History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 8

EXTRACTS.

(After the death of Amíru-l umará Husain 'Alí Khán), the Emperor Muhammad Sháh never came out of the citadel of Dehlí except to enjoy the pleasures of an excursion or to amuse himself in field sports. He paid no attention to the administration of the kingdom, which lacked all supreme authority, and through his indolence, unrelieved by any exertion, he fell and came to an end. For water even, notwithstanding its innate purity and excellence, if it remains stagnant anywhere, changes its colour and smell. The Government of the country went so completely out of the grasp of his will that the faujdárs of every sarkár and chakla, and the subádárs of every city and province, who possessed the strong arm of a military force, refused to pay the revenue due on khálisa and jágír lands. They used to send merely gifts and presents to their lord and master, after the manner of friends and equals, but put the produce of the jágírs of the mansabdárs, and the amount collected from the Imperial domains (khálisa), like food easy of digestion, down their own throats. The proud and haughty of every region raised their heads in contumacy, and the rebellious and refractory of every land fixed the bent of their inclinations on revolt and disobedience. Hosts upon hosts of the execrable Mahrattas brought forcibly under their subjection the territory of the Dakhin and the provinces of Gujarát and Málwá, and raised the banner of subjugation to such a pitch as to pillage and lay waste the cities, town, and villages around Ágra and Dehlí, and to leave the good name and property of none, whether high or low, unmolested. An incursion of the vile forces of the enemy to the outskirts of Dehlí and Ágra took place regularly every year, and, exclusive of the booty of populous towns, they used to carry off by force and violence forty or fifty lacs worth of property from the open country, insomuch that the rumour of the instability of the royal house of Hind, having reached the lords and commons of all quarters of the globe, Nádir of Isfahán invaded it with his troops resembling the waves of the sea, and put all the natives of the provinces of Kábul, the Panjáb and Dehlí at once to the sword.

(When Muhammad Sháh was in the field against Nádir Sháh), Sa'du-d dín Khán Bahádur, dárogha of the sublime artillery, planted an iron fortress as it were all around the royal camp, which was five parasangs in circumference, by chaining together the heavy pieces of ordnance (most of which required 500 bullocks for the drawing of their carriages, and some a thousand or more, as well as five or ten elephants to push each gun from behind, exclusive of the people attached to every one, who by their expert contrivances pass it with ease over rugged and difficult places), and the medium and light guns, which exceeded the limit of computation, and were beyond the power of reckoning. ^{* *}

The heavy shower of arrows, and the hail-storm of bullets, with the violent pelting of their fall, caused the torrent of death to sweep away the fabric of a multitude of living forms, and despatched to the sea of perdition a whole host of the ever-victorious army under the command of Amíru-l umará Samsámu-d daula, successful in both worlds. His Majesty, the shadow of the Most High, on learning the frightful news of the superior prowess of the ferocious Kazalbáshís, was about to despatch a suitable force to the aid and support of that choice favourite at the Court of the Omnipotent; but through Fath Jang Nizámu-l Mulk's opposition, the august and sublime intention was not carried into effect. ^{* *} 'Abdu-l Ma'búd Khán addressed the following remarks to Ásaf Jáh Nizámu-l Mulk: “The Amíru-l umará Khán-daurán Bahádur is so influential a person, that if the evil eye fall on the stability of his army, it will be the cause of dispersion to the leaves of the volume of the State, and a reason of slipping to the feet of resolution among the servants of the Government. Therefore the duty of aiding and supporting such a high-minded and faithful individual is proper and incumbent on all; and from feelings of generosity and good sense I have an ardent desire for the accomplishment of the task.” ^{* *} As this black night had come out of the darkness of Fath Jang's animosity, in accordance with the will of the Almighty, how could the first blush of the bright dawn of safety and security and the disc of the brilliant sun of victory show its face without the removal of its raven tresses? Fath Jang laid his hand on the arm of the warrior, and did not let it go until by divers arguments he had dissuaded him from his fixed determination; while the latter, the chosen of the Adored, writhed in the depths of anguish, and bit the lip of remorse with the teeth of helplessness.

In consequence of the death of Amíru-l umará Samsámu-d daula, the robe of the office of Mír Bakhshí was bestowed on Gházíu-d dín Khán, son of Fath-Jang Nizámu-l Mulk. The fire of animosity, that had been somewhat allayed, immediately kindled afresh into flames, because Bahádur Jang Burhánu-l Mulk, from the first dawn of his prosperity till the closing calamity of his career, had entertained the desire of obtaining the dignity of Amíru-l umará, and having waited for his opportunity a long time, had kept sowing this wish in the field of his heart.⁷⁵ As he had fully expected to have his hopes realized on the death of the late incumbent, he had deemed it expedient to keep on good terms with the Emperor; but on hearing that another had been invested with the coveted robe, he swerved from the path of conciliation, and girded the waist of cunning more tightly than before in hastening along the road of enmity. The image of peace that had been reflected in the glass of exhibition had been changed to war, and the broken chain of friendship was spliced with the cord of contention.

[No account of this book has been found among Sir H. M. Elliot's papers, and there is no copy of the work in his library. The following translation, by “Lt. Perkins,” must therefore speak for itself. It was made from a MS. belonging to Nawáb Zíáu-d dín. The author was an eye-witness of much that passed during Nádir Sháh's stay in India, and suffered from his exactions. A memorandum on the translation states that it is “not complete,” but still the work seems to have been specially devoted to Nádir Sháh's invasion. It begins with a chapter headed “History of the wonderful events that came to pass in Hindústán in the year of the Hijra 1151,” which contains an account of Nádir Sháh's rise and of the beginning of his march towards India. This chapter and a few other passages have been omitted. The last words of the translation have been printed, but there is nothing to indicate whether they end the book or not.]

