JÁM-I JAHÁN-NUMÁ
OF
MUZAFFAR HUSAIN.
THE writer of the Jám-i Jahán-numá was Muzaffar Husain, surnamed Mahárat Khán, son of Hakím Ghulám Muhammad Khán, son of Hakím Muhammad Kásim, son of Hakím Muhammad Sálih, son of Mauláná 'Abdu-s Salím, son of Mauláná 'Abdu-l Mumin, son of Mauláná Shaikh Muhammad, son of Mauláná Shaikh 'Alí, son of Mauláná Muhammad Aslam.
The reputation which some of these ancestors acquired for science and learning is dwelt upon by the author at the close of his account of the Poets. He traces his descent to Khwája Kohí, who left Baghdád to reside at Hirát.
Khwája Kohí Astajlú is represented as a great saint, who flourished in the time of Sultán Husain Gurgání. Mírzá Haidar says in the Táríkh-i Rashídí, in the chapter in which he gives an account of the saints and doctors, that one day as his father went to the Jáma'-masjid in Hirát, he saw there Khwája Kohí, who, having read his prayers, was sitting with his face towards the kibla engaged in his meditations. He asked the people who this man was, and on being told of his name, he stood aside; and when the Khwája arose, with the intention of departing, he advanced and met him with every mark of respect. The Khwája compiled a work on Moral Philosophy and the science of Mental Purification, which is entitled Siyaru-l Arwáh.
Mauláná Muhammad Aslam, grandson of Khwája Kohí, was born in Hirát. When 'Abdu-llah Khán Uzbek, the ruler of Máwaráu-n Nahr, laid siege to Hirát, and invested it for nine months, his father and relations, amongst many others, died, either from some pestilential disease which had broken out in the city, or from famine. Muhammad Aslam, who survived, was then only fourteen years old, and, after the conquest of Hirát, was taken away by certain nobles of Bukhárá, Mír Sadru-d dín Muhammad and Mulla Tálib Hirví, to whom he was related. He was brought up under their care, and passed his hours in the acquisition of knowledge. Afterwards, in the beginning of the reign of the Emperor Jahángír, he came to Láhore, and became a pupil of Shaikh Bahlol. He also went to Ágra, and had an interview with the Emperor. As he was the nephew of Mauláná Mír Kalán Muhaddis, he was very kindly received by the Emperor, and obtained the rank of fifteen hundred. He resigned the royal service in A.H. 1060, and returned to Láhore, where he died the year afterwards.
Mauláná Mír Kalán Muhaddis, son of Khwája Kohí, came from Hirát to Hindústán with his grandfather in the reign of the Emperor Akbar. Jahángír was a pupil of his. Mír Kalán died at Ágra.
Mauláná Shaikh 'Alí, Mauláná Shaikh Muhammad and Mauláná 'Abdu-l Mumin, were also held in good repute.
Mauláná 'Abdu-s Salím was a very learned man. He had been educated by Shaikh Is'hák, Shaikh Sa'du-llah, Kází Sadru-d dín, and Shaikh Fathu-llah Shírází. He wrote a commentary on Baizáwí. He died in the first year of Sháh Jahán's reign. Mírak Shaikh Hirví of Khurásán, who was the tutor of Prince Dárá Shukoh, and held the office of Sadr, read several standard works with Mauláná 'Abdu-s Salím.
Mauláná Muhammad Sálih acquired great proficiency in medicine, and was a scholar of Hakímu-l Mulk Takrí Khán. Hakím Takí of Láhore, who is said to have possessed great skill in the profession, and was a most successful practitioner, was one of his pupils.
Muhammad Kásim, alias Hakím Kásim, diligently applied himself to the study of Theology, the several branches of Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, Divinity and Physics. He also spent his time in getting the Kurán by heart. For some time he was a servant of Amír Khán, the Governor of Kábul, after whose death he led a solitary life, and died at Láhore in the beginning of Farrukh Siyar's reign.
Hakím Ghulám Muhammad Khán, after having acquired a proficiency in the different branches of learning, took up his residence in early youth, towards the end of the Emperor Aurangzeb's reign, in the city of Aurangábád. He had acquired perfection in Caligraphy, and specimens of his writing were long admired. He entered the service of the Emperor Farrukh Siyar at the commencement of his reign, through the recommendation of I'timad Khán, whom he had taught to write Naskh. He obtained the rank of five hundred personal allowance, with some jágírs in the mahál of Sakráwá, in the district of Kanauj, and the parganas of A'zam and Ál in the Panjáb. When the revolution caused by the Saiyids embarrassed the affairs of the Empire, and the jágírs were confiscated or exchanged, he retired from public life, and passed the remainder of his days in devotion. He died in A.H. 1178 (1764 A.D.).
Muzaffar Husain, surnamed Yúsufí, alias Mahárat Khán, the author of the work now under consideration, was born in the city of Aurangábád, in A.H. 1118 (1706 A.D.). He was only seven years old when he finished the Kurán, which he read with his father. He then commenced his Persian studies under the tuition of Sháh 'Abdú-l Hakím, who was one of his father's intimate friends. He learnt to write the Khat-i Naskh, and studied some of the works which were compiled by his grandfather. He went through all the standard works on Arabic Grammar, Logic, and Rhetoric, with Mauláná Mírzá Nazar 'Alí, brother of Hakím Zainu-d dín. At the age of fifteen, at his father's suggestion, he commenced the study of Physic, under the instruction of Hakím Muhammad Husain, surnamed Bukrát Khán, son of Hakím Ma'súm Khán. For six years he practised Medicine under his tutor, and when the Emperor, Muhammad Sháh, left the city of Dehlí to go on a hunting excursion to the village of Siolí, his tutor, who was the Emperor's physician, accompanied His Majesty; upon which occasion the author, who was then only twenty-one years of age, was left to take care of his patients. He informs us that as he had taken great pains to make himself master of his profession, he was able to cure many of them, and they expressed their thanks to him in the presence of his tutor. During the time he was learning Physic, he also studied books on Natural Philosophy, Divinity, Mathematics, Astronomy, Music, Astrology, as well as other sciences, under the instruction of Mauláná Ghairutu-llah. He was not, however, contented with these studies; he extended them also to the translated works of the ancients, such as Galen and Hippocrates. He also turned his attention to composition, and wrote the Usúlu-t Tibb, Siráju-l Hajj, Minháju-l Hajj, and other treatises. During the time he was thus occupied, he also collected, for the sake of amusement, some very interesting stories relative to the great men of past ages, and also the most select passages of ancient and modern poets. He was urged by his friends to put all the matter he had thus amassed into a regular form, and connect it in such a manner as to make it fit for publication. Although, in consequence of being one of the physicians of His Majesty, he had very little leisure from his ordinary duties, yet, for the sake of his friends, he consented to devote the best part of his time to preparing the work, and completed it in A.H. 1180 (A.D. 1766-7).
The Jám-i Jahán-numá is of an exceedingly miscellaneous character, and deals but little in History. The authorities are not mentioned, but a great part appears to be derived from the Madínatu-l'Ulúm and the Nafáisu-l Funún. The information it contains is useful, and the anecdotes interspersed are entertaining and instructive.
The work is divided into five Books.
CONTENTS.
Preface, pp. 1 to 3—Book I. On the art of conversation, manners, repartees, witticisms, etc., pp. 4 to 60—Book II. On the History of the 'Ummayides, 'Abbásides, Táhirians, Saffárís, Samanís, Ghaznivides, Ghorians, Saljúks, Atábaks, Isma'ílians, Turks, Mughals, etc., pp. 60 to 230—Book III. Geography of the seven climates, and the wonders and famous men of each country, and the Poets of India, from Akbar's time down to 1180 A.H., with extracts from their works, pp. 231 to 826— Book IV. On the Angels of Heaven and Earth, the Elements, the Mundane Spheres, the Sources of Rivers and Fountains, Birds, Quadrupeds, etc., pp. 826 to 1230—Book V. On Writing, Language, Grammar, Rhetoric, Philosophy, Government, etc., pp. 1231 to 1322.
The only copy which I know of this work is in the possession of the Rája of Benares, very well transcribed in the year 1243 A.H. (1827 A.D.), for Díp Náráin Singh, the younger brother of Rája Udit Náráin Singh.
SIZE—8VO., 1332 pages, containing 15 lines in each page.
FARHATU-N NÁZIRÍN
OF
MUHAMMAD ASLAM.
A GENERAL History of India, composed by Muhammad Aslam, son of Muhammad Háfízu-l Ansárí, and concluded in the year 1184 A.H. (1770-1 A.D.).
This History is somewhat ambitious in style, but of no great value for its contents. The author informs us in his Preface that, “in the bloom of his youth, when he was yet a student, in the city of Lucknow (may God preserve it!), the heavenly inspirer whispered several times in the ear of this meanest person of mankind as follows:—‘O thou who art the painter of the various scenes of the gallery of the world, and the describer of the works of Nature! Since to thank and praise those who are the worshippers of God is in fact to thank and praise the Almighty Creator Himself, it is proper that thou shouldst compile a work, comprising the history of the Prophets, the Imáms, the Muhammadan Emperors, and the religious and learned men, by whose holy exertions the management of the country of Hindústán has been invisibly supported.’”
Independent of this divine afflatus, he mentions other reasons which induced him to devote his attention to history—such as the universal desire to read historical works, combined with the exceeding difficulty of procuring them; the eagerness to acquire a knowledge of the manners and customs of the ancients, of the accounts of travellers, of biographies of famous persons, and of the wonders of the world. In order to satisfy this general curiosity, he early accustomed himself to make extracts from books of travels and historical works, in order to compile a “history which might contain the most important and interesting matters, and which, from its lucid and methodical construction and exceeding conciseness, might meet the approbation of the most enlightened minds. But as ‘all works must be performed at the time destined for them,’ the task was delayed till he had completed his studies.”
After he had been fully educated, he visited the city of Faizábád in A.H. 1182, where he met the “most puissant and exalted Názim Jang Mudabbiru-l Mulk Rafi'u-d daula Monsieur Gentil, and petitioned through his intercession for his livelihood in the most high court of the world-benefiting and noble wazír of Hindústán, whose praise is beyond all expression. That light of the edifice of greatness and the sun of dignity showed him great kindness, and said that he himself was fond of knowledge, and always devoted himself to the study of histories. It was therefore desirable that the author should take pains to write a most interesting account of the wazír's noble family, of the Emperors of Hindústán, the Prophets and the eminently religious and learned men; to make the horse of his pen gallop over the field of eloquence, and like a diver bring out from the ocean of his mind such shining pearls as might adorn Hindústán with their light, and be ornaments to the ear of curiosity. Prepare, said he, such a rose-bower as may echo with the song of the nightingales of the garden of knowledge.”
Under these happy auspices, he commenced to labour in collecting the histories of Hindústán, and obtained from different places a great number of authentic works—such as the Táríkh-i Nizámu-d dín Ahmad Bakhshí, Mirát-i 'Álam, and Firishta. He also informs us that he carefully perused other books, such as the Táríkh-i Bahmaní, Táju-l Ma-ásír, Tarjuma Yamíní, Táríkh-i Fíroz-sháhí, Táríkh-i Alfí, Habíbu-s Siyar, Rauzatu-s Safá, Tímúr-náma, Wáki'át-i Bábarí, Wáki'át-i Humáyúní, Akbar-náma, Jahángír-náma, Sháh Jahán-náma, 'Álamgír-náma, Táríkh-i Bahádur Sháh, etc. “He made abstracts of these treasures, which like scattered pearls were separate from each other, and strung them upon one thread after a peculiar plan, to be remembered by posterity, in this charming garden, which is entitled Farhatu-n Názirín, the ‘Delight of Observers.’”
The author states that he wrote his Preface in the year 1184 A.H. (1770 A.D.), and dedicated the work to the “most prudent wazír, the gem of the mine of liberality, of most noble extraction, the select of the whole creation, the leader of the army of victory, Shujá'u-d daula Bahádur, in the hope that he would approve of it, and that it might go forth like the wind to the different quarters of the earth, and like unadulterated coin might obtain circulation throughout all countries. The readers of this mirror of the world are requested to consider the little leisure he had from his other avocations, and to remove with the sleeve of kindness the dust of inaccuracy which might soil its splendour, and to spare their reproaches.”
The author divides his work into an Introduction, three Books, and a Conclusion; but the latter, which is said to contain “an account of the Prime Minister and the learned and religious of that (his) time,” is not contained in the volume I have examined, which ends with a promise to write more concerning the Prime Minister, whose praises he is sounding. The Paris copy is also deficient in this Conclusion, but both contain an account of the famous men of Aurangzeb's time at the close of his reign; but no other reign, either before or after it, has any biographical notice of contemporaries.
CONTENTS.
Preface, pp. 1 to 17—Introduction, The Creation, pp. 17 to 20—Book I. Prophets, Patriarchs, Muhammad and Imáms, pp. 20 to 122—Book II. The Rájas and Sultáns of India, from the time of Hám, pp. 123 to 170 — Book III. Tímúr and the Tímúrian Dynasty, to the twelfth year of Sháh 'Álam's reign, pp. 171 to 520.
The Farhatu-n Názirín is very rare in India. I know of only one copy, and that is in the possession of Nawáb Takí Khán of Rohilkhand. From the numerous erasures and interlineations I should judge it to be an autograph. There is also a copy in England which was available to Dr. Lee, for he quotes it at p. 130 of his translation of the Travels of Ibn Batúta, but he does not notice it in his Preface, where he describes the other works which he quotes, nor does he mention the Library in which it is to be found. There is a copy in the British Museum, No. 6942, and one also in the Royal Library at Paris (Fonds Gentil 47, small folio of 1022 pages, of 17 lines each).
SIZE—Large 8vo., 520 pages of 19 lines in each, closely written.
EXTRACTS.
In the third year of Ahmad Sháh's reign, corresponding with A.H. 1160, Ahmad Sháh Durrání, with the renewed intention of conquering Hindústán, arrived in the neighbourhood of Sodrá, and Mír Mu'ínu-l Mulk, alias Mír Mannú, left Láhore with an army for the purpose of expelling him; but, being unable to take the field against him, he intrenched himself. The nobles and mirzás of Dehlí hoped that Mír Mannú might be destroyed, and after this desirable event they would take measures against the Abdálí. They would thus extirpate the thorn which the race of the Túránís had planted in their side. The Mír requested assistance from the Emperor of Dehlí and his minister for four months, but all in vain. He was consequently obliged to sue for peace, and he persuaded the Durrání to return to Kandahár by assigning to him four maháls, viz. Síálkot, Parsarúr, Gujarát, and Aurangábád, which had belonged to Kábul from the time of 'Álamgír.166 The Durrání, having reached Kandahár, collected a large force, and returned with the intention of conquering Hindústán.
In 1164 A.H. (1750-1 A.D.) Ahmad came by forced marches to Láhore, and began to devastate the country. In the month of Rabí'u-l awwal he crossed the Chináb, and encamped between Sodrá and Wazírábád. Mu'ínu-l Mulk also, at the head of a formidable army, crossed the Ráví, which flows under the city of Láhore, and pitched his tents in front of the invader. For some time there was continued firing with guns and matchlocks, and the whole country between the Ráví and Chináb was desolated by the ravages and massacres committed by the Durránís. In those days the writer of these leaves was engaged in learning the Kurán by heart. In the end, neither party gained any perceptible advantage. The Durránís suddenly broke up their quarters, with the intention of crossing the Ráví, and plundering the district and city of Láhore. Mír Mannú marched back in alarm to the city, barricaded all the streets, and strengthened the interior defences. Every day there were skirmishes, till at last the supply of provisions was closed on all sides. There was such a dearth of corn and grass that with the utmost difficulty two sírs of wheat flour could be had for a rupee, to say nothing of rice. To procure for horses other forage than rushes or house-thatch was next to an impossibility. This obliged Mír Mannú and his army to take the field. He sallied out with his right and left wings, and fanned the embers of war into a flame. The chief agent of Mír Mannú was a man named Kora Mal, who had been a corn-chandler, and could scarcely earn his bread, but had now become master of immense riches, and had obtained kettle-drums and flags, with the governorship of Multán. With him, Adína Beg Khán Bahrám Jang167 had for certain reasons taken some cause of offence, and retired to his own government in the (Jálandhar) Doáb. Adína Beg now reluctantly joined Mu'ínu-l Mulk against the Durránís, and, availing himself of his opportunity in the midst of battle, instructed one of the Afgháns of Kusúr to put an end to the existence of that unworthy wretch Kora Mal by a musket-ball.168 In consequence of his death, the army of Mír Mannú suffered a complete defeat, and he was obliged to send for his horse, and, advancing with some of his personal attendants, proceeded to kiss the threshold of the Durrání, who honoured him with the grant of a valuable khil'at and the title of Farzand Khán.
Reign of 'Álamgír II.
In the third year of the reign of 'Álamgír II., the minister Gházíu-d dín Khán, having released Wálá Gauhar, the eldest son of 'Álamgír, from prison, took him towards Láhore. He went as far as Lúdhiyána, and then returned, and having sent for the daughter of Mu'ínu-l Mulk from Láhore, he married her. He deprived the Emperor of all power whatever, and conducted all the affairs of the State. A misunderstanding arose during this year between him and Najíbu-d daula, which at this very day is the cause of all the disorganization which is ruining the country.
Najíbu-d daula, having found means of secretly communicating with the Abdálí, invited him to come to Hindústán. Accordingly, in the beginning of the fourth year of the reign, he came to Dehlí, and, having ravaged it, proceeded to Mattra, where he massacred the inhabitants, broke the temples, and having plundered the town of immense wealth in property and cash, he cut the very nose of Hindústán, and returned to Láhore, where he gave his youngest son the title of Tímúr Sháh; and left Jahán Khán there with the designation of minister. Wazíru-l mamálik Gházíu-d dín Khán marched his army into the provinces of Alláhábád and Oudh, but returned to Dehlí without meeting with any success. Najíb Khán and Kutb Sháh, having collected a force, plundered the house of Gházíu-d dín Khán, carried off all the cash, furniture and jewels which were found in it, and also dishonoured his zenána. Gházíu-d dín, assembling a body of men, sat watching the opportunity of vengeance, but in vain.
Adína Beg Khán, being sorely pressed by the army of the Abdálís, invited Malhár, Raghú and other Mahratta chiefs from the Dakhin, gave them fifty lacs of rupees, and proceeded to attack the officers of the Abdálí. He first overcame the Faujdár of Sirhind,169 whose name was 'Abdu-s Samad Khán, and who was stationed in that city with a body of 20,000 Rohillas, horse and foot. After subjugating the whole of that district, Adína Beg proceeded to Láhore. When he reached that city, Jahán Khán, with Prince Tímúr, pitched his tents at Kachchí-saráí, and having intrenched himself, prepared for action. Adína Beg Khán joined his forces with those of the Mahrattas, and Jahán Khán, having sustained a defeat, fled towards Pesháwar with two hundred horse, leaving all his treasure and property to be plundered by the enemy's army.
Adína Beg Khán, on the achievement of this unexpected victory, ordered the happy occasion to be celebrated by beat of drums. He dismissed the Mahratta army to Dehlí, and himself proceeded to Batálá, where he fixed his head-quarters. He then turned his attention to the appointment of governors for the provinces of Multán, Thattá, and Láhore. Soon after this he died a natural death, on the 11th of Muharram, in the fifth year of 'Álamgír's reign, and the province of Láhore again came into the possession of the Sikhs.
