History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 5

CONTENTS OF VOL. V.

APPENDIX.

PREFACE.

IN this volume the history of the Afghán dynasty is completed. The reign of Humáyún is also finished, and the annals of Akbar's reign are carried on to the thirty-eighth year.

The Afghán Táríkhs are of no great literary value, but they are the best authorities for the period of which they treat. The first of them, the Táríkh-i Salátín-i Afághana, has never before been translated; but the other, the Makhzan-i Afghání or Táríkh-i Khán-Jahán Lodí, is the book translated by Dorn in his work entitled “The History of the Afgháns.”

Some notices of the first reign of Humáyún are given by the Afghán historians, and his overthrow and expulsion are described by them from the Afghán side of the question in this and the preceding volume. The Humáyún-námá of the veteran historian Khondamír gives some curious accounts of the regulations established by Humáyún in the early part of his reign. This is followed by a few extracts from the valuable Táríkh-i Rashídí of Mirzá Haidar, the brave and adventurous cousin of the Emperor Bábar. The work is a general history of the Mughal Kháns, and does not contain much about India; but the Mirzá was a vigorous writer, and what he has recorded of his Indian experience is very vivid and interesting. Some few passages have been extracted from the Memoirs of Humáyún, written by his personal attendant Jauhar, and translated into English by Major Stewart. But the general history of this reign has been drawn from the Tabakát-i Akbarí of Nizámu-d dín Ahmad. Sir H. Elliot's intention has thus been carried out; for he had fixed upon the narrative given in the Táríkh-i Salátín-i Afághana, which proves to have been copied verbatim from the Tabakát.

Sir Henry Elliot had made no provision for the important reign of Akbar, nor did he leave any notes indicating the MSS. he intended to employ. So it has fallen to the Editor to select and translate some history in illustration of this period. The rule of this work has been to prefer original contemporary writers, or, in the absence of actual contemporaries, those nearest in point of time. This rule reduced the choice to two works—the Tabakát-i Akbarí of Nizám Ahmad, and the Akbar-nama of Abú-l Fazl; for the Muntakhabu-t Tawáríkh of Badáúní is avowedly founded on the Tabakát, and the Akbar-namá of Shaikh Illáhdád Faizí Sirhindí contains very little that has not been borrowed either from the Tabakát or the greater Akbar-náma of Abú-l Fazl. The latter work is of considerable length, and is written in a very ornate style; so the Tabakát seemed best suited to the requirements of this work. It has accordingly been translated in full, and only such passages as are trivial and irrelevant have been passed over. The reputation of the Tabakát-i Akbarí stands very high in India, and European writers also have joined in its praises. As a contemporary history, it is certainly of very high authority, though it does not exhibit much literary ability. The narrative is often disjointed and fragmentary, but the language is manly and simple, and in striking contrast to the polished phrases of Abú-l Fazl. The Tabakát extends only to the thirty-eighth year of Akbar's reign; the history of the latter end of the reign will be drawn from the works of Abú-l Fazl, Shaikh Illáhdád, and other writers, and will appear in the next volume.

In addition to the Tabakát-i Akbarí, some extracts have been made from the Táríkh-i Alfí, a general history compiled under the direction of the Emperor Akbar, and more copious selections have been taken from the Muntakhabu-t Tawáríkh of 'Abdú-l Kádir Badáúní. The latter writer introduces into his work much original matter; and all that he says about the personal affairs of the Emperor and his religious opinions is of great interest. Extracts from the two Akbar-námas relating to the earlier part of the reign will appear in the next volume; so that although the history of the first thirty-eight years of the reign is comprised in the present volume, it will not be quite complete until those passages are printed. The Áín-i Akbarí is the greatest monument of the reign of Akbar, and a new translation by Mr. Blochmann is now in course of publication in the Bibliotheca Indica, enriched with copious notes. That work supplies many of the deficiencies of the historians, and Mr. Blochmann's labours have happily made it quite unnecessary to do more here with the Áín-i Akbarí than to refer to his valuable production.

The notes in the Appendix are entirely the work of Sir H. Elliot, and are printed exactly as he left them.

The following is a list of the articles in this volume with the names of the respective writers:—

CORRIGENDUM.

Vol. V. p. 116, lines 4 and 5, dele the words “in all probability.”

ADDENDUM.

Vol. IV. p. 289. “Shaikh Zain was one of the most learned men of the time, and translated in an elegant style the memoirs written by the late Emperor Bábar.”— Badáúní, Text, vol. i. p. 341.

[AHMAD YÁDGÁR, the author of this work, describes himself in his Preface as an old servant of the Súr kings, and says that Dáúd Sháh gave him orders to write a History of the Afghán Sultáns, and thus do the same for them as the Tabakát-i Násirí and Zíá-i Barní had done for the kings of their times. The book commences with the reign of Bahlol Lodí, and the last chapter narrates the defeat, capture, and execution of Hímú. The author mentions incidentally that his father was wazír to Mirza 'Askarí, when the latter was in command of Humáyún's advanced guard in his campaign in Gujarát; and he also several times names the Táríkh-i Nizámí and the Ma'danu-l Akhbár-i Ahmadí as the works from which he copied.¹

The date of the composition of this work has not been ascertained, but as it was written by command of Dáúd Sháh, who died in 984 H., and as it quotes from the Táríkh-i Nizámí (Tabakát-i Akbarí), which was written seventeen or eighteen years afterwards in 1001-2 H., the probability is, that it was completed soon after the latter date and before the Makhzan-i Afghání, which was written in 1020 H. Like the other Afghán historians, Ahmad Yádgár shows a great liking for marvellous and ridiculous stories, but pays little regard to dates. He gives but very few, and he is incorrect in that of so well-recorded an event as the death of Humáyún. The deficiency of dates may, however, be the fault of the copyist, as blanks are left in the MS. for dates and headings. Sir H. Elliot found the work to “differ much from Ni'amatu-lla,” but to “give the idea of being subsequent to the Táríkh-i Dáúdí.” Still, though it “generally follows the Táríkh-i Dáúdí closely,” there are occasionally “great differences; details being omitted, and novelties introduced.” The history of the reign of Humáyún is copied verbatim from the Tabakát-i Akbarí; only one short variation has been discovered.

The MS. in the Library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal contains 224 pages, of 11 lines to the page.

By far the greater part of the following Extracts were translated by “Ensign” C. F. Mackenzie, but a few, noted where they occur, are from the pen of Sir H. Elliot.]

Mahmúd Sharkí was instigated to attack Sultán Bahlol by his wife, who was the daughter of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín. She represented to her husband that the kingdom of Dehlí had belonged to her father and grandfather, and who was Bahlol, that he should usurp their dominion? If her husband would not advance, she herself would bind on her quiver, and oppose his pretensions.

Being galled by these taunts, Sultán Mahmúd came to Dehlí in the year 856 H. (1452 A.D.), with a powerful army, and 1000 mountain-like elephants. At that time, Sultán Bahlol was near Sirhind, but Khwája Báyazíd, and Sháh Sikandar Sarwání, and Bíbí Matú, the wife of Islám Khán, with all the Afghán families, had taken refuge at Dehlí. There being but few men, Bíbí Matú dressed the women in male clothes, and placed them on the battlements to make a show of numbers. One day, Sháh Sikandar Sarwání was seated on the wall, when one of Sultán Mahmúd's water-carriers was taking away some water from a well under the bastion. Sháh Sikandar drew his bow, and sent an arrow³ right through the bullock that was carrying the water-bags, and from that time no one dare come near the fort.

But as Sultán Bahlol delayed to relieve the garrison, they began to despair of succour; and as the enemy advanced their redoubts and trenches, and discharged their shells with such precision that no one could venture out of his house, they were reduced to propose terms of surrender, offering to give up the keys of the fort to any of Mahmúd's officers, on condition of their being allowed to leave the fort unmolested. Accordingly, Saiyid Shamsu-d dín took the keys to Daryá Khán Lodí, who had invested the fort, and asked to say a few words to him first in private. When Daryá Khán had sent away his attendants, the Saiyid inquired, “What is your relationship to Sultán Mahmúd?” Daryá Khán replied, “There is no relationship. I am his servant.” The Saiyid then asked, “How are you related to Sultán Bahlol?” Daryá Khán replied, “I am a Lodí, and he also is a Lodí.”^3a The Saiyid then placed the keys of the fort before him, saying, “Have regard to the honour of your mother and sister (who are now in the fort), and save the ladies from disgrace.” Daryá Khán said, “What can I do? Actuated by fraternal motives, I have intentionally delayed capturing the fort, but Sultán Bahlol delays to make his appearance. For the present do you retain the keys, and wait to see what I shall be able to effect in your behalf.”

Daryá Khán then went to Sultán Mahmúd, and explained to him about the surrender of the keys and their restoration, observing that Bahlol, according to common report, was advancing with a large army, and that it would be better first to pay attention to him; for should he be conquered, Dehlí would of itself fall into their hands. The Sultán inquired what had better be done under the circumstances. Daryá Khán suggested that he and Fath Khán should be despatched against Bahlol, so as to prevent his passing Pánípat. This counsel being approved of, they were sent with 30,000 horse and forty war elephants against Bahlol, who by this time had advanced as far as Narela. Mahmúd's army encamped two kos on the side of Narela, and on the very night of their arrival the enemy twice carried off their bullocks, camels, and horses. Next day, both armies were drawn up in battle array. The army of Bahlol amounted to 14,000 cavalry.

Some time after, Sultán Bahlol marched out against the Ráná, and pitched his camp at Ajmír, where he collected a powerful force.^4a Chattar Sál, son of the Ráná's sister, was at Údípúr with 10,000 cavalry. Kutb Khán advanced towards that place, and fought an action with the rascally infidel. At first, the Sultán's army was repulsed by the impetuous onset of the infidels, and several Afgháns obtained martyrdom in that contest; but, in the end, Kutb Khán and Khán-khánán Farmulí, determining to sell their lives dearly, advanced to close combat with swords and daggers, and so completely routed their black-faced foes, that Chattar Sál was slain in the field; and so many infidels fell, that a pillar was raised of their heads, and streams of their blood began to flow. Five or six elephants, forty horses, and much plunder fell into the hands of the Sultán's soldiers, while those of the Ráná took to flight. Subsequently, the Ráná made peace, and in Údípúr prayers were offered and the coin was struck in the name of the Sultán.

After that, the Sultán carried his victorious army into Mún-khár. ⁵ He plundered and depopulated that entire country, and the army acquired great booty. Thence he returned to Sirhind, and after two or three months, advanced with his troops towards Lahore, where he passed some days in festivities.

At that time, Ahmad Khán Bhattí,^5a who had acquired great power in the country of Sind, and had 20,000 cavalry under him, had revolted against the Governor of Multán; whose petition arrived, representing that Ahmad Khán was plundering the villages of Multán, and that if the Lord of the World would not come to the rescue, he himself would not be able to hold his own in Multán; and that after the loss of Multán, the Panjáb would be exposed to ravage. The Sultán, vexed at this intelligence, appointed 'Umar Khán, one of his chief nobles, and Prince Báyazíd, to command an expedition against Ahmad Khán, at the head of 30,000 valiant horsemen. After taking leave of the Sultán in all honour, they moved by continued marches from Lahore till they reached Multán, where they were joined by the Governor, who acted as their guide till they reached the enemy's country.

Ahmad Khán, proud in the strength and courage of his army, disregarded the Imperialists, and, not thinking it worth his while to move, sent his nephew, at the head of 15,000 cavalry, to oppose them. That youth was desperately enamoured of a strumpet, who was indeed surpassingly beautiful, and he never moved out on any excursion of pleasure or hunting without being accompanied by her; and, even on the day of battle, he seated her in an 'amárí, mounted on an elephant, and carried her with him. Naurang Khán, for that was his name, detached Dáúd Khán with 10,000 cavalry against the Imperialists, and the two parties charged each other with such impetuosity that rivers of blood began to flow. In the end, Dáúd Khán was slain, and his troops defeated. When those who had fled from the field informed Naurang Khán of the disaster, he took leave in sorrow of his mistress, and arrived on the field of battle, where he displayed such valour and desperation that he clove several men of the Sultán's army in twain, and felled them from their horses. At last, a ball from a camel-gun cut him also in half, and killed him.

When the news of Naurang Khán's fate reached his mistress, she, being endowed with a masculine mind, put on a suit of armour, bound round her waist a gilt quiver, and placing a helmet on her head, joined the army of Naurang Khán. Upon consultation with his brother, she recommended that he should send all the troops to pay their respects to her, and should give out that the prince, the son of Ahmad Khán, had arrived, in order that the enemy might be distracted, and not entertain the persuasion that they had really killed the commander of their enemy's troops. Accordingly, all the cavalry dismounted, and made their obeisances, while the kettle-drums resounded with loud notes of joy. The Imperialists, notwithstanding their victory, were perplexed, and in the midst of their doubts, were suddenly attacked so furiously by Ahmad Khán's army, that they were put to flight. Ahmad Khán, when he heard of the victory of his army and the salutary aid afforded by that woman, was astounded with joy; and when he saw her arrive, decked in martial array, he praised her valour and conduct, and bestowed jewels upon her to the value of 10,000 rupees.

On the other hand, Prince Báyazíd, after punishing the men who fled from the field of battle, sent for another army, and two or three great nobles were despatched to his assistance with large reinforcements. When these had all joined, they made an inroad upon Ahmad Khán's territory, and he, after many battles, was at last taken prisoner and put to death, while his country was sequestered and included in the Imperial domain. Báyazíd returned victorious to the court of Sultán Bahlol, by whom he was received with royal benignity.

Some historians relate that when Sikandar died, he left two sons by one wife: the first, Sultán Ibráhím; the second, Jalál Khán. When Ibráhím grew up, and became celebrated for his personal beauty and excellent disposition, the nobles determined to place him on the throne, to which they accordingly raised him on Thursday, the 7th of Zí-l hijja, A.H. 923⁷ (Nov. 1517). On that day, all those who were attached to the royal person prepared the tents, embroidered with gold and adorned with jewels, and spread carpets of various colours, worked with gold thread. They placed the throne of Sikandar, covered with gems of price and jewels of great value, on a coloured carpet. The tributary kings and nobles wore beautiful dresses and embroidered garments, and resembled the flowers blooming in a garden. The horses and elephants were decked with the most magnificent trappings. So splendid a coronation had never been witnessed, and the people consequently long remembered the day on which this fortunate and youthful monarch obtained the crown.

The nobles and pillars of the State then gave Ibráhím's brother by the same mother, the title of Sultán Jalálu-d dín (he had been previously called Jalál Khán), and sent him with many officers and a large army to take charge of the kingdom of Jaunpúr. Four months afterwards, 'Azam Humáyún Lodí⁸ and the Khán-khánán Farmulí came from their estates to congratulate the King, and took that opportunity of accusing the nobles attending on His Majesty, saying, that it was a great error for two persons to share a kingdom, and that two sovereigns could never rule together. As the poet says:

“One body cannot cover two souls,
Nor one kingdom own two monarchs.”

Accordingly, Sultán Ibráhím cast the agreement which he had made with his brother into the recess of oblivion; and after taking advice, came to the conclusion that as the Sháhzáda was not thoroughly established, and had not as yet arrived at the seat of his government, it would be best to write and tell him that the Sultán required his presence to aid him in transacting certain momentous affairs; that he should come unattended; and that after they had consulted together, he might return to the seat of his government.^8a

Haibat Khán, the wolf-slayer, who was noted for his extreme cunning, was despatched on this errand, and directed to cajole the Sháhzáda to return with him. It is said, that walls have ears, and an account of this arrangement had, before this, come to the ears of Jalálu-d dín, so that he was not entrapped by the flattering speeches and attempts at deception which Haibat Khán used profusely, and therefore he would not consent to come. Haibat Khán reported his unsuccessful mission, and the King then sent divers other courtiers; these were also unsuccessful, as the Sháhzáda steadily refused to go with them.⁹ After this, the Sultán wrote farmáns containing expressions of kindness and goodwill to all the nobles and jágírdárs of the súba of Jaunpúr, and promised them munificent rewards if they would forsake their allegiance to Jalál Khán, and refuse to treat him as their ruler. He sent secretly a confidential servant to certain of the nobles, bearing dresses of honour, horses, etc., and commanded them, on the receipt of this farmán, to renounce allegiance to Jalál Khán.

As it was decreed by fate, that Jalálu-d dín should not reign, many of the grandees deserted him, and became his enemies. At this period Sháhzáda Jalál Khán, having set up a jewelled throne, and covered the doors and walls of his palace with brocade, sat there in state on the 15th of Zí-l hijja, 923 A.H. (Dec. 1517). He gave audience to the servants of the State, the courtiers and the soldiers, to all of whom he presented dresses of honour, swords, girdles, daggers, horses, elephants, titles, and honours, according to their respective ranks. Having thus gained the good opinion of the people, he opened the gates of charity to the poor and needy, and increased their allowances; and having thus established his authority, he ceased to obey Sultán Ibráhím, and caused the khutba to be read and coin to be struck in his own name. When he felt himself sufficiently powerful, he sent confidential agents to 'Azam Humáyún, who was at that time besieging the fort of Kálinjar,¹⁰ and wrote to him, saying, “You are in the place of my father and uncle, and are well aware that the compact has not been broken by me. Sultán Ibráhím, of his own accord, gave me a portion of the inheritance which our father left, because I was his own brother, the son of the same mother. He has broken the phial of the connexion which we derived from our parent's womb with the stone of unkindness. You ought to protect and help me because I am oppressed.” Previous to this 'Azam Humáyún had been ill-disposed towards Sultán Ibráhím. He was moved by the supplications of Jalál Khán, and raised the siege of the fort. He entered into a treaty and compact with Jalálu-d dín, and told him that he ought first to obtain possession of Jaunpúr, and then see what was best to be done. He then advanced towards Oudh by an uninterrupted succession of marches. The governor of that place, finding himself unable to contend with him, fled towards Karra, and sent information of what was passing to Sultán Ibráhím, who wished to start immediately with some picked men for the purpose of repressing the disturbance. By the advice of certain of the nobles, he confined four of his brothers in the fort of Hánsí, and entrusted them to the charge of Muhammad Khán with 500 horse. He, moreover, summoned all the nobles into his private apartment, and gained them to his side by making them presents in gold, and giving them titles and dignities; after which he ordered the bakhshís to issue arrears of pay to the army, and give them one month's gratuity.

On Thursday, the 24th of Zí-l hijja, he proceeded in the direction of Jaunpúr by uninterrupted marches, and on arrival at Bhúígánw received intelligence that 'Azam Humáyún and his son Fath Khán had forsaken Sultán Jalálu-d dín, and were on their way to pay their respects. The Sultán was delighted at this news, and caused his army to halt, in order that he might make due preparations for their reception. On the day fixed for 'Azam Humáyún's coming, Ibráhím sent a large concourse of his principal chieftains to meet him; and when he made his obeisance, his head was exalted by the many marks which he received of the royal favour. The Sultán also presented khil'ats of cloth of gold, girdles, jewelled daggers, and some of his most valuable elephants to 'Azam Humáyún, whom he rendered grateful by these attentions. Meanwhile he appointed some of the principal nobles to conduct the war against Jalálu-d dín, and furnished them with a large army, war elephants, and all other needful equipments. Jalálu-d dín had marched towards Ágra with a large army, consisting of 30,000 horsemen, besides many elephants; leaving some of his partisans in Kálpí, to which place Sultán Ibráhím laid siege, and took it after a short resistance, and gave it over to plunder.¹¹ After this, when he heard that his brother had gone towards Ágra with a strong force, he sent Malik Ádam Ghakkar^11a to protect that place, which he accordingly reached with all expedition. Jalálu-d dín wished to treat Ágra as the Sultán had done Kálpí; but Malik Ádam contrived to deceive and amuse him until he had sent for further assistance, and given Sultán Ibráhím notice of what was passing. The Sultán despatched 18,000 horsemen and 50 elephants to the assistance of the Malik, whose heart was so strengthened that he sent to Jalálu-d dín, to say, that if he would relinquish all claim to the empire, and would put aside the umbrella, the áftábgír, the naubat, the kettle-drum, and other insignia of royalty, and would promise to conduct himself as one of the umará, he (Malik Ádam) would use his interest in his behalf, and would obtain for him the súba of Kálpí on the same terms as he formerly held it.

Sultán Jalálu-d dín, led by his evil destiny, which had unfitted him for the charge of a kingdom, although he possessed 30,000 brave horsemen and 160 war elephants, acted like a coward, and agreed to these conditions. All his chiefs said to him, “Why are you so weak-hearted? The Sultán will on no account suffer you to live. We have eaten your salt for ten years; be firm and resolute, and give your faithful servants an opportunity of showing their devotedness to you. God is the Supreme Disposer of all things. The Sultán is of a bad disposition. In the end the nobles and troops will side with you.” Notwithstanding their advice, as Providence had decreed his ruin, Jalálu-d dín was satisfied with the terms, and left off using the insignia of royalty. He sent Malik Ádam Ghakkar to the King, to beg him to grant him other jágírs; but the Sultán (who was then at Etáwa) would not agree to do so, and sought means to get rid of him. When Jalálu-d dín heard of his intentions, he took refuge with the Rájá of Gwálior, and his old soldiers dispersed. Sultán Ibráhím took up his abode at Ágra, and many nobles who had been hostile to him came and tendered their submission. Karímdád Khán Tágh, with others of the umará, were sent to take charge of Dehlí. Meanwhile, the army of the Sultán besieged Gwálior, and 'Azam Humáyún was sent to take the command. Sultán Jalálu-d dín accordingly left that place, and retired to Málwá; where, not being well received by the Sultán Mahmúd, he fled to Garra-Kantak, where he fell into the hands of the Gonds, who seized him, and with a view to gain the good-will of the Sultán, sent their captive to him. The Sultán rejoiced at this intelligence, and caused all his court to assemble. Sultán Jalálu-d dín was brought hand-bound into this assembly, after which he was sent to the fort of Hánsí. Whilst he was en route to that place, Ahmad Khán was sent after him, and administered the draught of martyrdom.

After these events, the Sultán ruled the country without fear, and without admitting a partner to share his empire. The Rájá of Gwálior, who had been his enemy for years, having departed to the infernal regions,¹³ was succeeded by his son, Bikramájít. The Sultán, after a long war, wrested the fort from him; and taking down the copper bull,^13a out of whose mouth a voice issued, from its place over the gate, brought it to the fort of Ágra, where it remained until the time of the Emperor Akbar, who caused it to be melted down for the purpose of making cannon.