Strange events occurred after the capture of Kandahár. Before setting out from Ispahán, Nádir Sháh had despatched a messenger, named 'Alí Mardán Khán, to Hindústán, with full powers to arrange with Muhammad Sháh, the ruler of the land, certain matters of a nature peculiar to troublous times, and such as it becomes Emperors to settle amicably with one another. Nádir Sháh reached Kandahár; but Muhammad Sháh, it is probable, broke faith, and did not fulfil his promises, although a second messenger, named Muhammad Khán Turkomán, was sent to him; this messenger moreover never returned. The train had long been laid, and from these negociations sprang the spark that fired it. Nádir Sháh was moved to anger; he resolved on the invasion of Hindústán; but though the apparent motive has been given above, the true cause was the weakness of its monarchy. Accordingly, on the 8th of Safar, in the twentieth year of Muhammad Sháh's reign, A.H. 1150, the Persian Emperor set his face towards Kábul, where he arrived about the end of the month. ^{* *}

The settlement of the conquered territory occupied the Emperor for four months and a half. The march was then continued to Jalálábád, a place famous for its pomegranates, which was reached on the 14th of Sha'bán. Násir Khán, son of the late Násir Khán, governor of the province, who during these events had been at Pesháwar, moved from this town and occupied a position half-way between 'Alí Masjid and Jamrúd, which place is distant nine kos from Pesháwar, to oppose the invader's progress.

Násir Khán had often written to Muhammad Sháh concerning the want of money, but none of his representations had been attended to. He now wrote to the effect that he himself was but as a rose-bush withered by the blasts of autumn, while his soldiery were no more than a faded pageant, ill-provided and without spirit; he begged that, of the five years' salary due to him, one year's salary might be paid, that he might satisfy his creditors and have some little money at his command. The Nawáb Sáhib, however, exclaimed before the assembled díwán, that he could see no need for all this haste and flurry; “had he not written on the subject to the Emperor and the Wakálat-panah, and, if the matter was not settled that day, why it would be so the next?” The Wakálat-panáh, when he laid the document before the Amíru-l umará Bahádur, and told him, with fear and trembling, in the Persian language, what had occurred in Kábul, received an answer which drove him to his wits' end; “Know you not, Wakálat-panáh ,” said the personage addressed, “that I am a man of too great experience to be caught by such stories that are only made up to extort gold? My house is in the plain, and my imagination dwells only on what my eyes have seen. Your house is on a mountain, and perhaps from its summit you have caught a glimpse of the Persian host. Tell your employer that the governor of Bengal has been ordered to remit treasure after the rainy season, and the necessary sums will then be sent to him without delay.”

The Afgháns of Kábul, particularly those of the Sáfí tribe, defended the mountain passes, and for a long time checked the advance of the Kazalbásh invaders. If at that time a well-appointed army, under an experienced leader, had been sent to the support of the mountaineers, it is more than probable that Hindústán would have been saved. As it was, the enemy, ever on the watch to take advantage of any negligence on the part of their opponents, stole a march on the Afgháns during the night of the 13th of Sha'bán, entered the Khaibar Pass while the stars still shone above their heads, and, moving with the rapidity of the wind, fell suddenly on the force of Násir Khán, when a scene of slaughter and plunder ensued. ^{* *}

Nádir Sháh was now in possession of all the country as far as Attock, and Muhammad Sháh and his advisers could no longer remain blind to the danger that threatened them. They understood at length that this was no ordinary foe against whom they had to contend, no mere plunderer who would be sated with the spoil of a province and then return to his own country, but a leader of unshakeable resolution, who shaped his course with the sword. If, even at this juncture, the Emperor had sought to conciliate Nawáb Sáhib A'azzu-d daula Bahádur, Názim of Multán and Láhore, and had supplied this fierce chieftain with the sinews of war as such an emergency required, then indeed might the world have witnessed a very different result. As it was, when the Emperor learned from the news-writers the advance of the Persian army to Attock, he, on the 1st of the blessed month of Ramazán, appointed Ásaf Jáh Bahádur Wakílu-s Saltanat, I'timádu-d daula Chín Bahádur Wazíru-l Mamálik, and Amíru-l umará Bahádur to be Bakhshí'u-l Mamálik, for the defence of the monarchy, and with his own hands bound on the heads of the chiefs a máláband of Burhánpúr workmanship. That same day these noblemen left the city for their camp, which was pitched near the Shálamár gardens. They received one kror of rupees in cash, and cannon and munitions of war in abundance. Besides their own troops, 50,000 horsemen were given to them. Now was the time for these chiefs to have marched without delay, and, acting in concert with the Názim of Multán and Láhore, whose troops amounted to no less than 20,000 bold horsemen, to have advanced to the banks of the Jhelam or Chináb, and have closed the roads and passes against the invader by skilful dispositions and by force of arms. Instead of this, the army remained a whole month encamped near the Shálamár gardens, detained by sundry petty causes which I cannot detail.

Nádir Sháh, after Násir Khán's defeat, had entered Pesháwar, where he occupied the residence of the Khán. Having settled the affairs of this district he marched, on the 25th of Rama-zán, towards Attock, where the army encamped on the fifth day. The construction of a bridge here caused inevitable delay, but Áká Muhammad was detached with a strong force to devastate the country, and leave no means of destruction untried. A'azzu-d daula might now have displayed the same indifference as his royal master; but, far from this, he drew together a number of troops at vast expense to himself, and on the 17th of Rama-zán formed his camp on the banks of the Ráví. Not being at liberty to move forward until joined by the Emperor's army, he contented himself with placing his cannon in the best positions, and throwing up entrenchments round his camp.

On the 4th of Shawwál the Persian army crossed the Attock river on a bridge of boats. On the 8th the Emperor reached the left bank of the Chináb river, and on the 9th encamped close to the bridge of Sháh-daula.⁸⁰

But how to relate the ruin and desolation that overwhelmed this beautiful country! Wazírábád, Ímanábád, and Gujarát, towns which, for population, might almost be called cities, were levelled with the earth. Nothing was respected, no sort of violence remained unpractised; property of all kinds became the spoil of the plunderer, and women the prey of the ravisher.