Gházíu-d dín Khán sent Jhankú Mahratta against Najíbu-d daula, who, being unable to oppose him, departed to Sakartál on the banks of the Ganges, where he fixed his batteries, and prepared for resistance. He sent his envoy to Ahmad Sháh Abdálí to solicit assistance. The army of Jhankú invested him closely, and after four months' fighting, it crossed the Ganges near Hardwár, where the river was found fordable, and overran the country. Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula, son of Wazíru-l mamálik Mansúru-l Mulk Safdar Jang, who was coming to aid Najíbu-d daula, arrived soon after, and expelled the Mahrattas from the territory of the Afgháns. Gházíu-d dín Khán, on receiving the news of Shujá'u-d daula's arrival, marched from Dehlí and joined the camp of Jhankú. He then directed some of his sardárs to go to the fort of Sháh-Jahánábád, and put 'Azízu-d dín ('Álamgír) to death.
In the mean time Ahmad Sháh Abdálí reached the environs of Sirhind, and defeated the Mahratta army which was quartered in that district. On receiving the intelligence, Jhankú advanced to oppose the Abdálí. Najíb Khán, finding an opportunity, joined the Abdálí's camp at Saháranpúr, by forced marches. Jhankú, having sustained a repulse at that place, came to Dehlí, where he fought a very severe battle, but was at last obliged to fly.
The period of 'Álamgír the Second's reign is said to be six years, and that of his life about sixty. The events above related took place in A.H. 1174 (1760-1 A.D.).
I will minutely relate the Abdálí's victory over the Dakhin army, when we enter upon his history in detail. I content myself here with giving a concise narrative of it as follows. When Jhankú sustained a defeat from the army of the Abdálí, and fled away with Gházíu-d dín Khán, the Abdálí sacked Dehlí and encamped at Anúpnagar. Shujá'u-d daula also came there and kissed his threshold. After the rainy season, Bháo Wiswás Ráí, with the son of the Rája his master, marched from the Dakhin at the head of 200,000 horse, 20,000 foot, and 300 guns. He entered the city of Dehlí, and having taken the fort from the officers of the Abdálí, proceeded to Kunjpúra and Sirhind. 'Abdu-s Samad Khán and seven other officers who were stationed at the former place, with a body of 20,000 horse and foot, offered resistance, and after a battle of about one hour, were all slain. Bháo plundered Kunjpúra, sent those who were taken alive to prison, and pitched his tents on the banks of the Jumna.
Ahmad Sháh, on hearing this sad news, writhed like a serpent, and kindling the fire of anger, moved towards the enemy. Although the river flowed with great impetuosity, yet he forded it at Bághpat, and engaged with the enemy, who, not being able to withstand him in the field, retreated to Pánípat, and fixed their batteries there. The Abdálí besieged their camp, and when the siege had lasted five months, the enemy one morning left their intrenchments, and drew out their army in battle array. The fire of battle raged from early morn and was not extinguished till evening. At last the gale of victory blew over the royal flags, and all the Dakhin host was cut down by the swords of the Muhammadan warriors. Of their chiefs none except Malhár saved his life. The dead lay strewn shoulder to shoulder from the plain of Pánípat to Dehlí. About ninety thousand persons, male and female, were taken prisoners, and obtained eternal happiness by embracing the Muhammadan faith. Indeed, never was such a splendid victory achieved from the time of Amír Mahmúd Subuktigín to the present day by any of the Sultáns but by this Emperor of Emperors. After this conquest, he appointed Wazíru-l mamálik Shujá'u-d daula to the office of Wazír, Najíb Khán to that of Bakhshí, and having granted tracts of land to the other Afgháns, and dismissed them to their respective abodes, returned himself to Kandahár.
The history of this sovereign will be given in full detail in its proper place.
When Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula arrived in his province, he went to kiss the threshold of His Majesty Wálá Gauhar Sháh 'Álam, and obtained the high rank of Prime Minister. I am now going to relate a full account of this great Emperor and his wise Minister.
Sháh 'Álam, son of 'Álamgír the Second.
That prince of noble extraction, the jewel of the crown of sovereignty, fought a battle with Gházíu-d dín Khán in the fifth year of his venerable father's reign, and having left Dehlí, proceeded to the eastward. None of the Afghán chiefs received him hospitably, through fear of Gházíu-d dín Khán. He was obliged to resort to that hero of the world (Shujá'u-d daula) in the fort of Jalálábád, where he was respectfully and hospitably received. After some days' halt, he proceeded to invade Bengal. Muhammad Kulí Khán, Governor of the province of Alláhábád, and Zainu-l 'Ábidín Khán, joined him. He allowed them to remain with the camp, and ordered them to raise an army.
In a few days a force of about one hundred thousand horsemen was collected, and he went to take Patna 'Azímábád. After the city was besieged, and much blood was shed, Míran, son of Ja'far 'Alí Khán, Governor of the province of Bengal, assembled a large force, and having invited the Firingí armies to assist him, waged war with the Emperor. Though the garrison was on the point of being overpowered and Míran of taking to flight, yet, through the disaffection of the nobles in whom the Emperor confided, and the want of treasure, which can never be amassed without possessing dominion (dominion and treasure being twins), great disaffection arose in the Emperor's army. Many, from fear of scarcity of provisions, went to their homes, and others who had no shame joined with Rám Náráin and Míran. The army of the Emperor met with a terrible defeat. Just afterwards Míran was killed by a stroke of lightning, and peace was concluded by the agency of the Christians.
Muhammad Kulí Khán came to Alláhábád, and the news of 'Azízu-d dín 'Álamgír's death reached Sháh 'Álam in Patna, on which he was much afflicted in his mind; but ascribing the event to the wise dispensations of Providence, he sat upon the throne of sovereignty on the 5th of Jumáda-l awwal. Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula, after a few days, came to the border of his territories, and having invited the Emperor from 'Azímábád, obtained the honour of an interview, and was exalted to the hereditary office of Wazír, and afterwards accompanied him to Alláhábád. It is through the means of that great man that the name of Sáhib Kirán Gúrgán (Tímúr) still remains; otherwise, the Abdálí would not have allowed one of his descendants to survive.
The Emperor now fixed his residence at Alláhábád, kept the eldest son of Shujá'u-d daula in his Court as deputy of his father, whom he permitted to return to the province of Oudh, which is his jágír and altamghá. As it is at this time the 1180th year of the Hijra,173 it is therefore the twelfth year of His Majesty's reign, which commenced from the month of Jumáda-l awwal. May God render His Majesty kind towards all wise and learned men, towards the poor, and towards all his subjects: and may he give him grace to walk in the paths of the Holy Law!
To relate in detail the events of Sháh 'Álam's reign would require a separate history. The writer contents himself therefore with giving the above succinct account of him.
Nawábs of Oudh.
Burhánu-l Mulk, in consideration of the valuable services he had rendered to the Emperor, was elevated to the rank of five thousand personal and the command of five thousand horse. He also obtained the title of Bahádur Jang and the governorship of Ágra; and greatly exerted himself in subverting and destroying the rebels. When Mahárája Jai Singh Sawáí was sent against Chúráman Ját, the governorship of the province of Oudh was conferred on Burhánu-l Mulk, and with it that title. He took such measures that no trace of revolters remained within the limits of his province. This is well known and requires no comment.
At the time of the invasion of Nádir Sháh, he came to Court with all haste, and although dissuaded by the Emperor and the nobles, yet he fought very boldly against the Sháh. After the action he visited the Sháh, and was received with great honour. Distressed beyond measure at the misfortunes which afflicted the times, he poisoned himself,174 leaving Safdar Jang Abú-l Mansúr Khán, his sister's son, as his successor, in whose forehead the light of greatness shone, and in whose appearance the marks of dignity and grandeur were conspicuous. At the time of the invasion of Ahmad Sháh Abdálí, who killed Nádir Sháh, and had come down with a numerous army to conquer Hindústán, Safdar Jang, with great intrepidity, stood firm to his ground, and, with a view to preserve his honour and fame, fought very severe battles with that hardy and stubborn enemy. Although Kamru-d dín Khán, the minister, had fallen, and the son of Rája Jai Singh Sawáí had fled from the field; although at the same time the news of the death of the Emperor was received, and the royal army was routed and dispersed, yet he repulsed and defeated him. After the flight of the Abdálí, he placed Ahmad Sháh upon the throne, and assuming the office of wazír, brought him to Delhí, and turned his attention to the administration of the Government. As at all times the creators of disturbance were at their work, a misunderstanding arose between him and the Emperor. For some time he was engaged in punishing and subduing the insurgents, and tried to correct the conduct of the Emperor, who, being addicted to luxury and pleasure, took no care of his duties.174a But seeing that it was all in vain, he left the Emperor, and went to the province which had been assigned to him. After some days he expired, and was succeeded by his son, the most upright, accomplished, and brave Jalálu-d dín Haidar Shujá'u-d daula, who in the time of Sháh 'Álam obtained the office of wazír, and excelled all competitors in wealth and rank. The son was even superior to the father, and an account of him shall be given hereafter.
TÁRÍKH-I FAIZ BAKHSH
OF
SHEO PARSHÁD.
THIS is a history of the Afgháns of Rohilkhand, and details the transactions between them and the Nawábs of Oudh with such copiousness as to render it worth translation. It was compiled at the desire of General Kirkpatrick in A.H. 1190 (A.D. 1776), by Sheo Parshád, who gives the following account of the reasons which induced him to undertake the task. He says that one day in camp, between Bilgrám and Malláwan, he was introduced in Colonel Collins's tent by Captain Keelpatrick (?) to his brother (General ?) Kirkpatrick, who had lately arrived from Chunár, and the author was so much pleased with his affability and condescension, that he offered his services to that officer, who desired him to give an account of the Afgháns of Katehr, from the time of Nawáb 'Alí Muhammad Khán, when they first acquired power, to the affair of Laldong, in order that he might translate it into English, and forward it to the King of England (Farang). When he returned to the tent, he had a sleepless night; and he declares that if he were to tell all the thoughts which occupied and distracted his mind during that night, a volume would not suffice. Finding on the morrow that General Kirkpatrick was not able fully to comprehend his verbal history, he determined upon writing it, in order that that gentleman might at his leisure translate it with the aid of his munshí. He accordingly set to work to compose his narrative, and finished it in March, A.D. 1776.
The history by Faiz Bakhsh, of Faizábád, is also known by the name of Táríkh-i Faiz Bakhsh; and as both of them treat of the same period, there is great probability of confounding the two works. The work, though written by a Hindú, not only opens with the usual laud of the Deity, but proceeds to celebrate Muhammad, and the Chahár Yár besides.
SIZE—8VO., 388 pages of 13 lines each.
CONTENTS.
Praise of God, the Prophet, and his four friends—Account of Nawáb Faizu-llah Khán—City of Rámpúr—The Kosí river— Introduction—Arrival of the Afgháns, and an account of the Katehr territory—Sháh 'Álam Khán and Hasan Khán's arrival in Katehr—Sháh 'Álam Khán—Rise of Nawáb Muhammad Khán—The eunuch defeated and slain—Saifu-d dín routed and killed—Defeat and death of Rája Barnand Khattrí—Defeat of the Rája and conquest of the Kamáún hills—Arrival of Muhammad Sháh at Bangash—Nawáb 'Alí Muhammad Khán returns to Katehr from Sirhind—Nawáb Kamru-d dín Khán killed—Death of the Emperor Muhammad Sháh—Nawáb 'Alí Muhammad Khán takes possession of the whole territory of Katehr—Death of Nawáb 'Alí Muhammad Khán—Kutbu-d dín Khán slain—Káím Jang slain—Arrival of Safdar Jang to seize Káím Jang's property—Rise of Nawáb Ahmad Khán Bangash, and death of Rája Nuwul Ráí—Defeat of Safdar Jang—Nawáb Sa'du-llah Khán proceeds to aid Ahmad Khán Bangash—Ahmad Khán defeated by Safdar Jang, and taken prisoner in the forest of Jalkaná—Wealth and luxury of Najíb Khán—Settlement of matters with Safdar Jang—Nawáb 'Abdu-llah Khán's return from Kandahár to Katehr — Differences between 'Abdu-llah Khán, Faizu-llah Khán, Sa'du-llah Khán, and other Nawábs— 'Abdu-llah Khán's animosity against Nawáb Faizu-llah Khán— Arrival of Nawáb 'Abdu-llah Khán and others in Katehr, and allowances made to them—Allowances fixed for the author's master and Nawáb Sa'du-llah Khán—Death of Murtazá Khán —Death of Alláh Yár Khán—Power gained by Safdar Jang— Jáwed Khán killed by Safdar Jang—Ahmad Sháh is disgusted with Safdar Jang—Nawáb Sa'ádat Khán revolts at the instigation of Safdar Jang—Rebellion of Safdar Jang, and the battle which ensued—Disagreement between Zú-l fikár Jang and Nawáb Safdar Jang—Súraj Mal Ját taken prisoner by 'Imádu-l Mulk— Capture of Ahmad Sháh—Ascension of 'Azíz-d dín 'Álamgír Bádsháh to the throne—Daughter of Nawáb Mu'ínu-l Mulk brought from Láhore—Celebration of her marriage—Exchange of turbans between Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula and Sa'du-llah Khán—Nawáb 'Imádu-l Mulk comes to expel Shujá'u-d daula from the estate of the sons of Nawáb Faizu-llah Khán—Nawáb Ja'far 'Alí Khán and Káim 'Alí Khán's friendship with Sa'du-llah Khán—Jankú and other Dakhin chiefs come against Najíbu-d daula—Shujá'u-d daula with the nobility of Katehr proceeds to assist him—Ahmad Sháh comes from Kandahár to aid Najíbu-d daula—The chiefs of Katehr join the camp of Ahmad Sháh Durrání—Bháo and other chiefs of the Dakhin come to fight with the Durrání King—The Dakhin chiefs are deserted by Súraj Mal Ját; they proceed to Pánípat; Kutb Sháh and Mumin Khán are slain—Ahmad Sháh marches from Anúp-shahr to punish the Dakhin chiefs—Nawáb Faizu-llah Khán reaches the camp of the King, and joins with him in the crusade—Bháo and other Dakhin chiefs slain—The Emperor returns to Dehlí—He takes Súraj Mal Ját into his favour, and confirms him in his possessions—The Doáb districts granted to the chiefs of Katehr—'Imádu-l Mulk and Malhár Ráo invest Dehlí, and Najíbu-d daula is expelled—The Emperor proceeds to the eastern part of the country—Account of Kásim 'Alí Khán, Governor of Bengal—Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula comes with the view of expelling Ahmad Khán Bangash—Death of Nawáb Sa'du-llah Khán—Dúndí Khán goes to Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula to settle the dispute which was raised by Ahmad Khán Bangash —'Álamgír Bádsháh slain by the hands of Bálábásh Khán— Súraj Mal Ját killed—Jawáhir Singh Ját besieges Najíbu-d daula in Dehlí—Government of Rátan Singh Ját, Kehri Singh and others—Flight of Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula—His arrival at Katehr —Battle of Kora—The Nawáb's interview with the English— Death of Nawáb 'Abdu-llah Khán—Arrival of Rám Chandar Ganesh, Mádhújí Sindiya and others—Death of Ahmad Khán Bangash—Death of Dúndí Khán—Death of Najíbu-d daula, and authority acquired by Muhammad Zábita Khán—March from Alláhábád to Dehlí, and defeat of Muhammad Zábita Khán— Account of Sankar Gangápúr—Death of Sardár Khán Bakhshí, and the exploits of his sons—Ahmad Khán and his son take possession of his dominions and wealth—Engagement between 'Ináyat Khán and Háfizu-l Mulk—Release of the dependents of Zábita Khán—The Dakhin chiefs come to Rám Ghát—Dispute between Háfiz Rahmat Khán and Ahmad Khán, son of the deceased Bakhshí—Death of Fath Khán Khánsámán—Quarrels between his sons—Governor-General Lord (Warren) Hastings' arrival at Benares, and his interview with Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula—Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula suggests the invasion of Katehr, and Háfizu-l Mulk is slain—Account of Muhammad Yár Khán after his death—Muhibu-llah Khán and Fathu-llah Khán— Account of the Begam of Nawáb Sa'du-llah Khán—Interview between Fathu-llah Khán and Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula—Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula comes to Anwalá—Interview between him and Nawáb Muhammad Yár Khán—Interview of Muhibu-llah Khán with Najaf Khán and Ílich Khán — Nawáb Shujá' reaches Bisaulí and encamps there—Muhammad Bashír comes to confiscate Anwalá—Account of Yúsuf Khán of Kandahár—Anwalá confiscated and its inhabitants ruined—Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula falls sick at Bisaulí after the conquest—Discussion between Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula and the General of the British army regarding their march from Laldong—Proposal of the former—The General's reply—Proposals and replies of Shujá'u-d daula— Shujá'u-d daula's letter to the Council of India—General Champion's letter to the same—Answer of the Council—Forty lacs of rupees sent to the members of the Council at Calcutta— Measures taken by the Nawáb to protect the newly-conquered territory—Nawáb Muhammad Yár Khán leaves Shujá'u-d daula —Expenses of the author's master—Death of Shujá'u-d daula— Government of Nawáb 'Asafu-d daula, and resignation of Muhammad Ilich Khán — Ruin of Muhammad Bashír Khán— Advancement of Mullá Ahmad Khán, Himmat Bahádur and others—Death of Muhammad Mustakím Khán—Confiscation of the property of Nawáb Sa'du-llah Khán's Begam at Faizábád— Liberty of prisoners obtained at the cost of three lacs of rupees —Ahmad Khán crosses the Ganges—Shahámat Khán, son of Bakhshí—Sa'ádat Khán, son of ditto—Kallú Khán, son of ditto —Abú-l Kásim slain—Mukhtaru-d daula and Basant Khán killed —Mirzá Sa'ádat 'Alí proceeds to Ágra—Arrival of Muhammad Ílich Khán from Ágra.
HADÍKATU-L AKÁLÍM
OF
MURTAZÁ HUSAIN.
THIS is an admirable compilation, the celebrity of which is by no means in proportion to its merits. It is written on the model of the Haft-Iklím, but is far superior to the work of Ahmad Rází and all others I have seen, both in accuracy and research. Besides the geographical details of the work, there are various minor histories of the events succeeding the decline of the Mughal monarchy, and of the Mahrattas, Rohillas, and the Nawábs of Oudh, etc., which convey much information, derived not only from extensive reading, but close personal observation.
The author, Murtazá Husain, known as Shaikh Illáh Yár 'Usmání of Bilgrám, says of himself, that from 1142 to 1187 A.H. (1729 to 1773), i.e. from the times of Muhammad Sháh to the middle of the reign of Sháh 'Álam II., he had the honour of being employed under the following nobles of India: 1. Saiyid Sarbuland Khán Túní; 2. Saiyid Sa'ádat Khán Naishapúrí; 3. Muhammad Kásim Khán; 4. 'Alí Kulí Khán 'Abbásí shash-angushti or six-fingered; 5. Ahmad Khán; 6. Muhammad Khán Bangash of Farrukhábád, besides several others. On this account the opportunity was afforded him of being an actor in the scenes in which they were engaged. He was subsequently introduced, in A.H. 1190 (1776 A.D.), when he was in his forty-seventh year, by his friend Rajab 'Alí, to Captain Jonathan Scott, Persian Secretary to Warren Hastings, who immediately appointed him one of his munshís, “than which, in the opinion of English gentlemen, there is no higher office; and receiving encouragement from his employer's intelligence and love of learning, he was induced to undertake this work.”
The Hadíkatu-l Akálím contains a description of the Terrestrial Globe, its inhabited quarter, and the seven grand divisions of the latter. A short account of the wonders and curiosities of every country, a brief account of the Prophets, great kings, philosophers, and celebrated and great men of many countries.
“Quotations,” says the author, “from every existing work have been sometimes copied verbatim into this work, and sometimes, when the style of the original was too figurative, alterations have been made in the extracts, my object being that my readers might acquire some knowledge both of the ancient and modern style of the Persian language, and by observing its changes should be led to reflect that every sublunary thing is subject to change.” The reason is somewhat curious, especially as that moral might be much more easily learnt from the political vicissitudes he undertakes to record.