When the Sultán had conquered Gwálior,^13b he went to Dehlí, and waxed very proud, so that he began to maltreat and punish the nobles of his father, many of whom held him in great awe. He imprisoned some of them, and throwing Míán Bhúa into chains, who had been the most powerful and independent grandee of the empire, and the absolute minister of Sultán Sikandar, his father, during a period of twenty-eight years, gave him over to the charge of Malik Ádam Ghakkar.¹⁴ Certain nobles, who were envious of the Míán, counselled the King to erect a building with a subterranean chamber beneath it. When two months had elapsed, and the chamber was thoroughly dry, they filled it with bags of gunpowder. They then procured the release of Míán Bhúa and certain other nobles against whom they were plotting, gave them dresses of honour, and money, and treated them with such kindness that they banished all apprehension from their minds. One day the King said to them, “Islám Khán was raised from the dust, and kindly treated by Sultán Sikandar; but he has since become apprehensive, and has rebelled and proclaimed open enmity. I pray you now to retire to the new house which I have built, sit there and deliberate amongst yourselves what course I ought to follow. I have such confidence in you that I am certain the conclusion you come to will be of benefit to me.” They went unsuspiciously to the place, and commenced their consultation. Suddenly the whole place was blown up, and Míán Bhúa and all who were there present were scattered as leaves of trees by a gale of wind.^14a

Many nobles became aware of the King's fickle disposition, and raised the standard of opposition. Islám Khán^14b threw off the mask of obedience in Ágra, and began to assemble an army. When the Sultán heard this, he wished to send troops against him; but, suddenly, several grandees left Dehlí, and went over to Islám Khán, and the insurrection was thus rendered more formidable. The Sultán appointed others of the umará, who proceeded towards Lucknow, near which place they were attacked by Ikbál Khán, of the tribe of 'Azam Humáyún, with 5000 horsemen.¹⁵ Many men were slain, and the King's army defeated.

When this news reached him, he despatched another army, and directed that the insurgent nobles should first be subdued, and that afterwards steps should be taken to overcome Ikbál Khán. The army of Islám Khán amounted to nearly 40,000 horsemen,^15a ready for action. Shaikh Rájú tried to induce the rebels to submit. They replied that they would do so if 'Azam Humáyún were released from prison. The Sultán, on a reference made to him, would not consent to this,^15b and when all was ready for war such fighting took place as had never been witnessed. Three or four thousand soldiers fell on both sides,^15c and streams of blood flowed. At last, a soldier of the Sultán's, who was an inhabitant of Kábul, facing Islám Khán, discharged his matchlock at him, and struck him in the forehead, when he fell to the earth. This caused the rebels to disperse, and the King's army, taking advantage of the panic, attacked them. Thus the only reward which Islám Khán met with for his rebellion and ingratitude was death, while Sa'íd Khán and others were made prisoners. The rebel forces were utterly routed, and the insurrection suppressed. When the King learnt this, he was much pleased, and behaved towards the army, which had fought so well and loyally for him, with the greatest kindness; but he did not forget the malice of the nobles.

At this period an army was prepared for the purpose of attacking Ráná Sanká.¹⁶ Míán Husain Khán Zarbakhsh, Míán Khán-khánán Farmulí, and Míán Ma'rúf,^16a who were the chief commanders in the army of Sultán Sikandar, and whom he had distinguished beyond all others by associating with them, and increasing their rank and preferments,—who were the bravest men of the age, and could have instructed even Rustam in the art of war,—and who during the reign of the deceased Sultán had fought many battles and taken many castles;—these generals the Sultán placed under Míán Mákhan, the commander-in-chief of this expedition.^16b When they arrived in the Ráná's country, the Sultán wrote, ordering Míán Mákhan to seize Míán Husain Khán and Míán Ma'rúf Khán in the best way he could, and send them prisoners to him. Mákhan Khán went to the tent of Ma'rúf Khán, under the pretence of condoling with him for the loss of his son, notwithstanding he had died two months previously. Míán Husain Khán was informed of this, and went speedily thither, and told Míán Mákhan that he had better forego his intention of imprisoning Míán Ma'rúf, and that he had better rise and depart in safety, remarking that the King had gone mad. Mákhan upon this remonstrance departed, and sent intelligence of the circumstances to the Sultán, who replied by inquiring why he went to people's tents, and ordering him to raise a large tent in the plain, and send information to the chiefs that a royal farmán had arrived, and that they must come and hear its contents. Míán Mákhan was commanded to seize Husain Khán first, and he obeyed these orders. When the chiefs were assembled, Míán Husain came, bringing with him a thousand men clothed in chain armour, which was concealed by white clothing. He directed them to keep strict watch outside when he entered the tent. Míán Mákhan had caused another tent to be erected near the first, in which he had placed a thousand soldiers, with orders, when Ma'rúf Khán approached, to lay hands first on Husain Khán. When Husain Khán arrived near the tent, he was told that soldiers were concealed in it for the purpose of seizing him and Ma'rúf Khán. When Míán Husain Khán reached it, he ordered his men to undo the ropes of the tent in which Míán Mákhan's soldiers were placed in ambush, and consequently the tent fell on them.¹⁷ He then went into the other tent, and requested Míán Mákhan to read the farmán. Míán Mákhan said, “It is contrary to orders to read it after this fashion.” Míán Husain Khán replied, “I am fully aware that the object of these troops and this farmán is to take away my life, and I am not going to yield it to any such worthless contrivance.” He then took the hand of Míán Ma'rúf and went out.

When Míán Husain saw that there was no escape from the King's injustice, he determined to send his vakíl to the Ráná to inform him of his coming. The Ráná was at first fearful and suspicious of Husain Khán, of whose renown he had heard. He was afraid that he meditated some stratagem. After entering into a compact, Míán Husain went to the Ráná with a thousand horsemen, and the Ráná sent his own nephew to meet him. After which they had an interview.

On account of the departure of Husain Khán, Míán Mákhan, notwithstanding that he had with him 30,000 horsemen and 300 gigantic elephants, was much discouraged. The day after he put his army in battle array, for the purpose of attacking the Ráná. The Ráná, together with Míán Husain Khán, advanced against him with an innumerable army, and the elephants of Husain Khán were recognized amongst them. Míán Mákhan sent a message to Míán Ma'rúf, saying, “You and Husain Khán are great friends. He is now in rebellion, and has joined the Sultán's enemies; what is the good of your remaining with us?” Ma'rúf replied, “I have eaten the salt of Sultán Bahlol and his offspring for thirty years; and I was chief commander of the army during the reign of Sultán Sikandar. The fort of Júnd was captured through my skill. I slew the Rájá of Nagarkot; and that stone, which the Hindús had worshipped for 3000 years, I exposed to be trodden under foot by all the people. From the period of the revelation of Islám to the present day, many noble monarchs, who fancied that they resembled Farídún and Sikandar, and who vanquished the world, were unable even so much as to besiege that fort; yet it yielded to my prowess. I brought seven mans of gold from the Rájá of Bihár. Since King Ibráhím's accession to the throne all sorts of upstarts have arisen, who accuse me of being faithless and rebellious. Even now I am ready to undertake any duty that may be assigned, and will not flinch from its performance.”

Whilst this was going on, information was brought of the arrival of the Ráná's troops, whereupon Mákhan arranged his army. He placed Sa'íd Khán Furat and Hájí Khán with 7000 horsemen on the right; and Daulat Khán, Alláh-dád Khán, and Yúsuf Khán on the left; whilst Míán Mákhan himself commanded the advance. Míán Husain, although much vexed with Míán Mákhan, did not present himself, on account of his having eaten the salt of the Sultán.¹⁹ When both parties were prepared for action, the Hindús advanced most valiantly, and succeeded in defeating the army of the Sultán. Many brave and worthy men were made martyrs, and the others were scattered; whilst Míán Mákhan returned to the place from which he had set forth. During the evening, Míán Husain Khán sent a message to Míán Mákhan, saying, “Now you have learnt what men of one heart are. It is a hundred pities that 30,000 horsemen should have been defeated by so few Hindús. Now you may learn what deeds the remembrance of past favours will induce vassals to perform when they are united heart and soul. Send Míán Ma'rúf duly prepared for action to me at midnight.” He also wrote to Míán Ma'rúf, to tell him that “they had both seen how fit Míán Mákhan was to command, and that now it was proper that they should recollect what they owed the Sultán, although he did not treat his good servants as he ought; otherwise people would say, ‘You ate the salt of Sultán Sikandar for thirty years, and were numbered amongst his chiefs, nevertheless you were ungrateful enough to side with his foes.’”

Accordingly Míán Ma'rúf, accompanied by 6000 horsemen, left his camp, and halted at the distance of two kos from Míán Husain, which chief, on receiving intelligence of his arrival, came and joined him. The army of the Ráná, flushed with their success, were rejoicing and amusing themselves, and the angel of death was smiling at their heedlessness, when suddenly the sound of horns and kettle-drums withdrew the cotton from the ears of their senses, and the Rájpút chieftains were dismayed. The Afgháns rushed on them sword in hand, and commenced a promiscuous slaughter; the Ráná was wounded, but contrived to escape with some of his men,—the rest were put to the sword. In the morning this news was brought to Míán Mákhan, and he was ashamed.

Míán Báyazíd, the son of 'Atá Lodí, who was the bakhshí of the army, and a connexion of Míán Husain Khán, wrote to the King announcing the victory which Míán Husain Khán and Míán Ma'rúf had gained, after which Míán Husain Khán sent fifteen of the elephants and 300 of the horses of the Ráná to Dehlí. The Sultán was much pleased at this success; he caused the kettle-drums to be beaten loudly, and sent khil'ats, girdles, daggers, two valuable elephants, and four horses, to Míán Husain and Míán Ma'rúf. He also caused a farmán to be written, in which he loaded both of them with a hundred expressions of favour and good-will.²⁰

About this time 'Azam Humáyún, one of the chief nobles, who, together with his sons, held a mansab of 12,000, was sent to reduce the fort of Gwálior. When he reached that district, his skill and activity soon made him master of several parganas. He besieged the fort of Gwálior, and dug trenches in which he sheltered his men whilst he made his approaches, and distributed the several batteries amongst his officers. He projected fiery missiles, or shells, into the fort, and the Hindús filled bags with cotton steeped in oil, which they ignited and threw down upon the enemy. Many men were consumed on both sides. The Sultán's troops brought forward their artillery, and fired their balls with such effect that the defenders of the fort were unable to move to and fro in its interior, and were at last so much distressed that they were near surrendering. The Rájá had already determined to send seven mans of gold, several pair of elephants, and his daughter to the Sultán, when, unexpectedly, a farmán arrived, ordering 'Azam Humáyún as soon as he received it to proceed to Court.

When 'Azam Humáyún learned its contents, he raised the siege and prepared to depart. His sons and friends expressed to him their suspicions that the Sultán intended to take away his life, as he had already done that of other noblemen; and several grandees who were attached to him also advised him not to go. 'Azam Humáyún replied that he had eaten the salt of that family for forty years, and had been one of their staunchest adherents, and that if he now forsook them he would be considered ungrateful, and he could not suffer the disgrace of that imputation. Mahmúd Khán Lodí and Dáúd Khán Sarwání, who were among the chief grandees, said, “The Sultán has lost his senses, he cannot distinguish between those who serve him well and those who serve him ill. You have now 30,000 horse with you. Go to your son's residence, and take measures for the protection of your life, because we are fully convinced that he has sent for you for the purpose of treating you as he did Míán Bhúa and Hájí Khán.” 'Azam Humáyún replied, “I cannot act thus. I cannot turn aside and blacken my face, let what may happen.”

After this discussion he marched towards Dehlí. On the road news reached him that the Sultán had put to death Mahmúd Sarpání and Hishám Khán Sáhú-khail, two of the principal nobles. Dáúd Khán and Alláh-dád Khán said, “No evil has yet befallen you; return from this and go to your son at Jaunpúr.” 'Azam Humáyún said, “You speak truth; his actions are indeed bad: but I cannot act as you suggest.”

As 'Azam Humáyún's doom was sealed, he did not pay attention to the warnings of his friends and well-wishers, but continued his march to Dehlí. When he approached it, the Sultán's order arrived, directing him to give up all his horses and elephants. This he had no sooner done, than his whole army became disorganized. When he was within two kos of the city, the King's cup-bearer, by name Mukhlis, was sent for the purpose of depriving him of the command of the army, treasury, and their appurtenances. Mukhlis was likewise ordered to mount him on a small pony, and bring him into the city, and cast him into a dungeon; all of which he did, and deprived him of everything. 'Azam Humáyún sent to the Sultán to say, “You of course will do what pleases you, but I have two things of importance to represent to you: the first is that my son²² is very turbulently disposed, and that measures should be taken speedily to repress him; the second, that I may not be prevented from obtaining water for my ablutions, and the necessaries for purifying myself after performing the offices of nature.”^22a After this he made no further petition, and at last the Sultán caused this single-minded man to be slain in his prison, and thus destroyed the root of his empire with his own hands. The murder of 'Azam Humáyún was the first cause of the decline of the kingdom,^22b for Fath Khán, his son, who commanded 10,000 horse, and was Governor of Bihár, joined himself, in Bihár, with the son of Daryá Khán Lohání, Sháhbáz Khán by name. They then openly rebelled against the Sultán, and collected 70,000 horse. Sháhbáz Khán^22c assumed the title of Sultán Muhammad. This insurrection was of a very serious nature, as all Bihár ceased to obey the Sultán.

At this period, Daulat Khán Lodí, son of Tátár Khán, who had long governed the Panjáb, was sent for from Lahore. He delayed to come, and sent his youngest son, Diláwar Khán, instead. The latter was asked why his father had not come in person. He replied that he would come hereafter and bring treasure with him. He was told that if his father did not come, he would be seized like the other nobles. The Sultán then ordered him to be taken to the dungeons, in order that he might see several nobles who were suspended from the walls. When Diláwar Khán witnessed this sight, he was seized with a fit of trembling, and was much alarmed. On his return to the presence, the Sultán said, “You have seen the condition of those who have disobeyed me.” Diláwar Khán prostrated himself. It is said that the Sultán intended to blind him with a red-hot bodkin, and suspend him also against the wall; but when Diláwar Khán perceived that there was no other means of escaping the Sultán's severity, he fled from Dehlí, and came to his father in six days, and told him that if he did not look to himself, the Sultán would put him to death in some cruel manner.

Daulat Khán was thrown into a deep meditation. He reflected that if he rebelled he would be accused of ingratitude; and that if he fell into the clutches of the Sultán's wrath, he would not escape alive. At last he determined to place himself under allegiance to some other sovereign. He accordingly sent Dilá-war Khán to Bábar Sháh, in order that he might make known to him, in detail, the evil disposition of the Sultán, the discord which existed amongst the nobles, and the disgust of the army, and beg him to invade Hindústán.²³

Diláwar Khán went with all expedition, and reached Kábul in ten days. He intimated to those who stood at the foot of the throne that an Afghán, who had been oppressed by his sovereign, had come from Hindústán, and wished to speak to the King. The order was given for his admission. He went as a supplicant, and explained, in detail, the distressed state of Hindústán. Bábar said, “You have eaten the salt of Sultán Ibráhím and of his father and grandfather for thirty years, and your grandfather and father have held high posts for the last twenty years; how is it that you have thus all at once forsaken him and sought this court?” Diláwar Khán replied, “For forty years my grandfather and father have risked their lives in his service, and strengthened his throne. But Sultán Ibráhím maltreats his father's nobles, and has put twenty-three of them, the supporters of his kingdom, to death, without any cause, and ruined their families. He has suspended some from walls, and has caused others to be burned alive. When many of the nobles saw that they could hope for no safety from him, they sent me to your presence. They are all ready to obey you, and they look with anxiety for your coming.”

At that period the marriage of Mírzá Kámrán was celebrated with princely magnificence in the King's garden. * * * When the bridal ceremonies had been completed in a manner satisfactory to his benevolent intentions, the King passed the whole of that night in the garden. When day dawned, he repeated his prayers to the Great Disposer of all things, and stretching forth the hand of supplication, said, “O God! if the government of Hindústán is destined to be given to me and mine, let these productions of Hind be brought presently before me, betel-leaves and mangoes, and I shall accept them as an omen.”

It so happened that when the mango season was approaching, Daulat Khán had sent half-ripe mangoes preserved in pots of honey, and betel-leaves, by the hand of Ahmad Khán. The King was told that Ahmad Khán, the ambassador of Daulat Khán, desired an audience. Diláwar took the offerings into the royal presence, and displayed them. When Bábar's eyes fell on the fruit, he arose from his throne, and prostrated himself before the Almighty, who, he was persuaded, of His boundless generosity, had granted him the sovereignty of Hind. He gave a horse and khil'at to both Diláwar Khán and Ahmad Khán, and entrusted to them ten 'Irákí horses, and some pieces of fine linen for Daulat Khán; and then directed Ahmad Khán to precede him with these articles.²⁵

From that day he prepared for the invasion of Hindústán, and despatched Jahángír Kúlí Khán, with 2000 Mughal horsemen, to take precautions for securing the roads and ferries, and for the collection of timber for the purpose of making boats.

On Wednesday, 2nd Shawwál, A.H. 932 (July, 1526 A.D.), he set forth as a mighty monarch should, and marched to Pesháwar, which city he plundered. When the royal army advanced from thence, Daulat Khán came to pay his respects to the King, and presented 10,000 gold ashrafís and twenty elephants. When Bábar left Kábul, he had only 2000 Mughals with him.^25a But after his agreement with Daulat Khán, he ordered fresh troops to be enlisted; and by the time he reached Lahore he was surrounded by a numerous army, and the Panjáb fell into the hands of the Chaghatáí nobles.

When news reached Sultán Ibráhím, in Ágra, that the Mughals had conquered the Panjáb as far as Lahore, he was thunderstruck, and repented him of having put his faithful servants to death. But what benefit can be derived from water which has fallen down from the head and been spent? Bábar, like a roaring lion, advanced into the field; while Ibráhím came to Dehlí from Ágra, and wrote to Daulat Khán, saying, “You attained your present rank through my father's kindness; why have you brought the Mughals into my paternal inheritance, and made it over to them? I will now make peace with you, and will never molest you or your children. I swear this on the Kurán. Reflect, and abandon your present absurd project.” Daulat Khán replied, “It is true that I was reared and raised from the dust, and brought up by Sultán Sikandar. I passed my life in endeavouring to serve him. That monarch (who has found mercy) endured much from his nobles; he was studious of pleasing: and he never endeavoured to put me to death. Whereas, whilst you were yet young, you listened to what two or three insidious advisers said to you, and thus shook your empire to its foundation. You also destroyed several of your father's servants, the pillars of the kingdom, and put an end to the confidence which others reposed in you. I have not brought the Mughals; but your own bad actions have.”

When the whole Panjáb, and the country extending as far as Sirhind and Hisár Fírozah, had fallen into the hands of the Chaghatáí nobles, they marched towards Dehlí.

Sultán Ibráhím was in Sonpath, when news arrived that certain grandees, thinking the opportunity a good one, and having heard of the coming of Bábar Sháh, had besieged Dehlí with nearly 40,000 men. On hearing this, the Sultán again turned his steps towards Dehlí, to defeat the rebels, who came to the conclusion that it would be improper to fight with the Sultán during the day, because they would be put to shame on account of the benefits which he had conferred on them; and that it would be preferable to attack him by night.²⁶

When the night was far spent, they reached the Sultán's army, and in the mean time several chiefs managed to escape from the Sultán's camp and join them. After putting the Sultán's troops to flight, and compelling the Sultán to conceal himself, a portion of the rebel force was scattered tumultuously in search of plunder. After sunrise, when the Sultán looked out in the direction of the rebel army, on observing 'Álam Khán^26a and a few attendants standing near, he ordered his men to attack them; upon which they all fled away. Thus the rebels derived no benefit from their disloyalty, in spite of their having assembled a force of 40,000 men.

After this, when Bábar heard of the confusion prevailing in the Sultán's army, he left Karnál, and Sultán Ibráhím arrived in pargana Ganaur, and there inquired of the astrologers in order that he might learn from the celestial bodies what was to happen. He inquired on whose side the victory should be. The astrologers cautiously replied, “It appears from the motion of the stars that the whole of our horses and elephants have gone over to the Mughal army.” The Sultán said, “This is a proof that I shall vanquish the Mughals.” They replied, “So let it be.”

The astrologers, being aware that Bábar would be victorious, deserted the camp. Amín Khán also fled from the same place, and presented himself before Bábar. Whilst these events were going on, Hamíd Khán, of the Sultán's own tribe, was coming to the assistance of the Sultán with 4000 sawárs, when he encountered the advance-guard under Prince Muhammad Humáyún, and a battle began, in which Hamíd Khán's troops being defeated, many were killed, and the rest dispersed.

On Thursday the Sultán summoned all his nobles and soldiers, and ordered them to dress themselves in the best clothes they had with them. He caused his embroidered tents and satin canopies to be erected, and all the preparations for a festival to be made. He threw amongst them all the gold, jewels, pearls, and ashrafís which he possessed, and said, “O friends, to-morrow we shall do battle with the Mughal army. If I gain the victory, I will endeavour to please you; if I do not, be at least content with these presents and my declared intentions.”²⁸ The whole of that day was spent in feasting and rejoicing. On the morrow they made ready for war. Sultán Ibráhím, on the one side, marched two kos to the west of Pánípat; whilst Bábar, on the other, mounting his horse at the saráí of Garaunda, chose his position two kos in the direction of the east.

The Mughal army was 24,000 strong, and that of Sultán Ibráhím numbered 50,000 men^28a and 2000 war elephants. But the entire force of Sultán Ibráhím was disgusted and vexed with his evil deeds. On Friday, the 4th^28b of Rajab, A.H. 932, Ibráhím being destined to die, the armies were ranged in battle array, facing each other. Bábar advanced, and both parties made ready for action. Bábar ordered the Mughals to be separated into three divisions; the advanced guard to remain in its place, and the other two to advance and attack the enemy.^28c Although the Afghán army greatly outnumbered its opponents, yet the soldiers were dispirited and disheartened from the Sultán's illtreatment, and the nobles were offended. A fierce conflict, nevertheless, took place in the plain to the east of Pánípat: so desperate a battle, indeed, had never been seen. Many of the Sultán's soldiers were killed. He himself was standing with some of his men near him, when Mahmúd Khán came forward, and said, “Our affairs are in a very desperate condition; you had better leave the field of battle. If the King is saved, it will be easy to find another army, and again make war against the Mughals. We shall soon be able to find an opportunity of accomplishing our wishes. This is my opinion; but whatever His Majesty thinks is best.” The Sultán replied, “O Mahmúd Khán, it is a disgrace for kings to fly from the field of battle. Look here, my nobles, my companions, my well-wishers and friends have partaken of the cup of martyrdom. One has fallen here, another there; where then can I now go? My horse's legs are dyed with blood up to his chest. Whilst I was King, I governed the empire as I pleased; now, perfidious Fortune has sided with the Mughals, what pleasure is there in life? It is better that I should be like my friends, in the dust and in blood.” On saying this, he rushed into the thickest of the fight, with 5000 brave horsemen, who were all that remained to him of his best troops, and slew many of the Mughals. After which, towards the close of the day, he obtained martyrdom.²⁹ He fell on the spot where his tomb now is. When Bábar was informed of his death, he was standing in the rear. He sent Diláwar Khán to make inquiries as to the truth of the intelligence. He accordingly went out to the plain where the slain were lying, and beheld that powerful Sultán prostrate in the dust and weltering in blood, the royal crown fallen from his head, the state canopy also on the ground.³⁰

Diláwar Khán returned and related what he had seen. The tender heart of Bábar prompted him to visit the spot. He raised his head from the earth and said, “Honour to your bravery!” He then commanded brocade to be brought, and sweetmeats to be prepared; and ordered Diláwar Khán and Amír Khalífa to bathe him and bury him where he had fallen. He also directed that care should be taken of the property of Ibráhím. On the same day 2700 horses, and 1500 elephants, and the royal treasure were brought into Bábar's camp.

