A'in-i Akbarī - The Ain-i-Akbarī, Volume 1

His Majesty, from his knowledge of man's nature, gives donations in various ways. It looks as if he lends, but in his heart, he makes a present; or he calls the donation a loan, but never asks it back. The far and near, the rich and poor, share His Majesty's liberality. He gives away elephants, horses, and other valuable articles. The Bakhshís read out daily the names of the guards and other soldiers, mentioning such first as have never received anything. His Majesty gives them horses. When a soldier has received a horse, he is not recommended to His Majesty for the space of a year for any other donation.

His Majesty bestows upon the needy money and necessaries, winning the hearts of all in public or private. Many enjoy daily, monthly, or yearly allowances, which they receive without being kept waiting. It is impossible for me to detail the sums which some people receive in consequence of representations having been made of their circumstances by such as stand near the throne; and it would take up too much time to describe the presents made daily to beggars, or the eating houses which have been established for the poor.¹

There is a treasurer always in waiting² at Court; and every beggar whom His Majesty sees, is sure to find relief.

From reasons of auspiciousness, and as an opportunity of bestowing presents upon the poor, His Majesty is weighed twice a year. Various articles are put into the scales.

On the first day of the month of A´bán [15th October], which is the solar anniversary of the emperor, His Majesty is weighed twelve times against the following articles: gold, quicksilver, silk, perfumes, copper, rúh i tútiyá, drugs, g'hí, iron, rice-milk, seven kinds of grain, salt; the order of these articles being determined by their costliness. According to the number of years His Majesty has lived, there is given away an equal number of sheep, goats, fowls, to people that breed these animals. A great number of small animals are also set at liberty.

His Majesty is weighed a second time on the 5th of Rajab,³ against eight articles, viz., silver, tin, cloth, lead, fruits, mustard oil, and vegetables.

On both occasions the festival of Sálgirih (birthday) is celebrated, when donations, or grants of pardon, are bestowed upon people of all ranks.

The Imperial princes, sons, and grandsons of His Majesty, are weighed once in every solar year. They are for the first time weighed, when two years old, but only against one thing. Every year, however, a new additional thing is put on the scales. When grown up, they are generally weighed against seven or eight things, but not against more than twelve. Animals are set free as usual.

A separate treasurer and an accountant are appointed for this purpose, so that the expenditure may be made with every propriety.¹

His Majesty, in his care for the nation, confers benefits on people of various classes; and in the higher wisdom which God has conferred upon him, he considers doing so an act of divine worship.

His Majesty, from his desire to promote rank distinctions, confers lands and subsistence allowances on the following four classes of men, first, on enquirers after wisdom, who have withdrawn from all worldly occupation, and make no difference between night and daytime in searching after true knowledge; secondly, on such as toil and practise self-denial, and while engaged in the struggle with the selfish passions of human nature, have renounced the society of men; thirdly, on such as are weak and poor, and have no strength for enquiry; fourthly, on honorable men of gentle birth who from want of knowledge, are unable to provide for themselves by taking up a trade.

Subsistence allowances, paid in cash, are called Wazífah; lands conferred are called Milk, or Madad i ma'ásh. In this way, krors are given away, and yet the grants are daily increasing in number.

As the circumstances of men have to be enquired into, before grants are made, and their petitions must be considered in fairness, an experienced man of correct intentions is employed for this office. He ought to be at peace with every party, and must be kind towards the people at large in word and action. Such an officer is called Çadr. The Qází and the Mír 'Adl are under his orders. He is assisted in his important duties by a clerk, who has to look after the financial business, and is now-a-days styled Díwán i Sa'ádat.

His Majesty, in his mercy, orders his servants to introduce to him such as are worthy of grants, and a large number receive the assistance they desire.

When His Majesty commenced to enquire into this department, it was discovered that the former Çadrs had been guilty of bribery and dishonest practices. He therefore appointed, at the recommendation of near friends, Shaikh 'Abdunnabí to this important office. The lands which were then held by Afgháns and Chaudrís, were taken away, and became domain lands (khalsah),² whilst all others that held grants were referred to the Shaikh who enquired into, and certified, their grants. After some time it was reported that those who held grants, had not the lands in one and the same place, whereby the weak whose grounds lay near kháliçah lands or near the jágírs of Mançabdárs, were exposed to vexations, and were encroached upon by unprincipled men. His Majesty then ordered that they should get lands on one spot, which they might choose. This order proved beneficial for both parties. The officers of the government, on receiving this order, told off certain villages for this purpose: those who were weak were protected, and the encroachments of the unprincipled were put a stop to.

But when Time, according to his custom, commenced to tear the veil of secrets, rumours also regarding this Çadr ['Abdunnabí] came to the ears of His Majesty. An order was therefore given that all those who held more than five hundred bíg'hahs should lay their farmáns personally before His Majesty, and in default, should lose their lands. As, however, the practices of these grant-holders did not come up to the wise counsels of His Majesty, the order was passed, that the excess of all lands above one hundred bíg'hahs, if left unspecified in the farmáns, should be reduced to two-fifths of it, three-fifths of the excess being annexed to the domain lands. I´rání and Túrání women alone were excepted from this rule.

As it was reported that impudent, avaricious people used to leave their old grounds, and take possession of new places, it was ordered that every one who should leave his place, should lose one-fourth of his lands and receive a new grant.

Again, when His Majesty discovered that the Qázís were in the habit of taking bribes from the grant-holders, he resolved, with the view of obtaining God's favour, to place no further reliance on these men [the Qázis], who wear a turban as a sign of respectability, but are bad at heart, and who wear long sleeves, but fall short in sense. He examined into the whole matter, and dismissed all Qázís, except those who had been appointed during the Çadrship of Sulṭán Khwájah. The I´rání and Túrání women also were convicted of fraud, and the order was passed that every excess of land above one hundred bíg'hahs held by them, should be enquired into, whether it was correctly held or not.

During the Çadrship of 'Azaduddaulah [Mír Fathullah of Shíráz] the following order was given:—If any one held a Sayúrghál together with a partner, and the farmán contained no reference to the share possessed by each partner, the Çadr should, in the event of one of the partners dying, proceed without further enquiry to a division, the share of the deceased partner lapsing to the Crown and remaining domain land, till the heirs should personally apply to His Majesty. The new Çadr was at the same time prevented from granting, without previous reference to His Majesty, more than fifteen bíg'hahs.

On account of the general peace and security in the empire, the grant-holders commenced to lay out their lands in gardens, and thereby derived so much profit, that it tempted the greediness of the Government officers, who had certain notions of how much was sufficient for Sayúrghál-holders, to demand revenue taxes; but this displeased His Majesty, who commanded that such profits should not be interfered with.

Again, when it was found out that holders of one hundred bíg'hahs and even less were guilty of bribery, the order was given that Mír Çadr Jahán should bring these people before His Majesty; and afterwards it was determined that the Çadr with the concurrence of the writer of this work should either increase or decrease the grants. The rule now followed is this, that all Sayúrghál land should consist of one-half of tilled land, and of one-half of land capable of cultivation; if the latter half be not so [i. e., if the whole be tilled land], one-fourth of the whole should be taken away and a new grant be issued for the remainder.

The revenue derived from each bíg'hah varies in the several districts, but is never less than one rupee.

His Majesty, with the view of teaching wisdom and promoting true piety, pays much attention to this department, and appoints disinterested men as Çadrs of districts and Çadr of the realm.

In this A´ín—one of the most interesting in the whole work—the Chagatái word sayúrghál is translated by the Arabic madad ul ma'ásh, in Persian madad i ma'ásh, for which we often find in MSS. madad o ma'ásh. The latter term signifies ‘assistance of livelihood,’ and, like its equivalent milk, or property, it denotes lands given for benevolent purposes, as specified by Abulfazl. Such lands were hereditary, and differ for this reason from jágír or tuyúl lands, which were conferred, for a specified time, on Mançabdárs in lieu of salaries.

This A´ín proves that Akbar considerably interfered with Sayúrghál lands, arbitrarily resuming whatever lands he liked, and increasing the domain, or kháliçah,¹ lands to the ruin of many a Muhammadan (Afghán) family. He also completely broke the power of the Çadr, whose dignity, especially before the Moghul dynasty, had been very great. It was the Çadr, or as he was then generally styled, Çadr i Jahán, whose edict legalized the julús, or accession, of a new king. During the reign of Akbar also, he ranked as the fourth officer of the empire (vide end of A´ín 30). Their power was immense. They were the highest law-officers, and had the powers which Administrators-General have among us; they were in charge of all lands devoted to ecclesiastical and benevolent purposes, and possessed an almost unlimited authority of conferring such lands independently of the king. They were also the highest ecclesiastical law-officers, and might exercise the powers of High Inquisitors. Thus 'Abdunnabí, during his Çadrship, ordered two men to be killed for heresy (vide p. 177, l. 4 from below).

In the times before the Moghuls, the terms idrárát, wazáif, milk, in'ám i dehhá, in'ám i zamínhá, &c., occur for the word sayúrghál (or siyúrgál, or sughúrghál, as some dictionaries spell it.)

Among the former kings, 'Aláuddín i Khiljí is notorious for the disregard with which he cancelled the grants of former rulers. He resumed the greater part of the madad i ma'ásh tenures, and made them domain lands. He also lowered the dignity of the Çadr by appointing his keybearer to this high office (Táríkh i Fírúzsháhí, p. 353). Quṭbuddín Mubáriksháh, however, during the four years and four months of his reign, reinstated many whom 'Aláuddín had deprived (T. F., p. 382). Fírúz Sháh is still more praised for his liberality in conferring lands (T. F., p. 558).

That Sher Sháh has often been accused by Moghul Historians for his bounty in conferring lands, has been mentioned above (p. 256, note); and this may have been one of the reasons why Akbar shewed such an unexpected severity towards the grant-holders of his time.

