Raghunáth Ráo, in one of his engagements. The Rája in question, not finding himself capable of resisting him, fled from his original residence; so that for a period of three months Mádhú Ráo was actively engaged in pursuing his adversary, and that unfortunate outcast from his native land was constantly fleeing before him. Ultimately, having presented an offering of fifteen lacs of rupees, he drew back his foot from the path of flight, and set out in safety and security for his own home.

Mádhú Ráo's Death.

After chastising the Rája of Nágpúr, Mádhú Ráo entered Púná with immense pomp and splendour, and amused himself with gay and festive entertainments. But he was attacked with a fatal disease, and ^{* *} his life was in danger. On one occasion he laid his head on Raghunáth Ráo's feet, and ^{* *} asked forgiveness for the faults of bygone days. Raghunáth Ráo grieved deeply on account of his youth. ^{* *} He applied himself zealously to the cure of the invalid, and whenever he found a trace, in any quarter or direction, of austere Brahmins and skilful Pandits, he sent for them to administer medicines for his recovery. At length, when the sick man began to despair of living, he imitated the example of his deceased father, and placed his younger brother, whose name was Naráin Ráo, under the charge of Raghunáth Ráo, and having performed the duty of recommending him to his care, yielded up his soul in the year 1186 A.H. (1772 A.D.). The duration of his reign was twelve years.

Naráin Ráo, son of Bálájí Ráo.

Naráin Ráo, after being seated on the throne of sovereignty, owing to his tender age, committed various acts that produced an ill-feeling among his adherents, both great and small, at Púná; more especially in Raghunáth Ráo, on whom he inflicted unbecoming indignities. Although Mádhú Ráo had not behaved towards his uncle with the respect due to such a relative, yet, beyond this much, that he would not grant him permission to move away from Púná, he had treated him with no other incivility; but used always, till the day of his death, to show him the attention due from an inferior to a superior; and supplied him with wealth and property far exceeding the limits of his wants. In short, Raghunáth Ráo, having begun to form plans for taking Naráin Ráo prisoner, first disclosed his secret to Sakhá Rám Bápú, who was Mádhú Ráo's prime minister, and having seduced that artless courtier from his allegiance, made him an accomplice in his treacherous designs. Secondly, having induced Kharak Singh and Shamsher Singh, the chiefs of the body of Gárdís, to join his conspiracy, he raised the standard of insurrection. Accordingly, those two faithless wretches one day, under the pretence of demanding pay for the troops, made an assault on the door of Naráin Ráo's apartment, and reduced him to great distress. That helpless being, who had not the slightest cognizance of the deceitful stratagems of the conspirators, despatched a few simple-minded adherents to oppose the insurgents, and then stealthily repaired to Raghunáth Ráo's house. Kharak Singh and Shamsher Singh, being apprised of the circumstance, hurried after him, and, unsheathing their swords, rushed into Raghunáth Ráo's domicile. Raghunáth Ráo first fell wounded in the affray, and subsequently Naráin Ráo was slain. This event took place in the year 1187 A.H., so that the period of Naráin Ráo's reign was one year.

Reign of Raghunáth Ráo.

Kharak Singh and Shamsher Singh, through whose brains the fumes of arrogance had spread, in consequence of their control over the whole train of European artillery, with wilful and headstrong insolence seated Raghunáth Ráo on the throne of sovereignty, without the concurrence of the other chiefs; and the said Ráo continued to live for two months at Púná after the manner of rightful rulers. After Naráin Ráo had been put to death, a certain degree of shame and remorse came over the Púná chiefs, and the dread of their own overthrow entered their minds. Sakhá Rám Bápú consequently, in unison with Trimbak Ráo, commonly called Mátamádharí Balhah,²⁹³ and others, deemed it advisable to persuade Raghunáth Ráo that he should go forth from Púná, and employ himself in settling the kingdom. The said Ráo accordingly acted upon their suggestion, and marched out of Púná, attended by the Mahratta chiefs. As soon as he had got to the distance of two or three stages from the city, the wily chiefs, by alleging some excuse, obtained leave from Raghunáth Ráo to return, and repaired from the camp to the city. They then summoned to them in private all the commanders of the army, both great and small; when they came to the unanimous decision, that it was incompatible with justice to acquiesce in Raghunáth Ráo's being invested with the supreme authority, and that it would be better, as Naráin Ráo's wife was six months advanced in pregnancy, providing she gave birth to a male child, to invest that infant with the sovereignty, and conduct the affairs of government agreeably to the details of prudence. As soon as they had unanimously settled the question after this fashion, a few of the chiefs took up a position in the outskirts of the city of Púná, by way of protection, and formed a sturdy barrier against the Magog of turbulence. Raghunáth Ráo, having become aware of the designs of the conspirators, remained with a slender party in his encampment. Having brooded over his troubles, he saw no remedy left but that of forsaking the country, and was consequently forced to retire towards the Carnatic. His object was to collect a sufficient force round him, with which he might return to Púná and resume hostilities. However, owing to the vulgar report that attributed Naráin Ráo's murder to him, every blade of grass that sprung from the ground was ready to plunge a dagger into his blood. For this reason, he found it impossible either to stay or reside in the Carnatic, so he hastened away to Surat.