The next day he marched thence, and encamped on the western side of the city, from whence he despatched Amír Khalífa, Alláh-dád Khán, and Tursam Bahádur, with 10,000 of the bravest Mughal horsemen, for the purpose of protecting the valuable property and riches which were in the cities of Dehlí and Ágra.

The Afgháns, after being absolute rulers for seventy years, left their habitations, their goods, and their wealth, and proceeded to Bengal, and a complete dispersion of them ensued.

After making arrangements with regard to the spoil of the Sultán's camp, Bábar departed for Dehlí, where, on his arrival, he took possession of the vacant throne.

ACCIDENTS AND OCCURRENCES IN SULTÁN IBRÁHÍM'S REIGN.³¹

Anecdote of a woman who committed three murders in one house.

There was a man in Sámána who gained his livelihood by trading. He was called away from home on business, and entrusted the care of his house to a trustworthy individual, between whose habitation and his own there was only a wall. This neighbour, therefore, used frequently to go into the merchant's house, and assist and advise in all its concerns, and see that matters went on smoothly during the owner's absence. Whenever he went there, he saw a young man frequently entering. He fancied at first that the young man must be some connexion of the owner of the dwelling; but he afterwards reflected that if he were, the house would not have been given into his own charge. He therefore determined to find out all about the youth. He then made a hole in the partition wall, and from time to time looked through it into the next house. One night he saw the young man, dressed in white and scented with perfume, enter the merchant's dwelling, place a handsome carpet near the merchant's wife, and spread out upon it sweetmeats, wine, and pán; after partaking of which, shortly afterwards, they lay down together and indulged in improper familiarities. The woman had a child, which slept in another room, and when it cried she gave it some milk, and then returned to her lover; but as the child persisted in worrying her with its cries, the woman went and squeezed its throat so that it died, and slept the sleep which knows no waking. After which she again sought the youth's embraces. When a short period had passed, the young man said, “Why has not the child cried again for such a long time?” The woman replied, “I have taken steps to prevent it from crying altogether.” The young man was greatly disturbed, and inquired what she meant. She answered, “I have killed the boy on your account.” The youth said, “O creature, who fearest not God, for the sake of a moment's pleasure you have slain the fruit of your own womb; what confidence can I place in you?” He immediately put on his clothes, with the intention of quitting the place. The woman seized his skirt, saying, “It is through you that I have acted thus, and you cease to love me; for God's sake do one thing to save me from shame. Make a hole in the corner of this room in order that I may bury him.” The youth at last reluctantly consented. She accordingly brought a mattock, and gave it to him, and he dug the hole; when the woman brought the child, and gave it to him to conceal it in the ground. The young man, taken in by the woman's artifice, bent down towards the hole for the purpose of placing the child in it; and that deceitful woman then raised the mattock with both hands, and struck him so violently on the head, that she split it in two, and he fell dead into the hole. She covered him over and smoothed down the earth. The neighbour had witnessed all that had happened, and was thunderstruck at the woman's atrocity. Nevertheless, the woman, feigning the deepest grief, went about, weeping and exclaiming, “A wolf has eaten my child.”

When, after a lapse of some time, her husband returned, people came to condole with him; and they repeated the usual prayers. When they went away, the friendly neighbour said to him, “Come for a short time to my house to dissipate your melancholy.” The merchant accordingly accompanied him, and after they had partaken of food, he related to him the whole history of the deaths of both the child and the young man, and said, “Pretend that you have hidden some gold, and that you want a mattock for the purpose of digging it up.” He consented to do this, and the woman, much pleased when she heard about the treasure, readily brought the mattock, upon which he immediately began to dig up in the spot which had been indicated. When the woman perceived that her secret would become known, she fastened the door of the room in which the digging was going on with a chain, and set fire to the roof. When the flames burst forth, she began to cry out for her neighbours to come, as her house had caught fire and her husband was burning. By the time they arrived, the unfortunate man was roasted. The friend had even seen all this likewise, and having collected all the inhabitants of the neighbourhood, went with them to the kotwál, and explained what had occurred. On the receipt of this information, they opened the hole, and found the bodies of the youth and child. They then buried this bloody-minded woman up to the middle, in the centre of the bázár, and goaded her with arrows till she died.

* * * * * * * *

Haibat Khán Gurg-andáz.

Haibat Khán was called the wolf-slayer, and had thus obtained the name. One day he went out hunting in the neighbourhood of Bayána, and made a pleasant party in the Sikandarí garden, with Daryá Khán Sarwání, Mahmúd Khán Lodí, and Daulat Khán Urmar. While they were seated there, two large wolves carried away some sheep, and the shepherds began to lament loudly. It happened that Haibat Khán had gone to perform the offices of nature. The wolves approached him; he took his bow from a servant, who was in attendance, and as he was a powerful shot, the arrow left the bow, passed through the bodies of both wolves, and stuck in the ground beyond. From that day he received his honorary surname.

At drinking parties he was so liberal that every one wondered. One day Jalál Khán, the brother of Sultán Ibráhím, said, “O Haibat Khán, I have heard that you are generous when intoxicated; if you were so when you are in your senses, I should consider you worthy of praise.” Haibat Khán from that day left off drinking wine, and gave away so much, even with his wits about him, that people were still more astounded; for he broke up all his gold and silver drinking vessels, and gave even them away.

One day, an inhabitant of Bayána, by name Múmin, repeated some lines in praise of the Khán, and gave them to the minstrels to recite in the presence of the exalted Khán, on the day when the nobles assembled at his fête. Upon the minstrels' recitation of this panegyric, the Khán presented the carpet, on which he was that day sitting, to the poet, and 2000 tankas to the minstrels. This will serve, in some degree, to show to what an extent he carried his generosity.

REIGN OF SULTÁN BÁBAR.

Historians relate that in the year 932 (1526 A.D.), Sháh Bábar, the Conqueror of the World, remained encamped for a week on the battle-field on which he had gained his victory, and made himself master of all the property, elephants, equipages, warlike implements, etc., of Sultán Ibráhím. He considered that that spot had been a fortunate one to him. He summoned the elders of the city, and gained the goodwill of all by his liberality; and made Sultán Muhammad Aughulí, who had come to his assistance during that action with great diligence and bravery accompanied by 10,000 horse, governor of Pánípat, and granted him as a gift the revenues due upon one harvest. After which he directed his course towards Dehlí, the inhabitants of which city, from dread of the pride and power of the Mughals, had deserted it. He accordingly despatched worthy men of Hindústán for the purpose of calming the fears of the elders and gentry of the city and its environs, and induce them by promises of the royal favour and liberality to come to the Court of the Protector of the World.

When His Majesty arrived at Sonpath, the chiefs and chaudharís of the city, together with the soldiers and bankers and other classes, went to visit him, and were treated with honour and kindness. During the first two months of His Majesty's reign, he behaved to every one with such kindness and generosity, that dread and terror were banished from the hearts of all men, so that they were well disposed towards his government. He remained a month and some days in the neighbourhood of the fort of Indrapat, on the banks of the river Jumna, and reposed himself there, as it was a pleasant and agreeable spot.³⁵ In the same year, he sent Amír Khalífa and Amír Kulí Beg to Ágra, where the mother and family of Sultán Ibráhím were; and they went thither by uninterrupted marches. Sultán Ibráhím's mother sent them a list of the property, valuables, treasures, money, gold and jewelled plate, horses, elephants, camels, tents, male and female slaves of the late king, and entreated him to spare her. Mahmúd Khán, a slave of Sultán Ibráhím, took this list, and read it in the presence of Amír Khalífa, who forwarded it to Bábar, and remained himself with his troops to protect the fort and those who were inside it, and at the same time prevent them from quitting it, and taking any of the property away with them.

At this time, news came that some of Ibráhím's nobles had assembled at Jaunpúr, and begun plundering the country. The Conqueror of the World sent Amír Kulí Beg, together with Prince Mírzá Kámrán, in that direction. When the Afgháns received intelligence of the advent of the fortunate prince, they fled towards Patna, and Jaunpúr fell into his hands. Mírzá Kámrán left Amír Kulí Beg there with a large army, and then returned to Court; after which he was ordered into the Panjáb, and Mírzá 'Askarí was appointed to the charge of Kábul, and directed to make himself speedily master of Thatta. Muhammad Humáyún Mírzá, the eldest son of the King and heir-apparent, remained with His Majesty.

When the fortunate princes and valiant nobles had thus been established in different places, information reached the Court of the rebellion of Hasan Khán Mewáttí and Ráná Sánká, who had collected a large force in Mewát. Orders were given for the enlistment of new troops, and Ibráhím's treasures were distributed amongst the army. Hasan Khán was a man of royal descent from several generations, and his family had possessed regal power until the reign of Fíroz Sháh. Ráná Sánká, who was at that time a powerful chief, sent a message to Hasan Khán, saying, “The Mughals have entered Hindústán, have slain Sultán Ibráhím, and taken possession of the country; it is evident that they will likewise send an army against both of us; if you will side with me, we will be allies, and not suffer them to take possession.” Hasan Khán, carried away by the vanity which the possession of so large a force produced, and by the Ráná's message, did not send the presents which he had prepared for the Sultán, and the King's vakíl returned home without accomplishing his purpose. These things came to the King's hearing in Ágra, and Mírzá Hindál and Muhammad Mahdí Khwája, the king's son-in-law, were sent with an immense army, which was shortly afterwards followed by Bábar himself.

When Hasan Khán was informed of the approach of the victorious army, he sent to tell Ráná Sánká of it. Upon this the Ráná left his home, and assembled an army of Hindús with the intention of making war. He marched and joined Hasan Khán, and prepared for action in the plains near Fírozpúr Jharka. Ráná Sánká placed Hasan Khán on the right, and took up his own post on the left. As he was secretly displeased with Hasan Khán, he determined to ensnare and ruin him. He, therefore, privately sent a vakíl to Mírzá Hindál and Khwája Mahdí, to say that he was the slave and obedient servant of the King, and that he consented to the reading of the khutba and the coining of money in His Majesty's name; that Hasan Khán had compelled him to go to war, but that he would not fight the royal troops, but retire early; and that they should make arrangements so that Hasan might be either captured or slain, as in the event of his death they would obtain the country of Mewát.

When the battle began, and both parties were slaughtering one another, Mahdí Khwája attacked Hasan Khán, who was unable to contend with him, and after a short engagement took to flight, and his soldiers were scattered all over the country.

Lád Khán, a slave of Hasan Khán, having displeased him, joined his brothers, and by their advice behaved with infidelity towards his benefactor. When Hasan Khán had been forsaken by all his friends and followers, and no one remained with him, he arrived at a well, and said to his servant, “If you have anything to eat, bring it.” He brought some cakes and roast meat, and placed them before him. He had eaten only a few morsels, when a noble of Sháh Bábar arrived. Hasan Khán arose in a state of confusion, with the intention of mounting, when his servant drew his sword on him, wounded him, and threw him into the well; after which, he seized his horse, and fled. After his flight, Hindú Beg pursued and plundered his army, none of whom attempted to resist. The troops of the Vanquisher of the Universe obtained immense booty in horses, camels, etc., and gained a great victory. That district was entirely subdued, from one end to the other, and collectors were appointed in various places. Orders were issued for reading the khutba and coining money, and a jágír was bestowed upon the fortunate Sháhzáda.

One year after His Majesty's accession, Mírzá Kámrán came from Lahore, and brought many horses and much wealth, which he had taken from the Bhattís and Khokars (Ghakhars), which he presented to the Sultán. About this time, news arrived from Jaunpúr, that Sultán Muhammad, the Afghán, had assumed regal authority in Bihár, caused money to be struck and the khutba to be read in his own name, and had brought an army against Mírzá Hindál, who, not being strong enough to resist him, fled from Jaunpúr, and was pursued by the troops of Sultán Muhammad. At last, the Mírzá gave him battle, and lost many men. His Majesty appointed Sultán Junaid Birlás and Haidar Malik Húlak to proceed with other Mughals and a Hindústání army. Junaid made two marches in one, and arrived there, and faced Sultán Muhammad. Such fighting took place as no age has witnessed. The Afgháns were unable to resist the impetuous valour of the Mughals, and were dispersed. Jaunpúr again fell to the Sultán, and an account of the victory, together with the spoil and horses, was sent to the Imperial Court. Sultán Junaid was directed to remain there, and to send the Mírzá to the presence. Junaid behaved in such a way towards the Afgháns that no one sided with them, and the hearts of the rebellious Afgháns and other disaffected men were filled with terror and dread of him. Mírzá Hindál was again sent to Kandahár, and in the second year of His Majesty's reign a beautiful garden was made on the borders of the river Jumna, and pathways were introduced into Hindústán for the first time, they not having been in use before. He passed his time in that garden, in company with Mughal companions and friends, in pleasure and enjoyment and carousing, in the presence of enchanting dancing girls with rosy cheeks, who sang tunes, and displayed their accomplishments. The Mughals, who had for many years desired the possession of Hindústán, at last governed it. Mírzá Kámrán also prepared a splendid garden similar to this in Lahore. Amír Khalífá, being a person of influence, and possessing the chief authority, managed the government, and his decrees were like those of the Sultán himself.

When the royal affairs had been well and firmly established, and the mandates of the King had spread over land and sea like running water, the Rájá of Chanderí rebelled. Arghún Khán, who was in that province, attacked him. The Rájá, however, plundered on the road the money which was being sent to the royal treasury. The Ruler of the Universe sent Arghún Khán's brother and Ahmad Sultán against him with a strong force. The Chanderí Rájá, being puffed up with vanity on account of the defeat which Arghún Khán had sustained, came out of Chanderí with an army of Hindús, and a battle took place near a village called Pádahar, in which he likewise defeated Arghún Khán's brother, together with his troops, and returned victorious to Chanderí. After this misfortune, Amír Khalífá received orders to prepare all the royal equipage. When it was ready, His Majesty left Ágra in state, and marched steadily in that direction, having previously despatched Amír Hindú Beg with 6000 gallant horsemen. 'Aliwardí Khán Shámlú, who was then in Málwá, received instructions to join Amír Hindú Beg, for the purpose of destroying that infidel. The Rájá of Chanderí, being very proud of his success, collected his adherents from all quarters, and appointed his nephew to oppose those two valiant and warlike chieftains. A battle was fought between them on the banks of the river Jumna. In the first attack, the infidels behaved with such extreme valour, that many of the men of the army of the King of the World became martyrs. When the two amírs saw that their soldiers were terrified at the Hindús, they retreated, and took refuge in a garden, and the nephew of Shahrak retired to a garden two kos distant. When the King was told of the defeat of these two amírs, he marched towards the enemy. On the amírs being informed of the King's arrival, they divided their forces in two on a very dark night, darker than the heart of an oppressor, fell on the infidels, and took their revenge. They killed most of the evil-doers, and made prisoners of the remainder; and so much plunder was taken from that heathen army, that the King's troops obtained sufficient to support them for years. His Majesty marched on towards Chanderí. But when the Rájá heard of the defeat of his brother, he was confounded, because that profligate wretch was a great warrior. Not knowing what else to do, he assembled a body of men, and came to fight the Sultán. That vanquished one did not know how difficult it is for a gnat to keep its feet when a cold boisterous wind is blowing, or for a sparrow to fly against a hawk. In the very first onset, that dark-faced man was overthrown, and his army slaughtered. When the chiefs of the Rájá had been trampled on by elephants, His Majesty encamped near Chanderí with much pomp. The warriors of his vanguard, having already taken the fort, made captives of the connexions and family of the Rájá, and despatched them to the foot of the royal throne. His Majesty presented two of the daughters of the Rájá, whose beauty was unrivalled, who had never been exposed to the view of man, or to the hot winds, one to Mírzá Kámrán, the other to Prince Muhammad Humáyún, and gave the others to the sardárs of his army. After which he spent two months in that place, in country excursions and hunting, and then returned to Ágra.

In the third year His Majesty proceeded towards Lahore. At Sirhind he was met by the Rájá of Kahlúr, who presented him seven falcons and three mans of gold, and was confirmed in the zamíndárí of that place. When the King's camp reached Lahore, Mírzá Kámrán was honoured by admission to the presence, and he brought the zamíndárs of the country to kiss the feet of the Conqueror of the World. The King's encampment was located in the environs of Lahore, and the royal tents were pitched in the garden of Mírzá Kámrán, who gave a magnificent banquet, which lasted three days. At its conclusion the King left the garden, and took up his abode in the fort. The whole road thither, from the garden to the gate of the city, was lined by the servants of Sháhzáda Kámrán, dressed in silk and brocade, decked like bridegrooms; and the troops, with their gay red and yellow flags, resembling the early spring. Elephants, adorned with gilded trappings, covered with jewels, were led in front of the royal cortège. When they entered the city-gate, money was thrown to the poor and destitute, and a grand entertainment was given in the palace of Sikandar Lodí.

The King was pleased with the sights and hunting which the Panjáb afforded, and he therefore remained there for the space of a year, during which Mírzá Hindál came from Kábul. He was admitted to the presence, and treated with marked distinction. When the cold season was over, Mírzá Hindál returned to Kábul, and at the time of his departure he received, as a present from His Majesty, two elephants, four horses, girdles, and jewelled daggers.

On the fourth day of the month of Rajab, the exalted monarch set forth on his return to Ágra. When he reached Sirhind, one of the kázís of Sámána complained to him that Mohan Mundáhir had attacked his estate (imlák) and burned it, plundered all his property, and slain his son. His Majesty, the Conqueror of the World, appointed 'Alí Kulí Hamadání, with three thousand horse, to avenge the injury which the Mundáhir had done to the petitioner. 'Alí Kulí proceeded against the village of the Mundáhirs. By chance a marriage was being celebrated amongst the Mundáhirs, when he approached them with the intention of attacking them. It being winter-time when the King's troops arrived there, in the morning, they were unable to pull their bows, on account of the severe cold. The Mundáhirs, who had just risen from warming themselves before fires in their houses, discharged such flights of arrows that the soldiers were unable to withstand them. Many fell, and 'Alí Kulí was unable to effect anything on account of the vigilance of the Kanwárs. The army retreated into the jangal, where they collected a quantity of wood, set fire to it, and relieved themselves from the rigour of the weather; after which, they again assaulted the village, but were again repulsed.

When information of this was conveyed to the King, he sent Tarsam Bahádur and Naurang Beg, with 6000 cavalry and many elephants. They reached that place one night, when the Mundáhirs were celebrating another marriage, and enjoying themselves. Towards morning the army was divided into three portions: one was sent to the west, and ordered to show itself. When the Mundáhirs, proud of the defeat which 'Alí Kulí had sustained, came forward to the attack, according to instructions received, the Royalist troops turned their backs and fled, followed by the Kanwárs, until they arrived at the distance of one kos from the village. Tarsam Bahádur took advantage of this opportunity to attack and set fire to the village, and put all the inhabitants to death. When the Mundáhirs perceived the flames, they ran towards their homes, but were intercepted on their road and attacked by the Royalists, sword in hand. Nearly a thousand of them were killed, and a thousand men, women, and children taken prisoners. The slaughter was great, and there was a heap of severed heads; and Mohan was taken alive. An account of the conquest of the village was sent to the Sháh. The village had been fully inhabited for no less than 160 years in the pargana of Kaithal; but was then made, and still continues to be, a desert, and has never been inhabited again, although 160 years⁴² have elapsed since its destruction. When the prisoners were brought to Dehlí, all the women were given to the Mughals. The offending Mundáhir was buried in the earth up to his waist, and then pierced to death with arrows.^42a

Such was the respect for the army which this produced amongst the people of Hind, that thenceforth no one ventured either to rebel or disobey. After this His Majesty passed two months in hunting and other amusements in the neighbourhood of Dehlí. He then turned his face towards Ágra, and sent Prince Muhammad Humáyún, with a large force, into the súba of Sambhal, and declared him his successor. The following was the cause of his selection. One evening the King was in his cups, and summoned Muhammad Humáyún. When that offspring of the royal tree came into the presence, His Majesty, overpowered by the wine, had fallen asleep on his pillow. The Sháhzáda remained there standing, motionless, with his hands joined. When the King awoke from sleep at midnight, he beheld him standing, and said, “When did you come?” He replied, “When I received your commands.” The King then remembered having sent for him, and was much gratified, and said, “If God should grant you the throne and crown, do not put your brothers to death, but look sharply after them.” The Sháhzáda bowed down to the ground and acquiesced in all that His Majesty said, so that, notwithstanding that Mírzá 'Askárí and Mírzá Hindál treated him a hundred times with disrespect, and even went to war with him, he, nevertheless, when he had vanquished them, ceased to think of their hostile proceedings. Whenever they came before him, he treated them with the greatest affection, and never reminded them of the rancour they displayed towards him. To be brief, Mírzá Humáyún was sent with a large army into the súba of Sambhal.

Two or three months after this event, it became evident that His Majesty's health failed him. He was carried to his garden on the bank of the river, and Amír (Khalífá) Nizámu-d dín prescribed for him, and also managed the business of the State. When the King's sickness increased day by day, and he was convinced that there was now no hope of life, he determined to provide the empire with a ruler, and prevent it from falling into a stranger's hands; so he confirmed his previous election. His illness at length became so severe at Ágra, that, in the year 937 H., he departed, by the decree of the Almighty, from this earth to heaven, and forsook this thorny world of trouble for the rose-garden of paradise.

The reign of Sultán 'Adalí Súr.

⁴³ After three days had been devoted to mourning the death of Islám Sháh, on the fourth, his eldest son, Fíroz Sháh, was placed upon the throne, and the chiefs and nobles, in compliance with the will of the deceased monarch, came forward and professed allegiance. They^43a distributed a donative of two months' pay amongst the soldiers, and issued their orders to the governors of the súbas. They elected Táj Khán Kirání to the wizárat, and Kutb Khán Níází, equally skilful with his pen and sword, was nominated bakhshí.

As Fíroz Khán was but young, being only twelve years old, and had no experience in matters of government, Táj Khán issued whatever orders he chose to the nobles, but he was wellaffected to the interests of the state and of his pageant master. Nevertheless, some disaffected nobles did not approve of this arrangement, and after consulting together, represented to Bíbí Báí, the mother of Fíroz Khán, that Táj Khán was a seditious intriguing person, and though he had been raised to high power by Islám Sháh, and was admitted to his intimate friendship, yet that monarch did not centre all power in him. You have now constituted him absolute minister, and he, already contemplating the acquisition of supreme power, has summoned his brethren, and intends to remove this child from the throne and occupy it himself.” She inquired of them what she ought to do. They replied, “Send him to the súba of Málwá, to supply the place of Shujá' Khán.” After giving the matter a little reflection, Bíbí Báí sent him to Málwá, though he was the prop of her son's empire, and all the other nobles quailed before his presence, and Islám Sháh on his death-bed had expressly consigned the boy to his care.