The author moreover confesses that he has an eye to his own interest in this compilation. “If the work shall ever be perused by the intelligent and learned English, it is expected that, taking into their consideration the troubles and old age of the author, they will always do him the favour of maintaining their kind regards towards him and his descendants, especially as this was the first Persian work compiled under their auspices, which gave a history of the establishment of the British Empire.” This supplication has been granted, and his son has been raised to high office under the British Government. He concludes by saying that this work was composed when he was in his sixtieth year, and was submitted for the inspection of Captain Scott and Colonel Polier before being engrossed.
It is probable that this work is amongst those used by Capt. Scott in his account of Aurangzeb's successors; but as in the two copies of his history which I have examined, the promised list of MS. authorities is not given, there is no knowing what were the materials which he used as the chief sources of his information.
SIZE—Large 8vo., 888 pages of 25 lines each.
EXTRACT.
The British, after the rainy season, in the year 1178 A.H. (1764 A.D.), marched upon Baksar, and in a pitched battle defeated Shujá'u-d daula, who retreated to Lucknow. The conquerors advanced upon Alláhábád, and laid siege to its strong fort, which surrendered after a short resistance; whereupon the Nawáb was obliged to abandon all his dominions. The British had now under their entire control the conquered provinces; but they did not kill or plunder their subjects; nor did the rent-free holders and pensioners find any cause to complain. Shujá'u-d daula courted the alliance and support of Ahmad Khán Bangash, ruler of Farrukhábád, Háfiz Rahmat Khán, and Dúndí Khán, chiefs of Rohilla, Bareilly, and Anwalá, which they all declined. Then he repaired to Kálpí, but he was driven thence by the British.
At this time the Emperor of Dehlí made an alliance with the British, and the district of Alláhábád was assigned to him for his residence. He agreed to grant to the Company possession of the Bengal province, in return for which he was to receive annually twenty-five lacs of rupees. Moreover, seventy-five lacs were given to him as a present. After some years Muníru-d daula, revising the treaty, increased the payment to twenty-seven lacs of rupees; but when the Emperor returned to Dehlí, the stipulated payments were withheld. Shujá'u-d daula, making peace with the English, was restored to his dominions of Oudh, where he soon gathered great strength. In a few years Ahmad Khán Bangash, Dúndí Khán, and other famous Rohilla chiefs, departed this life, and of all the Rohilla chiefs there remained not one to raise the standard of sovereignty and Islám, except Háfiz Rahmat Khán, from Sháh-Jáhánpúr, Bareilly, and Pílíbhít, to Sambhal. Shujá'u-d daula, with the aid of the English, invaded the territories of Háfiz Rahmat, who was killed in battle; but the victory was entirely owing to British valour. The Rohilla country then came into the power of Shujá'u-d daula, and great distress fell upon it, for it was given up to his unrestrained desires. At length the Nawáb's excessive indulgence brought on him a severe disease. By the British directions he made a treaty with Faizu-llah Khán, son of 'Alí Muhammad Khán Rohilla, who obtained under it his hereditary estates of Rámpúr. Shujá'u-d daula, still labouring under his tormenting disease, removed from Laldong to Oudh, and there died. His son, Mirza Mání, succeeded him, with the title of Ásafu-d daula.
JÁM-I JAHÁN-NUMÁ
OF
KUDRATU-LLAH.
THE “WORLD-REFLECTING MIRROR” was written by Shaikh Kudratu-llah Sadíkí, an inhabitant of Maví, near the town of Kábar in Rohilkhand. He quotes several authorities of the ordinary stamp, as well as all those mentioned in the Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh, which he would evidently wish the incautious reader to believe were consulted by him also in original.
There is nothing novel in the work, but the Biographies at the end are useful. It was commenced in the year 1191 A.H. (1777 A.D.), and bears the same date at the end; but this is evidently a mistake, for, at the close of the Dehlí history, events are brought down to the year 1193 A.H. (1779 A.D.), “when twenty years had elapsed of the reign of Sháh 'Álam, and in every corner of the kingdom people aspired to exercise independence. Alláhábád, Oudh, Etáwah, Shukohábád, and the whole country of the Afgháns (Rohillas) are in the possession of the Nawáb Wazír Ásafu-d daula, and the whole country of Bengal has been subjected by the strong arm of the Firingís. The country of the Játs is under Najaf Khán, and the Dakhin is partly under Nizám 'Alí Khán, partly under the Mahrattas, and partly under Haidar Náik and Muhammad 'Alí Khán Siráju-d daula of Gopamau. The Sikhs hold the whole súba of the Panjáb, and Láhore, and Multán; and Jainagar and other places are held by Zábita Khán. In this manner other zamíndárs have established themselves here and there. All the world is waiting in anxious expectation of the appearance of Imám Mahdí, who is to come in the latter days. Sháh 'Álam sits in the palace of Dehlí, and has no thought beyond the gratification of his own pleasure, while his people are deeply sorrowful and grievously oppressed even unto death.” It is to be regretted that these desponding anticipations are not occasionally reverted to by the present fortunate generation.
The author gives us some information respecting himself at the close of his work. He tells us that his progenitors arrived in India as early as the time of Pirthí Ráj, and that he had a large body of foreign cavalry under his command at Sonpat. Some of his ancestors are buried in Sonpat and Ajmír, where they died waging holy wars. In course of time they moved into Ro-hilkhand, and Rája Táj Khán, of the Katehrzái clan, bestowed Maví and twelve other villages in Kábar upon the family. There they have continued to reside, and amongst them have appeared several prodigies of excellence and learning. In the course of their genealogy, he states many anachronisms and other improbabilities, which throw doubt upon the correctness of the family tree.
CONTENTS.
Preface, p. 1—Introduction, Creation and Pre-Adamite Eras, p. 8—Chapter I. Adam and the Prophets, p. 27—II. Philosophers, p. 144—III. Kings of Persia, in four Sections (makálas), p. 150 —IV. Kings of Arabia before Islám, p. 197—V. The Prophet Muhammad, in five Sections, p. 206—VI. The 'Ummayide Khalífs, p. 362—VII. The 'Abbáside Khalífs, p. 402—VIII. to XX. The Sámánís, Ghaznívides, Ghorians, and other Dynasties, p. 421—XXI. Khúndkárs of Rúm, p. 491—XXII. Kaiásaras of Rúm, p. 494—XXIII. The Kháns of the Turks, in three Sections, p. 511—XXIV. Changíz Khán and his sons, in four Sections, p. 514—XXV. Branches of the Mughals, p. 540— XXVI. Tímúr and his sons, p. 546—XXVII. The Uzbaks, p. 563—XXVIII. The Safavís, p. 565—XXIX. The seven Climates and the Súbas of Hindústán, in two Sections, p. 570—XXX. The Rájas of Hindústán, in fifteen Sections, p. 592—XXXI. The Sultáns of Hindústán from Muhammad Sám to the present time, in five Sections, p. 630—XXXII. to XXXIX. Sultáns of the Dakhin, Gujarát, Thattá, Bengal, Jaunpúr, Málwá, Kashmír, and Multán, p. 864—Conclusion, Biographies of learned Doctors, Devotees and Saints, and a brief account of the Author, p. 925.
The only copy which I know of this work is a very clean and correct one, in the library of Sa'ídu-d dín Ahmad Khán, a gentleman of Murádábád.
SIZE—4to., 1378 pages of 21 lines each.
MA-ÁSIRU-L UMARÁ
OF
SHÁH NAWÁZ KHÁN SAMSÁMU-D DAULA.
[THIS work may be called the Peerage of the Mughal Empire.] It consists of a Biographical Dictionary of the illustrious men who have flourished in Hindústán and the Dakhin under the house of Tímúr from Akbar to 1155 A.H.
[“Amír Kamálu-d dín, the fifth ancestor of Sháh Nawáz Khán, came from Khwáf to Hindústán in the reign of Akbar, whose service he entered; and his descendants held in succession some of the highest offices of State under the succeeding Emperors. Sháh Nawáz Khán, whose original name was 'Abdu-r Razzák al Husainí, was born at Láhore in 1111 A.H. (1699 A.D.). Early in life he went to Aurangábád, where most of his relatives resided, and he was not long afterwards appointed Díwán of Birár. Having incurred the displeasure of Nizámu-l Mulk Ásaf Jáh, by favouring the revolt of his son Násir Jang, he was disgraced, and went into retirement. It was during this period that he composed the Ma-ásiru-l Umará. After he had passed five years in seclusion, Ásaf Jáh, in 1160 A.H. (1747 A.D.), shortly before his death, took him again into favour, and reinstated him in the Díwání of Birár. Sháh Nawáz Khán enjoyed the highest honours under Násir Jang, the son and successor of Ásaf Jáh, and subsequently became the chief minister of Salábat Jáng, the Súbadár of the Dakhin, and played a conspicuous part in the affairs of that portion of India, and the struggles for supremacy between the English and French. He was assassinated in 1171 A.H. (1757 A.D.). Ghulám 'Alí implicates Bussy in his murder, but the charge appears to be without foundation, the native historian being no doubt misled by his prejudices.”]
The work was commenced by Sháh Nawáz Khán Samsámu-d daula, but he left it unfinished, and in the turbulent scenes which succeeded his death, his house was plundered, and his manuscript scattered in various directions. It was considered as lost, till Mír Ghulám 'Alí, surnamed Ázád, the author of two biographical works, the Sarv-i Ázád and Khazána-i Amíra,188 and a friend of Sháh Nawáz Khán, collected the greater portion of the missing leaves, and restored the work to its entire form with a few additions, amongst which was the life of the author,188a and a preface, which gives an account of the work.
[“Ghulám 'Alí was a poet and a biographer of poets. He was born in 1116 A.H. (1704 A.D.), but the date of his death is not known. He was at one time attached to Samsámu-d daula in the capacity of amanuensis. He travelled into various parts of India, and visited Mecca and Medína, and, according to the Khulásatu-l Afkár, ‘after his journeys and pilgrimage he was much honoured, during his residence at Aurangábád, by the Súbadárs, and associated in friendly intimacy with the sons of Nizámu-l Mulk Ásaf Jáh; yet with these temptations he never engaged in the affairs of the world.’
“The biographies comprised in the first edition of the work extend to Ghulám 'Alí's own time, and are 261 in number, including the life of the author by the editor.”]
At a subsequent period the son of Samsámu-d daula, named 'Abdu-l Hai Khán, completed the work in its present form, giving insertion to his father's original Introduction, and to the Introduction of Mír Ghulám 'Alí. So the work as it at present stands contains [“The Preface by the Editor.—The Original Preface of Sháh Nawáz Khán.—The Preface by Ghulám 'Alí.— The Life of Sháh Nawáz Khán by Ghulám 'Alí.—An Index to the Biographies.—The Biographies arranged in alphabetical order. —Conclusion, containing a short life of the Editor, 'Abdu-l Hai Khán.”]
[“The biographies in the second edition are 731 in number, giving an increase of 569 lives not contained in the former edition. They are very ably written, and are full of important historical detail; and as they include the lives of all the most eminent men who flourished in the time of the Mughal Emperors of the House of Tímúr down to 1194 A.H. (1780 A.D.), the Ma-ásiru-l umará must always hold its place as one of the most valuable books of reference for the student of Indian History. 'Abdu-l Hai enumerates no less than thirty histories and biographical treatises from which he has drawn the materials for his portion of the work.”]
Colonel Stewart has curiously confused the names of the authors of the Ma-ásiru-l umará. He has completely reversed the relations of father and son, observing, “This book was compiled by 'Abdu-l Hai bin 'Abdu-r Razzák Sháh Nawáz Khán, and finished by his son Samsámu-d daula A.D. 1779.”189 He has repeated the error in the list of authorities prefixed to his History of Bengal. He appears to have been misled by the latter nobleman's different appellations; his name being 'Abdu-r Razzák, and his titles successively Sháh Nawáz Khán and Samsámu-d daula.
[“'Abdu-l Hai Khán was born in 1142 A.H. (1729 A.D.), and in 1162 A.H. (1748 A.D.) was elevated to the rank of Khán by Nizám Násir Jang, who also bestowed upon him the Díwání of Birár. In the time of Salábat Jang he became commandant of Daulatábád. On his father's murder in 1171 A.H. (1757 A.D.), he was imprisoned in the fortress of Golkonda, but he was subsequently released in 1173 A.H. (1759 A.D.) by Nizámu-d daula Ásaf Jáh II., who treated him with great distinction, and reinstated him in his paternal title as Samsámu-l Mulk. He died in 1196 A.H. (1781 A.D.). 'Abdu-l Hai's title varies in a rather perplexing way. It was at first Shamsu-d daula Diláwar Jang. When he was released from prison, he received his father's title, and became Samsámu-d daula Samsám Jang. In his Appendix to the Ma-ásiru-l umará he calls himself Samsámu-l Mulk, and gives his poetical name as Sárim. Mr. Bland refers to a work in which he is called Samsámu-l Mulk Diláwar Jang.”190]
SIZE—Fol. 17 in. by 11 1/4, 421 pages, 25 lines in a page.
Mahábat Khán Khán-khánán Sipáh-sálár.
Zamána Beg was son of Ghuyúr Beg Kábulí, and belonged to the Saiyids of the pure Razwiya stock. Khán-zamán, son of Mahábat Khán, in a history which he wrote, traces the descent of his ancestors from the Prophet Moses. They were all men of position and wealth. Ghuyúr Beg came from Shíráz to Kábul, and settled among one of the tribes of that neighbourhood. He was enrolled among the military followers of Mirza Muhammad Hakím, and on the death of the Mirza he obtained employment in the service of the Emperor Akbar, when he distinguished himself greatly in the campaign against Chítor. Zamána Beg in his youth was entered among the ahadís of Prince Salím (Jahángír), and, having rendered some acceptable services, he, in a short time, received a suitable mansab, and was made Bakhshí of the shágird-peshas . When Rája Uchaina made a treaty and agreement with Mu'azzam Khán Fathpúrí at Alláhábád, and came to wait upon the Prince, the city and its environs swarmed with his numerous followers. Whenever he went out, all men, high and low, gazed with wondering eyes at his followers. This annoyed the Prince, who said one night in private, “Why should I be troubled with this man?” Zamána Beg said that if permission were given, he would that very night settle his business. Having received directions, he went alone with a servant at midnight to the dwelling of the Rája, who was drunk and fast asleep. He left his servant at the door, and telling the Rája's servants to wait outside, because he had a royal message to deliver, he went into the tent, cut off the Rája's head, wrapped it in a shawl, and came out. Telling the servants that no one must go in, because he had an answer to bring, he took the head and threw it down before the Prince. Orders were immediately given for plundering the Rája's followers. When these discovered what had happened, they dispersed, and all the Rája's treasure and animals were confiscated to the State. Zamána Beg received the title of Mahábat Khán, and at the beginning of the reign of Jahángír he was raised to a mansab of 3000, and sent in command of an army against the Ráná.191
* *
Mu'tamad Khán.
Mu'tamad Khán Muhammad Shaníf was a native of Persia, of obscure station. On his coming to India his good fortune caused his introduction to Jannat Makání (Jahángír). In the third year of the reign he was honoured with the title of Mu'tamad Khán. He was Bakhshí of the Ahadís for a long time. In the ninth year died Sulaimán Beg Fidáí Khán, who was Bakhshí of the army of Prince Sháh Jahán in the campaign against the Ráná. Mu'tamad Khán was then appointed to the office. In the eleventh year, when the Prince was deputed to make arrangements in the Dakhin, the office of Bakhshí was again entrusted to him. * * Although he had a reputation for his knowledge of history, yet it appears from his work Ikbálnáma Jahángírí, which is written in an easy flowing style, that he had very little skill in historical writing, as, notwithstanding his holding the office of Ahad-navísí, he has not only left out many trifling matters, but has even narrated imperfectly important facts.
TAZKIRATU-L UMARÁ
OF
KEWAL RÁM.
THIS is a Biographical account of the nobles of Hindústán, from the time of Akbar to Bahádur Sháh, by Kewal Rám, son of Raghunáth Dás Agarwála, inhabitant of Kasna in Bulandshahr, written in the year 1194 A.H. (1780 A.D.). It gives an account of all dignitaries above the mansab of two hundred, and of the Hindú Rájas who distinguished themselves during that period. It contains very little more than the patents of nobility, privileges and insignia bestowed upon each person, and the occasion of his promotion. It is altogether a very meagre compilation compared with the Ma-ásiru-l Umará.
SIZE—8vo., 701 pages of 15 lines each.
SAWÁNIH-I AKBARÍ
OF
AMÍR HAIDAR HUSAINÍ.
[THIS is a modern history of the Emperor Akbar, written by Amír Haidar Husainí Wásití of Bilgrám, whose ancestors came from Wásit in Arabia. The work was compiled at the instance of “Mufakhkharu-d daula Bahádur Shaukat-i Jang William Kirkpatrick,” and so must have been written towards the close of the last century. It bears no date, and unfortunately extends only to the end of the twenty-fourth year of the reign. The author states that he derived his materials from the Akbar-náma of Abú-l Fazl, the Muntakhab of Badáúní, the Tabakát of Nizámu-d dín Ahmad, Firishta, the Akbar-náma of Illáhdád Faizí Sihrindi, the Ma-ásiru-l umará and other works. He adds that he used the four parts of the Inshá-e Abú-l Fazl, and especially mentions the fourth part, expressing his surprise that it has been so little referred to by historians. The Inshá is a wellknown work, and has often been printed, but in three parts only; so, Mr. Blochmann says, “it looks as if Amír Haidar's copy of the fourth part was unique.” But a reference made by Sir H. Elliot in p. 413, Vol. V. of this work, shows that he had access to this rare portion of the work. The Akbar-náma of Abú-l Fazl is the authority mainly relied upon, and the author says he “has omitted those superfluities of language which Abú-l Fazl employed for rhetorical purposes.”
“This work,” adds Mr. Blochmann, “is perhaps the only critical historical work written by a native,” and he particularly recommends it to the notice of European historians.193
SIZE—Large 8vo., 843 pages of 15 lines each.]
SIYARU-L MUTA-AKHKHIRÍN
OF
GHULÁM HUSAIN KHÁN.
[THE first part of this work gives a general description of Hindústán, of its provinces, cities, products and people. It also gives a summary of the ancient history as derived from the Sanskrit works translated by Faizí and others. It then notices the rise of the Muhammadan power, and adds a succinct history of the reigns of the various sovereigns down to the death of Aurangzeb. This constitutes the first volume of the work, and its contents are generally identical with those of the Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh. The author has been severely condemned by Col. Lees194 for glaring plagiarism in having stated that he derived his matter from the work of an old munshí, without ever mentioning the name of the author of the Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh. It has been shown by Sir H. M. Elliot, in No. LXXXIV., that the Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh itself is a gross piracy of an anonymous work called Mukhtasiru-t Tawáríkh, and it may have been this very work that Ghulám Husain used and referred to as the production of “some old munshí.”]
[It is the second volume of the work that has become famous, and to which the title Siyaru-l Muta-akhkhirín,194a “Review of Modern Times,” is particularly applicable.] This consists of a general history of India from 1700 to 1786 A.D. It contains the reigns of the last seven Emperors of Hindústán, an account of the progress of the English in Bengal up to 1781 A.D., and a critical examination of their government and policy in Bengal. The author treats these important subjects with a freedom and spirit, and with a force, clearness and simplicity of style very unusual in an Asiatic writer, and which justly entitles him to pre-eminence among Muhammadan historians. [“It is written,” says General Briggs, “in the style of private memoirs, the most useful and engaging shape which history can assume; nor, excepting in the peculiarities which belong to the Muhammadan character and creed, do we perceive throughout its pages any inferiority to the historical memoirs of Europe. The Duc de Sully, Lord Clarendon or Bishop Burnet need not have been ashamed to be the authors of such a production.”]