On the 10th of Shawwál the Sháh and his army crossed the bridge of Sháh-daula; then, leaving far to the left the artillery of the Názim, which was in position along the opposite bank of the Ráví, they forded the river and advanced to the Shálamár gardens, which are on the high road to Sháh-Jahánábád. All that day, from morn till night, the contest was maintained against the army of the Názim, who repeatedly tried to force his way back to the town. The bravest warriors put forth their strength and many of the Kazalbáshís fell. Yahya Khán, the eldest son of the Názim, cut his way through with a few followers, and proceeding towards Sháh-Jahánábád by forced marches, reached the camp of Nawáb Sáhib Wazíru-l Mamálik Bahádur in the vicinity of Pánípat. The fighting was renewed on the 11th, and the plain was strewed with the slain.

Both armies were now worn out with the struggle, and it was found advisable to make terms. On the 12th, the Názim was met by the illustrious Wazír 'Abdu-l Bákí, and conducted into the presence of the Sháh, the greatest honour and respect being shown him. He was courteously received and presented with a chapkan of gold brocade, a jewelled dagger and a horse. The Názim again repaired to the presence of the Sháh on the 14th, and paid, by way of offering, a sum of twenty lacs of rupees, a portion of which had been taken from the state coffers, and the remainder contributed by the wealthiest inhabitants. He then departed in all honour. By this payment Láhore was saved from horrors among which death and spoliation were the least. The Sháh, who was full of kindness for the Názim (A'azzu-d daula), took into his service his second son, Hayátu-llah Khán Bahádur, and appointed him to the command of five hundred horse.

On the 15th of the month the Sháh continued his march towards Sháh-Jahánábád. He advanced rapidly. Leaving his camp equipage at Sháhábád, on the 15th of Zí-l ka'da he appeared in the neighbourhood of Karnál, where Muhammad Sháh's army awaited his coming. But it is now time to return to Muhammad Sháh, lest the thread of the narrative should be broken.

Muhammad Sháh leaves the Capital.

It has already been shown how Ásaf Jáh Bahádur, Wazíru-l mamálik Bahádur and Amíru-l Umará Bahádur, the officers to whom had been entrusted the responsibility of leading an army against the Persian invaders, remained for a whole month encamped near the Shálamár gardens. When tidings came that Nádir Sháh had reached the banks of the Attock river, the commanders urged upon the Emperor the necessity of his joining them in person, and, with one accord, they moved forward in the early days of Shawwál. The author himself, Ánand Rám, accompanied by his beloved sons Ráí Kripá Rám and Saláh Fath Singh, left the capital on the 11th of the month, in the service of Nawáb Sáhib Wazíru-l Mamálik Bahádur.⁸¹ When the army reached Pánípat, the author obtained leave to revisit his home, where some private affairs required his presence. Starting on the 17th, he reached Sháh-Jahánábád on the evening of the 20th.

On the 18th of the month Muhammad Sháh, and the illustrious Prince Ahmad issued from the citadel (ark), the royal residence, and encamped near Muhammad Ganj. The royal camp reached Pánípat on the 27th, when the commanders paid their respects to His Majesty, and made offerings suited to their rank.

Near Karnál flows through a broad plain a canal which issues from the Jumna river, near Mukhlispúr, and continues its course to Sháh-Jahánábád. This place was found convenient for the encampment of the army. By degrees news was received of the progress of the enemy. It was therefore resolved to advance no further, but to take advantage of the abundant supply of water, so necessary to the soldier, and fight to the last. The Mír-átish was instructed to construct an earthen wall around the camp; behind this the artillery was placed in position; and brave men were told off for the defence of the intrenchments. In fact, nothing was omitted that could conduce to the strength of the camp. This disposition, which could hardly be considered worthy of an Emperor, was adopted partly to await the arrival of Burhánu-l Mulk Bahádur, Názim of Oudh, who had been ordered to join the royal army. This nobleman, though suffering from sickness, advanced by forced marches at the head of 30,000 horsemen, and reached Karnál on the 14th of Zí-l ka'da. This addition to the strength of the army created universal joy, and all now thought victory certain.

Battle between the Persians and the Mughals.

Burhánu-l Mulk, after his interview with His Majesty on the 14th, the day of his arrival, had been dismissed to his own tents. News was at this time brought to him that a Persian force had fallen upon his baggage, which was coming up in the rear from Pánípat, and had plundered it, and committed great slaughter. Burhánu-l Mulk, with headlong impetuosity, misplaced in a commander, flew to the scene of action, accompanied only by the few horsemen who were with him, without taking time to collect his artillery, or to form his men in any kind of order. Soon he was engaged in the thick of the fight, nor did he desist from his efforts until he had scattered the Persians. The latter, experienced in every kind of stratagem, the acquiring of which indeed forms part of the soldier's training, fled in apparent confusion, followed by the Názim, who was thus led into an ambush where stood the Persian advanced guard with a powerful artillery. The armies engaged, and the shouts of the combatants and the clashing of sabres ascended to the heavens.

Muhammad Sháh, hearing of what was going on, ordered Amíru-l umará to reinforce the Názim. The Amír represented that the army had not expected a fight that day, and that the soldiers were consequently quite unprepared; reinforcements could but add to the severity of the defeat. It was far better to delay a battle until the morrow, when the army could be disposed according to the rules of war, with advanced and rear guards, and their artillery, on which everything depended in Indian warfare, could be placed in the front.⁸³ The struggle would then be one of comparative ease, and a little skill would insure an easy victory. The monarch was displeased with these objections, and addressed the Amír as a “conceited idler.” But Amíru-l umará Bahádur was a chieftain who had the good of his master at heart; never had he been guilty of aught like disobedience, and now, arming himself and mounting an elephant, he gathered round him Muzaffar Khán Bahádur and a few horsemen, all that could be collected in that hour of bewilderment, and hastened to the support of the Názim. The struggle raged so fiercely that firearms and arrows were put aside, and swords and daggers were brought into play. Blood flowed from gaping wounds and crimsoned the combatants; the red Kazalbásh caps had the appearance of poppies; a dense smoke hung over the field of battle.