About a month after Táj Khán's departure, Mamrez Khán⁴⁴ her brother, son of Míán Nizám, brother of Sher Sháh (who had lived at Bayána, feigning eccentricity and madness, in order to escape death or blinding under the late reign), thought this a good opportunity of offering his congratulations to his nephew, and, under that pretence, of making away with him and seizing the crown for himself. With this view, he entered into a secret correspondence with some of the nobles whom he brought over to his interests. So after two months,^44a he entered Gwálior with a large army, and, all covered with dust as he was, went direct into the presence of Fíroz Khán, with the intention of seizing and expelling him. His sister, astonished at seeing him under an aspect different from that under which she had ever beheld him, stood between him and her son, and exclaimed, “Mamrez Khán, what are you dreaming of? Have you no fear of God before your eyes, that you seek to extinguish my lamp by the blast of violence, and seat me in the dust of oppression? You also have children. Did I not save you from the hands of Islám Sháh, and is this the reward I am to receive?”

But all her cries and remonstrances were of no avail, for the wretch severed the child's head from his body, and thus accumulated curses upon himself for ever. After killing Fíroz Khán, he came out again from the palace, and, with the consent of two or three of the devilish nobles who were with him,⁴⁵ seated himself on the throne. Then were all astonished and perturbed, and a tumult arose in the city.

^45a Seven days after the slaughter of Fíroz Khán, Mamrez Khán came to the throne. Before he took possession of it, he caused tents of damask and brocade to be erected in the bázár; after which, be seated himself on the throne and assumed the title of 'Ádil Sháh.^45b He opened the treasures of Islám Sháh and Sher Sháh, and scattered them with an unsparing hand amongst the people, so that they thought little of the murder of Fíroz Khán.^45c As there was no member of Sher Sháh's family to succeed to the crown, the nobles sided with him, and were honoured with titles and dignities. When, after two months, he found that every one was well inclined towards him, he turned his face towards Chunár, where the treasures of Sher Sháh were. After conciliating the Kanjúrs, he came to Gwálior, and thence led an army himself against Salím Súr, who had rebelled on the ground of the murder of Fíroz Khán. When he came into that neighbourhood, Salím Khán, finding himself unable to cope with him, fled to the hill country, and was pursued by a large army sent after him by 'Ádil Sháh.

After remaining a month in that place, he despatched an army against the Rájá of Andrún. When he arrived in his country, the Rájá went to the fort of Kisht, at the foot of which he caused outworks to be erected, which he gave in charge to his chiefs. The Hindús made use of 'arádas and manjaníks, and placed large cannon on the bastions of the fort, and kept up such constant volleys of stones, that a bird would have found it impossible to fly past. The Afgháns also prepared trenches and batteries and made war; but by no means could they contrive to gain the victory, and they lost many of their men. They cast fiery missiles (hukkahá-i átish) into the fort; while from the inside of the castle the defenders threw bags of cotton steeped in oil and set on fire. By this means many men were burned on both sides, and 'Ádil Sháh was much distressed at the state of his prospects. He lost men daily during a whole month. At length, one night, he beheld in a dream a venerable man of brilliant countenance, who said to him, “You will conquer this fort if you do one thing.” 'Ádil Sháh said, “Darweshes take more interest in the condition of Islám than kings do; you ought not to withhold your prayers from the army of the faithful, because the Musulmáns are sorely distressed in this affair. If I return without gaining the victory, I shall destroy the royal name; and if I endeavour to obtain possession of the fort, many Musulmáns will fall: for this reason my soul is immersed in the river of anxiety.” The darwesh replied, “There is a shopkeeper in your army whose name is Zanká, who has a daughter, the splendour of whose beauty exceeds that of the sun, and whose face puts the roses of the garden to shame; the locks of her hair are lovelier than the hyacinth: buy her from her father for whatever sum he may ask, dress her in costly garments, deck her with jewels, and send her on horseback in the direction of the desert before the rose of the sun has risen from the garden of the east. After which, make ready your army, and attack the fort on all sides. With the blessing of God, you will be victorious.” After he had said this, the King awoke. In the morning he summoned his confidential chiefs into his private apartment, and related the dream to them, and made inquiries after the shopkeeper. The kotwál searched for him, and brought him to the foot of the throne. They satisfied him with presents and money, and received his daughter, whom they dressed in fine clothes and jewels, and sent off to the desert at the time indicated by the darwesh. She had scarcely reached the distance of a bow-shot, when a rosy-cheeked young man, whose beard had not yet begun to grow, came from the opposite direction; he had a gilt saddle and jewelled trappings, and rode a cream-coloured horse, and had a gold-worked quiver fastened to his waist, with a tiger's tail hanging from it, with a regal cap set jauntily on his head, and plumes from the wings of the sí-murgh. That fair girl made him a salám, and they both took the road of the desert. The men who accompanied the lady were confounded at the wonderful and mysterious occurrence which they had witnessed, and were still further astounded, when, in the twinkling of an eye, they both disappeared from their sight. Upon this, they returned, and told what had happened to 'Ádil Sháh, and the wise men of the age who were there present were wonder-struck.

Proclamation was made by beat of drum, that the soldiers should prepare for battle. They advanced against the fort. By the decree of the Most Mighty, such dread had taken possession of the defenders, that they sent a message to the effect, that, “If Dáúd Khán would bring a written promise of mercy from the King, the Rájá would give up the fort to His Majesty's troops, and come to pay his respects.” Dáúd Khán sent this message to 'Ádil Sháh, who was much astonished, and said, “O Dáúd Khán, I was put to great annoyance by this fort, because so many of the faithful had fallen and were falling. I could not gain possession of it. I therefore felt inclined to leave it, and return to Gwálior; but now I have proved the truth of the promises of a darwesh. Thank God, he has not misled me. Go and give them my written promise of mercy.” Dáúd Khán did as he was directed. The Rájá came into the presence with his turban suspended from his neck, and the fort was vacated. Much treasure and many fine elephants and horses were presented to 'Ádil Sháh. The King gave the fort into Dáúd Khán's charge, and returned thence victorious to Gwálior.

When he had reigned two years, and his authority was firmly established, he began to treat the nobles with severity. There was a man named Hímún, who was a weighman in the bázár, who had found means to approach the King on different affairs, and in whom he daily reposed more and more confidence. By degrees he became very powerful and influential, so that he managed the business of the State. About this time, Junaid Khán, the son of Ahmad Khán, who was governor of Bayána, and his son, the faujdár of Ajmír, rebelled in Ajmír, plundering and spoiling certain parganas of that province, making prisoners of the women and children, and gaining much booty, which he gave to his men. By all which he succeeded in collecting a large force, the motions of which he directed with great expertness and address.

'Ádil Sháh had at this time gone to Chunár; Jamál Khán, who was in Gwálior, assembled a force and went out against him with seventeen elephants in his train. A battle was fought at Kanúlápúr, near Ladánah. The fighting was severe. Junaid Khán overcame Jamál Khán at the first onset, and slew many of his best men. He also obtained much plunder, horses, elephants, etc. When this news reached the King, he was greatly distressed. Hímún said, “O Lord of the World, if you will trust me with a small force, I will either overcome Junaid Khán, or perish in the attempt.” 'Ádil Sháh at first objected to this, on account of the meanness of his origin, but at length he yielded to his solicitations, and sent him with 3000 or 4000 horse and four elephants. He set off, and Junaid Khán, vain of his victory over Jamál Khán, took no notice of him, saying, “My grooms will knock out his brains with the pegs to which their horses are fastened.” He then ordered Daulat Khán, who was the superintendent of his stable, to proceed against him with a large army, and enjoined him not to kill Hímún, but to bring him alive into the presence. He gave him leave to depart, and himself went to hunt tigers. How very reprehensible is arrogance!

Daulat Khán went, after making all his arrangements, and towards the close of day found himself within a kos of Hímún's army. He sent some boastful and foolish messages to Hímún, saying, “O shopkeeper, why do you meddle with war? Return to your scales and weights.” Hímún sent no answer, but allowed him to remain in his fancied security. When night came, he called the Afgháns, and said, “Junaid Khán, in the first place, defeated our troops, and is vain-glorious on that account; to-morrow, if you behave valiantly, we have every hope of gaining the victory, and you will be praised and honoured by His Majesty.” The Afgháns, on hearing this, declared their intention of doing their best in the battle which was about to ensue, saying, that “Victory was in the hands of God.” When the light of the sun parted the curtain of darkness, the brave men of both parties mixed together. Providence decreed success to the banners of 'Ádil Sháh. Daulat Khán was slain, and his army put to flight. Hímún pursued them for two kos, and put many to death; a portion of them only managed by a thousand devices to save their lives from the swords of the royal troops.

When Junaid Khán was informed of this, his head, which he had lifted to the heavens, was brought low. He ordered his troops to prepare for action, and marched with the intention of fighting. Towards night he arrived close to the army of 'Ádil Sháh, and encamped. After counting his troops, he found that he had with him 8000 cavalry and 3000 foot, whom he had assembled from different quarters, together with ten war-elephants and a numerous artillery. During the night he endeavoured to infuse spirit into his men.

When Hímún saw the large force of the enemy he was disturbed, because he had only brought 3000 horsemen with him, and many of his men were wounded. He came to the conclusion that he could not cope with the foe by day. He said, “If you, who are warriors, are of this opinion, which has firm possession of me, we may hope for success.” All the Afgháns said, “Your opinion is ours.” Hímún said, “I advise a night attack to be made on their army, let what may happen.” He then picked out one body of 2500 horsemen, and kept 1000 himself,⁵⁰ with the intention of attacking the enemy from two different quarters, with kettle-drums sounding, during the last watch of the night, and putting them all to the sword.

With this view he prepared his men for the attack. The enemy remained on the alert during three watches of the night; but in the last watch they grew negligent, and fell asleep. When they were overpowered by drowsiness, the soldiers of 'Ádil Sháh fell furiously on them on all sides, and awoke them with the sound of drums and trumpets. Hímún did not give them time to put on their armour, and the Afgháns, sword in hand, passed through their army, slaughtering all they met, and many also fell by the hands of their comrades. They took to flight, and suffered severe loss from His Majesty's troops.

When Junaid Khán saw that he was unsuccessful, he thought himself lucky in being able to save his life, and fled alone to the desert; all who were not cut to pieces also saved themselves by flight. The spoil which this victory granted by the Almighty yielded, amounted to 200 camels, with daggers and swords innumerable. A portion of this was given to the army as a reward for its valour, the remainder was forwarded to 'Ádil Sháh. Hímún despatched an account of the victory to His Majesty two days before he set forth himself. He then went to Court, taking the plunder with him, and gave a detailed account of the war and of his victories, and showed the articles of booty one by one to the King. He then stood with folded hands in front of the throne. 'Ádil Sháh honoured him with a purple khil'at, the collar and skirt of which were covered with jewels. Hímún said, “I am a miserable shopkeeper, and can of myself do nothing. To Your Majesty's good fortune this success is due. But the swords and bravery of these soldiers are the means. Your Majesty should first recompense them.” The King praised this speech, and rewarded all those who had distinguished themselves in the field, by giving them high mansabs and splendid dresses of honour.

On account of this war, Hímún's power increased greatly. One day, at the time at which the King was in the habit of quitting his private apartments, the nobles were seated in the Darbár-i'ámm, and jágírs were being distributed. Ibráhím Khán, who had married 'Ádil Sháh's sister, entered, and all the amírs rose to salute him, with the exception of Táj Khán, one of the chief nobles as well as warriors, who remained sitting in his place. Ibráhím Khán was vexed at this, and became inimically disposed towards Táj Khán. Some days after this, Táj Khán went to pay his respects to 'Ádil Sháh. The day was very cloudy, and he was assaulted by an Afghán, named Nizám Khán, in the doorway of the audience chamber, which was itself a dark place, independent of the darkness which the clouds occasioned. He was, however, only slightly wounded. Táj Khán attributed this attempt to Ibráhím and 'Ádil Sháh. When, after a week or so, his wounds were healed, he made ready his adherents, and advanced from Gwálior in the direction of Bengal. Information of this was soon conveyed to 'Ádil Sháh, who sent a large force to pursue him, and much fighting took place. Táj Khán forced his way, sword in hand, and the royal troops returned. After this, Táj Khán went to Ahmad Khán, who was governor of Jaunpúr, and a relation of his. 'Ádil Sháh sent a farmán, enjoining him to induce Táj Khán to come back, seeing that the cause of his displeasure did not originate with the King, but was entirely owing to his enemies. Ahmad Khán did all he could to persuade Táj Khán, who, however, would not listen to him.⁵²

'Ádil Sháh's suspicions caused divers of the nobles to be inimical to him. He put Daulat Khán Jalwání and Fíroz Khán Kákar to death, and pulled up the root of his empire with his own hands by killing these two amírs, who were the pillars of his monarchy. He then began to entertain evil intentions towards Nasíb Khán Sarwání, Isma'íl Khán, Alláh-dád Khán Míána, and Nizám Khán Sáhú-khail, and he became daily more ill-disposed towards the nobles. 'Ádil Sháh's sister, the wife of Ibráhím Khán, went one day to her brother's house, and learned from some of the women there, who had long been friends of hers, that the King was ill-disposed towards her husband, and meditated some evil design against him. She being very fond of her husband, was much distressed at this news, left the palace in a hurry, and went to her own house, where she told what she had heard to Ibráhím, who, being seized with a panic, fled from Gwálior and went to Dehlí. When 'Ádil Sháh was informed of his departure, he sent a large army in pursuit of him, and a battle took place near Ágra. The King's forces sustained a total defeat, and Ibráhím Khán marched victorious into Ágra.^52a

Jalál Khán, who was in the province of Sirhind, also joined Ibráhím Khán, and made over to him all the money which had been collected from the parganas of that province. Mahmúd Khán Púndak, Nizám Khán, and Alif Khán likewise allied themselves with him, so that he mustered about 3000 cavalry. He caused the khutba to be read and coin to be struck in his name, and raised the standard of rebellion. Whilst this was going on, 'Ádil Sháh had gone to the treasury of Chunár; but when he heard of the insurrection of Ibráhím Khán, he marched to Gwálior, and released Nasíb Khán and Alláh-dád Khán, whom he had imprisoned. He then treated them kindly, gave them rich purple dresses of honour, and 80,000 rupees for their expenses, and did his best to please them. At the time of their departure he presented them with an elephant, a girdle and a dagger, and sent them against Ibráhím. These two nobles proceeded in great state from Gwálior to Dehlí, but they too joined Ibráhím Khán. When 'Ádil Sháh was informed of their joining the rebels, he lost heart, because these two men of name had sided with his foe.

At this period, the Rájá of Andardún, seeing the disordered state of the King's affairs, revolted in Ujjain. 'Ádil Sháh reached Gwálior by uninterrupted marches; and when the Rájá was informed of the King's coming, he left his nephew Tárá Chand with a portion of his army in Ujjain, and advanced himself two kos from Ujjain with a numerous force to meet the royal troops. 'Ádil Sháh appointed Nizám Khán Súr and Fath Khán Sarwání to oppose him. They attacked him with their brave Afgháns. At first, the Rájá's valour had such an effect that some of the best Afgháns obtained martyrdom, and the Sultán's army were on the point of running away. 'Ádil Sháh possessed two elephants, in whose powers of travelling he had great confidence, and two fleet steeds, and he determined to fly to Chunár with all the royal jewels in the event of the defeat of Nizám Khán and Fath Khán. Nizám Khán and Fath Khán had likewise resolved to leave the field, as they had lost many men by the hands of the infidels, and could not hope to do anything with the few who remained.

Whilst they were thus despairing of their success, it happened by the blessing of God, that one of the zambúraks or swivels of the royal army was discharged. It struck the Rájá of Andardún, who was standing in front of his army, on the head; his skull was knocked to pieces, and his brains scattered like the fragments of a cheese. When the Rájá's men saw this, they all took to flight. Nizám Khán, seeing that the infidels had suddenly dispersed, believed that some unforeseen event had occurred, and made a slight attack on them with his remaining troops. The infidels fled before them, and on advancing they found the Rájá of Andardún lying in the midst of dust and blood. They returned thanks to God, and sent news of the victory to 'Ádil Sháh, and counselled him to come speedily to Ujjain. His Majesty was astonished at the mysterious dispensations of Providence, and pursued the fugitives until he reached Ujjain. The Rájá's men resisted during three hours, but at last gave way; his wives and children were taken prisoners, and such spoil of horses, camels, elephants, gold, jewels, property, and clothes was obtained, that the soldiers had wherewithal to support themselves for years.

After this victory, 'Ádil Sháh passed some time in Málwá, and Ibráhím Khán at this time availed himself of the opportunity thus afforded, and extended his authority. Having collected much money from the different parganas of the provinces, he despatched his emissaries in all directions, and gained the whole country from Dehlí to Rohtás. When 'Ádil Sháh arrived from Málwá, and heard of the power and success of Ibráhím Khán, he was distressed. He felt satisfied that it would be necessary to proceed against him in person, and ordered the necessary preparations to be made for that purpose.

At this time, Mansúr Khán, who was a young man of great courage, and had married the King's younger sister, excited 'Ádil Sháh's suspicions. He was anxious to hinder him from revolting like Ibráhím Khán, and, therefore, determined either to blind him with a red-hot bodkin or slay him. His wife was by some means or other informed of this, and told her husband that “she had learnt in various places that 'Ádil Sháh was desirous of either putting him to death or blinding him, and that if he wished to save his life he had better fly.” Mansúr Khán had suspected this from the first. His wife said, “You have 4000 horse, who are your ancient servants: and I have much gold and property in jewels; let us sell it, and obtain adherents. As Ibráhím Khán forsook this place, and obtained such extensive authority by his courage, do you also, in like manner, not only avoid the chance of destruction, but increase your possessions.”

Mansúr Khán listened to the wife's advice, which was given in the spirit of a man; and one day, under the pretext of hunting, when informed by his spies that 'Ádil Sháh was in his cups, left Gwálior (having previously sent off his troops and baggage), and arrived at Dehlí, where he had an interview with Ibráhím, who entertained him hospitably for two or three days, after which he requested Ibráhím to give him charge of the Panjáb, and merit his gratitude by doing so, since it had pleased the Most High to make Ibráhím a man high in authority, and the possessor of an extensive territory. Ibráhím's youthful, overbearing pride led him to be displeased at this. Next day, Mansúr Khán sent his mother and wife to the wife of Ibráhím Khán, and told them to entreat her to persuade Ibráhím Khán to entrust the Panjáb to him. His wife and mother went there, and said to her⁵⁵ sister (the wife of Ibráhím), “You are like a mother to us. God has exalted you, and given you great possessions; and if through your means the land of the Panjáb be given by your husband to mine, I shall consider myself your slave, and my husband will become one of your servants.” The elder sister consented, and sent them away with a present of gold and jewels. At bedtime that evening she related what had happened to her husband. Ibráhím Khán's pride again caused him to refuse to listen to the request, and she, being vexed, arose and left him. In the morning the wife told her sister of the denial she had met with. Mansúr was enraged at this, and determined to have one trial of arms with Ibráhím Khán. He deliberated with his trusty Afgháns, and said, “What is the good of this life to me? If the Most High grants me success, my situation will be bettered; at all events, it will be better to die than remain in this wretched condition.”

As God had decreed that Mansúr Khán should be victorious, all the nobles and Afgháns of note joined him, and agreed with him in everything, so that he mustered 8000 horsemen. Ibráhím, however, commanded 30,000. Mansúr Khán made ready for war, and sent to Ibráhím to say, “Great friendship existed between us; but you have forsaken the path of affection, and it is unworthy of a man to be led away by pride, and forget the rules of courtesy. Let what will happen, I will come and essay one trial in arms against you.” Ibráhím laughed at this message, and said, “Why do you seek death beneath the feet of my elephants?” At last, on Friday, the 7th of Sha'bán, a severe action was fought.⁵⁶ It pleased the Almighty to overshadow the banners of Mansúr Khán, and Ibráhím, being routed, fled to Sambhal, in spite of his 30,000 cavalry and many elephants.^56a His troops deserted him, and came and pledged their allegiance to Mansúr Khán, who, after the victory, prostrated himself in thanksgiving on the field. He collected the army, the elephants, horses, treasures, and household property, etc., and came speedily to Dehlí, where he took possession of the throne, and issued orders for the reading of the khutba and coining of money in his own name. Ibráhím's overweening pride caused him to lose all his possessions, and he fled towards the East.

Mansúr Khán assumed the title of Sikandar,^56b and from that day [962 A.H. (1554 A.D.)] his prosperity increased.^56c 'Ádil Sháh ruled the country from Jaunpúr to Málwá. He endeavoured to wrest his conquests from Sikandar, but did not succeed. Sikandar agreed to own him as his liege lord, and wrote to him, saying, “I am a friend of yours, and will behave like one of the other nobles. You are my King.” In effect, he always treated 'Ádil Sháh with great consideration.⁵⁷

At this time, three different khutbas were read in the empire of Hindústán, and money was coined in the names of three monarchs, when before there had been only one khutba and one person's name on the money. The country from Ágra to Málwá, and the confines of Jaunpúr, owned the sovereignty of 'Ádil Sháh; from Dehlí to the smaller Rohtás on the road to Kábul, it was in the hands of Sháh Sikandar; and from the borders of the hills to the boundaries of Gujarát, it belonged to Ibráhím Khán.^57a

When Humáyún Sháh received intelligence of the feeble rule of 'Ádil Sháh, the dissensions of the nobles, and the partition of the territories of Hind, he felt persuaded that the discordance which then existed amongst the Afgháns would enable him to take easy possession of Hindústán, and he therefore made up his mind to invade it. But his differences with his brothers, Mírzá Kámrán, 'Askarí, and others, who had wrested many of his territories from him, together with the small number and unprepared state of his troops, opposed great obstacles. He wished to go to Mariam Makání, and seek succour and assistance from her. On a prosperous day, he sent Khwája Mu'azzam and Bairam Khán to fetch Mariam Makání and Prince Akbar, who went with expedition and brought them. As the winds were exceedingly hot, Akbar Mírzá spent that time on the borders of Mahain. From thence King Humáyún set off with 200 men, Bairam Khán, Khwája Mu'azzam, Bábá-dost Bakhshí, Khwája Ghází, Muhammad Haidar Akhtabegí, Mírzá Kulí Beg and his brothers, Shaikh Yúsuf, Ibráhím the Lame, and Hasan Kulí, all nobles of note.

[The history of Humáyún, which follows in the MS., is copied verbatim from the Tabakát-i Akbarí, as hereafter given among the Extracts from that work. The following account of the battle of Sirhind is the only passage in which Ahmad Yádgár differs from the Tabakát.]

Battle of Sirhind.

The tents of the Prince Akbar Mírzá had been pitched near the fort at the Hauz-i Rasúlána. All the Kháns displayed on this day great courage and valour, such as it would be impossible to exceed, and they obtained their desires. Sikandar Súr fled, forsaking everything that appertained to the possession of the empire, and the victorious troops pursued the enemy, and put many of them to the sword. Sikandar escaped with a few followers. Two hundred and fifty elephants, and three hundred and odd horses, treasure, gold and silver vessels, and all the palace furniture, were captured. Muhammad Akbar came victorious into His Majesty's presence, and made the customary congratulations. His Majesty honoured that lamp of brilliancy with an ornamented khil'at and a jewelled crown, and made him happy by granting him the high title of heir-apparent. He also gave him twenty elephants and 100 horses out of the spoil. The munshís despatched farmáns describing the victory in every direction, and they attributed the success to the skill of the Prince of the World and the valour of his servants.