The testimony which Ghulám Husain bears to the merits of the English is on the whole creditable to them. Dr. Tennant observes that “of injustice and corruption, as judges, the author entirely acquits our countrymen; and of cruelty and oppression, as rulers, he brings not the slightest imputation. From his intimate acquaintance with this subject, and his bias, if he felt any, being wholly against us, we may applaud our early adventurers for having obtained this honourable testimony to their character. From want of knowledge in the language, he does accuse them of sometimes having suffered themselves to be imposed on by their banians and sarkárs; nor does he conceal that injustice was sometimes committed through their interference. Persian writings and books are not committed to the press and disseminated by publication as in Europe. This author's MSS., for many years, were handed about privately among the natives. He could, therefore, have no fear of giving offence to the English by what he brought forward. This is indeed apparent from many strictures he has written abundantly severe; nor does there seem any intention to please by flattery in a work that was never submitted to the perusal of the English. The praises of General Goddard, and of many other individuals, to be found in the Siyaru-l Muta-akhkhirín, are no exception to this remark, since they are evidently the effusions of sincerity and gratitude, and some of them, as that of Mr. Fullarton, were written long after the parties concerned had left the country. Without having any knowledge of civil liberty in the abstract, this author possessed the fullest enjoyment of it, and from this circumstance his testimony has become of great importance.”196
The Siyaru-l Muta-akhkhirín, or “Manners of the Moderns,” was completed in the year 1783 by Saiyid Ghulám 'Alí Khán Tabátabá, a relation of Nawáb 'Alivardí Khán. His father, Hidáyat 'Alí Khán, held the Government of Bihár in the súbadárship of Mahábat Jang, as the náib, or deputy, of his nephew and son-in-law Haibat Jang. He was afterwards Faujdár, or military governor, of Sonpat and Pánípat, in the reign of Muhammad Sháh. On the flight of Sháh 'Álam from Dehlí to avoid the persecution of Gházíu-d dín Khán, he accompanied him as his Mír-bakhshí or chief paymaster; having obtained for his eldest son Ghulám Husain, the post of Mír-munshí or principal secretary; and for his second son Fakhru-d daula, that of Díwán-i tan or overseer of the household. The necessities of the Prince at length compelled Hidáyat 'Alí to relinquish his station, and he retired to his jágír in Bihár, where he died soon after the deposition of Kásim 'Alí Khán.
His son, Ghulám Haidar, afterwards acted as representative of Kásim 'Alí Khán in Calcutta, till his suspected attachment to the English occasioned his removal. He was then engaged in various services under our own Government, and received many marks of favour from General Goddard, whom he attended on several enterprises. In a short Preface he says, “No one apparently having stood forth to write an account of the nobles of Hind since the death of Aurangzeb, I will briefly record what I know on the subject, or have heard from trustworthy and esteemed narrators, to the end that if hereafter any intelligent historian should be inclined to write the events of former times, the thread of successive occurrences might not be entirely broken. Relying, therefore, on the Divine aid, I proceed to the execution of my task, and will put down in clear language, free from abstruseness, whatsoever I have heard related by persons considered worthy of credit. If any mistakes occur, my apology is evident: those who have furnished the information must be answerable.”
Some further particulars of the author may be found in volumes i. and iii. of the Asiatic Annual Register, in which Extracts are given from his autobiography, which is said to have been prefixed to his History, but it does not appear there in the printed edition by 'Abdu-l Majíd.
This work was translated into English by Mustafá, a French renegade, and published at Calcutta in 1789 in three quarto volumes. The history of the translator is not very well known, but it appears from his Preface that he was in English employ, that he was a Muhammadan, and that he was plundered during a pilgrimage to Mecca. He was a French, Italian, Turkish, and apparently a classical scholar, also a perfect master of Persian and Hindústání. But although he prided himself upon his knowledge of English, he was not thoroughly versed in our tongue, and it is to be regretted that his translation was made into a language of which he was not a master, for his version is full of Gallicisms, although he says that he “could not write in any other language so fluently.” A large portion of the impression of his work was lost on its way to England, [and it has long been a rare book, only to be found here and there in public libraries.]
General Briggs undertook to bring out a new translation, [but he published only one volume, containing about one-sixth of the whole work, and this was more an amended version of the original translator's English than a revision of his translation.] A portion of the work relating to the transactions in Bengal has been translated in the second volume of Scott's History of the Deccan
The Siyaru-l Muta-akhkhirín has been printed more than once at Calcutta. An excellent edition of the first volume was brought out there in 1836 by Hakím 'Abdu-l Majíd, in a quarto volume of 534 pages.
The work is well known to English readers from the many quotations and abstracts which Mill has made from it in his History of India; [and Ghulám Husain is “the Musulmán historian of those times” whom Macaulay has quoted and spoken of with approval.198 In fact, the native side of the history of Ghulám Husain's days, as it appears in the works of English writers, rests almost entirely upon his authority. The limits of the present volume will not allow of such lengthy extracts as the merits of the work require, and it seems preferable to bring forward the views and statements of other writers, most of whom are entirely unknown to the European reader. For these reasons no Extracts from the work are here given; but it is greatly to be desired that a complete translation of this history should be accessible to the students of Indian history.]
MULAKHKHASU-T TAWÁRÍKH
OF
FARZAND 'ALÍ HUSAIN.
THIS is an abridgment of the Siyaru-l Muta-akhkhirín by Farzand 'Alí of Monghír, who says respecting himself:
“Being highly desirous to learn the history of the great kings of former times, I employed myself in the study of the Siyaru-l Muta-akhkhirín, the unrivalled composition of Ghulám 'Alí Khán. As this book has many beauties and advantages, which are rarely found in any other work on history, it has ever been dear to my heart; but its extreme prolixity not only demands a long time for its perusal, but exhausts the patience of readers; so at the request of some of my friends, I made an abstract of the work, and denominated it Mulakhkhasu-t Tawáríkh.”
This work is divided into three parts. Part I. Brief account of the Kings of India, from the reign of Tímúr to the twenty-second year of Muhammad Sháh, 1738 A.D. Part II. A full account of the transactions in Bengal, 'Azímábád, and Orissa, to the commencement of the English rule in 1781 A.D. Part III. Transactions from the twenty-second year of Muhammad Sháh up to the twenty-third year of Sháh 'Álam's reign, 1781 A.D.
It has been printed in a quarto volume, containing 511 pages of 19 lines each.
There is another abridgment of the Siyaru-l Muta-akhkhirín by Maulaví 'Abdu-l Karím, Head Master of the Persian Office. It was printed in Calcutta in one volume quarto in 1827, under the name of Zubdatu-t Tawáríkh.
TÁRÍKH-I MAMÁLIK-I HIND
OF
GHULÁM BÁSIT.
THIS is a compilation by Ghulám Básit, undertaken at the suggestion of an English officer. The title is the one borne by the copy at Bombay which I have had the opportunity of consulting. [But there is a work bearing the title of Táríkh-i Básit, which is probably the same as this.]
The author tells us of himself, that he had no excellence of person or mind, and was long living on the income of a few acres of land which had descended to him from his ancestors, when, to his misfortune, his tenure, along with the other rent-free tenures in the province of Oudh, was resumed, and he was consequently reduced to the greatest distress and embarrassment. The author in this emergency wished that, like his ancestors, who for about three hundred years had been in the service of the Emperors of Hindústán, he also might enter the service of the same family. But although, he observes, there were thousands and hundreds of thousands of people as insignificant as himself, who, notwithstanding the decline of the empire, subsisted upon the bounty of that house, he through his bad luck was disappointed in that expectation, and was obliged to seek employment under the English, who were noted for their generosity and courage. He assumed the name of a munshí in order to secure his daily bread, and through the grace of God and the kindness of his masters, he at last obtained a sufficient provision for himself and children, and prayed God for the welfare of the English who had supported him.
In the year 1196 A.H. (1782 A.D.) he went to Calcutta, in company with I'tikádu-d daula Nasíru-l Mulk General Charles Burt, who one day requested him to write a brief account of the Rulers of Hindústán, whether Musulmán or Hindú, on the authority both of books and of oral testimony. As he considered gratitude paramount to all other obligations, he abstracted preceding authors, and noted down all that he had heard from his father Shaikh Saifu-llah of Bijnor, who had been during his whole life in the royal service, and had attained the great age of one hundred and five years. Although he abridged the accounts derived from other historians, he did so without the omission of any material points; and on the conclusion of his work, delivered one copy to his patron, and retained one for himself.
He does not state from what works he compiled his history; but in the course of it he mentions incidentally, amongst others, the Mahábhárat, Matla'u-l Anwár, Táríkh-i Bahadúr-sháhí, Táríkh-i Yamíní, the histories of Hájí Muhammad Kandahárí and Nizámu-d dín Ahmad. As these are all mentioned by Firishta, it is probable that he only quotes them at second-hand.
He appears to have taken a very short time about the compilation, for he brings it down to the 10th of Ramazán of the same year in which he commenced it, namely, 1196 A.H. (1782 A.D.), the twenty-fourth year of Sháh 'Álam's reign, upon whose head he invokes a blessing.
The work is not divided into regular Books and Chapters. He begins with the Creation, proceeds from the Patriarchs, Hindú Demigods and Rájas to the Ghaznívides and Sultáns of Dehlí down to the reigning monarch. Before treating of the Tímúrian Sovereigns, he introduces an account of the Rulers of Sind, Multán, Kashmír, Bengal, Jaunpúr, the Bahmanís, the Kings of Bíjápúr, Ahmadnagar, Birár, Gujarát, Málwá, Khándesh and Malabár.
I know of only two copies of this history. One belonged to the late Mullá Fíroz of Bombay, and another I saw at Kanauj with the title Zubdatu-t Tauáríkh.
[The Extract was translated by a munshí, and revised by Sir H. M. Elliot.]
SIZE—8VO., 612 pages of 17 lines each.
EXTRACT.
In 1020 A.H. (1611 A.D.), the Emperor Núru-d dín Jahángír made over the fort of Súrat, in the province of Gujarát, to the English, against whom the Firingís of Portugal bear a most deadly enmity, and both are thirsty of each other's blood. This was the place where the English made their first settlement in India. Their religious belief is contrary to that of the Portuguese. For instance, they consider Jesus Christ (may the peace of God rest on him!) a servant of God and His prophet, but do not admit that he was the Son of God. They are in no wise obedient to the King of Portugal, but have their own king. At present, A.H. 1196 (1782 A.D.), these people have sway over most parts of Hindústán.
The people of Malíbár are for the most part infidels, and their chief is called Ghaiár (Ghamyár?). Their marriage ceremony consists in tying some writing round the neck of the bride, but this is not of much effect, for women are not restricted to one marriage. One woman may have several husbands, and she cohabits every night with one of them by turns. The carpenters, blacksmiths, dyers, in short, all except Brahmins, form connexions with each other in this fashion.
Originally the infidel Khokhars of the Panjáb, before embracing Islám, observed a very curious custom. Among them also polyandry prevailed. When one husband went into the house of the woman, he left something at the door as a signal, so that, if another husband happened to come at the same time, he might upon seeing it return. Besides this, if a daughter was born, she was taken out of the house immediately, and it was proclaimed, “Will any person purchase this girl, or not?” If there appeared any purchaser, she was given to him; otherwise she was put to death.
It is also a custom among the Malíbárís, that in case of there being several brothers, none except the eldest is allowed to marry, because in that case there would be many heirs, and disputes might arise. If any of the other brothers desires a woman, he must go to some common strumpet of the bázár, but he cannot marry. If the eldest brother die, the survivors are to keep mourning for him during a whole year; and so on in proportion for the other brothers. Amongst them women make their advances to the men.
The Malíbárís are divided into three classes. If a person of the highest class cohabit with one of the lowest, he is not allowed to eat until he has bathed, and if he should so eat, he is sold by the governor to the people of the lowest class, and is made a slave; unless he manages to escape to some place where he is not recognized. In the same manner, a person of the lowest class cannot cook for one of the highest; and if the latter eats food from the hands of the former, he is degraded from his class.
CHAHÁR GULZÁR SHUJÁ'Í
OF
HARÍ CHARAN DÁS.
THE author of this work is Harí Charan Dás, son of Udai Ráí, son of Mukund Ráí, son of Ságar Mal, late chaudharí and kanúngo of the pargana of Mírat, in the province of Dehlí. He tells us that he was in the employment of Nawáb Kásim 'Alí Khán; and in the first year of the reign of 'Álamgír II., he accompanied the Nawáb and his daughter, Najbu-n Nisá Khánam, alias Bíbí Khánam, wife of the late Nawáb, Najmu-d daula Is'hák Khán, when they proceeded to Oudh, to have an interview with Nawáb Mirzá 'Alí Khán Iftikháru-d daula and Sálár Jang Khán-khánán, the brothers of the deceased Nawáb, and sons of Nawáb Mu'tamadu-d daula Is'hák Khán.
Kásim 'Alí Khán, immediately after his arrival at Faizábád, departed this world, and the death of that nobleman was a heavy blow to all his relations and friends. The compiler, after this lamentable event, was, however, kindly retained in the service of the daughter of the deceased Nawáb and his sons Shafík 'Alí Khán and Áká 'Alí Khán. Shafík 'Alí Khán, the elder brother, was much affected by the death of his father, and survived him only a few years. He was succeeded by his son, Husain 'Alí Khán, who, having the same favourable regard which his father had towards the compiler, permitted him, through the recommendation of Najbu-n Nisá Begam, to continue to receive his allowance.
Although the family of the deceased Nawáb was so kindly disposed towards him, yet, on account of some events which he promises to detail, a considerable change took place in his circumstances, and he was not so comfortably situated as before. Having no employment which could occupy his attention, and not wishing to waste his time in idleness, he devoted himself to the study of histories and biographical accounts of the ancient Kings. In this agreeable pursuit he was liberally assisted by Ibráhím 'Alí Khán, alias Mirzá Khairátí, son of Hikmat-ma'áb Khán, physician to the Emperor Ahmad Sháh. This learned man was a near relation of the deceased Nawáb Kásim 'Alí Khán, and had come with him to Faizábád. He was one of the greatest scholars of the time, and had a tolerable knowledge of mathematics and other sciences. He had collected a large number of historical and other works, and spent a great part of his time in their study. Being acquainted with the circumstances and tastes of the compiler, he kindly lent him several works on history, such as Firishta, Habíbu-s Siyar, Mir-át-i 'Álam, Khulásatu-l Akhbárát, and others. But not satiated with the perusal of these books, the compiler also carefully went through the Sháh-náma, Rájávalí, Rámáyana, Mahábhárat, Bhágavat, Faizí's translation of the Jog Bashist from the Sanskrit into Persian, which he had in his own possession, besides other works which he borrowed from his friends.
Having by these means obtained an acquaintance with the history of ancient times, he wished to compile a work which might embrace an account of the Rájas, Kings, and Nobles of past ages, according to the information derived from the books above enumerated. He also designed to continue his work up to the 1199th year of the Hijra era (1785 A.D.), to produce a history of contemporary Kings and Amírs, and of those noblemen in whose employment he had been, noticing at the same time all the facts of historical importance which occurred under his own observation during his long life of eighty years. To this he also intended to add a sketch of his own and of his ancestors' lives, that he might leave a memorial to posterity.
From the time that the writer came to Oudh, some allowance for his maintenance was made by Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula, through the recommendation of Bíbí Khánam and Shafík 'Alí Khán, and he continued to receive it for seventeen years, that is, up to 1184 A.H. (1770 A.D.), when it was stopped by Bení Bahádur, on account of some misunderstanding which arose between him and Bíbí Khánam. This involved the writer in great pecuniary distress, but after a few years, when Bení Bahádur became blind, and was deprived of his authority, an order was passed for restoring the payments which had been withheld. Although this was effected through the favour of Bíbí Khánam, in whose immediate employment he was, yet he considered it his duty to make some return for the obligations which he was under to Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula; and “as that nobleman took great delight in gardens and orchards, and as every chapter of this work gives no less pleasure to the mind than a walk through the parterres of a garden, the compiler thought it proper to dedicate it to him, and gave it therefore the title of Chahár Gulzár Shujá'í, “The Four Rose Gardens of Shujá'.”
The work is nevertheless divided into five Books, fancifully styled Chamans, or “parterres,” an apparent inconsistency derived from the fact that four is a favourite number, especially with respect to gardens, which, being generally square after the Oriental fashion, are divided into four even portions, by two transverse roads.
[The preceding account of the work was taken by Sir H. M. Elliot from the author's Preface. The writer is very communicative in other parts of his work as to his family and pecuniary matters, and he frequently enters into long details about them and his employments. He lived to the age of eighty, and had seen many of the events which he describes, so that his work is of value, though it is somewhat discursive. The Extracts all relate to modern times. They were translated for Sir H. M. Elliot by munshís, and have been corrected in his handwriting.]
CONTENTS.
Book I. History of Brahma, Mahes, etc.—II. Account of the Sati Yuga—III. The Treta Yuga and the Avatárs—IV. The Dwápara—V. The Kalí Yuga: this book is divided into two parts.
Part I.—The Rájas of Dehlí, now called Sháh-Jahánábád, from the beginning of the Kalí Yuga, or the reign of Rája Judhishtar, in whose time the great war took place, up to the first irruption of the Muhammadans, as taken from the Rájávalí and Faizí's translation of the Mahábhárata from Hindí into Persian.
Part II.—History of the Muhammadans according to the most authentic works, and the author's own observation during a long life, from the establishment of their power in India to this the eightieth year of his age, and the 1198th of the Muhammadan era, corresponding with the twenty-fifth of Sháh 'Álam's reign.
Part I.—Sec. i. Commences from Rája Judhishtar. Thirty Rájas of this line ruled during a period of 1739 years 3 months and 16 days. The following are their names * *.—ii. Rája Bisarwá and * * his successors, fourteen in number, reigned 500 years 2 months and 23 days.—iii. Rája Bír Báhú and * * his successors, sixteen in number, reigned 430 years 5 months.—iv. Rája Dihandar and * * his successors, nine in number, reigned 359 years 11 months and 27 days.—v. Rája Sakot.—vi. Rája Bikramájít.—vii. Samundarpál; Jundpál, son of Samundarpál; Neipál, son of Jundpál; Despál, son of Neipál; Nar Singh Pál, son of Despál; Sabhpál, son of Nar Singh Pál; Lakhpál, son of Sabhpál; Gobindpál, son of Lakhpál; Sarbpál, son of Gobindpál; Balípál, son of Sarbpál; Mehrpál, son of Balípál; Harpál, son of Mehrpál; Bhímpál, son of Harpál; Madanpál, son of Bhímpál; Karmpál, son of Madanpál; Bikrampál, son of Karmpál. The reigns of these sixteen princes make up a period of 685 years 5 months and 20 days.—viii. Rája Tilok Chand; Bikram Chand, son of Tilok Chand; Kártik Chand, son of Bikram Chand; Rám Chand, son of Kártik Chand; Adhar Chand, son of Rám Chand; Kalyán Chand, son of Adhar Chand; Bhím Chand, son of Kalyán Chand; Girah Chand, son of Bhím Chand; Gobind Chand, son of Girah Chand; Rání Premvatí, wife of Gobind Chand. These ten princes ruled during a period of 119 years 11 months and 9 days.—ix. Har Prem. Four Rájas of this family reigned during 49 years 11 months and 20 days.—Gobind Chand, son of Har Prem; Gopál Prem, son of Gobind Chand; Mahá Pátr, son of Gopál Prem.—x. Dahí Sen; Baláwal Sen, son of Dahí Sen; Keshú Sen, son of Baláwal Sen; Madhú Sen, son of Keshú Sen; Súr Sen, son of Madhú Sen; Bhím Sen, son of Súr Sen; Kanak Sen, son of Bhím Sen; Hari Sen, son of Kanak Sen; Ghan Sen, son of Hari Sen; Náráin Sen, son of Ghan Sen; Lakhman Sen, son of Náráin Sen; Madr Sen, son of Lakhman Sen.—xi. Rája Díp Singh. Six Rájas of this family ruled during 107 years and 7 months: Rán Singh, son of Díp Singh; Ráj Singh, son of Rán Singh; Chatar Singh, son of Ráj Singh; Nar Singh, son of Chatar Singh; Jíwan Singh, son of Nar Singh.—xii. Rája Pithaurá. Of this line five princes filled the throne during 80 years 6 months and 10 days: Ráí Abhai Mal, son of Ráí Pithaurá; Durjan Mal, son of Abhai Mal; Udai Mal, son of Durjan Mal; Ráí Vijai Mal, son of Udai Mal.