Each Çúbah had a Çadr i juz, or Provincial Çadr, who was under the orders of the Chief Çadr (Çadr i Jahán, or Çadr i Kul, or Çadr i Çudúr).

As in every other department, bribery was extensively carried on in the offices of the Çadrs. The land specified in the farmán of a holder rarely corresponded in extent to the land which he actually held; or the language of the farmán was ambiguously worded, to enable the holder to take possession of as much as he could, and keep it as long as he bribed the Qázís and provincial Çadrs. Hence Akbar had every reason, after repeated enquiries, to cancel grants conferred by former rulers. The religious views of the emperor (vide p. 167), and the hatred which he shewed to the 'Ulamá, most of whom held lands, furnished him with a personal, and therefore stronger, reason to resume their grants, and drive them away to Bhakkar in Sind, or to Bengal, the climate of which, in those days, was as notorious as, in later days, that of Gombroon. After the fall of 'Abdunnabí—a man whom Akbar used once to honor by holding the slippers before his feet,—Sulṭán Khwájah, a member of the Divine Faith, (vide p. 204) was appointed as Çadr; and the Çadrs after him were so limited in conferring lands independently of Akbar, and had so few grants to look after, as to tempt Badáoní to indulge in sarcastical remarks. The following were Akbar's Çadrs:—

Abulfazl also mentions a Çadr Mauláná 'Abdul Báqí; but I do not know when he held office.

I extract a few short passages from Badáoní.

Page 29. Shaikh Gadáí cancelled the Madad i ma'ásh lands, and took away the legacies¹ of the Khánzádahs (Afgháns), and gave a Sayúrghál to any one that would bear up with humiliating treatment, but not otherwise. Nevertheless, in comparison with the present time, when obstacles are raised to the possession of every jaríb of ground, nay, even less, you may call the Shaikh an 'A´lambakhsh (one who gives away a world).

Page 52. After Shaikh Gadáí, Khájagí Muhammad Çálih was, in 968, appointed Çadr; but he did not possess such extensive powers in conferring lands as madad i ma'ásh, because he was dependent on the Díwáns.

Page 71. In 972, or perhaps more correctly in 971, Shaikh 'Abdunnabí was made Çadr. In giving away lands, he was to consult Muzaffar Khán, at that time Vazír and Vakíl. But soon after, the Shaikh acquired such absolute powers, that he conferred on deserving people whole worlds of subsistence allowances, lands, and pensions, so much so that if you place the grants of all former kings of Hindústán in one scale, and those of the Shaikh into the other, his scale would weigh more. But several years later the scale went up, as it had been under former kings, and matters took an adverse turn.

Page 204. In 983, His Majesty gave the order that the Aimahs of the whole empire should not be let off by the krorís of each Perganah, unless they brought the farmáns in which their grants, subsistence allowances, and pensions were described, to the Çadr for inspection and verification. For this reason, a large number of worthy people, from the eastern districts up to Bhakkar on the Indus, came to Court. If any of them had a powerful protector in one of the grandees or near friends of His Majesty, he could manage to have his affair settled; but those who were destitute of such recommendations, had to bribe Sayyid 'Abdurrasúl, the Shaikh's head man, or make presents to his farráshes, darbáns (porters), syces (grooms), and mehters (sweepers), ‘in order to get their blanket out of the mire.’ Unless, however, they had either strong recommendations, or had recourse to bribery, they were utterly ruined. Many of the Aimahs, without obtaining their object, died from the heat caused by the crowding of the multitudes. Though a report of this came to the ears of His Majesty, no one dared to take these unfortunate people before the emperor. And when the Shaikh, in all his pride and haughtiness, sat upon his masnad (cushion), and influential grandees introduced to him, in his office, scientific or pious men, the Shaikh received them in his filthy way, paid respect to no one,¹ and after much asking, begging, and exaggerating, he allowed, for example, a teacher of the Hidáyah (a book on law) and other college books 100 Bíg'hahs, more or less; and though such a man might have been for a long time in possession of more extensive lands, the Shaikh took them away. But to men of no renown, to low fellows, even to Hindus, he gave primitive lands as marks² of personal favor. Hence science and scientific men fell in estimation.* * * At no time had a Çadr, for so long a time, exercised more tyrannical powers.

The fate of Abdunnabí has been related above. Akbar gave him money for the poor of Makkah, and sent him on a pilgrimage. When he came back, he was called to account for the money, was put in prison, and murdered ‘by some scoundrel’ in 992.

The next Çadr was Sulṭán Khwájah. Matters relating to Sayúrgháls now took a very different course. Akbar had rejected the Islám, and the new Çadr, who had just returned from Makkah,³ become a member of the Divine Faith. The systematic persecution of the learned and the lawyers had commenced, and His Majesty enquired personally into all grants (vide p. 189, last para.). The lands were now steadily withdrawn, and according to Badáoní, who had managed to get 1000 bíg'hahs, at first to the great disgust of 'Abdunnabí, many a Muhammadan family was impoverished or utterly ruined.

In 993, Fathullah of Shíráz (vide p. 33) was appointed Çadr. As the Sayúrghál duties, and with them the dignity of the Çadr, had dwindled down to nothing, Fathullah, though Çadr, could be spared for missions to the Dak'him, Bad. p. 343.

“His Shírází servant Kamál officiated for him during his absence, and looked after these lacklands of Aimahdárs,¹ who had a few spots here and there; for the dignity of the Çadr had approached its kamál (perfection). Fathullah had not even the power of conferring five bíg'hahs: in fact he was an imaginary Çadr, as all lands had been withdrawn. And yet, the lands which had been withdrawn became the dwelling-places of wild animals, and thus belonged neither to the Aimahdárs, nor to farmers. However, of all these oppressions, there is at least a record left in the books of the Çadr, though of the office of the Çadr the name only is left.

Page 368. Fathullah [the Çadr himself] laid before His Majesty a bag containing the sum of Rs. 1,000, which his collector by means of oppression, or under the pretext that an Aimahdár was not forthcoming or dead, had squeezed out of the widows and unfortunate orphans of the Parganah of Basáwar [which was his jágír], and said, “My collectors have this much collected from the Aimahdárs as a kifáyat (i. e. because the collectors thought the Sáyúrghál holders had more than sufficient to live upon).” But the emperor allowed him to keep the sum for himself.

The next Çadr, Çadr Jahán, was a member of the Divine Faith. Though appointed Çadr immediately after the death of Fathullah, Badáoní continues calling him Muftí i mamálik i mahrúsah, the Muftí of the empire, which had been his title before. Perhaps it was no longer necessary to have a separate officer for the Çadrship. Çadr Jahán continued to serve under Jahángír.

A great portion of the Sayúrghál lands is specified by Abulfazl in the geographical tables of the Third Book.

His Majesty has invented an extraordinary carriage, which has proved a source of much comfort for various people. When this carriage is used for travelling, or for carrying loads, it may be employed for grinding corn.¹

His Majesty also invented a large cart, which is drawn by one elephant. It is made sufficiently large so as to hold several bath-rooms, and thus serves as a travelling bath. It is also easily drawn by cattle.

Camels and horses also are used for pulling carriages, and thus contribute to the comfort of mankind. Finely built carriages are called bahals²; if used on even ground, several may sit together and travel on.

Water wheels and carts have also been so constructed, that water may be fetched from far, low places. Two oxen may pull four such wheels at the same time, or one ox two.

Another machine exists which conveys water from a well, and moves at the same time a millstone.

His Majesty takes from each bíg'hah of tilled land ten sers of grain as a royalty. Storehouses have been constructed in every district. They supply the animals belonging to the State with food, which is never bought in the bázárs. These stores prove at the same time of great use for the people; for poor cultivators may receive grain for sowing purposes, or people may buy cheap grain at the time of famines. But the stores are only used to supply necessities. They are also used for benevolent purposes; for His Majesty has established in his empire many houses³ for the poor, where indigent people may get something to eat. He also appoints everywhere experienced people to look after these store-houses, and selects for this purpose active Dárogahs and clever writers, who watch the receipts and charges.

His Majesty enquires into the excellent customs of past ages, and without looking to the men of the past in particular, he takes up that which is proper, though he have to pay a high price for it. He bestows his fostering care upen men of various classes, and seeks for occasions to make presents. Thus, when His Majesty was informed of the feasts of the Jamsheds, and the festivals of the Pársí priests, he adopted them, and used them as opportunities of conferring benefits. The following are the most important feasts. 1. The New Year's day feast.¹ It commences on the day when the Sun in his splendour moves to Aries, and lasts till the nineteenth day of the month [Farwardín]. Two days of this period are considered great festivals, when much money and numerous other things are given away as presents: the first day of the month of Farwardín, and the nineteenth, which is the time of the Sharaf. Again, His Majesty followed the custom of the ancient Pársís, who held banquets on those days the names of which coincided with the name of a month.² The following are the days which have the same name as a month: 19th Farwardín; 3rd Urdíbihisht; 6th Khúrdád; 13th Tír; 7th Amurdád; 4th Shahríwar; 16th Mihr; 10th A´bán; 9th A´zar; 8th, 15th, 23rd, Dai: 2nd Bahman; 5th Isfandármuz. Feasts, are actually and ideally, held on each of these days. People in their happiness raise the strain of inward joy. In the beginning of each pahr the naqqárahs (vide p. 51, l. 1.) are beaten, when the singers and musicians fall in. On the first of the above feasts coloured lamps are used for three nights: on the second for one night, and the joy is general.

I have given a few particulars in the first Book (A´ín 18).

On the third feast-day of every month, His Majesty holds a large assembly for the purpose of enquiring into the many wonderful things found in this world. The merchants of the age are eager to attend, and lay out articles from all countries. The people of His Majesty's Harem come, and the women of other men also are invited, and buying and selling is quite general. His Majesty uses such days to select any articles which he wishes to buy, or to fix the price of things, and thus add to his knowledge. The secrets of the empire, the character of the people, the good and bad qualities of each office and workshop, will then appear. His Majesty gives to such days the name of Khushrúz, or the joyful day, as they are a source of much enjoyment.