Continuation of the reign of 'Adalí.

When intelligence of what had occurred to Humáyún reached Chunár, 'Ádil Sháh deliberated with his courtiers, and determined that, as the Mughal army had lost their king, they must be disheartened and distressed; that if they were attacked by a large force, they would fly without fighting, and Dehlí would easily be taken; that Sikandar was in the Siwálik hills in a state of great want; and that there was no one sufficiently powerful to have designs against Dehlí. Hímún observed, “If the King will send Ahmad Khán Súr, Alláh-dád Khán Sarwání, and Daulat Sháh Kirání, with a large army, and some powerful elephants, with me, by the fortune of the King, I will overthrow the Mughal troops, and gain possession of Dehlí. There was a soothsayer in 'Ádil Sháh's service, who could interpret the appearances of the heavens as easily as he could the signs on an astrological table. He was extremely skilful in explaining everything that related to the heavenly bodies. The King said to him, “I am about to send an army against Dehlí. You must therefore pay great attention to the state of the heavens, and then tell fearlessly what you have learnt before the throne.” The man spent three days in carefully contemplating the stars and aspects, and then went before the King, and said, “This I have learned from the revolutions of the heavens and the changes of day and night,—that after Humáyún, his son, who is seated on the Imperial throne, will be entrusted with the entire government of Hind, and the rulers of all countries will place their foreheads in the dust before his throne, and no one will vanquish him. The land of Hindústán, from Kandahár to the sea of the south, and from Kambháyit (Cambay) to the sea of Bengal, will own his sway.” 'Ádil Sháh was much dispirited at this unfavourable speech. Hímún said, “O King, the case is thus: he is now a child ten years old, who has lost his father, and the Mughal army is not yet firmly established. It is easy to root up a small plant.” 'Ádil Sháh derived confidence from his speech, and prepared a powerful force. He sent 7000 horsemen and twenty war-elephants with Hímún; who went, march by march, to Gwálior.

'Alí Kulí, who was at that place, came against him. The valour of the Afghán troops enabled them to overcome him in the first attack, and many Mughals fell. 'Alí Kulí fled, accompanied by a few followers, and all his property and valuables fell into the hands of the Afgháns. Hímún, rejoiced at this victory, sent an account of his success, together with the spoils captured from the Mughals, to 'Ádil Sháh, who was exceedingly pleased when he received it, and looked on this first piece of good fortune as a proof that he was always destined to be victorious. He gave a great festival, and sent Hímún a dress of honour, adorned with jewels and worked with gold thread, and an elephant, and made him promises of unlimited favour.

When Hímún learnt the bestowal of these favours, he advanced, and after he had passed Ágra, rumours reached Dehlí of the coming of 'Ádil Sháh's troops. The Chaghatáís assembled from different directions and consulted together. Tardí Muhammad Khán said, “It appears to me that it would be better to quit this place and join the Prince, that the never-failing good fortune of Jalálu-d dín may overshadow us.” Abú-l Ma'álí and the other Chaghatáí nobles said, “This shows want of heart. The Afghán army has not yet arrived, and we have not been vanquished by their superior force. If we then quit Dehlí, what answer shall we be able to give to-morrow before the throne?” Tardí Beg would not, however, agree with them, say what they would, and separated himself and his army from them. The other nobles prepared for action.

Hímún encamped in the neighbourhood of Old Dehlí, and set forth from thence with his army ready for fighting in three divisions. The nobles of the tribe of Chaghatáí came forth from Dehlí with their valiant troops, and the blood-drinking elephants which had fallen into the prosperous hands of King Humáyún during the war with Sikandar Súr. Tardí Beg also came out with his men, and took up his post on the left. Severe fighting took place. At first the Mughals, careless of life, kept up a constant fire of arrows, and the hearts of many Afgháns were pierced through and through by their deadly points. They were on the point of flying from the field of battle, when Hímún, seeing that his affairs were getting desperate in that quarter, directed Alláh-dád Khán to go to their assistance from the left. Alláh-dád Khán, who was so brave a man that he had never turned his back to the enemy in any battle, attacked the Mughals, and for a short time kept them in check; but they again fell on him both from the left and right, wounded Alláh-dád Khán with their piercing arrows, and scattered his troops as the wind does the clouds. Tardí Beg did not leave his position to assist either party.⁶¹

When Hímún saw that the Mughals were in good spirits, and the Afgháns disheartened, he advanced with his own division of 3000 cavalry, made an onslaught on the Mughals, and routed them. They were unable to rally, and as they were utterly defeated, they took to flight. Hímún pursued them, and slaughtered many. The Afgháns did not treat Abú-l Ma'áli with great severity, because he had a secret understanding with them. So much plunder of the Mughal army fell into Hímún's hands, that it was impossible to take an account of it—160 elephants, and 1000 horses of Arab breed, and an immense quantity of property and valuables;—Hímún collected all, and kept them himself: and from obtaining possession of so many things appertaining to royalty, he began to entertain ambitious ideas, and say, “'Ádil Sháh is helpless. Although he possessed a valiant army, he could do nothing when Ibráhím and Sikandar rebelled. Now all his elephants and soldiers are with me.” Looking on things in this light, he distributed all the spoil, with the exception of the elephants, among the Afgháns who accompanied him, and gained them over to his own side. With their concurrence, he entered Dehlí, raised the Imperial canopy over him, and ordered coin to be struck in his name. He appointed governors of his own, and brought the Dehlí territory and the neighbouring parganas under his control; and in order to console the King, he sent an account of the victory in these words: “Your slave, by the royal fortune, has routed the Mughal army, which was firm as an iron wall; but I hear that Humáyún's son commands a numerous force, and is advancing against Dehlí. For this reason I have kept the horses and elephants of the Mughals, in order that I may be able to face the valiant enemy, and not allow them to reach Dehlí.” 'Ádil Sháh was comforted by these deceitful assertions.

When the nobles of the tribe of Chaghatáí were defeated, and the royal troops retired disheartened from Dehlí, news of the defeat of the chiefs, and of the skill and bravery of the infidel, reached the high-fortuned and exalted prince. He marched without halting, with Bairam Khán, and the remainder of the nobles who accompanied him during that expedition, to Sirhind, where he showed great anger against the chiefs. Tardí Beg was punished. The treasury was opened, and gold distributed, and many people were enlisted. They then marched towards Dehlí. When they arrived at Thánesar, a census was taken of the army, which was found to consist of 26,000 horsemen. Sháh Badágh Khán was sent on ahead with 4000, and directed to keep always one march in front of His Majesty. A halt of some days' duration was made at Thánesar. One day, during the time when accounts of Hímún's vigorous measures were daily arriving, Bairam Khán took the Prince into the presence of the Kutbu-l Aktáb Saiyid Jalál Thánesarí, and procured him the honour of kissing the feet of that most holy individual. When they were about to depart, they begged him to give them the assistance of his prayers. They said, “This accursed infidel is coming with an army numerous as ants and locusts; it is proper that your holiness should protect the cause of Islám.” The Saiyid reflected for a short time, and then said to them, “Have you not heard what little boys at play say?” He then dismissed them. On the morrow they marched to a distance of seven kos from Karnál, where they encamped. Hímún, who had taken possession of the Dehlí throne, being informed of the coming of the Mughal forces, went out with regal pomp from Dehlí, with the intention of fighting them. It is related, that when Hímún was proceeding to Dehlí against the nobles of King Humáyún, he encamped near Old Dehlí. The evening preceding the day on which he expected a battle, he went to the sanctified mausoleum of the Kutbu-l Aktáb, His Highness Kutbu-l Hakk, the polestar of religion and piety, and placing the head of entreaty on the august threshold, vowed that if he were destined to conquer Dehlí,—if the throne of Dehlí were granted him, and the Mughal troops put to flight,—he would become a Musulmán on his return to Dehlí, and diffuse the religion of Muhammad. The Almighty gave him victory. But he perjured himself, and did not become a Musulmán, or forsake his heathen prejudices; nay, he even persecuted the Musulmáns. But at last he saw what he did see.

When he was going to fight on the field of Pánípat, the night before the battle, he beheld, in a dream, a torrent come down and carry away the elephant on which he was mounted. When he was nearly drowned, a Mughal came, cast a chain round his neck, and drew him out. On awaking, he sent for the interpreters of dreams, related his to them, and asked them to explain it. The interpreters, after thinking over the business, looked at one another, and Hímún inferred that there was something unpleasant in the explanation. He therefore said, “Banish fear from your minds, tell what you have discovered.” The interpreters said, “The torrent which you saw is the Mughal army, which comes with such force that it carries away you and the horse on which you are mounted, and the chain signifies the blood which will flow from your body when you are wounded, and cover you entirely.” Hímún became fearful, and said, “The very reverse of this dream will happen.”

On the morrow, when he mounted to proceed to battle, heavy rain fell, and the best elephant of that infidel, which was of gigantic size, was struck in two by lightning.⁶⁴ On account of this, Hímún became very thoughtful, and aware that the good fortune of the Mughals was in the ascendant, and that the victory was not for him, he was much terrified at the explanation of his dream, and set forth unwillingly to the fight. His Highness Akbar Mírzá had before this reached Pánípat. Hímún had encamped two kos west of that city. He had with him a force of 40,000 calvary, while the Mughal army did not exceed 20,000 horse and foot.^64a The soldiers of both sides had frequent trials of strength during the space of a week. Three days before the battle Bairam Khán gave a great entertainment, and raised a large audience-tent, adorned with embroidered satin, like the flower-beds of a garden in the early spring, or Paradise itself. He spread carpets of various colours, and on them he placed a golden throne, and caused Prince Akbar Mírzá to sit on it; after which, the darbár was opened to the public. The nobles of the Chaghatáí tribe were made joyful by the gift of expensive dresses of honour, and regal presents, and promises of future favour were likewise made to them. Bairam Khán said, “This is the commencement of His Majesty's reign. This infidel has routed the whole royal army, and is now making preparations against us. If you do your best in this business, with one heart and soul, Hindústán is yours. I place my trust in God. If we fail in this, you, whose homes are at a distance of 500 kos, will not be able to find an asylum.”

All the nobles placed their heads at the foot of the throne, and said, “If it please the Most High, we will not be found wanting in the performance of our duty as long so we have breath in our bodies.” After this they said to Ahmad Beg, the madman, who was unequalled throughout the world in foretelling the future by what he saw in the blade-bone of a sheep, “Tell us by means of your art who will gain the victory.” After feasting and eating he tried his art, and then, being filled with joy and gladness, said, “The victory is on our side, but one chief of rank will obtain martyrdom during the fight.”

At length, after two or three days, Hímún, having made ready for action, came out into the plain, and seated himself in a howda on an elephant, in order that he might be able to overlook and superintend his troops. He also caused the golden standards to be displayed. Bairam Khán also drew up the people of Chaghatáí to the right and left in battle array. Sháh Badágh Khán and Sháh Abú-l Ma'álí, with 6000, passed to the left of Pánípat, and came to the rear of the armies. Bairam Khán placed Akbar Mírzá's own private tent in an elevated position, and left 3000 horse to guard him. He then placed his reliance in Him in whose hands all human affairs are, and on whom victory depends, and turned his attention to the battle.

Hímún was excessively arrogant on account of his troops and elephants. He advanced, fought, and routed the Mughals, whose heads lay in heaps, and whose blood flowed in streams. He thus at first vanquished the Mughal army; but as the brilliancy of the star of Prince Akbar's fortune was not destined to be diminished, it chanced that, by the decree of the Almighty, an arrow struck Hímún in the forehead. He told his elephant driver to take the elephant out of the field of battle. When the Afgháns saw that the animal was retreating, they believed that Hímún was flying; but on approaching him they saw how matters stood, and as no benefit is ever derived from disloyalty he sustained a complete defeat. Sháh Abú-l Ma'álí, however, one of the chief nobles, obtained martyrdom on that day.

When Sháh Kulí Beg was told of what had occurred, he came up to the elephant, and brought it into the presence of Bairam Khán. Bairam Khán, after prostrating himself, and returning thanks, caused Hímún to descend from the elephant, after which he bound his hands, and took him before the young and fortunate Prince, and said, “As this is our first success, let Your Highness's own august hand smite this infidel with the sword.” The Prince, accordingly, struck him, and divided his head from his unclean body (Nov. 5, A.D. 1556).⁶⁶

(Muhammad Sháh 'Ádil was slain in the year 964 A.H.,^66a in an action with Khizr Khán, the son of Muhammad Khán Gauria. His body, which was not yet quite dead, was, at his conqueror's command, fastened to the foot of an elephant, and dragged about. His miserable reign lasted about three years.)

[THE Makhzan-i Afghání and the Táríkh-i Khán-Jahán Lodí are frequently mentioned and referred to as separate works, but they are essentially one and the same. The Táríkh contains, in addition, a memoir of Khán-Jahán Lodí,⁶⁷ from which the book takes it name, and it also gives a meagre history of the life of Jahángír; but in other respects it may be considered as only a revised version of the Makhzan. It is fuller than the latter in some parts, especially in the lives of the saints, but still the notes in the following Extracts will show that, although it is generally better, it is occasionally inferior to the Makhzan.

The author of the work was Ni'amatu-lla, who held the office of wáki'-nawís or historiographer at the Court of Jahángír; and he tells us that his father, Khwája Habíbu-lla, of Hirát, passed thirty-five years in the service of Akbar. But Ni'amatu-lla, though he had the chief hand in the work, was assisted or perhaps even directed by Haibat Khán, of Sámána. Ni'amatu-lla, after stating in the preface to the Makhzan, that he undertook the work in the year 1018, “at the command of Nawáb Khán-Jahán Lodí,” goes on to say that, “supported by the amiable kindness of Haibat Khán bin Salím Khán of Sámána, one of Khán-Jahán's attendants, who collected and arranged the scattered and confused genealogy of the Afgháns,” he wrote the “history in accordance with the labours and researches of the said Haibat Khán.” At the end of the MS. of the Táríkh-i Khán-Jahán Lodí, Ni'amatu-lla informs us that he finished the work at the city of Burhánpúr, and a few lines later it is stated that “there remain some words to be added on the genealogy of the most humble and most abject of slaves, Haibat Khán, who is occupied in writing and verifying this work.” The pedigree and history of his family are then related at some length. The terms of humility accompanying the name indicate that they were written by Haibat Khán himself. The authorship of the work is thus distinctly asserted both by Ni'amatu-lla and Haibat Khán; and strange to say, there has appeared to be yet another claimant. At the end of the second or Historical part of the Makhzan, there is found in the various MSS. the following passage, which the Editor of this work translates afresh, as Dorn's version is not satisfactory: “The original author of this Táríkh-i Sher Sháhí is 'Abbás Sarwání.⁶⁸ But as this work is deficient in some particulars, such as the affairs of Báz Bahádur, the memoirs of the Kiránís and Lohánís, and in some other matters, the history was incomplete. So in these days the humble servant Ibráhím Batní has made extracts from the Táríkh-i Nizámí, which also contains the history of Sher Sháh and Islám Sháh, and he has selected sundry matters from the Makhzan-i Afghání, written by Ni'amatu-lla, and having introduced them into this history, has made it complete.” These words are evidently applicable to some amended version of the Táríkh-i Sher Sháhí, not, as Dorn supposed, to the Makhzan-i Afghání; for the most bare-faced plagiarist and book-maker would hardly assert that he had improved and completed a work by adding to it selections from its own pages. It is curious to find such an entry in all the known MSS. of the Makhzan; for the only way of accounting for it is by supposing that it was inserted by mistake in the Makhzan, instead of the work for which it was intended; and if this be so, all the known MSS. of the work must have been derived from the copy in which the false entry was made.

The work begins with Adam, and professes to trace the origin of the Afgháns; but says Sir H. Elliot, “Nothing can be more meagre than the whole of the introductory book about the settlement of the Afgháns in Ghor. It is nothing but a rifacciamento of the childish Muhammadan stories of the Creation and of the prophets, especially Israel and Saul, all of which, as well as the early Muhammadan history, is taken from the commonest sources, without a single independent statement to encourage the least notion of correctness, research, novelty or probability. The Táríkh-i Khán-Jahán Lodí is nearly verbatim the same, and offers no differences of the least consequence. As a history of the early days of the Afgháns, it is utterly untrustworthy, and should by no means be considered as the basis of the annals of a nation of which we remain as ignorant as if the work had never been written.” The following Extracts are taken from the second or Historical part of the work. The third part contains memoirs of sixty-eight Afghán saints.

The second book is valuable as the work of one who lived near the times of which he writes, and had a special interest in the subject. The work was finished in the year 1021 H. (1612 A.D.). Dorn observes, “Ni'amatu-lla was contemporary with Firishta, and commenced the history of the Afgháns in the same year when Firishta finished his work; but he is nowhere mentioned. The identity of the sources they used in compiling their respective works is evident, from the extreme, often verbal coincidence of the style and thread of the history of the reigns of the Lodí race and the family of Sher Sháh.

The following is Sir H. Elliot's analysis of the MS:—“In the history of Sher Sháh the Táríkh-i Khán-Jahán Lodí is of about the same length as the Makhzan-i Afghání. The only additions are two long eulogies of Khawás Khán and Hájí Khán, and some of the regulations of Sher Sháh, which are added at the end of the reign. It follows the same order as the Makhzan, but varies from it considerably, and is altogether inferior. In this reign he quotes the Táríkh-i Sher Sháhí, Táríkh-i Nizámí, Ma'dan-i Akbar, and Akbar-náma, and appears to be in doubt as to which should be followed, for he is contradictory in some parts. The history of Islám Sháh follows, or exactly resembles, Dáúdí, and is not in the least like the Makhzan. The reign of 'Adalí is identically the same as the Makhzan; so are the notices of Shujáwal, Báz Bahádur, and Táj and 'Imád Kirání. On the subsequent periods of Afghán dominion in the East the history is brought lower down, and gives an account of Dáúd of Bengal, and a full history of the proceedings to the year 1021. The account of the saints does not occupy quite the same position. It is pretty nearly verbatim the same; but some lives differ, as Khwája Yahya Kábú, which is longer. While some of the Makhzan has been omitted, other matter equally absurd and childish has been introduced. Almost all the additions given by Dorn, from Dr. Lees' copy, in his notes, are to be found in my copy, and show that the two are identical. Both contain the life of Jahángír.

“The Makhzan-i Afghání has been well and faithfully translated by Dorn; and in my translations I have almost copied verbatim from him.”

The author mentions in his Preface the following authors who “have written books lately on the history of Sultán Bahlol Lodí,” viz. Khwája Nizámu-d dín Ahmad, in the Táríkh-i Nizámí; Shaikh 'Abbás Sarwání, in the Táríkh-i Sher Sháhí; Mauláná Mushtákí, in his Táríkh (called the Wáki'át-i Mush-tákí ); Mauláná Mahmúd bin Ibráhím Kálwání, in the history of Sultán Ibráhím, and named Ibráhím Sháhí.

The Extracts relating to the reign of Sultán Bahlol were translated by “Ensign” Charles F. Mackenzie; the others are from the pen of Sir H. M. Elliot himself.

These works, relating to the Afghán dynasties, come a little out of their chronological order; but it was not desirable to postpone them to the reign of Akbar for the mere sake of maintaining the chronological sequence of the authors.]

It is narrated by the author of the Táríkh-í Ibráhím Sháhí, and by the historian Nizámí, that Malik Bahlol Lodí was the nephew of Sultán Sháh Lodí, who bore the title of Islám Khán during the time of Sultán Mubárak Sháh and Saiyid Khizr Khán, and was one of the grandees of that period. He held the pargana of Sirhind in jágír, and governed the neighbouring districts. [Malik Bahlol, son of Malik Kálá, was his full nephew, and] when he perceived that his nephew possessed discernment and good sense, he treated him as his son, and constituted him his successor [and caused his own turban to be bound on his nephew's head.]⁷¹ After the decease of Islám Khán, Bahlol became governor of Sirhind, and established his authority firmly. Kutb Khán, the son of Islám Khán, declining to acknowledge the authority of Bahlol, went to Sultán Muhammad, who was then King of Dehlí, and complained against Malik Bahlol. In consequence of his representations, Hisám Khán, who was called Hájí Shudaní, one of the dependents of the Saiyid dynasty of Dehlí, who had attained the rank of a noble, was despatched by Sultán Muhammad with a numerous army against Malik Bahlol.^71a Both parties met near the village of Karra, in the pargana of Khizrábád, and a fierce battle took place. Hisám Khán, being defeated, retreated to Dehlí, whilst Malik Bahlol's power and authority were greatly increased.

It is related, that during the time he was with his uncle Islám Khán, he went once to Sámána for the purpose of transacting some urgent and important business, taking with him two of his intimate friends, and hearing that there was a holy man named Saiyid ibn Májzub in that place, who made predictions (sáhib i lafz búd),⁷² Malik Bahlol went to see that darwesh, accompanied by his two friends, and, after having treated him with every courtesy, sat down. That person, who was abstracted from worldly thoughts, asked, “if any one of them was able to buy the kingdom of Dehlí from him for 2000 tankas.” Malik Bahlol had 1300 tankas in his purse, which he took out and placed before the saint, and said, “This is all I possess.”^72a That worthy person consented to accept the sum so proffered, and said, “May the empire of Dehlí be fortunate to you!” When his two associates began to ridicule his superstition, the Malik said, “One of two things must happen: if the event be successful, I shall have made a good bargain; if not, in the day of judgment there are rewards for good deeds done to darweshes.” It is said in certain histories that Malik Bahlol traded;^72b but the truth or falsehood of this has never been clearly ascertained. It is known that his grandfather and father were merchants, and were in the habit of visiting Hind.^72c

Malik Bahlol, after the death of Islám Khán, gained possession of the territories of Sirhind [and the Panjáb]^72d by the assistance of his other uncle Malik Fíroz, the brother of Islám Khán, aided by the whole of his kindred, and strengthened himself and established his authority. The speech which Shaikh ibn Majzúb had made to him in his early youth caused him to aspire to the throne, and he was desirous of bringing the bird of empire into his net. After vanquishing Hisám Khán, Malik Bahlol wrote a letter to Sultán Muhammad, complaining of the mal-administration and depravity of Hisám Khán, and lauding his own candour and sincerity. He stated also in it that he would obey and serve His Majesty, if the wizárat were taken away from Hájí Hisám Khán,⁷³ and given to Hamíd Khan. Sultán Muhammad, who was totally inexperienced, believing what Malik Bahlol said to be true, put his guiltless and faithful servant Hájí Hisám Khán to death on the following day, and raised Hamíd Khán to the rank of chief minister. Malik Bahlol and the whole of the Lodís, when they heard this news, came forward without hesitation, and having paid their respects to the Sultán, were confirmed in the possession of their jágírs.