The heroic efforts of Amíru-l umará and his prodigies of valour could not prevail against the Persians, who far exceeded the Indians in number, and had, moreover, the advantage of having been placed in position by the Sháh himself. The Mughals broke at length and fled; but Amíru-l umará maintained the combat until, mortally wounded in the face, he fell covered with glory. His brother, Muzaffar Khán, his son Muhtaram Khán, Alí Hámid Khán his koka, and some others stood by him to the last. Burhánu-l Mulk and Nisár Muhammad Khán Bahádur became prisoners. The remainder of the followers of Amíru-l umará, headed by Ráí Majlis Ráí Mír-sámán, closed round their master's elephant, resolved to extricate him or to perish. They reached the Amír's tents by evening. This nobleman's wounds were mortal, and he lived but one day longer. God have mercy on him! By his decease, Ásaf Jáh Bahádur became Mír-bakhshí. Officers were sent by the Emperor's order to seize the property of the late nobleman, which it would have been more generous to leave to the heirs.

Had the Emperor himself led his powerful army to the support of Burhánu-l Mulk, there would have been no cause to lament the loss of such a sardár as Amíru-l umará; and who can say that victory might not have smiled on his arms?

The consequences of this disaster were lamentable; for the loss of baggage and the great scarcity of supplies that soon prevailed (four rupees could hardly purchase a sír of flour) totally deprived the soldiery of the little spirit they ever possessed. The Persian Emperor sent a message offering to treat for peace; for though so powerful, he was not one to overlook the advantages of negociation.⁸⁴ Wazíru-l mamálik Ásaf Jáh was opposed to the proposition; but his arguments did not prevail on the Emperor. On the 16th of the month Ásaf Jáh Bahádur and 'Azímu-llah Khán Bahádur were deputed to the Sháh, to conclude the negocia-tions; they returned to camp that evening.

The next day Muhammad Sháh repaired in person to the Persian camp. The monarch took with him a small escort. 'Umdatu-l Mulk Amír Khán Bahádur, Mu'tamadu-d daula Muhammad Is'hák Khán Bahádur, Bihroz Khán, and Jáwed Khán, were among the number. Nasru-llah Mirzá, the Sháh's son, received His Majesty at the limits of the camp. When they drew near, the Sháh himself came forth, and the etiquette usual between the Persian and Mughal courts was faithfully observed. The two monarchs, holding one another by the hand, entered the audience-tents, and seated themselves side by side on a masnad. It was as if two suns had risen in the East, or as if two bright moons shed their light at one time! As Muhammad Sháh was unaccompanied by any one of his chiefs, the subject of conversation between the two Emperors has remained unknown. After this had lasted some time, a repast was prepared, the remains of which were given to Amír Khán Bahádur and the other noblemen. Nothing that courtesy and friendship require was omitted during the whole conference, which lasted a quarter of the day, and Muhammad Sháh regained his camp about the third quarter of the day. These proceedings restored tranquillity to the minds of the soldiery; all looked forward with joy to renewed plenty, to a return to their beloved Sháh-Jahánábád and the society of friends; but fate smiled at these fond hopes, for more suffering, more bloodshed awaited them.

The author has already related how he obtained leave to visit Sháh-Jahánábád, and left the army for this purpose when it had reached Pánípat. The Emperor had taken his departure from the town the day before the writer reached it. Strange to relate, numbers of people of every degree followed the royal standards. Some thought thus to enjoy a pleasant excursion through the Panjáb, while others were of opinion that a battle would be fought and won in the neighbourhood of the town, and that their absence would only be of short duration. The writer sought in vain for a house within the walls in which to place his wife and family; he could find no suitable one. Under these circumstances, he resolved to leave his family in their usual residence outside the town. The security of the entrances to the lane was looked to, and armed servants above the ordinary number were entertained. The author now prepared to return to the army, and sent on his advanced tents.

But just at this time a report spread through the city of the death of Amíru-l umará and the capture of Burhánu-l Mulk. Many were the false reports circulated, which there is no need to record here, and such was the state of the town that, but for the vigilance of Kotwál Hájí Fúlád Khán, it must have been plundered, and the Persian army would have found the work done. The kotwál, no ordinary man, was at his post day and night; his exertions were unceasing, and, wherever there was an appearance of sedition, he seized and punished the guilty parties. The roads were infested with malefactors, and there was safety for none.

Having received certain tidings of the Persians having formed a circle around the royal army, and rendered ingress to the camp impossible, the author was compelled to relinquish his design of proceeding thither. He therefore turned his attention to his means of defence. Sentries were placed, and the dárogha and the writer himself patrolled the bázárs at night to collect news. A supply of lead, powder, and rockets was laid in, and distributed among the people of the quarter, who began to take heart. Thus the nights were spent in watching, and the days in the society of friends. This state of things continued until the arrival of Burhánu-l Mulk Bahádur and Tahmásp Khán Jaláir, the latter the representative of the Persian Sháh.

The result of Muhammad Sháh's visit to the Persian Emperor has been seen. Some days later, on the 24th of the month, Ásaf Jáh was deputed to finally settle sundry matters; but, through some unknown cause, this personage failed in his mission, and was detained in the camp. Muhammad Sháh himself, neglecting the remonstrances of a few well-wishers who advised a further appeal to arms, then paid a second visit to the Persian Emperor on the 26th. Muhammad Sháh, as a result of this interview, found it advisable to continue in the Persian camp, and ordered a part of the royal camp equipage to be brought. This was accordingly done. By degrees all the chief nobles of the State joined His Majesty. To all appearance they acted according to their inclination, but in truth under compulsion. Nasakchís were ordered to be in attendance on them; these in reality were but spies on their actions. How strange are the freaks of fortune! Here was an army of 100,000 bold and well-equipped horsemen, held as it were in captivity, and all the resources of the Emperor and his grandees at the disposal of the Kazalbásh! The Mughal monarchy appeared to all to be at an end.