After the Fancy bázárs for women, bázárs for the men are held. Merchants of all countries then sell their wares. His Majesty watches the transactions, and such as are admitted to Court indulge in the pleasure of buying. Bázár people, on such occasions, may lay their grievances before His Majesty, without being prevented by the mace-bearers, and may use the opportunity of laying out their stores, in order to explain their circumstances. For those who are good, the dawn of success rises, whilst wicked bázár people are called to account.

His Majesty has appointed for this purpose a separate treasurer and an accountant, so that the sellers may get paid without delay. The profit made by tradesmen on such occasions is very great.¹

Every care bestowed upon this wonderful tie between men is a means of preserving the stability of the human race, and ensuring the progress of the world; it is a preventive against the outbreak of evil passions, and leads to the establishment of homes. Hence His Majesty, inasmuch as he is benign, watches over great and small, and imbues men with his notions of the spiritual union and the equality of essence which he sees in marriage. He abhors marriages which take place between man and woman before the age of puberty. They bring forth no fruit, and His Majesty thinks them even hurtful; for afterwards, when such a couple ripens into manhood, they dislike having connexion, and their home is desolate.

Here in India, where a man cannot see the woman to whom he is betrothed, there are peculiar obstacles; but His Majesty maintains that the consent of the bride and bridegroom, and the permission of the parents, are absolutely necessary in marriage contracts.

Marriage between near relations His Majesty thinks highly improper. He says, “The fact that, in ancient times (?) even, a girl was not given to her twin brother, ought to silence those who are fond of historical proofs. Marriage between first cousins, however, does not strike the bigoted followers of Muhammad's religion as wrong; for the beginning of a religion resembles, in this regard, the beginning of the creation of mankind.”

His Majesty disapproves of high dowries; for as they are rarely ever paid, they are mere sham; but he admits that the fixing of high dowries is a preventive against rash divorces. Nor does His Majesty approve of every one marrying more than one wife; for this ruins a man's health, and disturbs the peace of the home. He censures old women that take young husbands, and says that doing so is against all modesty.

He has also appointed two sober and sensible men, one of whom enquires into the circumstances of the bridegroom, and the other into those of the bride. These two officers have the title of Túíbegí, or masters of marriages. In many cases, the duties are performed by one and the same officer. His Majesty also takes a tax from both parties, to enable them to shew their gratitude. The payment of this tax is looked upon as auspicious. Mançabdárs commanding from five to one thousand, pay 10 Muhurs; do. from one thousand to five hundred, 4 M.; do. to Commanders of one hundred, 2 M.; do. to Commanders of forty, 1 M.; do. to Commanders of ten, 4 R. The latter fee is also paid by rich people. The middle classes pay 1 R., and common people 1 dám.¹ In demanding this tax, the officers have to pay regard to the circumstances of the father of the bride.

In every country, but especially in Hindústán, boys are kept for years at school, where they learn the consonants and vowels. A great portion of the life of the students is wasted by making them read many books. His Majesty orders that every school boy should first learn to write the letters of the Alphabet, and also learn to trace their several forms.² He ought to learn the shape and name of each letter, which may be done in two days, when the boy should proceed to write the joined letters. They may be practised for a week, after which the boy should learn some prose and poetry by heart, and then commit to memory some verses to the praise of God, or moral sentences, each written separately. Care is to be taken that he learns to understand everything himself; but the teacher may assist him a little. He then ought for some time be daily practised in writing a hemistich or a verse, and will soon acquire a current hand. The teacher ought especially to look after five things: knowledge of the letters; meanings of words; the hemistich; the verse; the former lesson. If this method of teaching be adopted, a boy will learn in a month, or even in a day, what it took others years to understand, so much so that people will get quite astonished. Every boy ought to read books on morals, arithmetic, the notation peculiar to arithmetic, agriculture, mensuration, geometry, astronomy, physiognomy, household matters, the rules of government, medicine, logic, the ṭabí'í, riyází, and iláhí, sciences,¹ and history; all of which may be gradually acquired.

In studying Sanscrit, students ought to learn the Bayákaran, Niyáí, Bedanta, and Pátanjal. No one should be allowed to neglect those things which the present time requires.

These regulations shed a new light on schools, and cast a bright lustre over Madrasahs.

This department is of great use for the successful operations of the army, and for the benefit of the country in general; it furnishes means of obtaining things of value, provides for agriculture, and His Majesty's household. His Majesty, in fostering this source of power, keeps four objects in view, and looks upon promoting the efficiency of this department as an act of divine worship.

First.—The fitting out of strong boats, capable of carrying elephants. Some are made in such a manner as to be of use in sieges and for the conquest of strong forts. Experienced officers look upon ships as if they were houses and dromedaries, and use them as excellent means of conquest. So especially in Turkey, Zanzibar, and Europe. In every part of His Majesty's empire, ships are numerous; but in Bengal, Kashmír, and T'hat'hah (Sind) they are the pivot of all commerce. His Majesty had the sterns of the boats made in shape of wonderful animals, and thus combines terror with amusement. Turrets and pleasing kiosks, markets, and beautiful flower-beds, have likewise been constructed on the rivers. Along the coasts of the ocean, in the west, east, and south of India, large ships are built, which are suitable for voyages. The harbours have been put into excellent condition, and the experience of seamen has much improved. Large ships are also built at Iláhábás and Láhor, and are then sent to the coast. In Kashmír, a model of a ship was made which was much admired.

Secondly.—To appoint experienced seamen, acquainted with the tides, the depths of the ocean, the time when the several winds blow, and their advantages and disadvantages. They must be familiar with shallows and banks. Besides, a seaman must be hale and strong, a good swimmer, kind hearted, hard working, capable of bearing fatigue, patient; in fact he must possess all good qualities. Men of such character can only be found after much trouble. The best seamen come from Malíbár (Malabar).

Boatmen also bring men and their things from one side of the river to the other.

The number of sailors in a ship varies according to the size of the vessel. In large ships there are twelve classes. 1. The Nákhudá, or owner of the ship. This word is evidently a short form of Návkhudá. He fixes the course of the ship. 2. The Mu'allim, or Captain. He must be acquainted with the depths and the shallow places of the ocean, and must know astronomy. It is he who guides the ship to her destination, and prevents her from falling into dangers. 3. The Tandíl, or chief of the khaláçís, or sailors. Sailors, in seamen's language, are called khaláçís or khárwahs. 4. The Nákhudákhashab. He supplies the passengers with firewood and straw, and assists in shipping and unlading the cargo. 5. The Sarhang, or mate, superintends the docking and landing of the ship, and often acts for the Mu'allim. 6. The Bhandárí has the charge of the stores. 7. The Karrání¹ is a writer who keeps the accounts of the ship, and serves out water to the passengers. 8. The Sukkángír, or helmsman. He steers the ship according to the orders of the Mu'allim. Some ships carry several helmsmen, but never more than twenty. 9. The Panjarí looks out from the top of the mast, and gives notice when he sees land, or a ship, or a coming storm, &c. 10. The Guṉmtí belongs to the class of khaláçís. He throws out the water which has leaked through the ship. 11. The Topandáz, or gunner, is required in naval fights; their number depends on the size of the ship. 12. The Khárwah, or common sailor. They set and furl the sails. Some of them perform the duty of divers, and stop leaks, or set the anchor free when it sticks fast. The amount of their wages varies, and depends on the voyage, or kúsh, as seamen call it. In the harbour of Sátgáṉw (Húghlí) a Nákhudá gets 400 R.; besides he is allowed four malíkh, or cabins, which he fills with wares for his own profit. Every ship is divided into several divisions, for the accommodation of passengers and the stowage of goods, each of the divisions being called a malíkh. The Mu'allim gets 200 R. and two malíkhs; the Tandíl, 120R.; the Karrání, 50 R. and one malíkh; the Nákhudá khashab, 30 R.; the Sarhang, 25 R.; the Sukkángír, Pánjarí and Bhandárí, each 15 R.; each Khárwah, or common sailor, 40 R., and his daily food in addition; the Degandáz, or gunner, 12 R.

In Kambháyat (Cambay), a Nákhudá gets 800 R., and the other men in the same proportion.

In Láharí, a nákhudá gets 300 R., and the rest in proportion.

In A´chín he gets half as much again as in southern harbours; in Portugal, two and a half as much again; and in Malacca, twice as much again. In Pegu, and Dahnasarí, he gets half as much again as in Cambay. All these rates vary according to the place and the length of the voyage. But it would take me too long to give more details.

Boatmen on rivers have wages varying from 100 to 500 d. per mensem.

Thirdly, an experienced man has been appointed to look after the rivers. He must be an imposing and fearless man, must have a loud voice, must be capable of bearing fatigue, active, zealous, kind, fond of travelling, a good swimmer. As he possesses experience, he settles every difficulty which arises regarding fords, and takes care that such places are not overcrowded, or too narrow, or very uneven, or full of mud. He regulates the number of passengers which a ferry may carry; he must not allow travellers to be delayed, and sees that poor people are passed over gratis. He ought not to allow people to swim across, or wares to be deposited anywhere else but at fording places. He should also prevent people from crossing at night, unless in cases of necessity.

Fourthly, the remission of duties. His Majesty, in his mercy, has remitted many tolls, though the income derived from them equalled the revenue of a whole country. He only wishes that boatmen should get their wages. The state takes certain taxes in harbour places; but they never exceed two and a half per cent., which is so little compared with the taxes formerly levied, that merchants look upon harbour taxes as totally remitted.