Part II.—History of the Muhammadan Emperors, from the reign of Shahábu-d dín Ghorí, who first ruled in Hindústán, to the thirteenth year of Sháh 'Álam's reign, A.H. 1187 (1773 A.D.), a period of 635 years. This part is divided into nine Sections. [The author continues his list of contents in great detail.]
Khándí Ráo, son of Malhár Ráo, Mahratta, killed by Súraj Mal
Ját; and Áppájí Mahratta by the Ráthor Rájpúts.
In 1160 A.H. (1747 A.D.) Áppájí, Malhár Ráo, and other Mah-rattas, having collected a large force from Málwá and Gujarát, poured like a torrent upon Díg and Kumbher, then held by Súraj Mal Ját. They laid siege to those forts, and devastated the country. The war continued for several months, and ended in the death of Khándí Ráo, who was killed in an action with Súraj Mal.
After the death of this chief, the Mahrattas, finding themselves unable to stand against the Játs, turned their arms towards the country of Rája Bakht Singh and other Ráthor chiefs, and demanded a contribution from the Rája, who, immediately on receiving the message, assembled a council of war, and thus resolutely addressed all his chiefs: “Alas! how deplorable is the condition of Rájpúts, that a mean and contemptible tribe from the Dakhin demands tribute from them! Where are those Rájpúts gone who were so brave, that only ten of them could oppose a thousand of the enemy, and who once with the edge of their sword not only punished the rebels who occupied the most secure and impenetrable valleys of Kábul, but drove them out and became masters of their strongholds? While the Rájpúts occupied the road between Kábul and India, no power could force its way into this country from that direction, nor did any people there dare to disturb the peace of the subjects or rise in rebellion against the throne. Surely, the blood of true Rájpúts is altogether extinct.” He uttered many such inflammatory sentences before the assembly, and a Rájpút, roused by his speech, broke silence and said, “The Rájpúts of this time possess more courage than those of former ages; but the Rájas of the present time are not so brave or so judicious in command as they were of old.” “Of course,” replied the Rája, “if the soldiers of an army be cowards, blame is thrown upon the weakness and inability of its leader.”
In short, after a long discussion, the Rájpút rose up with six other persons, two of whom were his sons, two his nephews, and two his friends. They all mounted their horses, and spurring them on, proceeded direct to Áppájí's camp, which was at the distance of thirty kos from that of Rája Bakht Singh. They alighted from their horses, and at once entered the tent of Áppájí, turning a deaf ear to the guards who stood at the door and tried to prevent them from going in. The chief of these brave Rájpúts, dauntlessly approaching the Mahratta chief, sat close to his cushion, and freely entered into a conversation with him. He asked him, in the name of his Rája, what he meant by coming into this territory, and demanding contribution from the Ráthor chief. “I came here,” replied Áppájí, “by the force of my arms, and I demand the tribute by right of might. If God pleases, I will penetrate in a few days to the very palaces of your Rája.” “No, no,” said the Rájpút, “you must not be too sure of your bravery and power. God has made other men stronger than you.”
On hearing these words, Áppájí's indignation knew no bounds, and at once breaking out into passion, he began to abuse him and the Rája. The Rájpút could not restrain himself, and, inflamed with anger, drew out his dagger, and stabbing the Mahratta chief, put an end to his existence with one blow. Having severed his head from his body, he made off with it, and took it to Rája Bakht Singh, while his other companions engaged with the Mahrattas, who, with loud shouts, ran towards them, to avenge the death of their chief. Three of these Rájpúts were slain, and three, though much wounded, escaped from the hands of the enemy. After the death of Áppájí, the Mahrattas were obliged to decamp, and return to their country.
Death of 'Aliwardí Khán, Názim of Bengal.
'Aliwardí Khán, the Governor of Bengal, Maksúdábád and Patna, having no son, and seeing that his end was fast approaching, appointed his daughter's son as his successor, and enjoined on him the observance of two precepts. First, that he should never enter into hostilities with the English. Secondly, that he should never exalt Ja'far 'Alí Khán to any great rank, or entrust him with such power as to involve himself in difficulty, in case of his revolt.
Siráju-d daula, however, soon forgot these precepts, and when, after the death of 'Aliwardí Khán, he succeeded to power, he took Ja'far 'Alí Khán into his favour, and conferred on him a jágír, to which he also attached a troop of horse and foot, and placed his whole army under his command. The English at Calcutta punctually paid their annual tribute, according to the fixed rate. But Siráju-d daula, through his covetousness and pride of power, demanded an increase of tribute from them, and became openly hostile towards them. Actuated by his vanity and presumption, he suddenly attacked them in Calcutta, and having plundered their property and cash, put several of their officers to death, and returned to Murshidábád.
As the English had taken no heed of his movements, they could not oppose him at the time with success; but afterwards they collected a large army, and marched boldly towards Murshidábád. They also brought over Ja'far 'Alí Khán to their interest, upon the promise of making over the province of Bengal to him. When their army reached within one or two marches from Murshidábád, Siráju-d daula advanced to oppose them. Ja'far 'Alí Khán, who had the command of all his forces, wished to capture and surrender him to the English without any battle being fought; but Siráju-d daula soon became acquainted with his intentions, and seeing himself in a helpless situation, secretly embarked alone in a boat and fled.
After his flight the English assigned the province of Bengal to Ja'far 'Alí Khán, who established his rule there, and appointed his deputies in all its districts. All the property of Siráju-d daula was taken and divided between him and the English. When Siráju-d daula had gone thirty kos from Murshidábád, he stopped for a while, and ordered his servant to land in the jungle, and try to get some fire for his hukka. Accordingly the servant disembarked, and seeing the cottage of a darwesh, he approached it, and asked the occupant for some fire.
It is said that the darwesh had been a servant of Siráju-d daula, and, being ignominiously turned out by him for some fault, he had become a fakír, and taken up his abode in this jungle. When he saw the servant of Siráju-d daula, with a chillam in his hand studded with gems, he instantly recognized him, and asked him how he happened to be there. The servant, who was a simpleton, discovered the whole matter to him; and the darwesh, quietly leaving him there, went with all speed to the governor of the neighbouring town, and informed him of Siráju-d daula's arrival. As orders for capturing the Nawáb had been issued by Ja'far 'Alí Khán and the English, and the governor had received them on the same day, he immediately embarked on a boat, and, having seized the Nawáb, sent him under the custody of some trusty servants to Ja'far 'Alí Khán, who put him to death in A.H. 1160 (1747 A.D.).
Having so far gratified his ambition, Ja'far 'Alí Khán with a settled mind devoted his attention to the management of Bengal, and took possession of all the wealth and royal equipage of Siráju-d daula, who had involved himself in this danger by not observing the wise advice of his grandfather.
Safdar Jang and Súraj Mal Ját.
When Safdar Jang was appointed chief minister by Ahmad Sháh, the districts which, according to the established custom, comprised the jágír of a minister, were also granted to him. Farídábád, which is twelve kos distance from Sháh-Jahánábád, had been formerly a part of this jágír; but since the time of the late minister, I'timádu-d daula, Balrám, a near relation of Súraj Mal Ját, having put the officers of the minister to death, had made himself master of this district, and gave him only what he liked out of its revenues. The magnanimous spirit of Safdar Jang could not brook this usage, and he demanded in strong terms the surrender of the district by Súraj Mal Ját and Balrám; but they still retained it, and answered him evasively.
At last, in A.H. 1160 (1747 A.D.), he marched to Dehlí to punish them for their delay, and soon recovered Farídábád from Balrám. Having pitched his tents there, he also demanded that Súraj Mal should resign all the places which belonged to the Emperor; but the Ját chief, on receiving this demand, began to fortify his posts of Díg, Kumbher and other places with strong garrisons, guns, and all the munitions of war, and having prepared himself for an engagement, addressed the minister sometimes with promises of surrender and sometimes with threats of vengeance.
Fight between Káim Khán and Sa'du-llah Khán.
In 1162 A.H. (1749 A.D.), when Safdar Jang was endeavouring to recover possession of the districts which belonged to the Emperor, a misunderstanding arose between Káim Khán, etc., the sons of Muhammad Bangash Afghán, and Sa'du-llah Khán and other sons of 'Alí Muhammad Khán Rohilla; and the two parties, the Afgháns and the Rohillas, went so far in their animosity towards each other that they both had recourse to arms. Many battles took place between them, and at last the contest ended in the destruction of Káim Khán, the eldest son of Muhammad Khán Bangash. The Afgháns, after the death of their chief, took to flight; and the Rohillas returned victorious to their homes.
When the news of Káim Khán's death became known, Safdar Jang left the matter with Súraj Mal Ját unsettled, and immediately came to Dehlí. With the permission of the Emperor, he soon marched to Farrukhábád, the residence of Káim Khán, and confiscated all the property of the Afgháns, leaving only a few villages sufficient for the maintenance of Ahmad Khán and the other sons and relatives of Muhammad Khán. He placed the estates of the Afgháns under the management of Rája Nuwul Ráí, who acted as the Nawáb's deputy in the governorship of the province of Oudh and Alláhábád, and himself returned to Dehlí.
Ja'far 'Alí Khán and Kásim 'Alí Khán.
Ja'far 'Alí Khán, who had joined with the English, put Siráju-d daula, his sister's son, who governed Murshidábád, to death, and himself became governor of the province. Kásim 'Alí Khán, who was one of his near relations, acquired great strength, and collected a large force on the strength of his connexion with the governor. Míran, son of Ja'far 'Alí Khán, became deputy of his father, and, having assembled a large army, engaged in managing the affairs of the provinces. He resolved on punishing Khádim Husain Khán, governor of Púraniya, who refused submission to Ja'far 'Alí Khán. Having marched from Maksúdábád, he reached the banks of the river which flows on the other side of Púraniya, and pitched his tents there. After a bridge of boats was made, Míran determined to cross the river next morning, and make a sudden attack upon Khádim Husain Khán. As he had collected a very large army, and was himself exceedingly bold and enterprising, Khádim Husain Khán was greatly alarmed, and prepared to escape during the night, leaving the city of Púraniya to the invader. But, accidentally, about the middle of the night, Míran, who was sleeping in his tent, was struck dead by lightning. When his army was left without a leader, many fled away for fear of Khádim Husain Khán, and the rest, with the camp, returned to Ja'far 'Alí Khán at Murshidábád. It is said that Míran was very generous. One day [having had no occasion to bestow alms] he said, “Some evil is about to befall me,” and the same night he was struck by lightning and died.
Ja'far 'Alí Khán, after Míran's death, became weak and embarrassed. Kásim 'Alí Khán, his son-in-law, who through his kindness had been enabled to obtain power, and collect an army, joined with the English, and having invited them from Calcutta, took Ja'far 'Alí Khán prisoner. The English made Kásim 'Alí Khán governor of Bengal and 'Azímábád Patna, instead of Ja'far 'Alí Khán in 1170 A.H.
Sháh 'Álam proceeds against Kálinjar.
His Majesty, the asylum of the world, Sháh 'Álam Bádsháh, having subdued the Deputy Súbadár of the province of 'Azímábád, and taken a contribution from him, returned to the province of Oudh, which belonged to Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula. The Nawáb advanced to receive him with honour. The Emperor, accompanied by him, went towards Jhánsí and the fort of Kálinjar, which were very strong places, and in the possession of the Bundela Rájas and Mahrattas. Shujá'u-d daula with his army went as far as Mahobá, which is near the fort of Kálinjar, and overran the country. The Rája of Kálinjar was obliged to pay him a contribution and also to promise an annual tribute.
The districts of Jhánsí, Kálpí, etc., which belonged to the Bundelas and others, were after many battles and struggles taken from them, and annexed to the dominions of the Emperor and Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula. * * Afterwards they crossed the Ganges, and proceeded to Mahdí-ghát, where they encamped in 1177 A.H. (1763 A.D.).
daula to 'Azímábád, and a battle is fought with the English.
When Kásim 'Alí Khán, Governor of the province of Bengal, Maksúdábád and 'Azímábád Patna, having fled from the English, reached the vicinity of Benares, which belonged to Shujá'u-d daula, Sháh 'Álam and the Nawáb were encamped on the banks of the Jumna, at the ghát of Bíbípúr, within the boundary of Karra, to settle terms about the fort of Kálinjar, and correspondence was going on about the matter with Rája Hindúpat. At that place a petition was received by the Emperor and a letter by the Nawáb from Kásim 'Alí Khán, soliciting an interview, and requesting assistance, with promises of remuneration. Satisfactory replies were sent on the part of the Emperor and the Nawáb. Kásim 'Alí Khán therefore left Benares, and when he arrived at the ghát of Bíbípúr, pitched his tents near the royal camp.
After an interview with the Emperor and Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula, he presented them with a large donation in cash, valuables and curiosities, and derived encouragement and consolation from them. But as in those days a question was under dispute with Rája Hindúpat, the Emperor and the Nawáb could not attend to any other matter till that was settled. Kásim 'Alí Khán, seeing that the Rája would not come to amicable terms, and that the Emperor and the Nawáb could not go to 'Azímábád and Bengal until the dispute was adjusted, offered his mediation, and after an interview with the Rája, settled the question. A part of the contribution money, which the Rája had become liable to pay, was realized, and for the remainder Kásim 'Alí Khán became surety. After this, he entreated the Emperor and the Nawáb for assistance, and represented his desperate circumstances to them. He also promised to pay monthly all the expenses of their armies, till such time as he might obtain victory over the English, and reinstate himself in the provinces of Bengal and 'Azímábád.
Though some say that the Emperor did not wish to engage in hostilities, nevertheless it was at last determined that the provinces of Bengal and 'Azímábád should be taken from the English and given to Kásim 'Alí Khán, and also that the English should be punished. Accordingly, on the 1st of Zí-l ka'da, 1178 A.H. (20th April, 1765 A.D.),216 the Emperor, Shujá'u-d daula Wazíru-l Mamálik and Kásim 'Alí Khán marched towards 'Azímábád, as far as Benares. The English who were at 'Azím-ábád Patna trembled like an aspen at the fear of His Majesty Sháh 'Álam Bádsháh and Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula, and they sent petitions to them, soliciting forgiveness for their conduct. They deputed Shitáb Ráí on their part, promising to give up 'Azím-ábád, pay whatever might be demanded as a contribution, and obey any orders that might be given, praying also that the Emperor and the Nawáb would return from Benares without attacking them.
The request of the English was not acceded to, Shitáb Ráí was turned out of the camp, and the royal army marched on from Benares. The English, being informed of this, left the city of Patna, and having assembled at Bach Pahárí, six kos from that city, on the road to Benares, fixed their batteries there. Relying upon destiny, they resolved to offer opposition, and prepared to fight.
The Emperor and the Nawáb, having marched from Benares, proceeded by rapid marches, like an arrow shot from a bow, and encamped at five kos from Bach Pahárí. The action commenced with the shooting of arrows and firing of muskets, and it continued for two days. The third day the brave and bold warriors of Shujá'u-d daula's army, making a vigorous attack, advanced their batteries close to Pahárí, and engaged with the English, who also spared no effort in resistance, and exerted themselves to fight.
The whole day the warriors of both sides stood firm fighting in the field. At the close of the day, when the sun approached the horizon, the brave soldiers of both parties ceased to combat, and the batteries remained fixed in their first positions. But Shujá'u-d daula, by the advice of some ignorant and inexperienced men who were with him, recalled the warriors of his army from Pahárí to his own tents. Although Shujá' Kulí Khán and others who were at the batteries remonstrated with him, and remarked that to remove them from their position would be highly inexpedient, because they had been fixed there with great difficulty and pains, and in case of retreat it would be very difficult to regain the position, yet the Nawáb would not listen to them, and having recalled the soldiers from Pahárí, ordered the batteries to be fixed near his camp.
The English, considering this a favour of God, occupied the position where the batteries of the enemy had been. The next day the Nawáb could not drive the English from it. In these same days, the wet season commenced, and rain began to fall. The place where the tents of the Emperor and Shujá'u-d daula were pitched being low, and water having collected there, it was considered unfit for the camp, and His Majesty and the Nawáb retreated to Baksar, which is thirty kos east of Benares. When the rains were over, in consequence of the war having been prolonged for several months, and the collection of the revenues from the provinces which belonged to Shujá'u-d daula having been delayed on account of the expedition, and as the army which was newly enlisted by the Emperor and the Nawáb for this war with the English, as well as the veteran troops, began to demand their pay, the Emperor and the Nawáb asked Kásim 'Alí Khán for the money which he had promised for the expenses of the army. But he evaded payment by frivolous excuses. As the demand for arrears created a mutinous spirit in the army, and as Kásim 'Alí Khán, notwithstanding that he was importuned and entreated to pay the money, would not come to a right understanding, but resorted to unfair and dishonest expedients, the Emperor and the Nawáb took harsh measures against him, and having called him from his tent, put him under the custody of a guard. Whatever property of his they could lay their hands on, such as elephants and horses, they sold, and paid the army from the proceeds.
When the rainy season was over, the English, having marched from 'Azímábád, pitched their tents near Baksar, opposite the Emperor's and the Nawáb's camp, at a distance of five or six kos. Lines of intrenchment were prepared on either side, and the action commenced with guns and muskets. As Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula had heavy artillery with him, the English army could not stand against it, and they at last prepared to engage in close combat. When recourse was had to this kind of warfare, both parties stood their ground firmly, and the warriors of both sides, expertly using their swords, bows and arrows, destroyed their opponents, and increased the business in the market of the angel of death. The brave and intrepid warriors of Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula's army, having overcome the enemy, fell upon his camp, and stretched out their hands to plunder. They put a great number of them to the sword, and beat the drums of triumph and conquest. The Nawáb ordered his soldiers not to let any one escape alive. The army of Shujá'u-d daula surrounded the enemy on all sides, and the English, having no way left for flight, collected at one spot, and having resolved to die, made a very desperate attack upon their opponents. Shujá' Kulí Khán, alias 'Ísá, who was a slave of the Nawáb, and had 4000 horse under his command, observed the furious attack of the English, and cried out to his soldiers, “Friends! it was for such a day as this that you put on those arms. Form a compact body, and at once charge the enemy, and put them to the sword.” His followers seemed ready to obey the command. They read the fátiha, and lifted up their hands in prayer. 'Ísá, thinking that they would follow him, galloped his horse towards the English front, but only five horsemen out of four thousand followed him. Of those cowards who remained behind, some took to flight, and others stood idle on their ground. 'Ísá with his drawn sword furiously attacked the enemy like a Rustam. He killed many, and after astonishing feats of valour, drank the cup of martyrdom. Having shown his loyalty, he met with the mercy of God.
When Shujá' Kulí Khán, alias 'Ísá, was slain, all his cavalry at once took to flight, and caused great confusion in the army of Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula. The English, being informed of this, with great impetuosity attacked the division of Rája Bení Bahádur, the deputy of the Nawáb. The Rája, who had never been in action, could not stand his ground, and fled without attempting to fight. As he commanded several thousands, both of horse and foot, his flight caused the defeat of the armies of the Emperor and the Nawáb. The English took possession of the intrenchments of the fugitives. Although the Nawáb tried much to rally them, and cried out (in the words of Sa'dí), “Ye brave men, exert yourselves to fight, and do not put on the clothes of women,” yet none returned, all sought safety in flight.