After this reconciliation, Malik Bahlol made war, in the name of Sultán Muhammad, against Sultán Mahmúd Khiljí of Malwa, [who was ruling over Hisár Fírozah, Hánsí, and Nágor,]^73a and overcame him. Upon which the Sultán ennobled him by giving him the title of Khán-khánán. Thus the Lodís became gradually more powerful, and possessed themselves by force, without King Muhammad's consent, of Lahore, Dípálpúr, Sannám, Hisár Fírozah, and various other parganas, and paid no attention to what Sultán Muhammad wrote to them in remonstrance. They raised the standards of rebellion, collected a force, and went against Sultán Muhammad who was in Dehlí, and besieged that place; but failing in their attempt, they returned to Sirhind, where Malik Bahlol assumed the title of Sultán, but abstained from having the khutba read and coinage struck in his name until Dehlí should fall into his hands.

About this time Sultán Muhammad died, and the nobles and chief men of the State placed his son, Sultán 'Aláu-d dín, on the throne. The whole of Hind was divided into provinces governed by petty rulers (mulúk-i tawá'if); but the Lodís predominated. Ahmad Khán Mewáttí possessed the country from Mahraulí to Ladhú Saráí, near the city of Dehlí. The Lodís held the country of Sirhind, Lahore, Sámána, Sannám, and Hisár, as far as Pánípat.⁷⁴ Daryá Khán Lodí governed the territory of Sambhal, up to the ferry of Khwája Khizr, which adjoins Dehlí.^74a 'Ísá Khán Turk-bacha held Kol and Jalálí. Kutb Khán, the son of Hasan Khán the Afghán, was governor of Ráprí.^74b And Ráí Partáb held the towns of Bhúígánw, Pattiálí, and Kampil. Bayána was in the hands of Dáúd Khán Auhadí; and Sultán 'Aláu-d dín ruled only in the city of Dehlí, and a few of the neighbouring villages.^74c There were also kings in Gujarát, the Dekhin, Málwá, Jaunpúr, [Mándú],^74d and Bengál.^74e

Sultán Bahlol, collecting an army for the second time, marched from Sirhind to Dehlí; but as he could not succeed in capturing the fort of Dehlí, he again returned to Sirhind. At this time, Sultán 'Aláu-d dín consulted Kutb Khán Lodí and Ráí Partáb, on the means of strengthening himself, to which they replied, “If the Sultán will degrade Hamíd Khán from the rank of wazír, and imprison him, we will wrest some parganas from the hands of the nobles, and make them over to the exchequer. Accordingly, Sultán 'Aláu-d dín ordered Hamíd Khán to be confined, and then marched from Dehlí to Burhánábád, and encamped near Amroha. Kutb Khán, 'Ísá Khán, and Partáb came there to pay their respects, and promised to make over forty parganas to the Sultán, on condition that he would put Hamíd Khán to death. Partáb incited the Sultán to slay Hamíd Khán, because the Khán's father in former days had plundered his estate and seized his wife. Sultán 'Aláu-d dín, who was unfit to govern a kingdom, gave directions, without thought or reflection, for the execution of Hamíd Khán, whose brothers, learning these intentions, managed to liberate him from confinement, and then fled to Dehlí. Malik Muhammad Jamál, in whose custody he had been, pursued Hamíd Khán to his house and attacked him; but in the tumult he was killed by a spear, and many people joined the party of Hamíd Khán. The wazír removed the wives, sons, and daughters of the Sultán, exposed and bare-headed, out of the fort of Dehlí, and then took possession of the treasures and regalia. Sultán 'Aláu-d dín's irresolution hindered him from doing anything, and after putting off his revenge from day to day, he remained in Badáún on account of the rainy season. Hamíd Khán resolved to avail himself of the opportunity, and to establish another sovereign in the room of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín; but as Sultán Mahmúd, King of Jaunpúr, was connected with Sultán 'Aláu-d dín, and Sultán Mahmúd, King of Mándú, was too distant to admit of his holding communication with him, he did not think proper to make any determined move. Whilst he was meditating on his future schemes, Bahlol, having received intelligence of what was in contemplation, came with his entire army from Sirhind to Dehlí. Hamíd Khán did not quit his post, as he considered himself sufficiently strong to prevent Sultán Bahlol from entering the city.⁷⁶ After entering into a convention, Sultán Bahlol gained permission to enter the city, and he, in order to meet the necessities of the times, treated Hamíd Khán with all possible politeness and courtesy, and went daily to visit him, at the same time always keeping near his own person many Afgháns who had joined him from Roh. His determination was to make himself king, and turn Hamíd Khán out.

One day Hamíd Khán gave a grand entertainment, and invited many nobles as his guests. Sultán Bahlol, who was one of the party, had instructed his Afgháns to behave in a foolish and indecorous mannner, during Hamíd Khán's feast, so that he might look on them as a set of idiots, and ceasing to regard them with any apprehension, might pay no further attention to them. When the Afgháns went into Hamíd Khán's presence, they acted in an unusual and strange manner. Some fastened their shoes to their girdles, some placed their shoes in the recess above Hamíd Khán's head. Hamíd Khán inquired what this meant. They answered, “We are taking precautions against thieves.” After a short time the Afgháns said to Hamíd Khán, “Your carpet is wonderfully coloured; if you give us each a blanket from it, we will send it as a rarity to our native land of Roh, to make caps for our children, that the inhabitants of the world may know that we are in the service of Hamíd Khán, and are treated with much dignity, honour, and respect.” Hamíd Khán smiled, and said in reply, “I will make you presents of the most costly articles for rarities.” And as they were bringing round trays containing perfumes, the Afgháns licked the scent bottles, and ate the flowers. They opened the leaves which covered the pán. First they ate the lime, and when this had heated their mouths, they chewed the pán afterwards, and in other respects conducted themselves in an extraordinary manner. Hamíd Khán asked Malik Bahlol, “Why do they act thus?” He replied, “They are a set of clowns, and have associated but little with men; they only know how to eat and die.” It became Bahlol's custom to bring some of these men whenever he went to see Hamíd Khán; but the greater portion of his attendants remained standing without. On one occasion, when Hamíd Khán was feasting Malik Bahlol, the Afgháns, in obedience to secret instructions received from Malik Bahlol, beat the door-keepers, and forced their way in, saying, “We are likewise servants of Hamíd Khán; why should we be prevented from coming to salute him?” When a tumult and disturbance had arisen, Hamíd Khán asked the reason of it. They, as they were entering, abused Malik Bahlol, and said to the minister, “We are just as much your servants as he is; he comes in, and why should not we?” When Hamíd Khán directed that they should be admitted, the Afgháns crowded in, and two of them placed themselves near every servant of Hamíd Khán. When the eating part of the entertainment was over, and many of Hamíd Khán's men had gone out, Kutb Khán Lodí drew forth a chain from his bosom, and laid it before Hamíd Khán, saying, “The best thing for you will be to retire from public life for a short time. As I have eaten your salt, I do not intend to put you to death.” After this he caused Hamíd Khán to be seized, and gave him in charge to his officers.⁷⁷

Thus Malik Bahlol took possession of Dehlí, without hindrance or opposition; and on the 17th of the month Rabí'u-l awwal, A.H. 855^77a (19th April, 1451), at the prosperous moment and auspicious time which the astrologers learned in the stars, and experienced Bráhmans had indicated, he seated himself on the Imperial throne, and ordered the khutba to be read and coin to be struck in his own name. He assumed the title of Sultán Bahlol; and did his best to conciliate the nobles and soldiery, and gain the goodwill of great and small, by his extreme liberality and generosity. He won the people over to his side, and when he had secured a firm hold on Dehlí, after some days, he wrote to Sultán 'Aláu-d dín, saying, “Since I was educated by your father, and consider myself as in fact your regent for this country, I will allow the royal power, which had left your hands, to remain as it was; and I will not prevent the khutba from being read in your name.” Sultán 'Aláu-d dín wrote in reply, “As my father looked on you as his offspring, I likewise have looked on you as my elder brother, and have therefore made over the government to you, and contented myself with Badáún.”⁷⁸ Sultán Bahlol, being successful and prosperous, ruled the empire with vigour. He wrested the parganas bordering on Dehlí from the people who had usurped them, and took them into his own possession. He also, in the first year of his reign, went to settle the province of Multán.

Some of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín's nobles, who were dissatisfied with the government of the Lodís, wrote to Sultán Mahmúd of Jaunpúr, and summoned him to their assistance. Accordingly, in the year 855,^78a he advanced from Jaunpúr to Dehlí, which place he besieged. Khwája Báyazíd, the son of Sultán Bahlol, with other nobles, remained there to garrison the fort.^78b Sultán Bahlol,^78c on hearing this, left Dípálpúr and came and encamped in the village of Narela, fifteen kos distant from Dehlí. In spite of all his endeavours to make peace, Sultán Mahmúd's pride and arrogance prevented an accommodation. Sultán Mahmúd sent Fath Khán Hirwí, with 30,000 horsemen and 39 elephants, against Sultán Bahlol. These came into action in three divisions. The leading elephant of Fath Khán's army was disabled by Kutb Khán Lodí, who was an unrivalled archer, with a single shot. Daryá Khán Lodí, who had joined Sultán Mahmúd, was fighting in the same field. Kutb Khán called out to him with a loud voice, “Your mother and sisters are in the fort; it is not fit that you should do battle for the stranger, and lose sight of the reputation of your family.” Daryá Khán said, “I will leave the field, provided you do not follow me.” Kutb took an oath that he would not pursue him; and thus, on account of Daryá Khán's retreat, Fath Khán's troops were defeated, and he himself was taken prisoner. Sultán Mahmúd, being thus foiled, and being unable to effect anything, retired to Jaunpúr.

Sultán Bahlol then settled himself firmly, and increased his dominions and authority. He took measures to gain entire possession of the country; and with this object in view, first proceeded into Mewát. Ahmad Khán Mewáttí submitted; upon which the Sultán deprived him of seven parganas, but allowed him to retain the remainder. Ahmad appointed his uncle, Mubárak Khán, to be perpetually in attendance at Court. The Sultán proceeded from Mewát to Baran. Daryá Khán Lodí, governor of Sambhal, also came before His Majesty, to tender his allegiance and submission, and presented him with seven parganas. The Sultán went thence to Kol, and confirmed 'Ísá Khán in the possession of that place on the former terms. When he reached Burhánábád, Mubárak Khán, governor of Sakít, came to pay his respects; he was likewise confirmed in the possession of the districts which he held in jágír. Ráí Partáb, chief of the zamíndárs in those parts, was also confirmed in possession of Bhúíngánw. From thence he went to the fort of Ráprí.⁷⁹ Kutb Khán, the son of Husain, who commanded in Ráprí, resisted, but his fort was speedily captured. Khán Jahán, after making a solemn promise of safe conduct to Kutb Khán, brought him into the King's presence, when he also was confirmed in his jágírs. From thence, Sultán Bahlol went to Etáwah, the governor of which likewise offered his homage.

At this period Mahmúd Sharkí, by the advice of Malika Jahán, who was the chief lady of his harem, and was related to Sultán 'Aláu-d dín, again assembled a force, and came against Sultán Bahlol, and encamped in the country about Etáwah. On the first day, both armies engaged in hostilities; on the second, Kutb Khán and Ráí Partáb made amicable arrangements, and agreed that the whole of the territory which had belonged to Mubárak Sháh, King of Dehlí, should be left in the hands of Sultán Bahlol, and that which Sultán Ibráhím, King of Jaunpúr, had held, should be left in the possession of Sultán Mahmúd; also that seven elephants which had fallen into the hands of Sultán Bahlol in the fight with Fath Khán should be given back to Sultán Mahmúd. Shamsábád was to be considered the property of Sultán Bahlol, and was to be made over to him by Júná Khán, the agent of Sultán Mahmúd. After this truce, Sultán Mahmúd returned to Jaunpúr, and Sultán Bahlol wrote a farmán at the appointed time to Júná Khán, directing him to leave Shamsábád, and give it into the hands of Ráí Karan. As Júná Khán resisted the execution of the order, Sultán Bahlol went in person to Shamsábád, took the fort and town from Júná Khán and gave them to Ráí Karan.

Sultán Mahmúd, when informed of these transactions, again went against Sultán Bahlol, in violation of his solemn engagements. They met face to face at Shamsábád, and Daryá Khán Lodí and Kutb Khán⁸⁰ made a night attack on the army of Sultán Mahmúd. By chance, Kutb Khán's horse stumbled, and he was thrown to the ground and taken prisoner. Sultán Mahmúd confined him and sent him to Jaunpúr, where he remained captive for seven years. Sultán Bahlol, leaving Prince Jalál Khán, Sikandar Khán, and 'Imádu-l Mulk in front of Sultán Mahmúd's forces, for the purpose of rendering assistance to Ráí Karan, who was in the fort of Shams-ábád, went in person against Sultán Mahmúd. At this time the Sultán [Mahmúd] fell sick, and in two or three days the measure of his age was filled to the brim, and he ceased to exist. His mother, Bíbí Rájí, who was a very wise, clever and experienced woman, with the assistance of the nobles, seated Prince Bhíkhan Khán on the throne of the kingdom, and gave him the title of Muhammad Sháh. Certain of the chief nobles and grandees of the State interposed, and made peace between the two monarchs, under which it was agreed that the territories of Sultán Mahmúd should be ruled by Muhammad Sháh, and that those owned formerly by Sultán 'Aláu-d dín should be governed by Sultán Bahlol.

After this compact, Muhammad Sháh retraced his steps to Jaunpúr, and Sultán Bahlol went towards Dehlí. On his arrival near Dehlí, Shams Khátún, sister of Kutb Khán, and the chief lady of the Sultán's harem, sent to say, that as long as Kutb Khán remained the prisoner of Sultán Muhammad Sháh, it would be unlawful for the Sultán to take sleep or repose of any kind, [adding that she would kill herself].⁸¹ This speech made such an impression on the Sultán, that he turned back from Dehlí, and set off again against Muhammad Sháh. When Muhammad heard this, he set out from Jaunpúr, with the view of meeting Sultán Bahlol; and on reaching Shamsábád, he took that district away from Ráí Karan, Sultán Bahlol's governor, and reinstated Júná Khán. Although Ráí Partáb had formerly been on the side of Sultán Bahlol, yet he now became alarmed on account of Muhammad Sháh's successes, and joined his party. Muhammad Sháh reached Sursení by uninterrupted marches. Sultán Bahlol encamped in the pargana of Ráprí, which adjoined Sursení, and fighting took place for some days between the two armies.

Muhammad Sháh wrote a farmán to the Kotwál of Jaunpúr, ordering him to put his (the Sháh's) own brother, Hasan Khán, and Kutb Khán Lodí, who were both detained as prisoners, to death.⁸² The Kotwál represented that Bíbí Rájí protected both of them, and that he had not sufficient authority to kill them. When Muhammad Sháh learnt the contents of the reply, he wrote in a perfidious, plausible and treacherous way to his mother, saying, “My brother, Hasan Khán, suffers greatly in prison; it is proper that you should come here and make peace between him and me; after which an estate shall be given to him.” Bíbí Rájí set forth on receiving the letter; and when she was some stages on the road, one of Sháh Muhammad's courtiers put Prince Hasan Khán to death by order. This news reached Bíbí Rájí at Kanauj. After mourning for Hasan Khán in Kanauj, she declined to enter the presence of Muhammad Sháh. When Muhammad Sháh heard of his mother's return, he was wroth, and wrote to her, saying, “Why do you mourn on account of the execution of an individual? All the princes will meet with a like fate, and then you can mourn for them all at once!” The nobles and ministers were in continual dread of Muhammad Sháh, for he was of a very ferocious, bloodthirsty, and passionate disposition.

During these transactions, Husain Khán, a younger brother of Muhammad Sháh, sent Sultán Sháh and Jalál Khán Ajodhaní to inform Muhammad Sháh that the troops of Sultán Bahlol intended to make a night attack; that 30,000 horsemen and thirty elephants had been detached for the purpose, and had taken a position on the banks of the Jharna.^82a Sultán Muhammad,^82b on receiving this news, sent a division of his troops to oppose them. Prince Husain Khán desired to take his brother Sháh-záda Jalál Khán with him, and sent a man to call him; but Sultán Sháh remonstrated against the delay, representing that Jalál Khán might come up afterwards. Upon this, they went off in the direction of the enemy. It so happened, that Sultán Bahlol's army was prepared for these movements; so that when Prince Jalál Khán, in obedience to the summons of Husain Khán, had left the army of Muhammad Sháh, and started for the Jharna, he found himself in the presence of the Sultán's troops, instead of Husain Khán's. Thereupon, Sultán Bahlol's men seized Jalál Khán, and brought him into the presence of their sovereign, who imprisoned him, determining to retain him as a hostage for the safety of Kutb Khán. [Husain Khán, when he heard of this capture of Jalál Khán, being in fear and dread of Muhammad Sháh, took to flight and went to Jaunpúr.]⁸³ Muhammad Sháh was terror-stricken when he learnt the capture of one brother and the flight of another, fearing that the latter might go and do damage to his interests throughout the country; but being unable to offer any opposition, he went to Kanauj, and was pursued as far as the Ganges by Sultán Bahlol, who returned to Dehlí after plundering a small portion of the baggage [and capturing some elephants and horses].

Sháhzáda Husain Khán, in the year 857, came, at Jaunpúr, into the presence of Bíbí Rájí, to pay his respects; and as she was greatly displeased with Muhammad Sháh, she, with the aid of the Sharkí nobles and grandees, raised him to the throne of the kingdom of Jaunpúr, with the title of Sultán Husain.^83a Malik Mubárak Gang, Malik 'Alí Gujarátí, and other chiefs were appointed to attack Muhammad Sháh, who had taken up a position at Rájgarh, on the river Ganges. When Sultán Husain's army approached, divers nobles who were dissatisfied with Muhammad Sháh forsook him, and joined the forces of Sultán Husain. Muhammad Sháh fled, accompanied by 100 of his body-guard, and arrived at a garden which was in that neighbourhood, where he was surrounded by the Sultán's soldiers. Muhammad Sháh, being a capital archer, took up his bow and arrows; but previous to this, Bíbí Rájí had persuaded the armourer of Muhammad to remove the points from the arrows which he had in his quiver, so he found, at the time of action, that all the arrows which he drew forth from his quiver were pointless. At last he threw down his bow, and took to his sword, with which he smote down several persons; but an arrow from the bow of destiny was sent by the hand of Malik Mubárak Gang, which struck Muhammad Sháh in the throat. The wound caused him to fall from his horse to the ground, when he attained martyrdom.

“Our mother, Nature, never bore a son whom she did not slay!
Beware, distrust the love of this murderer of her offspring!”

After these events, the Almighty established Sultán Husain firmly in the possession of the kingdom. He made peace with Sultán Bahlol, by which they were both bound to remain satisfied with their own possessions for four years. Ráí Partáb was induced by Kutb Khán to side with Sultán Bahlol.⁸⁴ When Sultán Husain had made peace, and arrived near the Hauz-i Hariya, he sent for Kutb Khán [Lodí] from Jaunpúr, and after presenting him with a horse, a royal dress of honour, an elephant, girdles, daggers, and jewelled swords, he gave him leave to depart, and having thus treated him with all possible honour and respect, sent him to Sultán Bahlol. Sultán Bahlol, likewise, gratified Prince Jalál Khán by the kind and polite manner in which he behaved to him, and then sent him to Sultán Husain.

Some time after, Sultán [Bahlol] determined to go to Shams-ábád; which place he again took from Júná Khán, and gave it to Ráí Karan. He also presented the kettle-drum and standard which he had wrested from Daryá Khán to Narsing Deo, the son of Ráí Partáb.⁸⁵ Daryá Khán took advantage of an opportunity, and, with the approval of Kutb Khán, slew Narsing Deo. Kutb Khán, Husain Khán, Mubáriz Khán, and Ráí Partáb, having entered into a conspiracy, went over to the Sharkí monarch.^85a Sultán Bahlol, finding himself too weak to resist them, went back to Dehlí; and after some time, started for Multán, with the intention of putting an end to the disturbances in the Panjáb. He left Kutb Khán Lodí and Khán Jahán in Dehlí, to act as his deputies during his absence; but whilst he was yet on the road,^85b news reached him that Sultán Husain, with a well-appointed army and war-elephants, was marching towards Dehlí. Sultán Bahlol turned back, and with all possible speed returned to Dehlí, and went out to meet the foe, with whom, after some time, he found himself face to face. Continual fighting took place between the two parties during the space of seven days, when at length, after much slaughter, by the efforts of the chiefs, a peace was brought about; and it was agreed that both kings should remain within the boundaries of their respective territories for three years.

After this truce, Sultán Bahlol abode in Dehlí for three years, and Sultán Husain returned to Jaunpúr, and attended to the affairs of his kingdom and army. During this period, Sultán Bahlol proceeded against Ahmad Khán Mewáttí, who had before been an ally of Sultán Husain. When he arrived in Mewát, Ahmad Khán was induced by the representations of the Khán-khánán, one of the chief nobles of Sultán Bahlol, to come in and pay his respects.

About this period Ahmad Khán, the son of Yúsuf Khán Jalwání, governor of Bayána, broke out into revolt against Sultán Bahlol; and having caused the khutba to be read and coin to be struck in the fort of Bayána in the name of Sultán Husain, sent intelligence of this to Sultán Husain.⁸⁶ No dispute had occurred during the period of the three years' truce; but now the Sultán marched towards Dehlí with 100,000 horse and 1000 elephants. Sultán Bahlol came out of Dehlí, and drew up his forces before the enemy in the neighbourhood of Bhatwára. Khán Jahán interposed, and effected a reconciliation between the parties; after which Sultán Husain went to Etáwah, and remained there, whilst Sultán Bahlol returned to Dehlí.

After the lapse of some time, Sultán Husain broke his oath, and again advanced against Sultán Bahlol. Sultán Bahlol left Dehlí, and both sides skirmished during several days in the vicinity of the Saráí Lashkar; they, however, ended by making peace. About this time Sultán Husain's mother, Bíbí Rájí, departed this life in Etáwah. Kalyán Mal, the son of Ráí Karan Sing, Rájá of Gwálior, and Kutb Khán Lodí, went from Chanda-wár to condole with Sultán Husain. Kutb Khán found that Sultán Husain was inimical to and disposed to injure Sultán Bahlol, so he flattered the Sultán by telling him that Bahlol was his subject, and unable to cope with him as a rival, and that he would take no rest until he had obtained possession of Dehlí for him. After thus deceiving Sultán Husain, Kutb Khán took leave of him, and presented himself to Sultán Bahlol, and said, “We have escaped from the hands of Sultán Husain by wiles and contrivances, and have discovered that he entertains a rooted hatred to you. It is necessary for you, therefore, to look to yourself. Be on the alert.”