Death of the pretender Bháo.

The direst confusion had found its way into the kingdom, in consequence of the report of Naráin Ráo's death. At that critical juncture the pretender Bháo, who was confined in a stronghold in the Kokan territory, lying adjacent to the salt ocean, seized the opportunity of escaping by fraud and stratagem out of his prison, and having induced a party of men to place themselves under his orders, took possession of some of the forts and districts of that country. He was just on the point of waging open war, had not Mahájí Sindhia Bahádur set out in the interim from Púná to the Kokan territory for the purpose of coercing him. On reaching his destination, he engaged in hostilities with the aforesaid Bháo, whereupon the latter's associates took to flight, and departed each by his own road. As Bháo was thus left alone, he went on board a ship in utter consternation with a view to save his life from that vortex of perdition; but death granted him no respite, and he fell alive into the hands of the heroes who accompanied Mahájí Sindhia Bahádur. The latter brought him along with him to Púná, and removed the dust of uncertainty from the mirror of every mind. Ultimately he caused the ill-fated wretch to be bound to a camel's foot, and paraded round the whole town; after which he put him to death.

The Peshwá Sáhib, the rightful heir of Naráin Ráo, at the time of his father's murder, was dwelling in his mother's womb. ^{* *} When she had completed the time of her pregnancy, a child, in the year 1188 A.H. (1774 A.D.), shed a grace over the bosom of its nurse, and bestowed comfort on the illustrious chiefs. ^{* *} He was invested with the appellation of Sawái Mádhú Ráo.

Advance of the English Commanders upon Púná.

Raghunáth Ráo, having reached Surat, turned towards the leaders of the English army, who dwelt on the borders of the sea, and offered to take upon himself the responsibility of showing the way over the various routes into the Dakhin, and to subjugate that kingdom so teeming with difficulties. As the commanders of the English army were possessed of adequate means for making an invasion, and had their heads inflamed with the intoxication of boldness and intrepidity, they took Raghunáth Ráo along with them, and moving away from Surat with their valiant troops experienced in war, and their lion-hearted forces active as tigers, they set out to conquer and annex the Dakhin territories.

Having traversed the intervening stages at a resolute pace, they arrived at Núrghát, which is situated at a distance of twenty kos from Púná. The Mahratta chieftains also sallied forth from Púná with a vast body of retainers, and opposed their advance with the utmost perseverance at Núrghát; whereupon a tremendous contest and a frightful slaughter ensued, until the combatants on both sides had neither the power nor the inclination left to assail each other any more. At length, by the intervention of the obscurity of night, the tumult of war subsided, and the world-consuming fire of guns and matchlocks, whose flames arose to the highest heavens, hid its face in the ashes of night; so that the soldiery on either side were obliged to retire to their respective quarters. During that night, the prudent belligerents made up their minds to a peace; and in the morning, the chiefs of the rival forces obtained an interview and enjoyed a conference. The English leaders, after negociating a truce and consolidating the basis of friendship, delivered up Raghunáth Ráo, who had been the instigator of this conflict and the originator of this hostile movement, to the Mahratta chiefs, on condition of their granting him a jágír, and treating him with kindness and consideration. They then turned away from that quarter with all their troops and followers, and repaired to their usual place of abode.

The Mahratta chiefs had formed the fixed determination in their minds of taking vengeance on the ill-fated Raghunáth Ráo; but Mahájí Sindhia Bahádur, prompted by his manly and generous feelings, diverted them from their headlong and cruel purposes, so that the matter was managed mercifully and kindly, and the Ráo in question, having been presented with a jágír, received permission to remain at large. The unfortunate wretch, however, departed from the pleasant vale of existence to the desert of non-entity, without reaching his destination, for the career of the wicked never ends well.

Mahájí Sindhia Bahádur.

When the fourth year from the birth of Sawái Mádhú Ráo, surnamed the Peshwá Sáhib, had elapsed, and security and repose had settled on the minds of high and low throughout the territories of the Dakhin, Mahájí Sindhia Bahádur, who was distinguished among all the Púná chiefs for his gallantry and daring, sagacity and intelligence, having satisfied his mind as to the settlement of that kingdom, set out to conquer Gohad. He succeeded in taking prisoner Ráná Chattar Singh, who was in the citadel, after a siege attended with hard fighting, and took possession of the surrounding districts, along with the fortress of Gwálior, which is a mountain stronghold.