When the Nawáb and the Emperor's forces fled, the English fell upon their camps, and began to plunder them. The Nawáb hastened in confusion towards Benares, and halted when he arrived there. The English took possession of his tents, guns and other property. The Emperor also fled to Benares. The Nawáb, after some days, hastened to Alláhábád, and stayed there three months collecting a large army.
The English, in the mean time, laid siege to Chunár. Sídí Muhammad Bashír Khán, the Governor, offered opposition, and, opening his artillery from the ramparts, fought very bravely. But when several days had passed, and nobody came to reinforce him (for the fort was near Benares, and the Nawáb was at Alláh-ábád), he was obliged to capitulate, and leave the fort in their possession. He was allowed to go to Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula at Alláhábád. The English made an alliance with Sháh 'Álam, who was at Benares, and marched with him from that place to Jaunpúr. The Nawáb moved towards the same place at the head of a large army, with the intention of hazarding a battle.
Both parties encamped near Jaunpúr, at the distance of two or three kos from each other, and skirmishes took place between them. Two or three English officers fell into the hands of the Mughals of the Nawáb's army, and this obliged the English to propose terms of peace through the Mughal chiefs, who at their request advised the Nawáb to accept the terms. Bení Bahádur, and some other short-sighted and ignorant people dissuaded him from liberating the English officers, and he would not agree to peace. This created enmity and disaffection in the minds of the Mughal chiefs against the Nawáb, and they accordingly entered into an understanding with the English, that if they delivered the Nawáb into the hands of the English on the day of battle, they should be rewarded with appointments in the provinces. The Nawáb, being apprised of this, was greatly alarmed, because the Mughals were the most powerful body in his army. When the armies prepared to engage, the Mughals stood aloof, and as the Nawáb's affairs were reduced to a desperate condition, and a battle could not be hazarded, he broke up his camp near Jaunpúr, and retreated towards Lucknow.
When he reached that place, Simrú220 Gárdí, who was at the head of ten or twelve thousand Gárdí Telinga221 soldiers; Gusáín Anúp Gir, who commanded several thousand horse; and 'Alí Beg Khán, Shitáb Jang, and Ághá Bákir, who, though Mughals, had not joined with the insurgents, hastened to meet the Nawáb. Najaf Khán, Muhammad 'Alí Khán, Ághá Rahím and other Mughal chiefs, went over to the English, and the rest of the army fled.
On the 9th of Sha'bán, A.H. 1178 (1 Feb. 1765), the Nawáb with his whole family, and all the property which he could collect, marched from Lucknow towards Bareilly, which belonged to Háfiz Rahmat Rohilla. On leaving Lucknow, the Nawáb encamped at báoli (well), near Rustam-nagar.
Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula, having reached Bareilly, which formed the ta'lúká of Háfiz Rahmat Rohilla, left his family there with Simrú Gárdí, who was at the head of several thousand horse and foot soldiers. He himself proceeded to Garh Muktesar, which is situated on the banks of the Ganges, thirty kos from Sháh-Jahánábád. He met there the chiefs of the Mahratta army, and made an alliance with them. Having returned thence, he came to Farrukhábád. Gusáín Anúp Gir, who was a great general and one of the oldest servants of the Nawáb, quarrelled with him while encamped on the banks of the Ganges near Garh Muktesar, on account of the pay of his regiments, and having deserted him, went over to Jawáhir Singh, son of Súraj Mal Ját.
When Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula arrived at Farrukhábád, he requested Ahmad Khán and Muhammad Khán Bangash, Háfiz Rahmat, Dúndí Khán, Najíb Khán, and other Rohilla and Afghán chiefs, to lend him their aid; but through fear of the English they all refused to accompany him. Gházíu-d dín Khán 'Imádu-l Mulk, who was in those days with Ahmad Khán at Farrukhábád, accompanied Shujá'u-d daula from Farrukhábád to the Mahrattas at Kora. The Mahrattas went with them to the ferry of Jájmau, on the banks of the Ganges. The English left Alláhábád, and came to the same place, when Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula, Gházíu-d dín Khán and the Mahrattas resolved to oppose them.
After an obstinate battle, the army of the Mahrattas took to flight, and having plundered on their way the city of Kora, arrived at Kálpí. Gházíu-d dín, with a few men, fled to Farrukh-ábád. Shujá'u-d daula, disappointed in obtaining help and assistance in every quarter, determined to venture alone to the English, and make peace with them, rather than wander from place to place in a state of embarrassment. He accordingly came unattended to Jájmau, where the English had encamped. When he approached the camp, and the English were informed of his coming, their chiefs, who were very polite and affable, immediately came out of their tents, and proceeded on foot to meet him. They showed him great hospitality and respect, and, accompanying him to their tents with due honour, promised to restore to him the provinces which had been in his possession, and told him that he was at liberty to place his family wherever he liked. The Nawáb, having taken his leave from the English, pitched his tents at the distance of four kos from theirs. He summoned his family from Bareilly, and sent them to Lucknow.
Simrú, commander of the Gárdí regiment, who was now in the service and in charge of the family of the Nawáb, had been formerly in the employ of the English; and, taking some offence at them, had entered the service of Kásim 'Alí Khán, Governor of Bengal, and when the Khán was ruined, had entered at Baksar into the service of Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula. As peace was now made, the English demanded his surrender by the Nawáb; but the Nawáb, respecting his bravery and courage, did not consider it proper to comply, but dismissed Simrú from his service. Simrú, who was coming with the family of the Nawáb from Bareilly to Lucknow, learnt the news of his dismissal on the way. On this he petitioned for the arrears of his pay, and resolved to take severe measures in the event of refusal. The Nawáb Begam, mother of Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula, and Bení Bahádur, paid him what was due to him near Sháhábád, and then dismissed him. Having received his pay, he went to Jawáhir Singh Ját at Díg and Kumbher. The family of the Nawáb, with the Khánam Sáhiba and others, arrived at the báoli (well), near Lucknow, on the 9th Muharram, A.H. 1179 (28 June, 1765 A.D.), and pitched their tents there.
As by this time the Nawáb, in company with the English, had reached Phúphámau, near Alláhábád; his family followed him to the same place. * * But the English intimated to him that he should leave the ladies of his family at Faizábád, and himself accompany them to Maksúdábád, where their chief resided. The Nawáb acted according to their request, and, having embarked in a boat, accompanied them to that city by water, with only a few attendants. When an interview took place between the English and the Nawáb on the way between 'Azímábád and Maksúd-ábád, they showed him great hospitality and kindness, and wrote him a letter, in which they restored to him both the provinces which had been in his possession. They took from him the district of Alláhábád, with several other maháls, the annual revenue of which amounted altogether to twelve lacs of rupees, and also the district of Kora, and they gave these places to Sháh 'Álam Bádsháh. They also promised to pay the Emperor annually a sum of fifty lacs of rupees on account of the provinces of Bengal and 'Azímábád, and having placed their officers in the fort of Alláhábád, they erected a factory there. From the 13th of Rabí'u-l awwal, A.H. 1179, the Nawáb's rule was again established in the provinces of Oudh and Alláhábád.223 The Emperor took up his residence in Sultán Khusrú's garden at Alláhábád. The English garrisoned the fort of Alláhábád, and erected a factory in Benares. Mr. Hooper was appointed Resident at the Court of the Nawáb.
The English.
How can I sufficiently extol the courage, generosity, and justice of the English? In bravery Rustam cannot be compared to them, because, with only 10,000 foot soldiers, they marched from Maksúdábád to 'Azímábád, fighting against the army of Kásim 'Alí Khán, consisting of 100,000 horse and foot, and never showed their backs in battle. In the same manner they engaged four times with the armies of Shujá'u-d daula and the Emperor, which amounted to more than 100,000 infantry and horse, and yet never retreated from the field. Moreover, they have fought against the Mahrattas and Gházíu-d dín Khán, and always with a similar result. Hátim Táí, who is said to have been the very model of generosity, had not perhaps such a liberal mind and magnanimous spirit as they have, because, after obtaining victory over Siráju-d daula, they gave the provinces of Bengal and 'Azímábád to Ja'far 'Alí Khán, and afterwards to Kásim 'Alí Khán, and after conquering the provinces of Oudh and Allahábád, they restored them both to Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula.224 Naushír-wán is mentioned as most just and equitable, but in justice and equity the English are not inferior to him. When they entered the city of Lucknow, and other cities and towns in the provinces of Oudh and Alláhábád, as conquerors, they did not hurt there even an ant, and in no way injured or troubled any person. Notwithstanding that many turbulent and seditious characters instigated them, and pointed out to them the riches of the people, told them that certain bankers possessed great wealth, and urged that it should be exacted from them, yet these righteous people allowed no mischief to be done, but on the contrary, punished these low informers, and cautioned them against spelling such words again. They strictly ordered their soldiers to commit no act of oppression or extortion upon any individual. Mr. Hooper was long a Resident at the Court of Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula, and yet, during the period of seven or eight years he was so accredited, neither he himself nor any of his servants committed a single act of violence against any person. Monsieur Laintin (?), a Firingí, who was one of the greatest of Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula's followers, conducted himself in the same exemplary manner; and although he sent Syám Lál, his díwán, to prison at the instigation of the díwán's enemies, still he gave him no unnecessary pain. In short, the goodness of these people is beyond all bounds, and it is on account of their own and their servants' honesty that they are so fortunate and wealthy.
and their successors.
In the month of Jumáda-s sání, 1181 A.H. (Oct. 1767), Jawáhir Singh, son of Súraj Mal Ját, marched from Díg and Kumbher, which were his residences, to bathe in the tank of Pokhar, a great sacred place of the Hindús. It is situated near Ajmír, within the territory of Rája Mádhú Singh, son of Rája Jai Singh Kachhwáhá; and Jawáhir Singh, on reaching the boundary of the Rája's possessions, began to ravage the country and plunder the people. He overran most places in the territory. When he reached within two stages from Pokhar, he learnt that Rája Bijai Singh, son of Rája Bakht Singh Ráthor, had also come to bathe. Fearing on account of the outrages he had committed on his way, he wrote to Bijai Singh that he was suspicious of Mádhú Singh, and that, if he would permit him, he would come to bathe. The Rája wrote in reply that he should come only with 2000 horse; but Jawáhir Singh, contrary to this desire, proceeded with all his forces, which consisted of about 60,000 horse, one lac of foot, and one thousand large and small guns. On the 13th of Jumáda-s sání he bathed in the tank, and having halted a few days there, returned.
The news of his outrages and plundering having reached Mádhú Singh and other Rájpút chiefs, they considered it a great insult, and contrary to custom. All the Rájpúts having assembled together, went to Mádhú Singh, * * proposing to take revenge. Mádhú Singh replied that he did not think it worthy of himself to oppose Jawáhir Singh, whose forefathers had been of the lowest dependents and creatures of his ancestors, but that whosoever liked might go against him. Accordingly Dalel Singh and other Rájpúts, to the number of about 20,000 horse, and an equal body of foot soldiers, went to oppose Jawáhir Singh, who, finding it difficult to force his way, resolved to fight. A battle ensued. The Rájpúts showed such bravery and courage, that they destroyed about 20,000 horse and foot of the army of Jawáhir Singh. Many also drank the cup of death on their part. Jawáhir Singh, not being able to stand before the cruel sword of the Rájpúts, took to flight alone, and with great difficulty and pain reached Díg and Kumbher. His guns, elephants, horses, treasure, and all the furniture of pomp, fell into the hands of the Rájpúts, who, after staying a few days on the field, returned to their respective residences.
Jawáhir Singh felt great shame of this defeat, and much of the vanity and pride which he had entertained was reduced. It is said that Jawáhir Singh had made a soldier his associate and had great friendship for him. * * This soldier, having been guilty of some improper act, was disgraced. * * One day, when the Ját chief had gone hunting with only a few attendants, that soldier, taking his sword and shield, went to the place where Jawáhir Singh was standing carelessly with a few men, and struck him a blow with his sword, saying, “This is the punishment of the disgrace I have received.” In one blow there was an end of Jawáhir Singh's existence, who departed to the world of eternity in the month of Safar, 1182 A.H. (June, 1768 A.D.). He was succeeded by his brother Ratan Singh. * *
When Ratan Singh was killed by a fakír, the ministers of the State elevated his infant son, Ranjít Singh, to his place, and seated him upon the masnad of the chiefship. Nuwul Singh and Bhawání Singh, sons of Súraj Mal, but by another wife, rose in opposition, and collected an army of Mahrattas and others, to the number of about 30,000 horse, and an equal number of foot soldiers. The ministers of Ranjít called the Sikh forces from Láhore. These forces then entered the territories of the Ját, and stretched out their hands to plunder. Although the Játs opposed them, yet they did not withhold their hands. At last, the armies of Ranjít Singh, being collected, fought with the Sikhs, and drove them out of his possessions. Nuwul Singh and Bhawání Singh went with the Mahratta army towards Málwá and Ujjain. The son of Ballú Ját, who had raised a rebellion in the territory, and wished to alienate a part from it, and make himself its master, was also baffled in his schemes, and could not succeed in his object.
In the month of Safar, 1183 A.H. (June, 1769 A.D.), the town of Díg Kumbher twice caught fire, and about twelve or thirteen thousand men were burnt. No account was taken of the animals and houses which were consumed.
In the same year Tukkají Holkar, son-in-law227 of Malhar Ráo, Rám Chand Ganesh and other Mahrattas proceeded with a formidable army of one lac of horse and foot from the Dakhin, and reached the territory of Ranjít Singh. A great conflict took place between the Ját and Mahratta forces, and numerous men on both sides fell in the field. But the gale of victory blew in favour of the Mahratta army, and the Játs took refuge in the most fortified of their strongholds. The Mahratta army overran and spread devastation in the country which belonged to Ranjít Singh Ját, from Ágra to Kol and Jalesar. The Játs, having assembled their forces, prepared to oppose them, and at last peace was made between the parties. The Játs gave a contribution of about forty-five lacs of rupees to the Mahrattas, and saved the country from their depredations. Being restored to their possessions, they banished the fear of the Mahrattas from their minds. Civil feuds had broken out among Nuwul Singh, Ranjít Singh, and other sons and grandsons of Súraj Mal Ját, and great disturbances took place, in consequence.
Najaf Khán, in the commencement of the year 1187 A.H. (1773 A.D.), made an irruption into the territories of the Játs; the Bilúchís, Mewáttís, and other tribes also joined with him. He brought many places which belonged to them into his possession, and has continued to spread disturbances in their territories up to this day, the 9th of Jumáda-s sání, 1189 A.H. (Aug. 1775 A.D.). He subdued the Játs, and reduced the Rájas to subjection, as we have particularized in the chapter which gives his history. Najaf Khán took the fortress of Díg by storm from the Játs, who, according to some, also lost possession of Kumbher. This place, as well as Ágra, Mathurá, Bindrában, Kol, Jalesar and Kámá, beside many other maháls, fell into the possession of Najaf Khán, who at the present day, the 1st of the month of Jumáda-l awwal, 1192 A.H. (1 June, 1778 A.D.), has been engaged for some time in besieging the fort of Máchehrí.
the cities of Calcutta and Dacca.
When the English had driven out Kásim 'Alí Khán from Bengal, Maksúdábád and 'Azímábád Patna, they confirmed the son of Ja'far 'Alí Khán in the deputy-governorship of Bengal, and Shitáb Ráí in that of 'Azímábád Patna. The armies which were stationed in those provinces under the command of the former governors were all dismissed, and the necessary number of Telinga barkandázes were enlisted, to be kept at the disposal of the deputy-governors of the provinces. It is said that a very strange practice was introduced into the country, namely, that the English began to sell some articles themselves, and that they prohibited other traders from dealing in them according to former practice.
In the month of Shawwál, 1183 A.H. (Feb. 1770 A.D.), in the city of Calcutta, where the English resided, such a storm raged that many men were killed, and houses destroyed by the force of the hurricane. In the same year such a dreadful famine occurred in Calcutta, Bengal, and 'Azímábád, that in places where four maunds of grain had been sold for a rupee, even four sírs were not then to be obtained for the same money. Consequently many persons died of hunger. It is said that in Bengal and 'Azímábád about three million seven hundred thousand men were starved to death; and many sold their sons and daughters for grain, or for four or eight anas a piece. On account of this dearth, the English sent several hundred boats from Calcutta to Faizábád for the purpose of procuring grain. Thus the price of corn was also raised in Faizábád and Lucknow.
It is said that in the month of Muharram, 1183 A.H. (May, 1769 A.D.), such showers of hailstones fell, that the whole city of Calcutta, where the English resided, was reduced to ruins. Several men were killed, houses levelled to the ground, and only a few men survived. In the same month and the same year hailstones fell also in the city of Maksúdábád.
It is said that the English are so just and honest, that they do not interfere with the wealth of any rich men, bankers, merchants and other people who reside in their cities, but, on the contrary, they are very kind to those who are wealthy. But from those who are powerful they manage to obtain money by their wisdom and adroitness, and even by force if necessary; but they are not oppressive, and never trouble poor people. They are a wonderful nation, endowed with equity and justice. May they be always happy, and continue to administer justice!
Arrival of Governor General Hastings at Lucknow.
When, in 1198 A.H. (1784 A.D.), the news spread in Faizábád, Lucknow, and other places under the jurisdiction of the Nawáb Wazíru-l Mamálik Ásafu-d daula, ruler of the provinces of Oudh and Alláhábád, that the Governor General, Mr. Hastings, was coming from Calcutta towards Lucknow, Nawáb Ásafu-d daula, with a view to welcome him, marched from that city on the 9th of Rabí'u-s sání, and encamped at Jhúsí, near Alláhábád. When the intelligence of the Governor General's arrival at Benares was received, the Nawáb despatched the minister, Haidar Beg Khán, accompanied by Almás 'Alí Khán, Governor of Kora and Etáwa, an officer of great ability and influence. They met the Governor General at Benares, and having presented their nazars, remained in attendance on him. When the Governor General reached Alláhábád, Nawáb Ásafu-d daula crossed the river, and after an interview had taken place between these magnates, they came together to Lucknow. Great rejoicings were made by the people on account of the arrival of the Governor General, for the English are very just, equitable and humane.
Destruction of Pilgrims at Hardwár.
Every year, in the month of Baisákh (April), the people of India, particularly Hindús, resort to Hardwár, a place of great sanctity, for the purpose of bathing, and a fair lasts for several days. It is said that in Jumáda-l awwal, 1198 A.H. (April, 1784 A.D.), in the (Hindí) month of Baisákh, when the people had collected as usual, such a deadly blast arose that fifteen hundred persons, men and women, died from it in less than two hours. In the same month and year thousands of persons lost their lives from starvation in Dehlí in a space of five or six days, on account of the dearth of corn. The famine raged from Multán down to Bengal and Maksúdábád, with such violence that people were reduced to a very deplorable state. They laboured under double difficulties, one the scarcity of grain, and the other the want of employment, which equally affected both the soldier and the tradesman.
orders of the King of England.230
Mr. Hastings, who some years previously had been appointed by the King of England as Governor of Bengal, Maksúdábád, and 'Azímábád Patna, revolted from his obedience, and paid no attention to the King's orders, declaring that he was a servant of the Kings of India.230a The King of England sent another governor to Calcutta in his place; and when he arrived in Calcutta, and went to visit Mr. Hastings, that gentleman killed him by the power of his sorceries.
After this, the King of England despatched another officer to fill the place of Mr. Hastings at Calcutta; but that gentleman declined to resign charge of the government. At last they determined on fighting a duel, with the understanding that the victor should assume the office of Governor. A day was fixed, and on that day they fought a duel. Mr. Hastings escaped, but wounded his antagonist in the arm with a pistol-ball, who was consequently obliged to return to England.