About this time, Sultán 'Aláu-d dín departed to the mercy of God in Badáún. Sultán Husain went there for the purpose of offering condolence, but he finished by wresting Badáún from 'Aláu-d dín's son, and in doing so injured his reputation. From thence he went to Sambhal, where he confined Mubárak Khán, the son of Tátár Khán, the governor of that place, and sent him to Sáran. He then proceeded in person against Dehlí, with a large army and 1000 elephants, and arrived at the ferry of Kanjh, on the river Jumna, in the month of Zí-l hijja, A.H. 893, and encamped there. Sultán Bahlol was, at this period, in the direction of Sirhind, but came to Dehlí when he heard the news. Both parties were employed in fighting for some time, and the eastern forces were generally victorious, owing to their superior strength and numbers. In the end, Kutb Khán sent a person to Sultán Husain with a message, saying, “I am the grateful servant of Bíbí Rájí; she treated me with the utmost kindness when I was a prisoner in Jaunpúr. I think that the most advisable course to pursue at present is to make peace, and return. Let the countries on the other side of the river Ganges be ruled by you, and those on this side by Sultán Bahlol.” Thus did Kutb Khán's interposition put an end to this warfare.

Sultán Husain, relying on the truce which had been concluded, marched away, leaving his baggage behind. Sultán Bahlol took advantage of the opportunity, pursued Sultán Husain, and plundered his baggage. A portion of the valuables and treasures, which had been laden on horses and elephants, fell into the hands of Sultán Bahlol. Moreover, forty noblemen of Sultán Husain's army, who were grandees of his kingdom, including Katlagh Khán, the wazír, who was one of the most learned men of the age, Odhú, the náíb, and others like them, were made captive. Sultán Bahlol put Katlagh Khán in chains, and gave him in charge to Kutb Khán. The defeated Sultán himself also fled; Malika Jahán, the chief wife of Sultán Husain, was taken prisoner. Sultán Bahlol appointed eunuchs to keep strict guard over the wife of the Sultán; and after some time she was sent, with the greatest honour and respect, to Sultán Husain. Sultán Bahlol seized several parganas which belonged to Sultán Husain, such as Kampil, Pattiálí, Sakít, Kol, and Jalálí,⁸⁸ and appointed his own governors. He then went himself in pursuit, and when the pursuit had lasted some time, Sultán Husain faced about, and posted himself in the village of Rám-panjwáran, which is attached to Ráprí. At length, a truce was agreed upon, the conditions of which were that both the Sultáns should remain contented with their old boundaries. After the conclusion of peace, both returned to their respective countries.^88a

In the next year Sultán Husain, at the instigation of Malika Jahán, forgetful of his oath, again came to attack Sultán Bahlol, at the head of a large army. A desperate battle was fought, near the village of Sonhár, and Sultán Husain, being again routed, went to Ráprí. Sultán Bahlol pitched his camp near the village of Dhúpámú. An immense amount of valuable property fell into the hands of the Lodís, the possession of which tended much to increase the power and authority of Malik Bahlol.

About this time intelligence arrived of the decease of Khán Jahán Lodí, and Sultán Bahlol granted to his son the title of Khán Jahán, and conferred on him the appointments held by his father. He then went to Ráprí against Sultán Husain, and was victorious, after much fighting and slaughter. Sultán Husain, being defeated, fled across the river Jumna. Whilst passing that stream, several of his wives and children were drowned in the river of mortality; this caused Sultán Husain excessive pain and affliction. He, after suffering much trouble, and repentance, went off towards Gwálior, intending to proceed from thence to Jaunpúr. On his way to Gwálior, the Bhadauryas attacked his camp. When he arrived at that place, Ráí Karan Sing, the Rájá of Gwálior, showed his allegiance, and received him with regal honours. He presented an offering to the Sultán, consisting of some lacs of tankas, various descriptions of tents, with some horses, elephants, and camels, and thus proved himself one of the well-wishers of the State. He also sent a body of his own troops to accompany the Sultán as far as Kálpí.

Whilst this was happening, Sultán Bahlol determined to proceed to Etáwah. Ibráhím Khán, the brother of Sultán Husain, and Haibat Khán, called Gurg-andáz, “the wolf-slayer,” who had posted themselves in Etáwah, fought for three days, after which they begged for mercy, and surrendered that fortress. Sultán Bahlol appointed Ibráhím Khán Lohání to command in Etáwah, and assigned some parganas of Etáwah to Ráí Dádand. He then went with a numerous force against Sultán Husain; they met at the village of Rángánw, which belongs to Kálpí, and both parties were engaged for some time in preparation for battle. The river Jumna was between them. At this period Ráí Tilak Chand, the governor of the territory of Baksar,⁸⁹ came to pay his respects to Sultán Bahlol, and took his army across the river by a ford, against the troops of Sultán Husain, who, being too weak to resist, fled to the Panna^89a country, the Rájá of which place came out to meet him, and presented him with some lacs of tankas, and 100 horses and elephants, after which he sent his own soldiers with him as far as Jaunpúr.

Sultán Bahlol collected a body of men, with the intention of gaining possession of Jaunpúr, and when he drew near, Sultán Husain, being unable to resist, retired toward Bahráích, towards which place Sultán Bahlol likewise directed his steps, and they met on the banks of the Rahab.^89b After a contest, which ended as usual in the defeat of Sultán Husain, the whole of the regalia^89c fell into the hands of the Lodís. Sultán Bahlol, after the victory, made up his mind to go to Jaunpúr, which place he took possession of. Leaving Mubárak Khán to govern Jaunpúr, and Kutb Khán Lodí and Khán Jahán, with some other nobles, in the territory of Manjhaulí, he himself proceeded in the direction of Badáún. Sultán Husain availed himself of the opportunity thus offered, and returned to Jaunpúr, with a large army; upon which the nobles of Sultán Bahlol quitted Jaunpúr and went to Manjhaulí; but finding themselves unable to hold that place, they entered into an arrangement with Sultán Husain, and amused him under various artifices, devised by Kutb Khán, until such time as succour should arrive. Sultán Bahlol sent his own son, Bárbak Sháh, to aid them, and also followed in person. Sultán Husain, being unable to do anything, went to Bihár.

When Sultán Bahlol arrived in the town of Haldí, he heard the news of the death of Kutb Khán Lodí, the son of Islám Khán, the Sultán's uncle. After passing some days in the performance of the customary mourning, he went to Jaunpúr; and having established Bárbak Sháh on the throne there, returned himself to Kálpí, which place he gave to 'Azam Humáyún,⁹⁰ the son of Prince Khwája Báyazíd. He then proceeded to Dhúlpúr by the road of Chandawár; and the Ráí of Dhúlpúr came forth to meet him, and presented him with some mans of gold, so that the Ráí was treated as a well-wisher of the State. The Sultán marched thence and came to the pargana of Bárí. Ikbál Khán, the governor of Bárí, having paid his respects in a fitting and respectful manner, was appointed a servant of the State. He made an offering of some mans of gold to the Sultán, who confirmed him in the possession of Bárí. From thence, proceeding towards Alláhápúr, a dependency of Rantambhor,⁹¹ he overran that country, and spoiled its fields and gardens. After which he came to Dehlí, where he remained, and spent some time in ease and festivity, in performing deeds of justice and displaying liberality.^91a

At the close of the rainy season and the rising of the star Canopus, he went to Gwálior, the ruler of which place, Rájá Mán, came forth to show his obedience; and after presenting an offering of eighty lacs of tankas, he was confirmed in the possession of Gwálior.^91b From that place the Sultán marched to Etáwah, from the government of which place he dismissed Ráí Sangat Sing, the son of Ráí Dádand,^91c and then went back to Dehlí. On the road he fell sick, on account of the excessive heat, and near the village of Maláwí,^91d which is in the territory of Sakít, in the year A.H. 894 (A.D. 1488), he departed from this transitory and troublesome existence to the regions of eternity, in obedience to the summons of the Almighty.^91e He reigned during the space of thirty-eight years eight months and eight days; and one of the most learned men of the age has made this verse in his praise:—“In the year 894 departed from the earth the mighty monarch, the vanquisher of kingdoms, the world-conqueror Bahlol.”^91f

* * * * * * *

The proceedings of Sultán Sikandar Lodí at Gwálior and Bayána. —Rebellion in Jaunpúr.—Retreat from Panna.—Conquest of Bihár.—(A.H. 897-901.)

Sultán Sikandar then pursued his march to Kálpí, of which he dispossessed 'Azam Humáyún, the son of Prince Khwája Báyazíd, and bestowed it upon Mahmúd Khán Lodí. After which he proceeded to Baksar Chhetra, whose governor, Tátár Khán, showed the most entire homage and allegiance to him, and was confirmed in the government of Chhetra. He then directed his progress to Gwálior; from whence he despatched Khwája Muhammad Farmulí with an honorary dress to Rájá Mán, who acknowledged his authority, and sent in return a nephew of his to attend upon the Sultán. His way now led him to Bayána, where Sultán Ashraf, a son of Ahmad Khán Jalwání, presented himself before him, professing his submission. He was, nevertheless, ordered to evacuate Bayána, and to take in exchange Jalesar, Mahrera, Chandawár, and Sakít. Ashraf, in conformity with this command, took 'Umar Khán Sarwání with him to Bayána, under the pretence of delivering the keys over to him; but when within the walls, he foolishly drew the shield of rebellion over his face, closed the gates, and put the fort in a state of defence, and was imitated by Haibat Khán Jalwání, one of his vassals, in Ágra, which was a dependency of Bayána.

The Sultán had, in the meanwhile, pitched his tents on the banks of the Jumna, whither he retired in order to avoid the heat, and amuse himself with fishing. When the news of these occurrences arrived, he left some of his chiefs to lay siege to Ágra, and drew his army back to Bayána, which he closely invested. Sultán Ashraf, being hard pressed, offered to surrender, and thus Bayána was conquered in the year 897⁹³ (1492 A.D.). Sultán Sikandar entrusted the fort to Khán-khánán Farmulí, and himself returned to Dehlí. He had arrived at this place only twenty-four days, when intelligence was brought from Jaunpúr, that the zamíndárs of that province, headed by the Bachgotís, had collected together a force of nearly 100,000 men, horse and foot, and deposed Mubárak Khán, the governor of Jaunpúr, and even killed his brother Sher Khán; that Mubárak Khán himself had crossed the Ganges by the ferry of Júsí, but had fallen into Mullá Khán's hands; upon which Ráí Bhíd, Rájá of Panna, had seized and carried him off a prisoner. Bárbak Sháh, from his inability to offer resistance, abandoned Jaunpúr, and retreated to Muhammad Khán Farmulí, who bore the title of Kálá Pahár (‘black mountain’). The Sultán marched in 899 (1493-4), in that direction, and when he arrived at Dalamau, Bárbak Sháh and all his nobles presented themselves humbly before him, and were received with royal favour and kindness. Ráí Bhíd, being apprehensive of the Sultán's displeasure, sent Mubárak Khán to the Sultán; upon which, the latter proceeded to Katehr, where the zamíndárs had concentrated themselves in large numbers, and offered a well-contested battle; but being finally defeated, dispersed themselves in all directions, and the army of Islám captured a great quantity of booty.

He now returned victorious to Jaunpúr, and having for the second time settled the administration of the place upon Bárbak Sháh, he again set out on his return to Dehlí. He enjoyed himself in field sports during one month in the neighbourhood of Oudh; but when he reached Katehr, he received intelligence that Bárbak Sháh could not maintain himself in Jaunpúr against the attacks of the zamíndárs; upon which the Sultán detached Muhammad Khán Farmulí, 'Azam Humáyún, Khán Jahán, and Khán-khánán Lohání by way of Oudh, and Mubárak Khán by that of Karra, with orders to put Bárbak Sháh in chains, and send him to Court. This being faithfully executed, he gave him in charge to 'Umar Khán Sarwání and Haibat Khán, and proceeded himself to the fort of Chunár to chastise some nobles of Sultán Husain Sharkí. These, however, after giving battle, were obliged to retreat, and fortified themselves in Chunár, which being very strong and almost impregnable, he did not stop to besiege it, but proceeded towards Kantít, a dependency of Panna;⁹⁴ the Rájá of which place, Ráí Bhíd, came out to meet him, and proffered his allegiance, for which the Sultán confirmed him in the possession of Kantít, and moved on to Arail and Bayák. It was at this time that Ráí Bhíd, in consequence of his suspicious temper, abandoned all his camp-equipage and effects, and fled. The Sultán ordered his whole property to be collected together, and sent to the Rájá.^94a On his arrival at Arail, he ordered the gardens and habitations of that district to be laid waste; after which, he proceeded, by the way of Karra, to Dalamau, where he married the widow of Sher Khán Lohání, who was one of the most beautiful and intelligent women of the age; and then continued his march to Shamsábád, from whence, after a stay of six months, he proceeded to Sambhal, but returned again from thence to Shamsábád. On his way thither, he destroyed a place called Pareotákal, the sink and receptacle of marauders, and put to death most of that rebellious gang.

After spending the rainy season at Shamsábád, in A.H. 900 (1494-5), he set out in the direction of Panna, for the purpose of chastising Rájá Bhíd; but on his arrival at Khán Ghátí, he fell in with his son Bír Sing Deo, who offered battle, but, being put to flight, fled towards Panna, pursued by the army of Islám. On the Sultán's arrival at Panna, Rájá Bhíd fled towards Sirguja, but died on the road. Sultán Sikandar then penetrated as far as Phaphúnd, belonging to Panna;⁹⁵ but he was compelled to retreat to Jaunpúr, in consequence of the extreme scarcity of provisions, opium, salt, and oil. Besides which, almost all the horses perished; so much so, that ninety out of every hundred died. In consequence of this, Lakhní Chand, a son of Rájá Bhíd, and all the zamíndárs wrote to Sultán Husain, representing that Sikandar did not possess a single horse, all having perished. Husain, upon this, marched out of Bihár at the head of a large force, including 100 elephants, with the intention of defeating Sultán Sikandar; who, having crossed the Ganges at the ferry of Kantít, went first to Chunár, and thence to Benáres. He detached Khán-khánán to Salbáhan, the son of Rájá Bhíd, with directions to conciliate him, and induce him to accompany the Khán. Meanwhile, Sultán Husain had reached within thirteen kos of Benáres, and Sultán Sikandar drew near with all expedition; and having marshalled his troops, with the divine aid, commenced the engagement, supported by Salbában, who had opportunely arrived to his support. The battle was well contested; but at length the fortune of the day suddenly turned against Sultán Husain, who fled towards Patna; but being closely pursued by Sultán Sikandar at the head of 100,000 cavalry, he took the route of Bihár. After the lapse of nine days, Sultán Sikandar succeeded in reaching Husain's camp, and then heard that he had fled to Bihár. Thither also he was pursued by Sikandar, and on his ascertaining this to be the case, he left Malik Kandú behind in the fort, and sought shelter at Khalgánw, a dependency of Lakhnautí.^95a Sultán Sikan-dar then detached from his camp at Deobár, a force to lay waste Bíhar. Malik Kandú, from his inability to resist the Sultán's troops, took to flight, and Bihár thus fell into the possession of the Sultán. Sikandar having left Muhabbat Khán, together with several chiefs, in Bihár, proceeded to Darweshpúr, where he left Khán-khánán in charge of his camp, and advanced himself in all haste to Tirhút, whose Rájá advanced to receive him with all humiliation, and agreed to the payment of several lacs of tankas as a fine, for the receipt of which the Sultán left Mubárak Khán behind, and proceeded a second time to Darweshpúr.

* * * * * * * *

Sultán Sikandar punishes the governor of Dehlí.—His proceedings at Gwálior, Bayána, Dhúlpúr, and Mandrail.—Foundation of Ágra.—Earthquake at Ágra.—Proceedings on the Cham-bal.—Capture of Awantgar.—Disastrous march to Ágra. —(A.H. 906-913.)

About the same time intelligence of the mal-administration and misconduct of Asghar, the governor of Dehlí, reaching the sublime ear, Khawás Khán, governor of Máchíwára, was commissioned to apprehend and transmit him to Court. But prior to the arrival of Khawás Khán, Asghar, on the 1st of Safar, 906 H. (27 August, 1500), fled from Dehlí to Sambhal, to offer his submission; but by the high command of the Sultán, he was seized and thrown into prison. Khawás Khán repaired to Dehlí, and leaving there his son Isma'íl Khán, returned, according to orders, to Sambhal. The Sultán received him most graciously, and presented him with an honorary vest. Soon after, Sa'íd Khán Sarwání, who belonged to the seditious party, came from Lahore to pay his respects. The Sultán banished him, together with Tátár Khán, Muhammad Sháh, and the other disaffected chiefs, from his empire; and they accordingly took the route of Gwálior, and went off in haste to Málwá and Gujarát.

Rájá Mán, of Gwálior, sent one of his attendants, Nihál, with valuable presents to the Sultán; but when the envoy was admitted to him, he returned such coarse and improper answers to the questions put to him, that the Sultán, in a rage, uttered a threat⁹⁷ that he would himself command an expedition against the fort (of Gwálior) and capture it.

Meanwhile, the report of the death of Khán-khánán Farmulí, governor of Bayána, having reached the Sultán, he appointed the two sons of the deceased, 'Imád and Sulaimán, to succeed him; but as Bayána, owing to its strong fort and frontier situation, was the seat of sedition and tumult, they both came with their attendants to Sambhal, to consult with the Sultán about some affairs. Deeming their arrival inopportune, he appointed Khawás Khán governor of Bayána; and after some days, Safdar Khán was nominated governor of Ágra, one of its dependencies. To 'Imád and Sulaimán he gave Shamsábád, Jalesár, Manglaur, Sháhábád, and some other districts. After that, he ordered 'Álam Khán Mewáttí, and Khán-khánán Lohání, jágírdár of Ráprí, in conjunction with Khawás Khán, to reduce the fort of Dhúlpúr, and wrest it from the hands of Ráí Mánik-deo. When these chiefs, in execution of the command, directed their route against that place, the ráí came out to repel force by force, and much life was daily lost on both sides. Amongst the killed was Khwája Ben, one of the most gallant of combatants.

On account of these occurrences, Sikandar himself marched on Friday, the 6th Ramazán, 906 (March, 1501), upon Dhúlpúr; but Rájá Mánik-deo, placing a garrison in the castle, retreated to Gwálior. This detachment, however, being unable to defend it, and abandoning the fort by night, it fell into the hands of the Muhammadan army. Sikandar, on entering the fort, fell down on his knees, and returned thanks to God, and celebrated his victory. The whole army was employed in plundering, and all the groves which spread their shade for seven kos around Bayána were torn up from the roots. After a residence of one month in Dhúlpúr, the Sultán marched to Gwálior. There he left Ádam Lodí, with most of the nobles, and passing the Chambal, encamped for two months on the banks of the Ásí or Mendhí, where his people fell sick, owing to the badness of the water. Rájá Mán not only delegated ambassadors for peace, but expelled from the fort Sa'íd Khán, Bábú Khán, and Ráí Ganesh, who had formerly deserted the Sultán, and taken refuge with him. Besides that, he sent his eldest son, Bikramájít, to wait upon the Sultán, who bestowed upon him a robe of honour and a horse, and then allowed him to depart. From thence the Sultán returned towards Ágra; and when he reached Dhúlpúr, he bestowed that district upon Ráí Bináik-deo, Afterwards, he set out for Bayána, the seat of the empire, which he honoured with his presence, and spent there the rainy season.

In Ramazán of the year 910 (1504 A.D.), after the rising of Canopus, he raised the standard of war for the reduction of the fort of Mandráil; but the garrison capitulating, and delivering up the citadel, the Sultán ordered the temples of idols to be demolished, and mosques to be constructed. After leaving Míán Makan and Mujáhid Khán to protect the fort, he himself moved out on a plundering expedition into the surrounding country, where he butchered many people, took many prisoners, and devoted to utter destruction all the groves and habitations; and after gratifying and honouring himself by this exhibition of holy zeal, he returned to his capital Bayána.

In the same year the heat of the air became so intense, that almost all the people fell grievously sick of fevers. It had for a long time occurred to the Sultán to found a town on the banks of the Jumna, which was to be the residence of the Sultán, and the head-quarters of the army, and to serve to keep the rebels of that quarter in awe, and deprive them of further opportunity of growing refractory, for frequently the jágírdárs and government servants and the peasantry in general in sarkár Bayána had complained of the violence to which they were subject. With this view, he commissioned, in the year 911 (1505 A.D.), some judicious and intelligent men to explore the banks of the river, and report upon any locality which they might consider the most eligible. Accordingly, the exploring party left Dehlí in boats, and, as they proceeded, examined carefully both sides of the river, until they arrived at the spot where Ágra now stands; and having approved of it, communicated their selection to the Sultán. Upon this, he left Dehlí and marched to Mathura, where he took boat, amusing himself by the way with various kinds of sport. When he approached the site indicated, he observed two elevated spots which seemed suitable for building; and inquired of Mihtar Mullá Khán, who was called ‘Náik,’ and commanded the royal barge, which of those two mounds appeared to him the most suitable. He replied, “That which is Ágra, or in advance, is the preferable one.” The Sultán smiled, and said, “The name of this city then shall be called Ágra.” He then repeated the fátiha, and in an auspicious moment issued orders for founding the city, when portions of mauza' Pashí and mauza' Poya, pargana Dúlí, sarkár Bayána, were occupied for that purpose; and the pargana of Ágra was henceforward added to the fifty-two parganas which comprised the sarkár of Bayána. From that period this city continued to advance in population, and became the seat of government of the Sultáns of Hind.

The Sultán, after giving orders for the construction of a fort, went towards Dhúlpúr; and on entering the fort, transferred the charge of it from Ráí Bináik-deo to Malik Mu'izzu-d dín, and himself returned to Ágra, giving his nobles leave to retire to their respective jágírs.

On Sunday, the 3rd of Safar, 911 (July, 1505 A.D.), a violent earthquake occurred at Ágra, and even the very hills quaked, and lofty buildings were thrown down. The living thought the day of judgment had arrived; the dead, the day of resurrection. No such earthquake had been known in Hindústán since the days of Adam, nor is any such recorded in the page of history. One of the able scholars of Hind has traced its date in the word “Kází.” Many people say, that on the self-same day an earthquake was felt throughout most of the provinces of Hindústán.¹⁰⁰

When the rains had passed, and some time even after the rising of Canopus, towards the close of the year 911, the Sultán went towards Gwálior. He remained a month and a half at Dhúlpúr, and then went to the Chambal, where he remained several months encamped near the ferry of Gaur. Having left Prince Jalál Khán and other Kháns there, he himself advanced to wage the holy war and to plunder the country of the infidels. He butchered most of the people who had fled for refuge to the hills and forests, and the rest he pillaged and put in fetters. As scarcity was felt in his camp, in consequence of the nonarrival of the Banjáras,^100a he despatched 'Azam Humáyún for the purpose of bringing in supplies; but when he was on his march, he was attacked by the Rájá of Gwálior in an ambuscade at Chatáwar, about ten kos from that place. A bloody action followed, when Dáúd Khán and Ahmad Khán, the sons of Khán Jahán, displayed signal bravery; and as the Sultán's army came up from the rear to render assistance, the Rájpúts were put to flight, and many were either slain or taken captive. The Sultán bestowed the title of Malik Dád upon Dáúd, and treated him with the greatest kindness. Afterwards, in consequence of the approach of the rainy season, he bent his steps towards Ágra, after leaving some of his chief nobles at Dhúlpúr. At the capital he passed his time in pleasure and amusement.