A proclamation was issued to the army that all might depart who chose, as His Majesty himself was about to return to Sháh-Jahánábád. The soldiers and camp followers now departed in crowds, and, with the exception of the chief dignitaries, and a few of lesser rank, who would have thought it a crime to abandon their master at such a time, the Emperor remained alone. Tah-másp Khán Jaláir Wakílu-s Saltanat, Burhánu-l Mulk Bahádur, and 'Azímu-llah Khán Bahádur, were sent in advance by the Sháh to have the fort prepared for his reception, and to settle various other matters.

When the Sháh's camp equipage arrived from Sháhábád, the two Emperors set out. They made the journey seated together on an elevated car. Muhammad Sháh entered the citadel (ark) of Sháh-Jahánábád in great pomp on the 8th of Zí-l hijja, seated in his car; the conqueror followed on the 9th mounted on a horse. By a strange cast of the dice two monarchs who, but a short while before, found the limits of an empire too narrow to contain them both, were now dwellers within the same four walls!

The next day Nádir Sháh returned the Indian ruler's visit, and accepted the presents offered by the latter. When the Sháh departed, towards the close of the day, a false rumour was spread through the town that he had been severely wounded by a shot from a matchlock,⁸⁸ and thus were sown the seeds from which murder and rapine were to spring. The bad characters within the town collected in great bodies, and, without distinction, commenced the work of plunder and destruction. A discharge of firearms and other missiles was continued throughout the night. The darkness of the night and the difficulty of recognizing friend or foe were the cause of numbers of the Kazalbáshís being slain in the narrow lanes of the town. Scarce a spot but was stained with their blood.

On the morning of the 11th an order went forth from the Persian Emperor for the slaughter of the inhabitants. The result may be imagined; one moment seemed to have sufficed for universal destruction. The Chándní chauk, the fruit market, the Daríbah bázár, and the buildings around the Masjid-i Jáma' were set fire to and reduced to ashes. The inhabitants, one and all, were slaughtered. Here and there some opposition was offered, but in most places people were butchered unresistingly. The Persians laid violent hands on everything and everybody; cloth, jewels, dishes of gold and silver, were acceptable spoil.

The author beheld these horrors from his mansion, situated in the Wakílpura Muhalla outside the city, resolved to fight to the last if necessary, and with the help of God to fall at least with honour.^88a But, the Lord be praised, the work of destruction did not extend beyond the above-named parts of the capital. Since the days of Hazrat Sáhib-kirán Amír Tímúr, who captured Dehlí and ordered the inhabitants to be massacred, up to the present time, A.H. 1151, a period of 348 years, the capital had been free from such visitations. The ruin in which its beautiful streets and buildings were now involved was such that the labour of years could alone restore the town to its former state of grandeur.

But to return to the miserable inhabitants. The massacre lasted half the day, when the Persian Emperor ordered Hájí Fúlád Khán, the kotwál, to proceed through the streets accompanied by a body of Persian nasakchís, and proclaim an order for the soldiers to desist from carnage.⁸⁹ By degrees the violence of the flames subsided, but the bloodshed, the devastation, and the ruin of families were irreparable. For a long time the streets remained strewn with corpses, as the walks of a garden with dead flowers and leaves. The town was reduced to ashes, and had the appearance of a plain consumed with fire. All the regal jewels and property and the contents of the treasury were seized by the Persian conqueror in the citadel. He thus became possessed of treasure to the amount of sixty lacs of rupees and several thousand ashrafís; plate of gold to the value of one kror of rupees, and the jewels, many of which were unrivalled in beauty by any in the world, were valued at about fifty krors. The Peacock throne^89a alone, constructed at great pains in the reign of Sháh Jahán, had cost one kror of rupees. Elephants, horses, and precious stuffs, whatever pleased the conqueror's eye, more indeed than can be enumerated, became his spoil. In short, the accumulated wealth of 348 years changed masters in a moment.

Nawáb Sáhib Wazíru-l mamálik^89b contributed thirty lacs of rupees, besides elephants and his most valuable jewels. Nawáb Ásaf Jáh also suffered an equal loss. The property of Burhánu-l Mulk, who had died shortly after the arrival of the Persians, was likewise seized. It amounted to about a kror of rupees, and had been brought from Oudh.

On the 26th of Zí-l hijja was celebrated, with great pomp, the marriage of Násir Mirzá, son of the Persian Emperor, to a daughter of Murád Bakhsh, third son of his late Majesty Sháh Jahán. The ruler of Hindústán presented the bridgroom with a dress of honour, a necklace of pearls, a jíghah and a dagger set with pearls, and an elephant with trappings of gold.

On the 1st of Muharram, A.H. 1152 (30th March, 1739), writers were appointed to levy ransom from the inhabitants under the orders of Tahmásp Khán Wakílu-s Saltanat, and lay it before the Sháh; but, in order that the inhabitants might not be completely ruined, nobles of both States were directed to superintend the settlement of the ransom in the hall of justice, where all might be spectators. The town now offered a strange spectacle. Emissaries of the kotwál and Persian nasakchís wandered from house to house and from street to street, to take inventories of the property, and enforce the appearance of the citizens, so that the sum to be contributed by each individual might be fixed according to his means. It was the wish of the Sháh that the townspeople should be preserved from violence and treated with lenity. ^{* *} Unoffending people, high and low, rich and poor, were compelled day after day to appear in the hall of justice, where they were kept from morn till night, often later, and then departed, speculating in their wretchedness on what the morrow might bring forth, and wondering to find themselves still alive. Mír Wáris and Khwája Rahmatu-llah openly, and two other persons in secret, had conspired to effect their destruction, and acted as delators. Without ever arriving at the truth, their calumnies were accepted as such. They forgot that they would reap what they sowed, feared neither God nor man, and maltreated the people.