The following sums are levied as river tolls. For every boat, 1 R. per kos at the rate of 1000 mans, provided the boat and the men belong to one and the same owner. But if the boat belongs to another man and everything in the boat to the man who has hired it, the tax is 1 R. for every 2½ kos. At ferry places, an elephant has to pay 10 d. for crossing; a laden cart, 4 d.; do. empty, 2 d.; a laden camel, 1 d.; empty camels, horses, cattle with their things, ½ d.; do. empty, ¼ d. Other beasts of burden pay 1/16 d., which includes the toll due by the driver. Twenty people pay 1 d. for crossing; but they are often taken gratis.

The rule is that one-half or one-third of the tolls thus collected go to the State (the other half goes to the boatmen).

Merchants are therefore well treated, and the articles of foreign countries are imported in large quantities.

Superficial, worldly observers see in killing an animal a sort of pleasure, and in their ignorance stride about, as if senseless, on the field of their passions. But deep enquirers see in hunting a means of acquisition of knowledge, and the temple of their worship derives from it a peculiar lustre. This is the case with His Majesty. He always makes hunting a means of increasing his knowledge, and besides, uses hunting parties as occasions to enquire, without having first given notice of his coming, into the condition of the people and the army. He travels incognito, and examines into matters referring to taxation, or to Sayúrghál lands, or to affairs connected with the household. He lifts up such as are oppressed, and punishes the oppressors. On account of these higher reasons His Majesty indulges in the chase, and shews himself quite enamoured of it. Short-sighted and shallow observers think that His Majesty has no other object in view but hunting; but the wise and experienced know that he pursues higher aims.

When His Majesty starts on a hunting party, active Qaráwals [men employed by the Mír Shikár, or Master of Hunting] surround the hunting ground, the Qur (p. 110) remaining at a distance of about five kos from it. Near the Qur, the grandees and other people await the arrival of His Majesty. The men who look after the things sit down and watch. About a yard behind them the Mír Tozak stands ready for service, and about a kos and one-half behind them stand some of the Khidmatiyyah (p. 252) and other servants of His Majesty. The Khidmatiyyah are told off to watch at that place. At about the same distance, there stands a vigilant officer with some of His Majesty's servants. He advances very slowly, and guards the private hunting ground. Behind them an experienced officer is stationed to superintend the whole. Several near servants of His Majesty have admission to this place; but generally only such are allowed to come as are required to render services at the chase.

When a certain distance has been passed over, His Majesty selects a few to accompany him, and then moves on; and after having gone over another distance, he generally goes alone, or accompanied by one or two. When the hour of rest comes, both parties which had been left behind, again join His Majesty.

As I have stated the views of His Majesty regarding the chase, and have written down some remarks on the arrangements which are made during hunting parties, I shall give a few particulars as to the several modes of chasing, and the wonderful contrivances which people have recourse to.

They make a large cage, and having fastened it (on the ground) with strong iron ties, they put it in places frequented by tigers. The door is left open; but it is arranged in such a manner that the slightest shaking will cause it to close. Within the cage they put a goat, which is protected by a screen so constructed that the tiger can see the goat, but not get hold of it. Hunger will lead the tiger to the cage. As soon as he enters, he is caught.

Another method. They put a poisoned arrow on a bow, painted green, in such a manner that a slight movement will cause the arrow to go off. The bow is hung upon a tree and when the tiger passes, and shakes it a little, the arrow will hit the animal and kill it.

Another method. They tie a sheep to a place in a road frequented by tigers, putting round about the sheep on the ground small stalks of hay covered with glue. The tiger comes rushing forward, and gets his claws full of the glue. The more he tries to get rid of it, the more will the glue stick to his feet, and when he is quite senseless and exhausted, the hunters come from the ambush and kill him. Or they catch him alive, and tame him.

His Majesty, from his straightforwardness, dislikes having recourse to such tricks, and prefers with bows or matchlocks openly to attack this brute, which destroys so many lives.

Another method. An intrepid experienced hunter gets on the back of a male buffalo, and makes it attack the tiger. The buffalo will quickly get hold of the tiger with its horns, and fling him violently upwards, so that he dies. It is impossible to describe the excitement of this manner of hunting the tiger. One does not know what to admire more, the courage of the rider, or his skill in standing firm on the slippery back of the buffalo.

One day, notice was given that a man-eating tiger had made its appearance in the district of Bárí. His Majesty got on the elephant Náhir Khán, and went into the jungle. The brute was stirred up; and striking its claws into the forehead of the elephant, it pulled the head of the animal to the ground, when the tiger was killed by the men. This occurrence astonished the most intrepid and experienced hunters.

On another occasion, His Majesty hunted near Todah. The tiger had stretched one of the party to the ground. His Majesty aimed at the brute, killed it, and thus saved the life of the man.

Once during a qamarghah¹ chase, a large tiger was stirred up. The animal attacked His Majesty, when he shot it in time through the head, and killed it.

Once a tiger struck his claws into a man. All who witnessed it, despaired of his life. His Majesty shot the brute right through the body, and released the unfortunate man.

A remarkable scene took place in the forest of Mut'hra. Shujá'at Khán (vide A´ín 30, No. 51), who had advanced very far, got suddenly timid. His Majesty remained standing where he was, and looked furiously at the tiger. The brute cowered² down before that divine glance, and turned right about trembling all over. In a short time it was killed.

The feats of His Majesty are too numerous to be imagined; much less can a Hindustání, as I am, describe them in a dignified style.

He slays lions, but would not hurt an ant.

He girds himself for the fray; but the lion drops his claws from fear.³

There are several modes of hunting elephants.

1. K'hedah.⁴ The hunters are both on horseback and on foot. They go during summer to the grazing places of this wonderful animal, and commence to beat drums and blow the pipes, the noise of which makes the elephants quite frightened. They commence to rush about, till from their heaviness and exertions no strength is left in them. They are then sure to run under a tree for shade, when some experienced hunters throw a rope, made of hemp or bark, round their feet or necks, and thus tie them to the trees. They are afterwards led off in company with some trained elephants, and gradually get tame. One-fourth of the value of an elephant thus caught is given to the hunters as wages.

2. Chor k'hedah. They take a tame female elephant to the grazing place of wild elephants, the driver stretching himself on the back of the elephant, without moving or giving any other sign of his presence. The elephants then commence to fight, when the driver manages to secure one by throwing a rope round the foot.

3. Gád. A deep pit is constructed in a place frequented by elephants, which is covered up with grass. As soon as the elephants come near it, the hunters from their ambush commence to make a great noise. The elephants get confused, and losing their habitual cautiousness, they fall rapidly and noisily into the hole. They are then starved and kept without water, when they soon get tame.

4. Bár. They dig a ditch round the resting place of elephants, leaving only one road open, before which they put up a door, which is fastened with ropes. The door is left open, but closes when the rope is cut. The hunters then put both inside and outside the door such food as elephants like. The elephants eat it up greedily; their voraciousness makes them forget all cautiousness, and without fear they enter at the door. A fearless hunter, who has been lying concealed, then cuts the rope, and the door closes. The elephants start up, and in their fury try to break the door. They are all in commotion. The hunters then kindle fires and make much noise. The elephants run about till they get tired, and no strength is left in them. Tame females are then brought to the place, by whose means the wild elephants are caught. They soon get tame.

From times of old, people have enjoyed elephant hunts by any of the above modes; His Majesty has invented a new manner, which admits of remarkable finesse. In fact, all excellent modes of hunting are inventions of His Majesty. A wild herd of elephants is surrounded on three sides by drivers, one side alone being left open. At it several female elephants are stationed. From all sides, male elephants will approach to cover the females. The latter then go gradually into an enclosure, whither the males follow. They are now caught as shewn above.¹

Leopards, when wild, select three places. In one part of the country they hunt; in another part they rest and sleep; and in a third district they play and amuse themselves. They mostly sleep on the top of a hill. The shade of a tree is sufficient for the leopard. He rubs himself against the trunk. Round about the tree, they deposit their excrements, which are called in Hindí ák'har.

Formerly, hunters used to make deep holes and cover them with grass. These pits were called odí. The leopards on coming near them, fell down to the bottom; but they often broke their feet in pieces, or managed by jumping to get out again. Nor could you catch more than one in each pit. His Majesty therefore invented a new method, which has astonished the most experienced hunters. He made a pit only two or three gaz deep, and constructed a peculiar trapdoor, which closes when the leopard falls into the hole. The animal is thus never hurt. Sometimes more than one go into the trap. On one occasion no less than seven leopards were caught. At the time of their heat, which takes place in winter, a female leopard had been walking about on the field, and six male leopards were after her. Accidentally she fell into a pit, and her male companions, unwilling to let her off, dropped in one after the other,—a nice scene, indeed.

His Majesty also catches leopards by tiring them out, which is very interesting to look at.

Another method is to fasten nooses to the foot of the above mentioned tree. When the animal comes to scratch itself, it gets entangled.

His Majesty generally hunts leopards thirty or forty kos from A´grah, especially in the districts of Bárí, Símáwalí, Alápúr, Sunnám, Bhaṭindah, Bhaṭnír, Paṭan in the Panjáb, Fathpúr Jhinjhanú, Nágor, Mírt'ha, Jodhpúr, Jaisalmír, Amrsarnáyin; but several other more remote spots have been selected as hunting grounds. His Majesty used often to go to the first mentioned places, take out the leopards that had fallen into a pit, and hand them over to the keepers. He would often travel over great distances, and was perhaps just on the point of resting a little; but before he had done so, good news were brought from some other hunting ground, when he hastened away on a fleet courser.

In former times, people managed to train a newly caught leopard for the chase in the space of three months, or if they exerted themselves, in two months. From the attention which His Majesty pays to this animal, leopards are now trained, in an excellent manner, in the short space of eighteen days. Old and active keepers were surprised at such results, and extolled the charm of His Majesty's knowledge. From good motives, and from a desire to add splendour to his court, His Majesty used to take it upon himself to keep and train leopards, astonishing the most experienced by his success.