In 912, after the rising of Canopus, the Sultán went towards the fort of Awantgar, and sent on 'Imád Khán Farmulí and Mujáhid Khán, with several thousand cavalry and 100 elephants, to reconnoitre the place, while he himself remained behind. He conferred the office of chamberlain on Kází 'Abdu-lla, the son of Táhir, of Kábul, a resident of the town of Thánesar, and on Shaikh 'Umar and Shaikh Ibráhím. Kálpí, after the death of Mahmúd Khán Lodí, had been bestowed upon his son Jalál Khán; but as quarrels arose between him and his brothers, they represented matters to the Sultán. Upon this, the Sultán sent Fíroz Aghwán to bring into his presence Bhíkan Khán and Ahmad Khán, the brothers of Jalál Khán, and on their arrival, they were received by him on the banks of the Chambal with royal favour and kindness.

On the 23rd of the month the Sultán invested the fort, and ordered the whole army to put forth their best energies to capture it. At the time which the astrologers had declared to be propitious, he himself advanced to the attack, and the contest raged on every side. The bloodthirsty soldiers hung on the walls like so many ants or locusts, and displayed the most daring courage. All of a sudden, by the favour of God, the gale of victory blew on the standards of the Sultán, and the gate was forced open by Malik 'Aláu-d dín. After making a stout resistance, the garrison begged for quarter, but no one listened to them. The Rájpúts, retiring within their own houses, continued the contest, and slew their families after the custom of jauhar. Meanwhile, an arrow pierced the eye of Malik 'Aláu-d dín, and blinded him. After due thanksgivings for his victory, the Sultán gave over charge of the fort to Makan and Mujáhid Khán, with directions that they should destroy the idol-temples, and raise mosques in their places; but on its being represented that Mujáhid Khán had received a bribe from the Rájá of Awantgar, on the understanding that he was to induce the Sultán to retire from that country, the Sultán, on the 16th Muharram, 913 (28th May, 1507), seized Mauláná Juman, who was in the special confidence of Mujáhid Khán, and made over the fort to Malik Táju-d dín, and directed the Kháns who were at Dhúlpúr to imprison Mujáhid Khán. The Sultán returned towards Ágra at the close of Muharram, 913. During this march he made a halt one day, in consequence of the narrowness and unevenness of the road, in order that the people might pass through without any scramble or precipitation; but here the whole camp was greatly distressed for want of water, and a large number of men perished from that cause, as well as from being trampled and crushed by the beasts of burden, which were all huddled together in a confused mass. A jar of water could not be procured under fifteen Sikandarí tankas. Some men died from exhaustion, and some, who had found water, quenched their thirst with such avidity that they also fell victims to their excess. When an account was rendered, it was found that 800 men had perished.¹⁰²

On the 27th of Muharram, the Sultán reached Dhúlpúr, and after some days entered Ágra, where he spent the season of the rains. On the rising of Canopus, he started on an expedition to Narwar, one of the dependencies of Málwá.

After remaining one month at the town of Lahair, where he received a visit from Ni'amat Khátún, in the year 915 (1509 A.D.), the Sultán directed his route towards Hatkánt, which he scoured of idolaters and banditti; and when he had put to the sword the rebels of that quarter, and established small posts at every place, he returned again to his capital. Soon after, information was conveyed to him, that Ahmad Khán, son of Mubárak Khán, governor of Lucknow, had associated with infidels, and even apostatized from the true faith; on which he issued a farmán to Muhammad Khán, a brother of Ahmad Khán, to secure and send him to Court. It was also about this time that Muhammad Khán, a grandson of Sultán Násiru-d dín of Málwá, from dread of his grandfather, sued for protection at the Imperial Court. A farmán was issued to Prince Jalál Khán, importing that as sarkár Chanderí^102a had been settled on Muhammad Khán, he was to be firmly supported in its possession, and that the Prince was to avert from him any molestation on the part of the army of Málwá. The Sultán himself went to Dhúlpúr, for the purpose of hunting; and caused a pavilion and palace to be erected at each stage between that place and the capital.

When, in the year 916 (1510 A.D.), his empire was firmly established and prospering, in a fortunate moment, while he was engaged in his field sports, another kingdom fell into his net. The facts were briefly as follows: 'Alí Khán and Abú Bakr, two relations of Muhammad Khán, ruler of Nágor, concerted a plot against their master, and endeavoured by stratagem to make away with him, and seize possession of his country. He, however, being informed of their treachery, prevented them from executing their plans, and determined to inflict capital punishment on them. Upon this, both of them effecting their escape, repaired to the Court of the Sultán. Muhammad, apprehensive of the evil consequences arising from the enmity of his relations, the disaffection of his intimates, and their having taken refuge with this powerful Sultán, sent not only the assurance of his allegiance, with a great many valuable rarities and offerings to him, but ordered the khutba to be read and coin to be struck at Nágor in the Sultán's name. The report of this submission gave the monarch such joy and delight, that he sent Muhammad Khán a horse and honorary dress. He then left Dhúlpúr, and honoured the capital, Ágra, with his presence, and spent some time in a round of pleasure and fêtes, in visiting of gardens and in hunting expeditions.

It was about this time that Ágra, formerly a dependency of Bayána, was fixed upon for the residence of the sovereign; but he soon after departed from Dhúlpúr, and transmitted an order to Sulaimán, a son of Khán-khánán Farmulí, to advance with his large army towards Awantgar and the confines of Súisúpur, in support of the new convert, Husain, whose name before was Ráí Dungar. But Sulaimán excused himself, by alleging that he could not prevail upon himself to be so remote from the King's person.¹⁰⁴ The Sultán then went to the town of Bárí, and made over that pargana to Shaikhzáda Makan, having resumed it from the son of Mubárak Khán. Then, after staying intermediately at Dhúlpúr, he returned to Ágra; where, according to former custom, he issued farmáns to many of the chief nobles on all the frontiers to call them to Court. It was at this time that he was taken ill.^{* * *}

About the time of 'Azam Humáyún's junction with Ibráhím Lodí, 'Umar Khán, son of Sikandar Khán Súr, having lost his life while fighting against a body of the zamíndárs of Jartolí, a place dependent on Kol, and receptacle of the most notorious vagabonds and rebels, Kásim Khán, governor of Sambhal, marched to that place, and inflicted the merited punishment upon them. Having put their leader to death, and suppressed the rebellion, he waited on the Sultán at Kanauj.^104a Most of the nobles in the súba of Oudh, Jaunpúr, and Lucknow, including Sa'íd Khán and Shaikhzáda Farmulí, came likewise to pay their respects, having abandoned the cause of Jalál Khán, and were enrolled amongst the servants of the State. In short, everything seemed to promise success to the Sultán. The Sultán soon after detatched 'Azam Humáyún Lodí, 'Azam Humáyún Sarwání, and Nasír Khán Lohání, with a formidable army, and ferocious elephants, against Jalálu-d dín, who was at Kálpí. Previous to their arrival, he had left 'Imádu-l Mulk, Malik Badru-d dín Jalwání, and Ni'amat Khátún, together with the family of Kutb Khán Lodí and his whole harem, in the fort of Kálpí, and marched himself towards the capital, with 30,000 cavalry and several elephants, in order that he might spread alarm throughout the province, and capture, if possible, the fort of Ágra. The nobles of the Sultán, on their arrival before Kálpí, laid siege to it, and for some days the contest was carried on with cannons and matchlocks; but, in the end, the garrison surrendered, and delivered up the keys of the fort. The town was plundered, and rich booty captured by Sultán Ibráhím's troops. ^{* * *}

Not long after, Daryá Khán Lohání [governor of Bihár] died; and his son, Bahádur Khán, succeeding to his father's dignity, assumed the new title of Muhammad Sháh, at the same time ordering the khutba to be read and coin to be struck in his name. He equipped an army of 100,000 horse, and having been joined by the nobles who were disaffected against the Sultán, they united their forces on the borders of Bihár. At the same time, Nasír Khán Lohání, the governor of Gházípúr, who commanded the Imperial forces, sustained a defeat, and came in to Bahádur Khán.¹⁰⁵ In short, the whole country of Bihár was reduced under the orders of Sultán Muhammad,¹⁰⁶ and Ibráhím raised a large force to repress this alarming insurrection.

About the same period the son of Daulat Khán Lodí, governor of Lahore, presented himself before the Sultán: but inferring from the usual proceedings of this monarch, that he would be apprehended, he took to flight, and repaired to his father, to whom he gave a full account of the Sultán's temper, and the general dread entertained by the nobles. Daulat Khán, from these accounts, perceiving that there was no means of evading the Sultán's violence, and being sensible of his own inadequacy to oppose him, formed an alliance with Ghází Khán Lodí, and the other nobles and jágírdárs of the Panjáb; and renouncing his allegiance to Sultán Ibráhím, addressed through 'Álam Khán Lodí an invitation to the Emperor Bábar at Kábul, to repair to Hindústán. No sooner had this monarch perused the letter, than he despatched some of his most distinguished nobles with 'Álam Khán, in advance, to subdue the country; who, when they had taken Síálkot and Lahore, reported these conquests to the Emperor. Upon which, he himself, on the first days of the first Rabí', in the year 932 (December, 1525), entered upon a campaign to reduce Hindústán.

'Álam Khán, on his arrival at Lahore, proposed to the Mughal chiefs that, as they had been sent to render him assistance, they should advance with him at once against Sultán Ibráhím, and take Dehlí, before Bábar's arrival. But this the Mughals refusing to comply with, 'Álam Khán separated from them, and marched, at the head of 40,000 horse, upon Dehlí, which he invested. When Sultán Ibráhím received the account of these transactions, he hastened out of Ágra with 80,000 horse, and pitched his camp at a distance of six miles from Dehlí. But 'Álam Khán one night surprised him so successfully, that, his army being dispersed, and he himself, with about 5000 or 6000 men, cut off from the main body, was compelled to withdraw to some place of security. Early in the morning he received information that 'Álam Khán was standing protected by only 300 horse; whilst the rest of his troops were employed in plundering and collecting booty. That moment appeared to afford him an excellent opportunity of gaining important advantages for himself; so, with the rising of the sun, he threw himself upon his foe, like a hill of iron, who, incapable of parrying this charge, fled into the Doáb; but the greater number of his gallant men were slain, and the remainder were dispersed in all directions, which rendered the Sultán's triumph complete.

About this time Bábar Pádsháh arrived at Lahore; when Ghází Khán and Daulat Khán, in violation of the subsisting treaty, advanced against the fort of Bilwat.¹⁰⁷ The prime minister of the Mughal Emperor, Mír Khalífa, brought 'Álam Khán to pay his respects to the Emperor, and he was well received. After some time, Daulat Khán also presented himself in submission before the Emperor, and his example was imitated by Diláwar Khán.

The Emperor marched from Lahore towards Sámána and Sannám, and detached Tardí Beg Khán, with 4000 horse, in advance; to oppose whom, the Sultán sent Dáúd Khán, one of his principal amírs, at the head of 10,000 cavalry, besides a train of elephants. Upon information of his approach, Tardí Beg marshalled his troops, and concerted a night attack upon Dáúd Khán's camp; who, unable to sustain the shock of the aggressor, fell back, and his troops were dispersed in all directions, many of his men were slain, and Dáúd Khán himself, with seventy men of high rank, fell into the hands of the enemy. ^{* * *}

Sher Sháh's dying regrets.

On being remonstrated with for giving way to low spirits, when he had done so much for the good of the people during his short reign, after urgent solicitation, he said, “I have had three or four desires in my heart, which still remain without accomplishment, and cannot be eradicated except by death. One is, I wished to have depopulated the country of Roh, and to have transferred its inhabitants to the tract between the Níláb and Lahore, including the hills below Nindúna, as far as the Siwálik; that they might have been constantly on the alert for the arrival of the Mughals, and not allow any one to pass from Kábul to Hind, and that they might also keep the zamíndárs of the hills under control and subjection. Another is to have entirely destroyed Lahore, that so large a city might not exist on the very road of an invader, where, immediately after capturing it on his arrival, he could collect his supplies and organize his resources. Another is, to have built two fleets of fifty large vessels each,¹⁰⁸ as commodious as saráís, for the use of pilgrims from India to Mecca; and to have made them so strong, that wind and storm should not have been able to disperse them; and that all people might go to and from that holy place in ease and comfort. The last is, to have raised a tomb to Ibráhím Lodí in Pánípat, but on the understanding that opposite to it there should be another tomb of the Chaghatáí Sultáns, whom I may have despatched to martyrdom; and to have constructed both with such architectural embellishments, that friend and foe might render their tribute of applause, and that my name might remain honoured upon earth until the day of resurrection. None of these aspirations has God allowed me to carry into effect, and I shall carry my regrets with me to my grave.”

One day a distribution of jágírs was made in 'Adalí's exchequer, which was attended by all the amírs; when 'Adalí dispossessed Sháh Muhammad Farmulí of his estates in Kanauj, and transferred them to Sarmast Khán Sarwaní. This induced Sikandar Khán, Farmulí's son, a young and bold man, to exclaim: “To what a pass have things come, that our estates are taken from us, and settled on the tribe of Sarwanís, who are no better than sellers of dogs!” A stormy debate ensuing from both sides, Sháh Muhammad, who was then sick, endeavoured to persuade his son not to use such abusive language. But to this he replied: “When Sher Sháh had one day cast thee into an iron cage, with the intention of putting thee to death, Islám Sháh came and induced the Sháh, at his intercession,¹⁰⁹ to grant thy life: and now dost thou not perceive the design of all these to ruin thee? Why should one brook such insult?” At this moment Sarmast Khán, who was a tall and robust man, placed his hand familiarly upon Sikandar's shoulders, as though to pacify him; but, in fact, with the intention of securing him in his grasp, and said: “My friend, what is the reason of such anger and exasperation?” However, Sikandar, perceiving his intention, drew his dagger, and despatched him on the spot. A general uproar and tumult pervaded the Council, and all rushed upon Sikandar to apprehend him; but he, with a drawn sword in his hand, cut down or wounded all towards whom he turned. 'Adalí, on witnessing this sanguinary scene, ran off to his private apartment, pursued by Sikandar; whom he, however, succeeded in excluding by chaining the door. The greater part of the amírs had previously thrown away their swords and fled; and Sikandar stalked about everywhere like a madman, and in this manner two hours elapsed. At last, Ibráhím Khán Súr, brother-in-law of 'Adalí, drew his sword and attacked Sikandar; who, being surrounded on all sides, was killed; and Daulat Khán Lohání despatched Muhammad Farmulí with one blow. The result of these transactions was a general dispersion of the amírs, 'Adalí's authority rapidly declined, and every one looked after his own interest alone, as soon as he had secured his personal safety by flight.

Before this scene transpired, Táj Kirání, a brother of Sulaimán, having, from the different expressions of the Council, foreseen what would happen, had left the Council-room, and proceeded as far as the gate of the citadel of Gwálior, by which he was about to descend, when he met Sháh Muhammad Farmulí. He explained to him the uproarious state of the Council, and said that no respect was shown to any one, and that there was no unanimity in their deliberations; it was therefore the safest way not to frequent the Council any more, but to retire into private life: he himself would not appear any more. He invited Sháh Muhammad to join him, and repair to a place affording security against misery, till affairs took a better turn. Sháh Muhammad rejected this offer, in consequence of which he was killed in that riotous Council. Táj Kirání went to his house, and made all preparations for flight. When he had received intelligence of what had passed, he set out in the afternoon for Bengal, and 'Adalí despatched an army in pursuit of him.¹¹⁰ * * *

The vanguard of the Mughal army, which, in seven divisions, had marched in advance of the main body, pitched their camp at a distance of three kos from the defile of Garhí; and every morning, urging their horses at full speed towards the entrance of the pass, threw their arrows and clubs at its defenders, and then retreated. A part of them, with loud voices, poured forth most bitter invectives against Jalál Khán, calling him an unmanly coward, cowering in the defile like an old woman; that if he were a man, and the son of a man, and in the least endowed with impetuosity and ardour, he would descend to the field of battle to measure strength with men, as he had not yet come in contact with Mughals. Similar invectives were repeated every day, and a great number of Afgháns perished by the fire of the cannons and matchlocks. Jalál Khán, being informed of these proceedings by his attendants, went one day to Hájí Khán, explaining to him, with the bitterest complaints, that the Mughals, coming up every day to harass them in their position by missile weapons, and then retreating, uttered the most abusive language against him, which he could not brook any longer, for his patience was quite exhausted. He himself certainly was too weak to put a stop to such injuries; but if the other chiefs would assent, they ought at once to march out and make their attack, and see what the curtain of secresy would reveal. Hájí Khán said, “This is not in accordance with your father's command, with which you are well acquainted.” Jalál Khán went on to assure him that as long as his request should not be complied with, he was determined to abstain from water and food. Upon which Hájí Khán replied, that if such was his resolution, he certainly must yield; and every coward returning alive from the battle would suffer punishment by Sher Khán's order; but in case victory should crown their enterprise, all would be right. He then, in order to insure success to his enterprise, read the fátiha, and Jalál Khán withdrew to his own quarters.

The next morning the Mughals, according to custom, charged their horses, and then retreated to their tents, and relieved themselves of their armour. The troopers then went out to forage, whilst the officers resorted to the carpet of repose. Noon had approached, when the Afgháns, opening the gate in the defile, sallied forth. A few only of the Mughals, whose horses were at hand, mounted, and put themselves in an attitude of defence; but the greater part, being disconcerted in the extreme, turned their faces to flight. The action, nevertheless, proved to be of the most obstinate nature, and Mubárak Farmulí and Abú-l Fath Langáh, besides most of the Mughal officers, fell victims to the sword. The whole camp of the Mughals, baggage, horses, camels, elephants, etc., fell into the hands of the victors; and nearly all were slain, with the exception of a very small number of Kipchí horsemen. It is related that there was no Afghán footman but obtained four or five horses, valuable robes, and many boxes of precious things, out of the spoils.¹¹²

Sher Khán had such a mass of wealth and treasures to carry off from Gaur, that he could not gather a sufficient number of porters for that purpose, and was at a great loss how to convey these effects to Rohtás. In the meanwhile, he received intelligence from Jalál Khán of this victory, at which he was exceedingly rejoiced; and immediately wrote to him, to procure, for a suitable compensation, all the captured elephants, camels, oxen, in short all beasts of burthen, from any person who might possess them, and to send them, as he was in much want of them. Sher Khán, upon the occasion of that victory, made use of this adage, “That if a cock, in a fight, had been once beaten, he would, on being brought into the field a second time, set up his crowing, but never resume the fight.” Jalál Khán after this exploit closed the gate, and stopped the progress of Humáyún for more than a month—a circumstance that enabled Sher Khán at his ease to transport by way of Jhárkand all his treasures to Rohtás, whither he now likewise called Jalál Khán.

The Emperor Humáyún, upon this, made his entrance into Gaur. Sher Khán had previously fitted up all the mansions of that place with an exquisite variety of ornaments and embellishments, and rendered them a perfect gallery of pictures, by party-coloured carpets and costly silk stuffs, in hopes that Humáyún charmed with it, would be induced to prolong his stay there; and his designs were unexpectedly seconded by fate, for Humáyún remained four months in Gaur, and had no leisure for any other occupation than pleasure and enjoyment.

In this conflict Muhammad Zamán, with a large force, stood forth and commenced the action; but was, in one charge, not only defeated and obliged to retreat, but killed. There was no one who could withstand; and every one who found his horse ready turned his face to flight. A bridge of boats having been previously laid over the Ganges, all the fugitives, whether horse or foot, endeavoured to escape over it. Humáyún had not yet performed his ablutions, when his troops were thrown into complete disorder; he therefore, immediately finishing them, lent all his thoughts to save his own person; for to save his favourite lady, with all the other beauties of the harem, was impossible. He sent Khwája Mu'azzam, with some other persons who were just at hand, in this painful situation, to rescue Begam Mariam Makání from her dangerous position, whilst he himself hastened to reach the bridge; but it having been broken down by the throng of the fugitives, and the pressure of the great and small, he plunged his horse into the river. He was nearly drowned, but Shamsu-d dín Muhammad Ghaznaví succeeded in extricating him from that destructive element by his skilful efforts and the aid and favour of fortune. In consequence of his excellent service, Shamsu-d dín's sons were raised to high and honourable stations.

When, in the meanwhile, Khwája Mu'azzam had conveyed himself as far as the entrance of the Imperial tent, he perceived that the Afgháns were sedulously employed in massacre and plunder, and he could not find an opportunity of rescuing the veil-covered ladies. Nevertheless, he sacrificed his life in the execution of his master's command. The greater part of the Mughals perished in the river, and an immense number besides fell by the sword; whilst the Afgháns, by the rich booty they captured, had all their wants abundantly supplied. The Imperial consort likewise fell into their hands, with all her establishment.

Sher Sháh threatened to construct such a fort in that country that it should not only effectually restrain the Ghakkars, but also the passage of the Mughals. He therefore himself made a tour through the hills of Girjhák Ninduna [mountains circumjacent], ¹¹⁴ and finding a fit spot, he laid the foundations of the fort, which he called Rohtás.

Besides that, he sent a large force against Ráí Sárang, the Ghakkar, and not only was the country subdued, and the hill of Balnáth plundered, which was then the residence of the Dárogha of that tract, but the daughter of its chief was taken prisoner, and conducted before Sher Sháh, who presented her to Khawás Khán; upon which Ráí Sárang, they relate, sent a quantity of [hemp] blankets and millet to Sher Sháh, with the remark that in such only consisted their raiment and food, besides which they could afford nothing; according to others, he sent a lion's skin and some [arrows] spears, which he said was their only property. With this conduct, however, Sher Sháh was by no means satisfied. Sárang [Sárang's troops] being weakened by [skirmishes] the attacks of the holy warriors, and greatly reduced and straitened, submitted himself in person to Sher Sháh, who ordered him to be flayed alive, and his skin to be filled with straw, and so pay the penalty of his misdeeds.

Sher Sháh issued farmáns to complete the fortifications of Rohtás; but Todar Khatrí represented that the Ghakkars, to whom that country belonged, would not allow any one to work for wages; and that they had agreed amongst themselves, upon oath, to expatriate every person that should contravene their wishes. Sher Sháh, in answer, told him [that he should noways be allowed to give up that work, which he only wished to do in consequence of his greediness for gold]¹¹⁵ that the work did not seem to advance under his superintendence, and that a man who was fond of money, and was alarmed about disbursing it, would never accomplish the king's designs. Todar, on the reception of this fresh command, fixed first a golden ashrafí as the enormous remuneration for one stone, which induced the [Kakers] Ghakkars to flock to him in such numbers that afterwards a stone was paid with a rupee, and this pay gradually fell to five tankas, till the fortress was completed.^115a

Sher Sháh, during his stay in the environs of [Tatta] the river Behat, where he amused himself with hunting, received intelligence that Khizr Khán Surk, the governor of Bengal, had married a daughter of Sultán Mahmúd, and [maintained a princely household] sat on the roof of the palace, after the manner of the kings of Bengal, at which disrespectful conduct Sher Sháh was highly displeased.