The King of England then contrived a plot, and sent to Calcutta about four hundred European soldiers, in a vessel under the command of Mr. Macpherson, with a letter to Mr. Hastings, to the effect that, as in these days he had many battles to fight, Mr. Macpherson had been despatched with these soldiers to reinforce him, and to render service to him whenever exigency might require it. Secret instructions were given to Mr. Macpherson and the soldiers to seize Mr. Hastings and forward him to His Majesty's presence. When the ship reached near Calcutta, Mr. Macpherson sent the Royal letter to Mr. Hastings, and saluted him with the fire of guns of the ship. Mr. Hastings, having read the letter, embarked in a boat, and, in company of the other English officers who were with him in Calcutta, proceeded to welcome Mr. Macpherson. On his approaching the vessel, Mr. Macpherson paid a salute, and with a double guard of the European soldiers, went from the ship into Mr. Hastings's boat. Immediately on boarding the boat, he ordered the soldiers to surround Mr. Hastings, and having thus made him a prisoner, showed him the orders for his own appointment as Governor, and the warrant which His Majesty had given for the apprehension of Mr. Hastings, who saw no remedy but to surrender himself a prisoner. Mr. Macpherson sent him to England in a ship under the custody of the European guard which had come out for that purpose.
TÁRÍKH-I SHAHÁDAT-I FARRUKH SIYAR
OF
MIRZÁ MUHAMMAD BAKHSH.
[THE full title of this work is Táríkh-i Shahádat-i Farrukh Siyar wa Julús-i Muhammad Sháh. The author, Mirzá Muhammad Bakhsh, was a poet, and wrote under the name Áshob. Nothing has been found about him beyond what he himself tells us in his Preface. He was a soldier, and served with Nawáb Mu'ínu-l Mulk, “from the beginning to the end of the war with Ahmad Sháh Abdálí.” He records how in this war he personally overthrew and granted quarter to three Abdálí horsemen, for which exploit he obtained great applause and reward. Afterwards he served under Khán-khánán (Intizámu-d daula), and obtained a mansab of 2000, with his ancestral title of Kaswar Khán; but he adds that this title was beyond his deserts, and he remained contented with his simple name of Muhammad Bakhsh. Subsequently he acted in company with 'Imádu-l Mulk Gházíu-d dín Khán. He seems to have been a bold dashing officer, and he had several brothers and friends serving with him. His name frequently appears in the course of the work when he records what he himself did or saw, as in the Extract which follows.
The work bears no special relation to the death of Farrukh Siyar. The author's intention was to write the history of “the hundred years from the death of Aurangzeb to the present time, 1196 A.H.” (1782 A.D.); but Sir H. M. Elliot's MS. and another in the Library of the India Office close with the return of Nádir Sháh, and the death of Zakariya Khán, governor of the Panjáb. The history is very summary up to the beginning of the reign of Muhammad Sháh, after which it is written in full detail. The author acknowledges his obligations to the Táríkh-i Muhammad Sháh, but has also recorded “what he heard from trustworthy persons, and what he saw when serving Sultáns and wazírs.” In his Preface he mentions the works that he used for his Introduction. They are the usual authorities: the Akbar-náma, Tabakát-i Akbarí, Ikbál-náma-i Jahángírí, “the Journal which Jahángír himself wrote in a very pleasant style,” and many other works. There are some references also to his own poetical productions—a poem of 700 couplets called Falak-áshob, written at Bhartpúr, “one of the strong fortresses of Súraj Mal Ját,” and another called Kár-náma, “Book of Deeds,” in 3000 couplets, written by command to celebrate the wars of Nawáb Mu'ínu-l Mulk.
In the course of the Preface he speaks of the English in highly eulogistic terms. He specially mentions Captain Jonathan Scott, whose learning and acquirements he extols in verse, and for whose encouragement he is grateful. He also acknowledges the countenance and kindness which he received from Colonel Polier at Lucknow.
SIZE—9 inches by 8, 670 pages of 15 lines each.]
EXTRACT.
[When Nizámu-l Mulk went forth to treat with Nádir Sháh, the author of this work, with several horsemen consisting of his brethren and near relations, by the strength of their horses, but with great difficulty and much management, got in front of the elephants of Ásaf Jáh Nizámu-l Mulk, and arrived first at the battle-field. * * As we were before all, we had the first sight. The Persians and others of Nádir's army, having dismounted and picketed their horses, were plundering and ransacking without check. They had broken open the chests with blows of axes and swords, torn in pieces the bags of gold and silver, and having scattered the contents on the ground, were engaged in picking them up. Furniture, especially the culinary utensils of silver and copper, fell into the hands of the plunderers.
When we reached the place of meeting, it was dark, and every one, great and small, remained on the spot he first reached. His Majesty approached with a large escort of men and guns with great splendour. Next came the train of the chief wazír 'Azímu-llah Khán Zahíru-d daula Bahádur. His elephant was in armour, and he himself rode in an iron howda, and was clothed in armour from head to foot, so that his eyes were the only parts of his body that were visible. He was attended by a suitable escort of men and arms, and made his obeisance to his monarch, and his salám to Ásaf Jáh. Next came the Wazíru-l mamálik Bahádur. * * All the chiefs were mounted on elephants clad in armour, in war howdas of iron variously ornamented, and all the elephant riders from the greatest to the least were covered with arms and armour from head to foot.]
WÁKI'ÁT-I AZFARÍ.
[THIS is one of the works mentioned by Sir H. M. Elliot as containing matter for the history of Sháh 'Álam. He did not obtain a copy of the work, and all that is known about it is derived from a letter written to Sir Henry by Sir Walter Elliot. It says, “The Wáki'át-ï Azfarí is a mere antobiography of an individual of no note. This Azfarí had some intercourse with Ghulám Kádir in his youth, and gives a few particulars of events which passed under his own observation.” From the extracts inclosed in this letter it is apparent that the work was written after the death of Ghulám Kádir, which occurred in 1788 A.D.]
BAHRU-L MAWWÁJ
OF
MUHAMMAD 'ALÍ KHÁN ANSÁRÍ.
THE author of this work is Muhammad 'Alí Khán Ansárí, Ibn 'Izzatu-d daula Hidáyatu-llah Khán, son of Shamsu-d daula Lutfu-llah Khán Sádik Tahawwur Jang.
Being devoted from his early youth, as most of these authors say of themselves, to history and studies subsidiary to it, and passing most of his time in the company of those who spoke and wrote of these subjects, he determined upon writing a general history; and as he had already written an account of the Prophets, he thought he could not do better than devote his time to a more secular History, embracing the lives of the Kings who in past times have ruled upon the earth; so that, through both his labours combined, he might derive the double reward of hope of heaven and advantage upon earth. Relying, therefore, upon the help of God, he allowed “the parrot of his tongue to expatiate in the garden of language,” and after spending a very long time upon his compilation, he completed it in the year 1209 A.H., corresponding with A.D. 1794-5.
It is a comprehensive and useful work, as will be seen from the list of contents given below, but it presents nothing particularly worthy of extract.
The work is divided into nine Chapters, and forty-nine Sections, fancifully called seas (bahr) and waves (mauj) respectively, and hence the title of Bahru-l Mawwáj, “The Tempestuous Sea.”
CONTENTS.
Preface, p. 1.—Book I. In six Chapters: 1. Peshdádians; 2. Kaiánians; 3. Tawáifu-l Mulúk; 4. Sássánians; 5. Akásira; 6. Tubbas of Yemen, p. 8.—II. In two Chapters: 1. Ummayides; 2. 'Abbásides, p. 64.—III. In eleven Chapters: 1. Táhirians; 2. Saffárians; 3. Sámánians; 4. Ghaznívides; 5. Ghorians; 6. Buwaihides; 7. Saljúkians; 8. Khwárizmsháhís; 9. Atábaks; 10. Isma'ílians; 11. Chiefs of Kará Khitáí and Kirmán, p. 112.—IV. In eight Chapters: 1. The Cæsars; 2. The Saljúks of Rúm; 3. Dánishmandias; 4. Salífias; 5. Mangúchakias; 6. Rulers of Karáman; 7. Zúlkadarias; 8. Othmánlís, p. 175. —V. On the Sharífs of Mecca and Medína, p. 208.—VI. In four Chapters: 1. Turk, the son of Yáfath; 2. Tátár, and his descendants; 3. The Mughals; 4. Púranjar Kaan, p. 211.— VII. In seven Chapters, on Changíz Khán and his descendants, p. 219.—VIII. In five Chapters: 1. Chanbánians; 2. Ílkánians; 3. Muzaffarians; 4. Rulers of Kirit; 5. Saribárans, p. 274.— IX. In Six Chapters: 1. Tímúr and his descendants; 2. His descendants who ruled in Írán and Khurásán; 3. Kará-kúínlú Turks; 4. Ak-kúínlú; 5. Saffaríans; 6. Nádir Sháh, Ahmad Sháh Abdálí, etc., p. 319.
SIZE—Large 8vo., containing 437 pages, with 17 lines to a page.
This work is known to me only from a copy in the Library of the Rája of Benares, and I have never heard of any other. A ponderous commentary on the Kurán bears the same title.
'IBRAT-NÁMA
OF
FAKÍR KHAIRU-D DÍN MUHAMMAD.
[THE author of this work was Fakír Khairu-d dín Alláhábádí, who also wrote the History of Jaunpúr translated by Major Pogson and the Balwant-náma, to be hereafter noticed. During the latter part of his life he resided at Jaunpúr, in the enjoyment of a pension from the British Government, which he had earned principally by the assistance which he rendered to Mr. Anderson in his negociations with the Mahrattas. He left the service of Mr. Anderson through sickness, and was afterwards in the service of one of the Imperial princes. Subsequently he retired to Lucknow, and obtained some favour from the Nawáb Sa'ádat 'Alí, whom he greatly extols, and whose high sounding titles he recites in full as “I'timádu-d daulat wau-d dín I'tizádu-l Islám wau-l Muslimín Wazíru-l mamálik 'Umdatu-l Mulk Yamínu-d daulat Názimu-l Mulk Nawáb Sa'ádat 'Alí Khán Bahádur Mubáriz Jang.” The author died about the year 1827.
The work may be considered as a History of the reigns of 'Álamgír II. and Sháh 'Álam, for although it begins with Tímúr, the lives of the Emperors before 'Álamgír are dismissed in a very summary way, and occupy altogether only 25 pages. The main portion of the work, the reign of Sháh 'Álam especially, is very full and minute, and the author shows himself particularly well acquainted with the affairs of Sindhia. The work is of considerable length, and is divided into years and many chapters. It closes soon after recounting the horrible cruelties practised on the Emperor Sháh 'Álam and his family by the infamous Ghulám Kádir, whose atrocities he describes at length, and whose conduct he denounces in the strongest language: “The greatest of all the calamities that have fallen upon Hindústán were the acts of the traitor Ghulám Kádir, which deprived the Imperial house of all its honour and dignity, and consigned himself, his relations, and his tribe, to everlasting infamy.”
A subsequent chapter describes the death of Ghulám Kádir, whose career induced the author to give his work the title of 'Ibrat-náma, “Book of Warning.” It extends to 1204 A.H. (1790 A.D.), and was written before the end of the reign of Sháh 'Álam. The history is well written, in simple intelligible language, and deserves more notice than the limits of this work will allow. Some Extracts follow, translated chiefly by the Editor, but a few passages are by munshís.
Sir H. Elliot's copy was bought at Lucknow, and is a folio 14 inches by 9, containing 500 pages of 25 lines to the page.]
Mutiny against 'Imádu-l Mulk Gházíu-d dín.
['Imádu-l Mulk, after arranging the revenue and other matters (upon the accession of 'Álamgír II.), set about a reformation of the cavalry and sín dágh238 system, which had fallen into a very corrupt state. He removed the Emperor from Sháh-Jahánábád to Pánípat, and then, taking away from the officials of the cavalry the lands which they held round the capital, he appointed his own officers to manage them. The chiefs of the cavalry, being hurt by the deprivation of their sources of income, and being encouraged by the Emperor and some of his councillors, were clamorous against the wazír, and sent their wakíls to him to demand their pay. The wazír directed Najíb Khán to inquire into the matter, and he set his son, Zábita Khán, to the work. * *
The soldiers, dissatisfied with their wakíls, and ready for a disturbance, sent thirty or forty of their most violent leaders to get redress for their grievances. These men, complaining and railing against their officers, went to the pavilion of the wazír, and, collecting there in a mob, raised a great tumult. The wazír heard this, and, proud of his rank and power, came fearlessly out to quell the disturbance. The rioters seized him, and began to abuse him in terms unmentionable. Numbers gathered together from every side, and the mob increased. They tore off his clothes, and in the struggle his turban even fell from his head. Then they dragged him through the streets of Pánípat to their camp. The wazír's forces, hearing of the disturbance, gathered and prepared to fight; but when they saw their master in the hands of the mutineers, they were helpless. The chiefs of the dágh went to the wazír with apologies, and brought him a turban and such garments as they could get. The wazír, seeing how frightened they were, flew into a rage, and reviled them. Meanwhile a message was brought from the Emperor to the officers, offering to make himself responsible for their pay if they would deliver over the wazír to him a prisoner, and telling them that if he escaped from their hands, they would have hard work to get their pay from him.
The passions of the mob being somewhat quieted, their chiefs thought that the best way of saving themselves was to communicate the Emperor's message to the wazír. They came humbly before him, with importunities, and brought an elephant, on which they seated him. Hasan Khán, one of the chiefs, took his seat in the howda with him, and attended him as his servant to the door of his tent. As soon as the wazír had alighted, Hasan Khán also dismounted from the elephant, and mounting a horse went off to the camp. The wazír entered his tent, and sat down. He then inquired what had become of Hasan Khán, and on being told, he went out and mounted an elephant. His own officers and soldiers were collected there, prepared to act, and waited only for directions. He gave them orders to kill every man of that riotous party, whoever he might be, and wherever they might find him; not one was to be allowed to escape with life. The Rohillas of Najíb Khán and other adherents fell upon the doomed band, and in a short space of time no trace of them was left. Many were killed, and a few with (only) a nose and two ears escaped by flight. 'Imádu-l Mulk was much hurt and troubled by the part the Emperor had taken. In a few days they returned to Dehlí, and he, leaving the Emperor under the watch of his confidants, proceeded to Láhore.]
'Imádu-l Mulk Gházíu-d dín seizes the widow of Mu'ínu-l Mulk.
['Imádu-l Mulk formed the design of recovering Láhore, and marched for that purpose from Dehlí with a large army, taking with him Prince 'Álí Gauhar. They went forward as if on a hunting excursion. Under the advice of Adína Beg Khán, he sent forward from Lúdhiyána a force under the command of Saiyid Jamílu-d dín Khán, which accomplished the march of forty or fifty kos in one day and night, and reached Láhore early on the following morning. The widow of Mu'ínu-l Mulk was asleep in her dwelling, and awoke to find herself a prisoner. She was carried to the camp of 'Imádu-l Mulk, who, upon her arrival, waited upon her, and begged to be excused for what he had done. Having consoled her, he kept her near himself, and gave the province of Láhore to Adína Beg Khán for a tribute of thirty lacs of rupees. Prince 'Álí Gauhar was annoyed by the complaints and reproaches of the widow of Mu'ínu-l Mulk, and tried to induce 'Imádu-l Mulk to reinstate her; but the minister paid no heed to his remonstrances, and annoyed him in every way. The widow, hurt by the treatment she had received, let loose her tongue, and in a loud voice reviled and abused the wazír. She added, “This conduct of yours will bring distress upon the realm, destruction to Sháh-Jahánábád, and disgrace to the nobles and the State. Ahmad Sháh Durrání will soon avenge this disgraceful act and punish you.”
Ahmad Sháh (Abdálí), on hearing of this daring act of 'Imádu-l Mulk, came hastily to Láhore. Adína Beg Khán, being unable to resist, fled towards Hánsí and Hissár. 'Imádu-l Mulk was frightened, and by the good offices of Prince 'Álí Gauhar, he succeeded in effecting a reconciliation with the widow of Mu'ínu-l Mulk. When Ahmad Sháh drew near to Dehlí, 'Imádu-l Mulk had no resource but submission, so he sought pardon of his offence through the mediation of the widow. With all the marks of contrition he went forth to meet the Sháh, and the widow interceding for him, he was confirmed in his rank and office, upon condition of paying a heavy tribute. On the 7th of Jumáda-l awwal, 1170 A.H. (28 Jan. 1757 A.D.), he entered the fortress of Sháh-Jahánábád, and had an interview with the Emperor 'Álamgír. He remained in the city nearly a month, plundering the inhabitants, and very few people escaped being pillaged. * *
When Ahmad Sháh demanded the tribute from 'Imádu-l Mulk, the latter asked how it could be thought possible for him to have such a sum of money; but he added that if a force of Durránís and a Prince of the house of Tímúr were sent with him, he might raise a large sum from the country of Sirhind. The Abdálí named Prince 'Álí Gauhar, but that Prince had been greatly pained and disgusted by the wilfulness and want of respect shown by 'Imádu-l Mulk on their march to Láhore, so he declined. * * 'Imádu-l Mulk, having assembled a large force, went into Oudh, and Nawáb Shujá'u-d daula marched boldly out of Luck-now to oppose him, and took post at Sándí. Conflicts between their advanced forces went on for several days, but an agreement was arrived at through the medium of Sa'du-llah Khán, by which Shujá'u-d daula agreed to pay five lacs of rupees in cash to furnish supplies.]
of 'Álamgír II.241
'Imádu-l Mulk (Gházíu-d dín Khán), who was very apprehensive of Najíbu-d daula, excited Dattá Sindhia and Jhankú Mahratta to hostilities against him, and promised them several lacs of rupees, on condition of their expelling him from the country which he occupied. The Mahratta chiefs accordingly, at the head of their southern armies, attacked Najíbu-d daula with impetuosity, and he, as long as he was able, maintained his ground against that force, which was as numerous as ants or locusts, till at last, being able to hold out no longer, he took refuge in the fort of Sakartál. The southrons laid siege to the fort, and having stopped the supplies of grain, put him to great distress. Sindhia, seeing Najíbu-d daula reduced to extremities, sent for 'Imádu-l Mulk from Sháh-Jahánábád, in order to complete the measures for chastising him.
'Imádu-l Mulk, suspicious of the Emperor, and knowing that 'Intizámu-d daula Khán-khánán was his chief adviser, murdered that noble in the very act of saying his prayers. He then treacherously sent Mahdí 'Alí Khán, of Kashmír, to the Emperor, to report that a most saintly darwesh from Kandahár had arrived in the city, who was lodged in the kotila of Fíroz Sháh, and that he was well worth seeing. The Emperor, who was very fond of visiting fakírs, and particularly such a one as had come from the country of Ahmad Sháh, became extremely desirous of seeing him, and went to him almost unattended. When he reached the appointed place, he stopped at the door of the chamber where his assassins were concealed, and Mahdí 'Alí Khán relieved him of the sword which he had in his hand, and put it by. As he entered the house, the curtains were down and fastened to the ground. Mirzá Bábar, son of I'zzu-d dín, son-in-law of the Emperor, beginning to suspect foul play, drew his sword, and wounded several of the conspirators. Upon this the myrmidons of 'Imádu-l Mulk surrounded and took him prisoner; and having taken the sword from him, placed him in a palankín, and sent him back to the royal prison. Some evil-minded Mughals were expecting the Emperor in the chamber, and when they found him there unattended and alone, they jumped up, and inflicting on him repeated wounds with their daggers, brought him to the ground, and then threw his body out of the window, stripped off all the clothes, and left the corpse stark naked. After lying on the ground for eighteen hours, his body was taken up by order of Mahdí 'Alí Khán, and buried in the sepulchre of the Emperor Humáyún.243 This tragedy occurred on Thursday, the 20th of Rabí'u-s sání, 1173 A.H. (30th Nov. 1759 A.D.). On the same day a youth named Muhíu-l Millat, son of Muhíu-s Sunnat, son of Kám Bakhsh, was raised to the throne with the title of Sháh Jahán II.