A rather remarkable case is the following. Once a leopard had been caught, and without previous training, on a mere hint by His Majesty, it brought in the prey like trained leopards. Those who were present had their eyes opened to truth, and experienced the blessing of prostrating themselves in belief on His Majesty.¹

Attracted by the wonderful influence of the loving heart of His Majesty, a leopard once followed the imperial suite without collar or chain, and like a sensible human being, obeyed every command, and at every leopard chase enjoyed it very much to have its skill brought to the test.

There are two hundred keepers in charge of the kháçah leopards. A proper system of training has been laid down.

First class leopards get 5 s. of meat every day; second class, 4½ s.; third class, 4 s.; fourth class, 3¾ s.; fifth class, 3½ s.; sixth class, 3¼ s.; seventh class, 3 s.; eighth class, 2¾ s. The meat is given in a lump; and as on Sundays no animals are killed,² double the daily portion is given on Saturdays.

Formerly every six months, but now annually, four sers of butter and one-tenth of a ser of brimstone are given as ointment, which prevents itch. Four men also were appointed to train and look after each leopard; but now there are three men told off for such leopards as sit on horses when taken to the hunting ground, and only two for such as sit on carts and on doolies. The wages of the keepers vary from 30 R. to 5 R. per mensem; but they have at the same time to look after the cattle which draw the leopard carts. The servants who look after the cattle, are divided into seniors and juniors, each class being subdivided into five divisions. The seniors get 300 d., 260 d., 220 d., 200 d., and 180 d., which is the lowest allowance; the juniors get 160 d., 140 d., 120 d., 110 d., and 100 d. For the sake of show, the leopards get brocaded saddle cloths, chains studded with jewels, and coarse blankets, and Gushkání³ carpets to sit on. Grandees of the court also are appointed to superintend the keepers of each leopard; they are to take care that the animals are nicely dressed, and that new ones are added to the establishment. Each leopard has a name which indicates some of his qualities. Every ten leopards form a Misl or Ṭaraf (set); they are also divided according to their rank as follows. One thousand¹ leopards are kept in His Majesty's park, and an interesting encampment they form. The three first sets are kháçah; they are kept at Court together with two other sets. For their conveyance two litters (mihaffah) are hung over the back of an elephant, one litter on each side. On each litter one leopard sits, looking out for a prey. Litters are also put on camels, horses, and mules. Carts even are made for the leopards, and are drawn by horses or cattle; or they are made to sit on horses; and sometimes they are carried by men in doolies. The best leopard which His Majesty has, goes by the name of Samand mánik; he is carried on a Chaudol, and proceeds with much pomp. His servants, fully equipped, run at his side; the naqqárah (a large drum) is beaten in front, and sometimes he is carried by two men on horseback, the two ends of the pole of the Chaudol resting on the necks of their horses. Formerly two horses were kept for every leopard; but now three horses are given to two leopards. Others have a dooly, or a cart drawn by four oxen. Many travel alone on one and the same dooly. A tame, trained leopard has the dooly carried by three men, others by two.

Leopards will go against the wind, and thus they get scent of a prey, or come to hear its voice. They then plan an attack, and give the hunters notice where the prey is. The hunters keep the animal near themselves, and proceed to catch the prey. This is done in three ways.

1. U´parg'haṭí. The hunters let off the leopard to the right from the place where the deer was seen. The leopard swiftly seizes it with his claws. 2. Rig'hní. The leopard lies concealed, and is shewn the deer from a distance. The collar is then taken off, when the leopard, with perfect skill, will dash off, jumping from ambush to ambush till he catches the deer. 3. Muhárí. The leopard is put in an ambush, having the wind towards himself. The cart is then taken away to the opposite direction. This perplexes the deer, when the leopard will suddenly make his way near it, and catch it.

It is impossible to describe the wonderful feats of this animal; language fails to express his skill and cunning. Thus he will raise up the dust with his forefeet and hind legs, in order to conceal himself; or he will lie down so flat, that you cannot distinguish him from the surface of the ground.

Formerly a leopard would not kill more than three deer at one and the same chase; but now he will hunt as many as twelve.

His Majesty has also invented a method called chatrmandal. The hunters lie in ambush near a place frequented by deer, and commence the chase from this place, as if it was a qamarghah hunt (in which drivers are used). The leopards are then let off in all directions, and many deer are thus caught.

The men employed to train and keep the imperial leopards, receive presents on all occasions when the animals exhibit skill, as an encouragement to further exertions. A special present has been fixed for each animal, but I cannot specify this.

Once, from the kindness shewn by His Majesty, a deer made friendship with a leopard. They lived together and enjoyed each other's company. The most remarkable thing was this, that the leopard when let off against other deer, would pounce upon them as any other leopard.

In former times leopards were never allowed to remain loose towards the close of the day; for people were afraid of their stubbornness and anxiety to run away. But now, in consequence of the practical rules made by His Majesty, they are let loose in the evenings, and yet remain obedient. Formerly leopards were also kept blind-folded, except at the time of the chase; for the leopards used to get brisk and run about as if mad. But now-a-days they are kept without covers for their heads. The Grandees of the court are allowed to bet on forty kháçah leopards; whoever wins takes the amount of his bet from the others. If a leopard is first in bringing twenty deer, his Doriyah¹ gets five rupees from his equals. The Grandee in charge of the kháçah leopards, Sayyid Ahmad of Bárha,² gets one muhur from each bet, by which he makes a good deal of money. As often as a Grandee lays before His Majesty twenty pair of deer horns,³ he takes an Ashrafí from each of his equals. So also do the Ṭarafdárs and Qaráwals⁴ bet; in fact every one shews his zeal in trying to get as many deer as possible. The skins of the deer are often given to poor people as part of money presents.

It is remarkable that His Majesty can at once tell by seeing a hide to what hunting ground the deer belonged.

His Majesty, in fulfilment of a vow made by him before the birth of the eldest prince, never hunts on Fridays.¹

His Majesty is very fond of using this plucky little animal for hunting purposes. In former times it would attack a hare or a fox; but now it kills black deer. It eats daily 1 s. of meat. Each has a separate keeper, who gets 100 d. per mensem.

His Majesty likes this animal very much for his excellent qualities, and imports dogs from all countries. Excellent dogs come from Kábul, especially from the Hazárah district [north of Ráúl Pindí]. They even ornament dogs, and give them names.³ Dogs will attack every kind of animals, and more remarkable still, they will attack a tiger. Several also will join, and hunt down the enemy. Kháçah dogs get daily 2 s. of meat; others get 1¼ s. There is one keeper for every two Tází (hunting) dogs; their wages are 100 d. per mensem.

This timid animal also may be tamed and trained. They put a net over his horns, and let it off against wild deer, which from fear will fight with them. During the struggle, the horn, or the foot, or the ears of the wild deer will get entangled in the net; the hunters, who have been lying in ambush, will then run up to it, and catch it. The deer thus caught passes through a course of instruction, and gets tame. If the net should break, or the deer get tired during the struggle, it will return to the keeper, who either puts a new net on it, or sends out a fresh deer.

Sulṭán Fírúz i Khiljí used to indulge in this sport; but His Majesty reduced this manner of hunting to a proper system.

Sometimes it happens that a wild deer will carry on the struggle from morning till evening, defeating as many as four tamed deer; but at last it will succumb to the fifth. Deer are now-a-days rendered so perfectly obedient as to hunt at night; of their own accord they will return to their keepers, should the net break, or the wild deer run away; on hearing the call, they will discontinue a fight, come back, and then again engage, if ordered to do so.

In former times deer were never let loose at night time; for people were afraid, lest they should run away. Hence they attached a heavy ball to one of their feet, when the deer were let loose.

Many stories are related of the sagacity and faithfulness of trained deer.

Only lately a deer created much sensation. It had run away from Iláhábád, and after bravely crossing rivers and plains, returned to the Panjáb, its home, and rejoined its former keeper.

In former times, two persons at most enjoyed together the pleasures of deer hunting. They would even, from fear of the timidity of the deer, alter the style of their dress, and lie concealed among shrubs. Nor would they employ other than wild deer; they caught them somehow, and taught them to hunt. His Majesty has introduced a new way, according to which more than two hundred may at the same time go deer hunting. They drive slowly about forty cattle towards a place where deer are; the hunters are thus concealed, and when arrived enjoy the chase.

There are now-a-days also deer-studs; the deer born in captivity are employed as hunting deer.

The keepers will also bend forward, and allow the trained deer to jump on them from behind. Wild deer, on seeing this, will think that they are in the act of copulation, and come near to fight. This way of hunting is disapproved of by His Majesty, who uses female deer as a means of making wild deer fight.

Once a deer caught a leopard, whose foot had got entangled in the net. Both were brought together from Gujrát, as mentioned above (?).

G'hanṭaherah is the name given to the following mode of hunting. The hunter takes a shield, or a basket, the concave side being turned from him. He then lights a lamp, which being put in the concavity of the shield, will conceal him, and commences to ring bells. Other hunters lie at the same time in wait. The light of the lamp, and the sound of the bells, will attract the animals towards the place, when they are shot by the hunters in ambush. The sound of musical instruments will so enchant deer, that they are easily caught; or sometimes hunters will charm them with a song, and when the deer approach, will rise up, and cruelly slay them. From a long time His Majesty has disapproved of these two methods.

T'hángí. The hunter manages to get opposite a wild deer; and bareheaded, from a distance, he commences to throw himself into odd attitudes. The deer then mistakes him for a mad man, and from curiosity will approach him. At this moment the hunters come from the ambush and kill it.

Baukárah. The hunters lie in ambush, against the scent, at a good distance from each other. Some others drive the deer towards them, each of the drivers swinging a white sheet above his head. The deer naturally will take fright, and run towards the hunters in ambush, who kill them.

Ḍaḍáwan. Two good shots, dressed in green, place themselves as before, and have the deer driven towards themselves. This manner of hunting yields much amusement, as the deer get quite perplexed.