About the same time, a mutual feeling of envy and hatred had become firmly implanted in the minds of Mirzá Muhammad Shafí' Khán and Muhammad Beg Khán Hamadání,—who had been the chief officers of State to the late Amíru-l umará Mirzá Najaf Khán Bahádur, and after his death had been partners in the government of the province of Ágra,—owing to their each craving after an increase of power and dignity, which is ever a hindrance to the existence of friendship and good feeling among equals and contemporaries. At last, Muhammad Beg Khán Hamadání seized the opportunity, during an interview, of putting Muhammad Shafí' Khán to death; and on this account, Afrásiyáb Khán, who was the Imperial Mír-i átish, and one of Amíru-l umará Mirzá Najaf Khán Bahádur's protegés, becoming alarmed, demanded succour of Mahájí Sindhia Bahádur. The latter had firmly resolved in his mind on repairing to the sublime threshold, but had not yet fulfilled the duty of paying his respects, when, under the influence of Sindhia Bahádur's destiny, Afrásiyáb Khán was killed by the hand of an assassin.

Sindhia Bahádur's army having overshadowed the metropolis by its arrival, he brought Muhammad Beg Khán Hamadání, after a siege, completely under his subjection, and in the year 1199 A.H. traversed the streets of the metropolis. When he obtained the good fortune of saluting the threshold ^{* *} of His Majesty, the shadow of God, the Emperor Sháh 'Álam, ^{* *} he was loaded with princely favours, and distinguished by royal marks of regard, so that he became the chief of the supporters of government, and His Majesty's most staunch and influential adherent. ^{* *}

As Mádhú Ráo, the Peshwá Sáhib, at the present auspicious period, pursues, in contradistinction to his uncle, the path of obedience to the monarch of Islám, and Mahájí Sindhia Bahádur is one of those who are constantly attached to the ever-triumphant train, hence it happens that the plant of this nation's prosperity has struck root firmly into the earth of good fortune, and their affairs flourish agreeably to their wishes.

THIS is a very useful little manual of general history, compiled in 1208 A.H. (1793-4 A.D.), by Mírzá Abú Muhammad Tabrízí Isfahání, and being carried down to modern times, embraces an account of Europe and America.

The author is usually known in India as Abú Tálib Londoní, from his voyage to and adventures in England and Europe, an amusing account of which was written by him on his return in 1803, and is well known to the European world by the translation of Major Stewart.

In the Preface to this work he tells us that he had collected several works of history and travel, and had often perused them, but found amongst them none that contained a history of the whole world; he therefore thought that he would himself supply this deficiency, but had no leisure to effect his object till the year above mentioned, when he finished his Abstract. He declares his intention, if he lives long enough, of enlarging his work, and hopes that some one else, if he fails to do it, will undertake this useful labour, “because he has mentioned all the occurrences of the world, old and new, and given a connected account of the Prophets, Khalífs, Sultáns, and celebrated men, from the beginning to the present time.”

He quotes the various authorities he used, and besides others of common note, he mentions a history of the Kings of India compiled by himself, and a compendious account of the kingdoms of Europe and America, translated by some English gentleman from his own tongue, “which in truth contains very many new matters.” This is no doubt the work of Jonathan Scott. He says that his own history is an abstract of some thousands of books, and therefore he has entitled it Lubbu-s Siyar wa Jahán-numá , “The Essence of Biographies, and the World-Reflecting Mirror.”

The author was the son of Hájí Muhammad Khán, a Turk of Ázarbáíján, who was born and bred in Isfahán, and was the first of the family who came to Hindústán, where he was inrolled amongst the followers of Nawáb Safdar Jang, the wazír. The father is called by another name in the Preface of this work, and in the Miftáhu-t Tawáríkh he is styled Muhammad Beg Khán.

Mírzá Abú Tálib was born at Lucknow, and was employed in posts of high emolument under Nawábs Shujá'u-d daula and Ásafu-d daula. In the time of the latter he lost his office, and came to seek his subsistence from the English. By them he was hospitably entertained, and induced to visit Europe in 1799. He died and was buried at Lucknow in the year 1220 A.H. (1805 A.D.), as we learn from two chronograms composed by Mr. Beale at the request of Mírzá Yúsuf Bákir, the deceased's son, which are given at p. 564 of the Miftáhu-t Tawáríkh.

Besides the Lubbu-s Siyar, he wrote several other treatises, a Biography of the Poets, ancient and modern, and “himself indulged in versification, especially on the subject of the females of England, who aspire to equality with the Angels of Paradise, and he was always expatiating on the heart-ravishing strains of the women of that country, who used to sing at the public assemblies.”²⁹⁹