'Imádu-l Mulk hastened to Sakartál, and came to an understanding with Najíbu-d daula. In the mean time, the report of Ahmad Sháh Durrání's invasion spread among the people. 'Imádu-l Mulk, in fear of his life, saw no other means of safety than in seeking the protection of Súraj Mal, and accordingly departed without delay for that chief's territory. Please God, an account of the arrival of Sháh Durrání shall be related hereafter.
Insult to Sháh 'Álam.
It is a custom among the Hindús that at the holí festival they throw dust upon each other, and indulge in practical jokes. On the 14th of Jumáda-l awwal, in the twenty-eighth year of the reign of His Majesty Sháh 'Álam, when this festival occurred, Ánand Ráo Narsí dressed up a person in fine garments to represent the Emperor, and applied long false mustaches and a beard to his lips and chin. The person was placed on an old bedstead, with a lad in his arms, in the dress of a woman, to represent the Emperor's daughter, whom he very tenderly loved, and always kept in his presence when he went out in a litter or on an elephant. The bedstead was carried on the shoulders of four men, and before it went several persons of low caste in the habit of the Emperor's attendants, with clubs, umbrellas, and other insignia of royalty in their hands. In this manner they proceeded in regular procession, beating drums, and surrounded by a multitude of spectators. They passed by the Jahán-numá palace, where the Emperor was sitting. This great insolence, however, excited no indignation in His Majesty's noble mind; but, on the contrary, he ordered a reward of five hundred rupees to be given to those persons. Sháh Nizámu-d dín, who was an enemy of Ánand Ráo, availed himself of the opportunity, and having succeeded in kindling the Emperor's anger, represented the matter on His Majesty's part to Mahárája Sindhia, in whose camp Ánand Ráo resided. * * The Mahárája was highly incensed on being informed of this disrespectful and impudent proceeding, and immediately ordered that the tents of Ánand Ráo should be plundered, and that he should be sent to Ráj Muhammad, dárogha of artillery. No sooner was the order passed than his tents and all his property were given up to plunder, and he himself was seized and placed in front of a gun. The Emperor, on being informed of the orders which the Mahárája had given, sent one of his eunuchs to tell the Mahárája that His Majesty was pleased to pardon the offender; but that he hoped, as a warning to others, the Mahárája would turn him out of his camp. Orders were accordingly given by the Mahárája, he was called back from the gun, and his life was spared; but he was disgraced and banished from the presence. Ánand Ráo remained concealed in the camp for a few days, and after having collected his property which was left from the spoil, he went away to Ujjain.
Atrocities of Ghulám Kádir.
[When Ghulám Kádir Khán and Isma'íl Beg Khán had made their way into Dehlí by the contrivance of Názir Mansúr 'Alí Khán and the connivance of the Mughal chiefs, Ghulám Kádir assumed the chief authority. He began to oppress the citizens, and demanded money from the Emperor. These proceedings made the Emperor very angry. Ghulám Kádir went to the Emperor to ask him for the pay of the soldiers, and for some supplies to maintain his own dignity. The Emperor replied that if he possessed any money, he would not withhold it. Ghulám Kádir replied that one of the Princes must be placed in his charge, so that he might go and fight with the Mahrattas. The Emperor told him to go out of the city to hunt, and that Sulaimán Shukoh should then be sent to him. He accordingly departed, and fixed his head-quarters near the kotila of Fíroz Sháh. Afterwards the Prince was mounted on an elephant and was brought with his retinue to the camp. The officers presented their nazars, and five hundred horse, a regiment of foot and four guns were placed at the door of the Prince's tent as a guard. * *
Ghulám Kádir proceeded to the palace, * * and urged the Emperor to procure money from somewhere and to give it to him for the pay of the troops. At this juncture a message was brought to Ghulám Kádir from the Malika Zamániya (the queen dowager), offering to give him ten lacs of rupees, on condition of Sháh 'Álam being deposed, of Prince Bedár Bakht, son of the late Emperor Ahmad Sháh, being raised to the throne, and the fort and city being placed in his possession. Ghulám Kádir agreed to this, and confirmed the plan by his word and covenant, expressing his devotion to the house of Bábar. On the 26th Shawwál, 1202 A.H. (31st July, 1788 A.D.), he went to the palace, attended by five hundred men, to demand money for the soldiers, and to express his fears of the Emperor. On the Emperor inquiring what he meant, he replied that his enemies and detractors had raised suspicions against him in the Emperor's mind, and to guard against this he required that the charge of the palace should be placed in the hands of his own people, so that he might come and state freely what he had to represent. The Emperor replied that he seemed destined to be the ruin of the royal house, and that his name would stand infamous on the page of history. Názir Mansúr 'Alí Khán observed that Isma'íl Khán was present with a statement and agreement, and that (for confirming it by oath) he had also brought the Holy Kurán. He was called forward, the compact was confirmed upon the Holy Kurán, under the signatures of himself and Ghulám Kádir. The Emperor said, “I place myself under the protection of the Kurán, and submit to your wishes.”
Having obtained the Emperor's consent, the Názir placed the gates of the palace in charge of Ghulám Kádir's men. * * Four thousand horse were posted in and about the palace, * * and all the environs were in the possession of the men of Ghulám Kádir and the Mirzá (Bedár Bakht). They took possession of the doors of the female apartments, beat the eunuchs with stones and sticks, seized upon the goods and furniture, and took the wardrobe and the store-rooms out of the hands of the royal servants. A few personal attendants and eunuchs were all that remained with the Emperor. No one was left who could go out to ascertain what was passing, and the Emperor was in great trouble and anxiety. At that moment Prince Akbar said, “One choice is yet left: if you will allow us, we brothers will all fall upon those traitors, and will bravely encounter martyrdom.” He replied, “No one can escape the decrees of the Almighty, there is no contending against doom; the power is now in the hands of others.” Prince Akbar raised a great cry, drew his sword, and placed it to his throat to kill himself. The Emperor snatched the sword from his hand, and put it to his own throat. A cry arose from all who were present, and the noise spread through the palace. Ghulám Kádir came in alarmed. The Emperor, with great politeness, called him near, and placing his head upon his own breast, said in his ear, “Twenty lacs of rupees have been provided, but let them be expended in the business of the Mahrattas, and not in a way that will bring censure and lasting disgrace upon me.” * *
On the 27th Shawwál Ghulám Kádir, having come to an understanding with Isma'íl Beg Khán, went into the presence of the Emperor, who was seated in his private apartments, and began to speak fawningly. The Emperor said, “I relied upon your promise and your oath on the Kurán, and kept myself in private, tell me what you require, for I have no remedy.” Ghulám Kádir frowned and replied, “I have no reliance on you. He who speaks of sitting in private should give up the claim to sovereignty.” At that moment Gul Muhammad Khán brought forward Prince Bedár Bakht. Ghulám Kádir insolently stepped forward, and took the Emperor's dagger from his girdle, while his companions wrested the swords from the hands of the Princes. The Emperor's personal attendants and the eighteen Princes were removed to the salátín.247 Ghulám Kádir then took the hand of Prince Bedár Bakht, and placed him on the royal seat. The chiefs who were present made their offerings, and the drums were beaten to proclaim the name of Bedár Bakht. He thus ascended the throne on the 27th Shawwál, 1204 A.H. (22nd June, 1790).
On the 8th Zí-l ka'da Ghulám Kádir sent his stern officers to Bedár Bakht for ten lacs of rupees. He excused himself, saying that the Imperial family had been swept clean, but he would send what he could scrape together. He sent some vessels of silver and other articles, and said that if more was required, application should be made to Sindhia and the Rájas who were well affected towards the Imperial throne. Rohilla 'Alí said, “Your Majesty must go into the private apartments, for the money will not be obtained without some trouble.” He said, “If there is any more money, you are welcome to it. I came out of the salátín with a shirt and an old pair of trowsers, which I still have; but you know all about it.” Ghulám Kádir took the gold and silver-mounted articles from the apartments of Sháh 'Álam and the princes and princesses, then piled them in a heap and burnt them, and sent the metal to the mint to be coined. He took several cart-loads of swords, daggers, and muskets, belonging to the Emperor and Princes; some he gave to his companions, and some he sent to the store-house.
Sháh 'Álam and the Princes were kept as prisoners in the Motí Mahall. Ghulám Kádir ordered that Prince Akbar and Prince Sulaimán Shukoh should be bound and whipped by the carpet-spreaders. Sháh 'Álam exclaimed, “Whatever is to be done, do to me! These are young and innocent.” Bedár Bakht now came in. Ghulám Kádir abused them, and put every one of them in the hot sunshine. Bedár Bakht, having sat there a little while, informed him how to find money, and said, “My servants are at your command, threaten them, and ask for it.” The female attendants of the palace were then bound, and hot oil being poured on the palms of their hands and their feet, they gave information of two ice vaults from which a box of gold, silver and mounted vessels was taken. * * Sháh 'Álam was sitting in the sun and complaining, when Ghulám Kádir said to some truculent Afgháns, “Throw this babbler down and blind him.” Those men threw him down, and passed the needle into his eyes. They kept him down safe on the ground for a time with blows of sticks, and Ghulám Kádir asked him derisively if he saw anything, and he replied, “Nothing but the Holy Kurán between me and you.” All night long he and his children and the women of his palace kept up loud cries. Ghulám Kádir remained that night in the Motí Mahall, and hearing these cries, he writhed like a snake, and directed his servants to beat and kill those who made them. But some of these men dreaded the questioning of the day of judgment, and held their hands.
On the 9th Zí-l ka'da, * * Ghulám Kádir said to Bedár Bakht, “Come out, and I will show you a sight.” Perforce, he went out of the door, and sat down. Ghulám Kádir went to Sháh 'Álam, and said, “Find me some gold, or I will send you to join the dead.” Sháh 'Álam reviled and reproached him, saying, “I am in your power, cut off my head, for it is better to die than to live like this.” Ghulám Kádir sprang up, and threw himself upon the Emperor's bosom, Kandahárí Khán and Purdil Khán seized his hands, two of their companions held his feet; Kandahárí Khán tore out one of his eyes, and that bloodthirsty reckless ruffian tore out the other with his own hands, amid the wailings of the Emperor. Ghulám Kádir then gave orders that the needle should be passed into the eyes of Prince Akbar, Sulaimán Shukoh, and Ahsan Bakht. The ladies came from behind their curtains, and threw themselves at the feet of Ghulám Kádir, to pray for mercy; but he kicked them on their breasts, and sent them away. The heart of Miyár249 Singh was in flames, and, overpowered with rage, he cried, “Ghulám Kádir! cease your fury, and withdraw your hands from these helpless (princes); for if you do not, you will hardly escape from me.” Seeing his passion, Ghulám Kádir arose, and said, “Pinion all three of them, and I will consider what to do with them another time.” He then ordered some of his followers who were present to beat them with sticks till they were senseless, and to put them in prison. Then he called for a painter, and said, “Paint my likeness at once, sitting, knife in hand, upon the breast of Sháh 'Álam, digging out his eyes.” He then forbad his attendants to bring any food or water either to Sháh 'Álam or his sons.
The poor Emperor kept groaning and crying, but no one heeded him. Next day Bedár Bakht sent two surgeons to dress his wounds, and ordered him to be supplied with water. His servants reported to him that the poor Emperor's eyes were running with blood, and that the (only) water he had to drink was what flowed from his eyes. * * Ghulám Kádir went to Sháh 'Álam, and seizing him by the beard, said, “I have inflicted all this severity upon you for your faults, but I spare your life for God's sake, otherwise I should have no scruple in tearing you limb from limb.” On the 12th Zí-l ka'da he went into the jewel-house, and took out a chest and a box of jewels; he also took several copies of the Kurán, and eight large baskets of books out of the library. On the 13th his spies informed him that two sisters of Sulaimán Shukoh, one aged five years and the other four, had died from thirst. When he heard it, he laughed and said, “Let them be buried where they lie.” One of his men went to Bedár Bakht, and said, “Ghulám Kádir wants the jewels you have.” The Prince immediately brought them out of his private apartments, and handed them over.
Next day Ghulám Kádir, taking Bedár Bakht with him, went to Malika Zamániya and Sáhiba Mahall,250 and said, “Where is the money that was promised?” They said, “What you demand from us is a mere fancy and dream of yours.” When he heard this, he sent a person into the private apartments, with directions to bring them both out, with only the garments they stood upright in, and to seize upon all the money and valuables which could be found. Accordingly they took Malika Zamániya and Sáhiba Mahall in the dresses they were wearing (bá libás-i badan), and placing them in a rath, conducted them with three hundred attendants to the Motí Mahall. Workmen were then sent in to break down the roof and walls. Neither Nádir Sháh, Ahmad Sháh Durrání, nor Tárájí Bháo, had ever dreamed of plundering the ladies of the harem; but now all the valuables, the accumulations of fifty or sixty years, were brought out. * *
On the 25th Zí-l ka'da Ghulám Kádir called Prince Akbar, Sulaimán Shukoh, and the other Princes, nineteen in number, before him, and with harsh words called upon them to sing and dance before him. They declined; but he would not listen to them, saying that he had long heard praises of their singing and dancing. He then commanded his attendants to cut of the Princes' noses if they did not sing. The Princes and boys, seeing there was no escaping from his commands, did as they were directed, and sang and danced. He was very pleased, and asked them what recompense they desired. They said, “Our father and children are in great want of water and food, we ask for some.” He gave his consent. He then turned all his attendants out of the room, and, placing his head upon the knees of Prince Akbar, went to sleep, leaving his sword and knife in their presence. He closed his eyes for an hour (sá'at), and then getting up, he slapped each of them on the neck, and said, “Can such (craven) spirits entertain the idea of reigning? I wanted to try your courage. If you had any spirit, you would have made an end of me with my sword and dagger.” Then abusing them in foul disgusting words, he sent them out of his presence.
Afterwards he called for Bedár Bakht and his brothers, and placed wine before them. With his own hands he several times filled the cups, and they continued drinking till evening, when they got up and danced and sang, and acted disgracefully. A eunuch came in, and told him that a daughter of Sháh 'Álam, a child of ten years old, had died of hunger and thirst crouching on the earth. He cried, “Bury her just as she is, in the place where she lies.” When Rája Míyar Singh heard of these things, he sent bread and provisions for Sháh 'Álam and his children. Ghulám Kádir was angry—he sent for the Rája, and frowning at him, asked, “What concern have you with those men? Remove your people from the watch, for I will place Rohillas to keep guard.” The Rája told him that the day of retribution for these deeds was approaching, and that it was not well to offend the chiefs. He replied that he would do whatever came into his heart. * *
On the 17th Zí-l ka'da (sic) Wai Khailí (his myrmidon) reported to him that he had probed the walls of the apartments of Malika Zamániya and Sáhiba Mahall till he had made them like sieves, that he had stripped everybody, and that no hole had been left unsearched by his fingers. He had found a few pearls. One of Bedár Bakht's ladies had died of fright at what was passing, and now the Afgháns, having stripped the ladies, were thinking about taking them with (without?) gowns or bodices.251 He added, “The power is in your hands, but it is not well to cast such shame upon the honour of princes.” It all depended on his pleasure, but Ghulám Kádir replied that when the Emperor's servants plundered his father's private apartments, they had done worse than that to his women.252 “Now,” said he, “it shall be a sight for the time, for my men shall take the hands of kings' daughters, conduct them home, and take possession of their persons without marriage.” He then ordered Wai Khailí to go and take possession of the house of Khairu-n nisa Begam, sister of Sháh 'Álam, to strip her daughters and women naked, and to search for jewels. After taking * * all they could find, he asked the Princes for gold, and they replied, “You have taken all we have, and we are now ready to die.” At his command the stony-hearted carpet-spreaders beat them so that the blood gushed from their mouths and noses. Then they placed the Princes in the salátín.
Ghulám Kádir heard from Wai Khailí of the beauty of the daughters of Mirza Haiká and Mirza Jaika (?), and when he was sitting in the Motí Mahall in the evening, he ordered these unhappy ladies to be placed before him without veils or curtains. He was pleased with their beauty, showed them to his boon companions, and acted indecently to every one of them. When Bedár Bakht was informed of this, he beat himself upon the head and bosom, and sent an attendant to the ruffian, to dissuade him from such actions. He replied (sarcastically), “What power has this slave to do anything against His Majesty?” He (Bedár Bakht) then wrote to Rája Miyár Singh, who shuddered when he read the letter, and went to Ghulám Kádir. The Rája called Ghulám Kádir out of that private room, and said to him, “It is not right to deal thus with the daughters of enemies. No one seizes sons and daughters for the faults of their fathers. Sháh 'Álam did not cast any evil looks upon the daughters or sisters of your father; refrain from such proceedings.” Ghulám Kádir answered (in coarse terms to the effect) that he intended to take them into his harem and make them his concubines, and as for the other Princesses, he would give them to his Afgháns, so that they might have a chance of bringing forth men of courage. Rája Miyár Singh, against the will of Ghulám Kádir, went into the room, cast a sheet over (the Princesses' heads), and sent them home.]
Death of Ghulám Kádir.
[It is said that on the 18th Rabí'u-l awwal, Ghulám Kádir (after being defeated by the forces of Sindhia), started off for Ghaus-kada, his home, with only a few trusted followers mounted on swift horses. In the darkness of the night his companions lost him; he went one way, and they went another. He endeavoured to find them, but did not succeed. The road was full of water and mud, and the horse putting his foot into a hole, rolled Ghulám Kádir to the ground. The night was dark, and the way bristled with thorny acacias, so that he knew not which way to turn. When the morning came, he looked around, and seeing some inhabited place, he proceeded thither. On reaching the habitation, he put his head into the house of a brahman. The master of the house, seeing a stranger in such a state, asked him what was the matter. Ghulám Kádir answered that * *.253 But his own action betrayed him. He took off a diamond ring from his finger, and gave it to the housekeeper as an inducement to guard him all day, and to guide him at night towards Ghaus-kada. The brahman knew of his infamous character and evil deeds. The brahman himself, in days gone by, had suffered at the hands of the ruffian, and his village had been ravaged. His oppressor was now in his power, and he made the door fast. * *
The brahman went in search of some chief who would appreciate the information he had to give, and was led by fortune to the tents of 'Alí Bahádur, to whom he communicated his intelligence. 'Alí Bahádur showed him great attention, and sent a large party of horse forward with him, while he himself followed. * * The horsemen entered the brahman's house, seized their prisoner, and bound him. With various indignities they brought him to 'Alí Bahádur, * * who sent him to the fort of the Mahrattas, * * under charge of Ráná Khán, who put a chain upon his legs, a collar on his neck, and conveyed him in a bullock-carriage to Sindhia, guarded by two regiments of sepoys and a thousand horse. * * On the 4th Jumáda-s sání, under the orders of Sindhia, the ears of Ghulám Kádir were cut off and hung round his neck, his face was blackened, and he was carried round the camp and city. Next day his nose and upper lip were cut off, and he was again paraded. On the third day he was thrown upon the ground, his eyes were torn out, and he was once more carried round. After that his hands were cut off, then his feet, and last of all his head. The corpse was then hung neck downwards from a tree. A trustworthy person relates that a black dog, white round the eyes, came and sat under the tree and licked up the blood as it dripped. The spectators threw stones and clods at it, but still it kept there. On the third day, the corpse disappeared and the dog also vanished. Mahárája Sindhia sent the ears and eyeballs to the Emperor Sháh 'Álam.]
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