The inventory was now ready. It appeared from this that the contributions of the capital would amount to two krors. The Sháh, therefore, appointed Ásaf Jáh, Wazíru-l mamálik, 'Azímullah Khán, Sarbuland Khán, Mubárizu-l Mulk, and Murtazá Khán to collect the money. Five divisions were made of all the city, and lists of the different muhallas, with their inhabitants, and the contributions to be levied from each were prepared and given to the above-named amírs.

Now commenced the work of spoliation, watered by the tears of the people. By Nawáb Ásaf Jáh Bahádur and Nawáb Sáhib Wazíru-l mamálik, but especially by the latter, who contributed a great part of the money himself, the collections were made in the most humane manner; but where the other three noblemen presided, and more particularly in the division of Mubárizu-l Mamálik, the sufferings of the citizens knew no bounds. Not only was their money taken, but whole families were ruined. Many swallowed poison, and others ended their woes with the stab of a knife. The author, whose house was in the division allotted to Mubárizu-l Mamálik, endured great persecution.⁹¹

Compact made by Muhammad Sháh with Nádir Sháh.

At a former epoch, the Monarch of the Universe and Emperor of Emperors, the Asylum of Islám, whose throne is that of Alexander, and whose court the heavens, the most noble and exalted sovereign, Nádir Sháh (may his kingdom endure for ever!), found it necessary to send ambassadors to transact certain affairs with the officials of this suppliant in the court of heaven.^91a We, at that time, consented to all the demands made of us; but when, at a subsequent period, Muhammad Khán Turkomán was deputed from Kandahár to recall these matters to our memory, the officers charged with the administration of this realm failed to comply with the demands of the great Emperor, and thus sowed the seeds of contention. At length the Persian army crossed the frontiers of Hindústán, and the forces of the two monarchies met in battle on the plains of Karnál. A great victory signalized the prowess of the Persian warriors. But as the illustrious Emperor, the head of the Turkomán tribes, and fount of manly virtues, treated us with kindness, we felt honoured by his friendship, which made our court the envy of Iram, and proceeded in his company to Sháh-Jahánábád, where we offered for his acceptance all the treasures, jewels, and precious things of Hind. The great Emperor, complying with our request, placed a portion of our offerings within the circle of his acceptance, and, moved by the feelings of friendship, natural to the similarity of our origin and position, and by a just consideration of the favour due by a Turkomán to a descendant of the Gúrgánís, gave into our charge the crown and seals of the realm of Hindústán. In return for this liberality, surpassing indeed the kindness of a father to his son, or of brother to brother, all the countries about Sind, westward of the rivers Attock and Sind, and of the Sanjar stream, which flows from the latter, namely: Pesháwar, Bangashát, the country of Kábul, Ghaznín and the Kohistán, Hazárát, the fortress of Bhakkar and Sakhar, Khudábád and Láyagáon, the Deraját with the Bulúch and other populations, the province of Thattá, the fortress of Ráhima, the city of Badín, the parganas of Chún, Samwál, Kehrán, and all other parganas dependent on the harbours, with all forts, villages and cultivated lands, parganas and ports from the source of the river Attock, the Bakarnáchak pass, and the numerous branches of the river near Thattá, to where the river Sind and the Sind and Singarh rivulets flow into the ocean; together with whatever of any kind is the produce of lands watered by the river Attock and its branches, and that may lie westward of the river Sind and the Singarh rivulet; all these have we detached from our dominions, and annexed to those of Persia. Henceforth the officers of that powerful State shall collect the revenue and exercise all authority in the aforesaid countries, and the people, great and small, dwellers in towns and in plains, tillers of the soil, men of every degree, shall be subject to their laws, and the ministers of this eternal government shall no longer have sway among them. But the fortress of Dáwar, the cities of Túharí and Bindráwach, and all the countries eastward of the rivers Attock and Sind and the Singarh rivulet, these remain attached to the kingdom of Hind.

On the 29th of Muharram the glory of the realms of Hind proceeded to partake of an entertainment given by the ruler of Írán. A quarter of the day passed in rejoicings. A hundred and one pieces of cloth, within which were precious objects from foreign countries, and several trays of jewels, offered by the Sháh, were accepted by the royal visitor, who then took his departure. All the nobles in the regal suite, to the number of nearly one hundred, received presents suited to their rank. This festival was not without its object, for the Sháh had resolved to return to his own dominions. This was as yet secret, but on the 6th of Safar the Mullá-báshí, standing at the door of his august master's residence, with a loud voice made the following proclamation:—

“Soldiers, the King of Kings and Lord of beneficence, our master, the protector of the world, conquered the country of Hindústán and restored it. To-morrow our victorious banners move towards 'Irák. Be you prepared!”

On the morrow the Sháh rode forth from the citadel, and pitched his camp near the Shálamár gardens, five kos from the town, and once more the government of Hindústán devolved on Muhammad Sháh. On the 8th of the month 'Abdu-l Bákí Khán, and Hayátu-llah Khán, son of the Nawáb Názim A'azzu-d daula, were sent to Láhore with an order directing the latter to collect and forward a contribution of one kror of rupees. The messengers, travelling with rapidity, reached Láhore on the 21st of the same month. They were met by the Nawáb Názim in the Shálamár gardens. Hence they continued their way in company to the city. The illustrious messenger here met with the kindest and most courteous reception, and the friendship already existing between the noble entertainer and his guest was much increased. Through the exertions of Kifáyat Khán the demand for a kror of rupees was modified, and a sum of twenty lacs taken in addition to the former contribution.⁹⁴