Ajárah. The hunters tie green twigs round their bodies from head to foot, and similarly conceal their bows and arrows. They then move boldly to a place where deer generally pass, and enjoy the chase. Or they make ropes of deer skin, and attach them to trees, or let them hang down from poles all round about the place where wild deer sleep. They then lay down some nooses at a place situate against the wind. When the hunters shew themselves from the side, the deer are compelled to run towards the spot where the nooses lie, and thus get caught. Sometimes the hunter will take his place behind a tree, and imitate the voice of deer. As soon as deer approach him, he kills them. Or, they tie a female deer to a place in a plain, or they let a trained deer go to the pasture place of wild deer. The latter will soon come near it, and get entangled with their feet.

T'hagí. The hunter….¹ walks about bareheaded as if mad; his clothes are stained all over with pán juice, and the man himself acts as if he were wounded. Wild animals and others will soon gather round him, waiting for his death; but their greediness and desire lead them to destruction.

At a place where buffaloes sleep, a rope is laid in the ground; but the end forming a loop is left outside. Another long rope is attached to it. To this they tie a female buffalo that wants the male. A courageous active man lies in ambush. As soon as a wild male buffalo comes to the spot, and covers the female, the hunter makes use of the opportunity, and fastens the foot of the male; but it frequently happens that the man loses courage, and has to pay for the attempt with his life.

Another mode of catching them is to go near the ponds which they frequent. They put snares round the ponds; and sitting on tame buffaloes, the hunters go into the water with spears in their hands. Some buffaloes are then killed with spears, others are caught in the snares. A similar method may be adopted, when buffaloes are attacked on their pastures.

His Majesty is very fond of these remarkable animals, and often uses them for hunting purposes. Though he trains the báz, sháhín, shunqár, and burkat falcons, and makes them perform wonderful deeds, His Majesty prefers the báshah, to which class of hawks he gives various names.

As I am compelled to hurry on, and must restrict myself to summary accounts, it is impossible to say much about this matter, or about the skill of the several birds, especially as I know little about it, being by nature averse to destroying life. I shall, however, give a few details, and lead enquirers to the retired spot of knowledge.

In the middle of spring the birds are inspected; after this they are allowed to moult, and are sent into the country. As soon as the time of moulting is over, they are again inspected. The commencement is made with the kháçah falcons (báz), which are inspected in the order in which they have been bought. The precedence of jurrahs is determined by the number of game killed by them. Then come the báshahs, the sháhíns, the k'helahs, the chappak báshahs, the bahrís, the young bahrís, the shikarahs, the chappak shikarahs, the turmatís, the rekís, the besrahs, the dhotís, the charghs, the chargílahs, the lagars, and the jhagars (which His Majesty calls the chappak kind of the lagar). The Molchíns also are inspected—the molchín is an animal resembling the sparrow, of yellowish plumage, like the sháhín; it will kill a kulang crane. People say that, whilst flying, it will break the wing of the kulang, and others maintain that it pierces its eyes; but this cannot be proved. Odhpapars¹ also are brought from Kashmír. This bird has a bluish (sabz) colour and is smaller than a parrot; its beak is red, straight, and long; its tail is rather elongated. It brings down small birds, and returns to the hand of the keeper.

Many other birds can be trained for the chase, though I cannot specify all. Thus the crow, the sparrow, the bodnah, and the sárú will learn to attack.

His Majesty, from motives of generosity and from a wish to add splendour to his Court, is fond of hunting with falcons, though superficial observers think that merely hunting is his object.

In this department many Mançabdárs, Ahadís, and other soldiers are employed. The footmen are mostly Kashmírís or Hindústánís. Their pay is as follows. First class of the former, first grade, 7½ R.; second, 7 R.; third, 6¾ R. Second class, first grade, 6½ R; second, 6¼ R.; third, 5¾ R. Third class, first grade, 5½ R.; second, 5 R.; third, 4½ R. First class of the latter (Hindústání), first grade, 5 R; second 4¾ R.; third, 4½ R. Second class, first grade, 4¼ R.; second, 4 R.; third 3¾ R. Third class, first grade, 3½ R.; second, 3¼ R.; third, 3 R.

In Kashmír and in the aviaries of Indian amateurs, the birds are generally fed once a day; but at Court they are fed twice. A báz falcon gets a quantity of meat weighing 7 dáms; the jurrah, 6 d.; the bahrí, láchín, and k'helah, 5 d.; the báshah, 3 d.; the chappak báshah, shikarah, chappak shikarah, besrah, dhotís, &c., 2 d. Towards the close of every day, they are fed on sparrows, of which the báz, jurrah, and bahrí, get each seven; the láchín, five; the báshah, three; others, two. Charghs and lagars get at the same time meat. Shunqárs, sháhbázes, burkats, get one ser. On the hunting grounds they feed them on the game they take.

From eagerness to purchase, and from inexperience, people pay high sums for falcons. His Majesty allows dealers every reasonable profit; but from motives of equity, he has limited the prices. The dealers are to get their gain, but buyers ought not to be cheated. In purchasing falcons people should see to which of the following three classes birds belong. First, khánah kuríz birds; they have moulted whilst in charge of experienced trainers, and have got new feathers. Second, choz birds; they have not yet moulted. Third, Tarínák birds; they have moulted before they were captured. First class, a superior báz costs 12 muhurs; second grade do., 9 M.; third do., 6 M. Second class, first, 10 M.; second, 7 M.; third, 4 M. A third class báz is somewhat cheaper than second class ones.

Jurrahs. First class, 8 5, 2, 1 M. Second class, 6, 4, 1½, 1 M., 5 R.

Báshahs. First class, 3, 2, 1 M., 4 R. Second class, 2, 1 M., 5 R.

Sháhíns of both kinds, 3, 2, 1 M.

Bahrís, 2, 1½, 1 M. Young Bahrís a little less.

K'helahs, 1½, 1, ½ M.

Charghs, 2½ R., 2, 1½ R.

Chappak báshahs, 1 R.; ½, ¼ R.

Shikarahs, 1½ R., 1, ½ R.

Besrahs, 2 R., 1½, 1 R.

Chappak shikarahs, lagars, jhagars, turmatís, rekís, 1 R., ½, ¼ R. Their prices are not classified.

His Majesty rewards the Mir Shikárs (superintendents of the chase) according to their ranks, with suitable presents. There are also fixed donations for each game brought in, varying from 1 M. to 1 d. If the falcons bring the game alive or dead, attention is paid to the skill which it exhibited, and to the size of the prey. The man who keeps the falcon gets one-half of the allowance. If His Majesty hunts himself, fifty per cent. of the donation is stopped. If birds are received by the Imperial aviary as peshkash (tribute), the Qushbegí (Superintendent of the Aviary) gets for every báz 1½ R., and the accountant, ½ R. For jurrahs, the Qushbegí gets 1 R.; the accountant, ¼ R.; for báshahs, the former receives ¼ R.; the latter, 1/8 R.; for every láchín, chargh, chargílah, k'helah, bahrí bachchah, the former gets 1/8 R., the latter 1/10 R.; for every chhappak, báshah, dhotí, &c., the former receives 1/10, the other 1/20 R. (súkí).

The minimum number of báz and sháhín falcons, kept at Court, is forty; of jurrahs, thirty; of báshahs, one hundred; of bahrís, charghs, twenty; of lagars, and shikarahs, ten.

Hunting waterfowls affords much amusement. A rather curious way of catching them is the following. They make an artificial bird of the skin of a waterfowl with the wings, the beak, and the tail on it. Two holes are made in the skin for looking through. The body is hollow. The hunter puts his head into it, and stands in the water up to his neck. He then gets carefully near the birds, and pulls them one after the other below the water. But sometimes they are cunning, and fly away.

In Kashmír they teach báz falcons to seize the birds whilst swimming about, and to return with them to the boat of the hunter. Or the hawk will keep a waterfowl down, and sit on it [till the man in the boat comes].

Another method is to let water buffaloes go into the water, between which the hunter conceals himself, and thus catches the birds.

Durráj hunting. There are various methods. Some get a young one and train it till it obeys every call. It will fight with other birds. They put it into a cage, and place hair-nets round about it. At the signal of the fowler, the bird commences to sing, when wild ones come near it either from friendship, or a desire to fight, and get entangled in the snares.

Bodnahs. The hunter makes a clay pot with a narrow neck and, at night time, blows into it, which produces a noise like an owl's cry. The bodnahs, frightened by the noise, come together. Another man then lights a bundle of straw, and swings it about, so that the eyes of the birds get dazzled. The fowlers thereupon seize the birds, and put them into cages.

Lagars. They resemble charghs: in body they are as large jurrahs. They hang nets (about the body of a trained lagar), and put birds' feathers into its claws. It is then allowed to fly up. The birds think that it has got hold of a prey, and when they get entangled in the nets, they commence to fight, and fall to the ground.

Ghaugháí. They fasten together on a cross-stick an owl and a ghaugháí, and hang hair nets round about them. The owl will soon get restless; the birds think that the owl wishes to fight, and commence to cry out. Other ghaugháís and owls will come to their assistance; and get entangled in the nets.

Frogs also may be trained to catch sparrows. This looks very funny.

His Majesty, from curiosity, likes to see spiders fight, and amuses himself in watching the attempts of the flies to escape, their jumps, and combats with their foe.

I am in the power of love; and if I have thousands of wishes, it is no crime;

And if my passionate heart has an (unlawful) desire, it is no crime.

And in truth, His Majesty's fondness for leopards is an example of the power of love,¹ and an instance of his wonderful insight.

It would take me too long to give more details. It is impossible to enumerate all particulars; hence it is better to go to another subject.

His Majesty devises means of amusement, and makes his pleasures a means of testing the character of men.

There are several kinds of amusements, of which I shall give a few details.

Superficial observers look upon this game as a mere amusement, and consider it mere play; but men of more exalted views see in it a means of learning promptitude and decision. It tests the value of a man, and strengthens bonds of friendship. Strong men learn in playing this game the art of riding; and the animals learn to perform feats of agility and to obey the reins. Hence His Majesty is very fond of this game. Externally, the game adds to the splendour of the Court; but viewed from a higher point, it reveals concealed talents.