Tidings having been brought of the Sháh's arrival at Chakgard, a place thirty kos from Láhore, on the banks of the Ráví, across which a bridge of boats had been formed, the Nawáb Sáhib Názim and 'Abdu-l Bákí Khán set out to meet His Persian Majesty on the 27th of Safar. On the 3rd of Rabí'u-l awwal, the monarch crossed the river at the above-named spot, and formed his camp on the right bank. The Nawáb Názim and his companion entered the camp that same day, and were admitted to the presence. The Názim met with great courtesy, and was honoured with several presents; besides these the Sháh conferred on him the farmán of the Nizámat of Multán (Saifu-d daula Bahádur, the late Názim, was dead), to which His Majesty had caused to be affixed the seal of Muhammad Sháh. Dresses of honour and Arabian horses were given to Khwája 'Abdu-llah Khán, second son of the late Saifu-d daula, to Khwája Hayátu-llah Khán, and to the other chiefs in the Názim's suite. ^{* *}

On the 9th of Rabí'u-l awwal the Sháh's camp was at Kalúwál, a village on the banks of the Chináb, the largest river of the Panjáb. A heavy fall of rain, such as is usual in the rainy season, had occurred the previous night, and the bridge had been broken, some of the boats being swamped, and others knocked to pieces. The river's width had so increased that it was impossible to reconstruct a bridge at this point, but a narrower part was found near the village of Akhánúr, where a bridge was formed by means of iron cables. On the 11th the Názim received fresh proofs of the Sháh's generosity.

The Persian camp broke up from Kalúwál on the 14th, and commenced crossing the river at Akhánúr. A portion of the army had effected its passage, when the force of the swollen and pent-up stream carried away the bridge with a deafening roar, and hurled two thousand Kazalbáshís into a watery grave. But as the Sháh was anxious to cross the river, he proceeded himself, mounted on Mahá-sundar, the powerful elephant that had been bestowed on the Nawáb Názim, in scarch of a ford, or some spot suited to the formation of a bridge. However, it is vain to struggle against destiny, and His Majesty failed in the object of his search; and it was consequently decided that the army should be ferried over in boats at Kalúwál. The camp was therefore moved on the 25th, and the passage was commenced. By the 2nd Rabí'u-s sání, three quarters of the army and baggage had been landed on the opposite bank, and on the following day the Názim was permitted to depart, his own sword being returned to him, and his elephant to Hayátu-llah. The Názim and his son reached Síálkot the same day. The Persian Emperor, who entertained a great affection for the Nawáb Názim, directed an epistle to be prepared and forwarded to the ruler of Hind, desiring His Majesty to increase the allowances and the body of horse of this chieftain from seven to eight thousand. The districts of Gujarát, Síálkot, Púrsarúr, and Aurangábád, from which was derived the expenditure of Kábul and Pesháwar; also Dángalí and other places, producing about four krors of dáms, and constituting the jágír of Násir Khán, Názim of Kábul; some districts forming the zamíndárís of Khudá-yár Khán 'Abbásí, and of Ghází Khán Dudahí, zamíndár of Multán, all of which are east of the Attock river, and had been for three years made over to Nádir Sháh, these were now placed under the charge of the Názim, subject to a yearly payment of twenty lacs of rupees. The Názim was at first loath to enter into this arrangement, but several considerations induced him. The chief of these was that if this matter were not thus settled, the Sháh would leave an army in the country, which would be the cause of numerous evils. On the 7th of the month the Sháh himself crossed the river, and encamped on the right bank, the move being made known to all by discharges of cannon.

The Sháh felt the greatest anxiety to reach Khurásán, where his presence was urgently required to put a stop to disturbances that had broken out in Bukhárá and Khwárizm, for the rulers of these countries, blinded with pride and ignorance, had withdrawn their necks from the yoke of subjection. Proceeding without a halt, the Sháh crossed the river Attock on the 21st of Jumáda-s sání, and on the 25th of Sha'bán cast his shadow over the country of Kábul. Hence he marched by way of Darah Isma'íl Hút to correct Khudá-yár Khán 'Abbásí, zamíndár of Khud-ábád. Having made Hút and Ghází Khán Dúdahí obedient, he remained some time in the government of Bhakkar.

Before leaving Kábul, the Nawáb Sáhib A'azzu-d daula and Hayátu-llah Khán Bahádur, who governed the province of Multán as his father's deputy, had been directed to join the Sháh whenever his army should enter the territories of Khudá-yár Khán, and to assist in settling the affairs of that district. Hayátu-llah Khán lost no time in joining the Sháh and the Názim, starting on the 26th of Shawwál from the fortress of Jamún, which had fallen to his arms only a few days before, passed one night at Láhore. On the 23rd of Zí-l hijja he left Multán to proceed towards the Persian camp by water.

Copy of the Sháh's Letter above mentioned.

To the exalted and most noble of Kháns, the illustrious Zakariyá Khán, Názim of the provinces of Láhore and Multán, with assurances of our warmest friendship, be it known that, whereas His Majesty has resolved to make a tour this year through the country of Sind, in order to chastise certain rebellious chieftains in those parts, and whereas it is deemed probable that one or more of these chiefs may attempt to fly towards Multán, which would render it necessary for the conquering army to cross the river Sind, to pursue and capture the fugitives; and whereas between this powerful government and that of Hindústán there exists perfect concord, it is necessary that the illustrious Názim should be prepared to move from Láhore towards Multán on receiving an order to this effect, and with his troops guard the approaches to this city, that those who may cross the river may be punished, and such energy displayed for this purpose as may render unnecessary the co-operation of the royal forces. In addition the Khán may rest assured of the kindly feelings of the Emperor of Emperors towards him, and may expect everything from his generosity. Written on the 21st of Jumáda-s sání, A.H. 1152.

Entry of Nádir Sháh into the territories of Khudá-yár Khán.

Of all the frontier-chiefs none equalled Khudá-yár Khán in the extent of their possessions, the number of their soldiers, and the fertility of their resources. When first Nádir Sháh arrived under the walls of Kandahár, this chieftain formed vain schemes of checking the advance of the victorious army and holding the passes, thus, as if impelled by fatality, making an enemy to himself of a monarch favoured by fortune, whose sword, like the orb of light, had flashed over the world from east to west. Now, that the tidings of the Sháh's advance broke upon his dream of fancied security, he left his son in command of his troops, and himself, with his women and wealth, withdrew into the fortress of Amarkot, a strong place, surrounded on two sides by water and on the other two by sand-hills.