When His Majesty goes to the maidán (open field), in order to play this game, he selects an opponent and some active and clever players, who are only filled with one thought, namely, to shew their skill against the opponent of His Majesty. From motives of kindness, His Majesty never orders any one to be a player; but chooses the pairs by the cast of the die. There are not more than ten players; but many more keep themselves in readiness. When one g'haṟí (20 minutes) has passed, two players take rest, and two others supply their place.

The game itself is played in two ways. The first way is to get hold of the ball with the crooked end of the chaugán stick, and to move it slowly from the middle to the hál.² This manner is called in Hindí rol. The other way consists in taking deliberate aim, and forcibly hitting the ball with the chaugán stick out of the middle; the player then gallops after it, quicker than the others, and throws the ball back. This mode is called belah, and may be performed in various ways. The player may either strike the ball with the stick in his right hand, and send it to the right forwards or backwards; or he may do so with his left hand; or he may send the ball in front of the horse to the right or to the left. The ball may be thrown in the same direction from behind the feet of the horse or from below its body; or the rider may spit it, when the ball is in front of the horse; or he may lift himself upon the back leather of the horse and propel the ball from between the feet of the animal.

His Majesty is unrivalled for the skill which he shews in the various ways of hitting the ball; he often manages to strike the ball while in the air, and astonishes all. When a ball is driven to the hál, they beat the naqqárah, so that all that are far and near may hear it. In order to increase the excitement, betting is allowed. The players win from each other, and he who brought the ball to the hál wins most. If a ball be caught in the air, and passes, or is made to pass, beyond the limit (míl), the game is looked upon as burd (drawn). At such times, the players will engage in a regular fight about the ball, and perform admirable feats of skill.

His Majesty also plays at chaugán in dark nights, which caused much astonishment even among clever players. The balls which are used at night, are set on fire.¹ For this purpose, palás wood is used which is very light, and burns for a long time. For the sake of adding splendour to the games, which is necessary in worldly matters, His Majesty has knobs of gold and silver fixed to the tops of the chaugán sticks. If one of them breaks, any player that gets hold of the pieces may keep them.

It is impossible to describe the excellency of this game. Ignorant as I am, I can say but little about it.

His Majesty calls pigeon flying 'ishqbází (love-play). This occupation affords the ordinary run of people a dull kind of amusement; but His Majesty, in his wisdom, makes it a study. He even uses the occupation as a way of reducing unsettled, worldly-minded men to obedience, and avails himself of it as a means productive of harmony and friendship. The amusement which His Majesty derives from the tumbling and flying of the pigeons reminds of the ecstacy and transport of enthusiastic dervishes: he praises God for the wonders of creation. It is therefore from higher motives that he pays so much attention to this amusement.

The pigeons of the present age have reached a high state of perfection. Presents of pigeons are sent by the kings of I´rán and Túrán; but merchants also bring very excellent ones in large numbers.

When His Majesty was very young, he was fond of this amusement; but afterwards, when he grew older and wiser, he discontinued pigeon-flying altogether. But since then, on mature consideration, he has again taken it up.

A well trained pigeon of bluish colour, formerly belonging to the Khán i A'zam Kokaltásh ('Azíz, Akbar's foster-brother) fell into His Majesty's hands. From the care which was bestowed upon it by His Majesty, it has since become the chief of the imperial pigeons, and is known under the name of Mohanah. From it descended several excellent pigeons as Ashkí (the weeper), Parízád (the fairy), Almás (the diamond), and Sháh 'údí (Aloe Royal). Among their progeny again there are the choicest pigeons in the whole world, which have brought the trained pigeons of 'Umar Shaikh Mírzá (father of Bábar), Sulṭán Husain Mírzá (vide p. 101, note 4) into oblivion. Such improvement, in fact, has been made in the art of training, as to astonish the amateurs of I´rán and Túrán, who had to learn the art from the beginning.

In former times pigeons of all kinds were allowed to couple; but His Majesty thinks equality in gracefulness and performance a necessary condition in coupling, and has thus bred choice pigeons. The custom is to keep a male and a female pigeon, if not acquainted with each other, for five or six days together, when they become so familiar, that even after a long separation, they will again recognize each other. The hen generally lays her eggs from eight to twelve days after coupling, or more if she be small or sickly. Pigeons couple in Mihrmáh (September—October), and separate in Farwardín (February–March). A hen lays two eggs, but sometimes only one. The cock will sit upon the eggs by daytime, and the hen during the night, and thus they keep them warm and soft. In winter they hatch for twenty-one days; but if the air be warm, they only take seventeen or eighteen. For about six days, the pigeons feed their young ones with falak, which means grain reduced to pap in the crops of the old ones. Afterwards they feed them from the grain in their crops, which they bring up before it is fully digested. This they continue for about a month, and as soon as they see that the young ones can pick up their own grain, the old ones will go away. Eggs, or even young ones, are sometimes given to other pigeons to take care of. Home bred young ones are trained. Some are kept in a tor (?) till they get stronger, and get acquainted with the place. As soon as these two things have been attained, the pigeons only get one-third or one-fourth of their daily allowance of food. When they have got a little accustomed to hunger, they are gradually allowed to take flights. They take daily about forty hawás (air), i. e. forty flights. At, this period, the trainers pay no regard to what is called charkh and bází (vide below). Of feathers, they count ten, and if eight of them have fallen out, the keepers no longer allow the pigeons to fly, but keep them at rest (khábánìdan). After two months, the pigeons get new feathers, and become very strong. They are then again let off. This is the best time for shewing their skill. As soon as the pigeons learn to perform the bází and the charkh, they are sent to His Majesty for inspection, and are kept for four months in readiness, to exhibit their skill. Charkh is a lusty movement ending with the pigeon throwing itself over in a full circle. If this circular turn be not completely carried out, the movement is called katif (shoulder), and is held in no esteem. Bází is the same as mu'allaq zadan (lying on the back with the feet upwards, and quickly turning round, in Hind. Kalá). Some thought that the two wings (katif) meet, which appears to the observer as if it were a mu'allaq; but His Majesty had one wing of a pigeon blackened, when the erroneousness of that opinion became evident. Some pigeons get confused during the bází and charkh, and come stupified to the ground. This is called gulúlah, and is disliked. Sometimes pigeons hurt themselves and fall down; but often they get all right again when they come near the ground; and taking courage and collecting their strength, they fly up again. A pigeon of the kháçah pigeon cots will perform fifteen charkhs and seventy bázís, a feat which will certainly astonish the spectators. In former times, they let eleven or twenty-one pigeons fly at a time; but now-a-days they let off as many as one hundred and one. From the attention which His Majesty has bestowed upon pigeons, they are now so carefully trained as to be let fly at night, even to great heights.

At the time of departure and the breaking up of the camp, the pigeons will follow, the cots being carried by bearers (kuhár). Sometimes they will alight and take rest for a while, and then rise again.

It would be difficult to count the pigeons at Court; but there are more than twenty thousand. Five hundred of them are kháçah. They have a great reputation, and remarkable stories are told of their skill.

Pigeon trainers of former times, in order to determine the value of a pigeon, used to twist the foot, or looked to the slit of the eyes, or the openings on the top of the bill; but they failed to discover more signs of the value of a breed. His Majesty has discovered many more; and fixing the value of a pigeon, in former times a matter of great difficulty, has now become very easy. First. His Majesty subdivided the three signs of former trainers as follows: the two eyes, and their upper and lower signs; the eight claws; the two sides of the beak, above and below. The mutual comparison of these signs has led to many additional means of fixing the value of a pigeon. Secondly. His Majesty looks to the variety and the colour of the annular protuberances on the feet of pigeons. A book has been made, in which the systematic order of these signs has been laid down. According to them, His Majesty distinguishes ten classes, for each of which separate aviaries have been constructed. The price of pigeons in the first house has not been limited. Many a poor man anxious to make his way, has found in the training of superior pigeons a means of getting rich. A pair of second class pigeons has a value of 3 R.; third class, 2½ R.; fourth class, 2 R.; fifth class, 1½ R.; sixth class, 1 R.; seventh class, ¾ R.; eighth class, ½ R.; ninth and tenth classes, 3/8 R.

When inspections are held, the stock of Mohanah first pass in review; then the young ones of Ashkí. Though the latter belong to the former, they are now separately counted. Then come the four zirihí pigeons; they are the stock of a pigeon which belonged to Hájí 'Alí, of Samarqand, which coupled with an 'Udí hen, of which I do not know the owner; their stock has become famous. The precedence of all other pigeons is determined by their age or the time they were bought.

Magasí (fly-bitten); zirihí (steelblue); amírí (?); zamírí (a colour between zirihí and amírí; His Majesty invented this name); chíní (porcelain blue); naftí (grey like naphta); shafaqí (violet); 'udí (aloewood coloured); surmaí (dark grey, like powder of antimony); kishmishí (dark brown, like currants); halwáí (light-brown like Halwá sweetmeat); çandalí (light-brown, like sandelwood); jigarí (brown); nabátí (greyish white); dúghí (bluish-white, like sour milk); wushkí (of the same colour as the gum called wushk;) jílání (chílání?); kúraí (brown, like a new earthen pot?); nílúfarí (bluish-white); azraq (a colour between yellow and brown; His Majesty applies this name in this sense); átashí (black brown); shaftálú (peach coloured); gul i gaz coloured (?); yellow; kághizí (yellowish, like native paper); zágh (grey like a crow); agrí (a colour between white and brown); muharraqí (a dirty black); khizrí (a colour between greenish and 'údí); ábí (water coloured); surmag (a name invented by His Majesty to express a colour between surmaí and magasí).