When the Sháh's army drew near, the son gave up all idea of fighting, and prepared to do homage to the Emperor on condition that his father should not be required to appear; but these terms were not acceded to, and the foolish youth was kept prisoner. The Sháh again moved rapidly forward to lay siege to Amarkot, and the news of this advance shook, as if with the shock of an earthquake, the warlike resolve of Khudá-yár Khán. He immediately sent away his women and his property to the sandy country, but stayed behind himself to make arrangements for the removal of twenty-two lacs of rupees, for which carriage had not been procurable, and determined to follow on the morrow.

But the morrow brought forth unexpected events, for the Sháh, learning that the game might still be secured by a bold cast of the net, pushed forward from Ládgáon, distant from A markot thirty farsakhs, on the evening of the 28th of Zí-l ka'da, and suddenly surrounded the fort about daybreak on the following morning. Immediately the soldiery commenced the work of destruction. Khudá-yár Khán, seeing no path open to escape, came forth with cries for mercy, and did homage; and this course, which he should have before adopted, proved his salvation. The Sháh, mindful of the maxim that there are more joys in forgiving than in punishing, received him with kindness, and forgave his faults. The twenty-two lacs found in the fort and some jewels were seized by the Emperor's officers, and the Sháh returned to Ládgáon, where the camp equipage had been left, and where were discussed the affairs of Khudá-yár Khán, who had accompanied His Majesty since his surrender.

About two hours before the close of day His Majesty received A'azzu-d daula in the royal audience tent. This nobleman was treated with even more than former courtesy, and the Emperor graciously observed that he must have been put to much inconvenience in so long a journey. On the 7th the Nawáb Názim received tokens of the esteem in which he was held by the Sháh. ^{* *}

Khudá-yár Khán 'Abbásí, since his submission, had remained in the royal camp. The monarch now, with kingly munificence, raised him from the dust and re-established him in possession of his zamíndárí, with the title of Sháh Kulí Khán, and the government of the province of Thattá. The conditions of this arrangement were an annual payment of ten lacs of rupees and the furnishing to the Persian monarch of a contingent of two thousand horse under one of the Khán's sons. The Khán, who might have expected a very different treatment as the result of his conduct, was dismissed with the present of a horse to his home on the 15th of Muharram, A.H. 1152 (12th April, 1739 A.D.).

Nádir Sháh, having finally settled the affairs of Hindústán, resolved to set his face towards the country of Khurásán, where frequent disturbances occurred, acting as a thorn in his side.

THIS history is the production of Mirzá Muhammad Mahdí of Mázandarán, who attended Nádir Sháh as confidential secretary in all his military expeditions. The character of this detailed history is generally eulogistic; but as the author survived his master, and has not omitted to recount the mad actions committed by Nádir Sháh in the latter period of his life, faith may be generally placed in his relation of the events of this period. The Nádir-náma was translated into French by Sir W. Jones at the desire of the King of Denmark, and is therefore well known to European students. Another name which this work bears is Táríkh-i Jahán-kusháí, but as that name is generally appropriated to the valuable history of the Mughals by 'Aláu-d dín Malik 'Atá Malik Juwainí (No. IX., Vol. II. p. 384), it will save confusion not to give the title to the Nádir-náma.

The life of Nádir by Mr. Fraser, who availed himself of contemporary records in India, and the works of Jonas Hanway, afford the English reader all the information he can desire on the subject of this tyrant.

SIZE—8VO., 688 pages of 15 lines each.

THIS is an autobiographical piece giving an interesting account of several occurrences during the downfall of the Empire. It bears very much the same character as the Bayán-i Wákí' of 'Abdu-l Karím. The author is careless about dates, but they can easily be supplied by the light which other historians, European and Asiatic, shed upon the transactions he records. There seems reason to suppose that the author's name was Tahmásp, to which he added the literary name of Miskín. The text, however, is not very plain on this subject. The title of the work may perhaps be derived from the name assumed by Nádir Sháh on his entering the service of Sháh Tahmásp.

SIZE—Large 8VO., 314 pages of 17 lines each.

THIS unique, but worthless, “Sea of Histories,” comprises accounts of the Asiatic monarchies. The volume is an autograph, in the library of the Nawáb of Tonk, with many marginal notes, also apparently in the handwriting of the author, containing some additional information on the meagre histories in the text.

As the preface to the first book is not contained within this volume, we are left in ignorance of the author's name, object and authorities. He was most probably an Indian, as he deals at disproportionate length with the History of India, which, however, is carried down only to the reign of Jahángír. It is evident that the volume is imperfect in this portion, and that all that follows in the book, as at present bound, originally belonged to the first volume, which begins just as the second volume closes, with an imperfect sentence. From his history of the Emperors of Turkey, it appears that the author visited Mecca on a pilgrimage in the year 1160 A.H. (1747 A.D.), which is all that we learn of him in the course of the work. As the second book contains a short preface, which was wanting in the first, the ignorant binder has given it the precedence, and thus transposed the proper order.

From this preface we learn that the second book was commenced in the year 1099 A.H. (1687-8), a date which might be open to doubt, were it not twice repeated in the preface, in which also several other corresponding dates are given confirmative of this. The work is, nevertheless, carried down beyond the time of Nádir Sháh's invasion of India, and the date of 1154 A.H. (1741 A.D.) is twice distinctly quoted towards the end. These passages, as well as the marginal notes, may have been added by some other hand, but there is an appearance of uniformity about the work which does not appear to warrant this inference, and we are therefore led to the conclusion, that the author lived to an old age, and was engaged upon the revision of this work for more than half a century. The passage, moreover, in which the writer states that he visited Mecca in 1160 A.H., seems evidently written by the same person who wrote the beginning of the volume. This compilation is divided into detached chapters, one being devoted to each separate dynasty, and the disregard of order is of course chiefly attributable to the mistake in the binding.