Pigeons of these colours have often different names, as gulsar (whose head resembles a flower); dumgházah (stumptail); yakrang (of one colour); halqúmsafíd (white throat); parsafíd (white wing); kallah (big head); ghazghazh (wild chick); mágh (name of an aquatic bird); bábarí (?); álpar (red wing?); kaltah par (short wing); máhdum (moontail); ṭauqdár (ring-bearer); marwárídsar (pearl head); mash'alahdum (torchtail); &c.

Some trainers of the present age gave pigeons such names as indicate their colours. His Majesty rather calls them according to their qualities, as bughur (?), qarapilk (with black eyelids); abyárí; palangnígárí; rekhtah pilk.

There are also many pigeons which do not perform charkhs and bázís, but are distinguished by their colours, or by peculiar tricks. Thus the Kokah pigeon, the voice of which sounds like the call to prayer. 2. The Baghah, which utters a peculiar voice in the morning, to wake up people. 3. The Luqqáṉ, which struts about proudly, wagging its head, neck, and tail. 4. The Loṭan. They turn it about, and let it off on the ground, when it will go through all the motions which a half killed fowl goes through. Some pigeons will do so when the keeper strikes his hand against the ground, and others will shew the same restlessness, when on leaving the cage their beak is made to touch the ground. 5. The K'herní. The cock shews a remarkable attachment to the hen. Though he fly up so high as to be no longer visible, if the hen be exposed in a cage, he will get restless and drop himself instantly down to join her. This is very remarkable. Some of them come down with both wings spread, others close one; some close both; or they change alternately the wing which they close in flying. 6. The Raṭ'h pigeon is chiefly used for carrying letters, though any other kind may be trained to bring letters even from great distances. 7. The Nisháwarí pigeon will fly up, and follow its cage to whatever place it be taken. It will fly out of sight, and stay away for a day or two, when it comes down, and remains in its cage. 8. The Parpá (having feet covered with feathers) will inhale air (?) and act as if it sighed.

Some pigeons are merely kept for the beauty of their plumage, the colours of which receive peculiar names. Thus some are called shírází, shústarí, káshání, jogiyah, rezahdahan, magasí, and qumrí. Wild pigeons are called golah. If some of them are caught, they will be joined by a thousand others; they soon get domesticated. They return daily to the fields, and get on their return salt water to drink. This makes them vomit the grain which they had eaten on the fields. The grain is collected and given as food to other pigeons.

People say that pigeons will but rarely live above thirty years.

Four sers of grain will be sufficient for one hundred of such pigeons as are made to fly; but for other pigeons, five sers are required; or seven and a half, if they pair. But flying pigeons get millet, not mixed with other grain; the others get a mixture of the seven kinds of grain, viz., rice, dál i nukhúd (gram), múng dál, millet, karar, lahdarah, juwár, (vide p. 63). Though most servants of His Majesty keep pigeons and shew much skill in training them, there are a few that have risen to eminence, as Qul 'Alí of Bukhárá, Mastí of Samarqand, Mullázádah, Púr i Mullá Ahmad Chand, Muqbil Khán Chelah, Khwájah Çandal Chelah, Múmín of Harát, 'Abdullaṭíf of Bukhárá, Hájí Qásim of Balkh, Habíb of Shahrsabz, Sikandar Chelah, Máltú, Maqçúd of Samarqand, Khwájah P'húl, Chelah Híránand.

The servants attached to the pigeon houses draw their pay on the list of the army. The pay of a foot soldier varies from 2 R. to 48 R. per mensem.

From times of old, the people of Hindústán have been fond of this game. It is played with sixteen pieces of the same shape; but every four of them must have the same colour. The pieces all move in the same direction. The players use three dice. Four of the six sides of each dice are greater than the remaining two, the four long sides being marked with one, two, five, and six dots respectively. The players draw two sets of two parallel lines, of which one set bisects the other at right angles. These parallel lines are of equal length. The small square which is formed by the intersection of the two sets in the centre of the figure is left as it is; but the four rectangles adjoining the sides of the square are each divided into twenty-four equal spaces in three rows, each of eight equal spaces, as shewn in figure (XVII). The game is generally played by four players, of whom two play against the other two. Each player has four pieces, of which he puts two in the sixth and seventh spaces of the middle row of the parallellogram before him, and the other two in the seventh and eighth spaces of the right row. The left row remains empty. Each player moves his pieces, according to his throw, in the outer row, always keeping to the right, till he arrives at the outer left row of the parallelogram from which he started; and from there he moves to the middle row. When arrived at the latter place, he is pukhtah (ripe), and from here, he must throw for each of his pieces the exact number which will carry them to the empty square in the centre of the figure. He is now rasídah, or arrived.

When a player is pukhtah or rasídah, he may commence to play from the beginning, which leads to amusing combinations. As long as a player keeps two of his pieces together, the adversary cannot throw them out. If a player throws a double six, he can move two pieces over twelve spaces, provided the two pieces stand together on one field; but he is allowed to move them only six fields onwards, should he prefer doing so. A similar rule holds for double fives, &c. A throw consisting of a six, a five, and a one, is called khám (raw); and in this case, two pieces, provided they are together on the same field, may each be moved six fields forwards, and every single piece twelve fields. If a player throws three sixes, and three of his four pieces happen to stand on one field, he may move each of them over twelve fields. A similar rule holds, if a player throw three twos, or three ones. There are many other rules for particular cases. If a player has brought his four pieces into the central square, he throws, when his turn comes, for his companion, to get him out too. Formerly the custom was that when a piece had come to the last row, and….¹. His Majesty thinks it proper to do so from the very eighth field. If the throws of two players are the same as the throw of the preceding players, His Majesty counts them as qáim, or standing. Formerly he did not allow such equal throws. If the four pieces of an opponent are pukhtah, and he yet lose his bet, the other players are entitled to double the amount of the bet. Should any of the players leave the game for some reason, he may appoint anyone to play for him; but he will have to be responsible for the betting of his substitute. Of all winnings, the substitute is entitled to two per cent; if a player loses a bet, his substitute has to pay one per cent. If a player drops one of his pieces, or any of the players be late or inattentive, he is fined one rupee. But a fine of a muhur is exacted if any one prompts the other, or moves his pieces over too many fields, or tries to get two throws.

Formerly many grandees took part in this game; there were often as many as two hundred players, and no one was allowed to go home before he had finished sixteen games, which in some cases lasted three months. If any of them lost his patience and got restless, he had to drink a cup of wine.

Superficially considered, all this is mere play; but His Majesty has higher aims: he weighs the talents of a man, and teaches kindness.

This game was invented by His Majesty. The figure, or board, which is required, consists of sixteen parallelograms, arranged in a circular form round a centre. Each parallelogram is divided into twenty-four fields, every eight of which form a row; vide Figure XVIII. The number of pieces is sixty-four, and four dice are used, of which the four longer sides are marked with one, two, ten, and twelve points respectively. The number of players is sixteen. Each gets four pieces, which are placed in the middle. As in Chaupar, the pieces are moved to the right, and pass through the whole circle. The player who is out first, is entitled to receive the stipulated amount from the other fifteen players; the second that is out, from fourteen players, and so on. The first player, therefore, wins most, and the last loses most; the other players both lose and win. His Majesty plays this game in several ways; one way in which the pieces are moved as if the fields were squares of a chess board, is very often played. I shall give a few particulars and directions how to play the different kinds of this game.

First kind, no piece can throw out another piece, but moves on by itself. Second way, single pieces may be thrown out. Each player whose piece has thus been thrown out, commences again from his starting point. Third way, at each throw two pieces are moved at a time, either with or without the permission of throwing out pieces. Fourth way, the preceding rule is applied to three or four pieces at a time. Fifth way, the dice are thrown four times, and four pieces are moved at each throw. These different ways may, moreover, be varied by some players playing to the right, others to the left, or all in the same direction. Sixth way, a player is out when he comes to the place from which the player opposite to him commenced to play, moving from the middle row of his opponent into the empty space in the centre of the board. Or the game ends when each player arrives at the place from which his left hand neighbour commenced to play. Seventh way, each player puts his pieces before himself, and has three throws. At the first throw, he moves two of his pieces; at the second, one of his own pieces and one belonging to his right hand neighbour; at the third throw, he moves any piece of his own, and allows his left hand neighbour to move one of his pieces. In this way of playing, no player throws out the pieces of his neighbours; and when the game is in full swing, he allows each piece which happens to come into the row in which he is, to move according to his own throw, as a sort of compliment to a guest. Eighth way, two pieces when together may throw out another set of two pieces; but single pieces do not throw out each other. Ninth way, four pieces together may throw out three together; three together, sets of two; and two together, single ones; but single pieces do not throw out each other. Tenth way, each player moves his pieces according to the number of points which he throws; but at the same time, the player who sits opposite to him moves his pieces according to the number of points on the reverse sides of the dice, whilst the two players to the right and left of the player who threw the dice, move their pieces according to the number of points on the right and left sides of the dice. Eleventh way, the players use five dice and four pieces. Each player, in his turn, throws the five dice, and moves his pieces according to the sum of the two highest points of his throw. The next highest point is taken by his vis-à-vis, and the two lowest points by his right and left hand neighbours. Twelfth way, the players have each five dice and five pieces. At every throw, he gives the points of one die to his right hand neighbour, and uses the others for himself. Sometimes the thrower mentions beforehand the names of four players to whom he wishes to give the points of four dice, he himself taking the points of the fifth die. And when a player requires only a few points, to get pukhtah, he must give the remaining points to those near whom the dice fall.

The game may also be played by fifteen or less players, the figure being lessened accordingly. So also may the number of the dice be increased or decreased.

This is a well known game. His Majesty has made some alterations in the cards. Ancient sages took the number twelve as the basis, and made the suit to consist of twelve cards; but they forgot that the twelve kings should be of twelve different kinds. His Majesty plays with the following suits of cards. 1st, Ashwapati, the lord of horses. The highest card represents a king on horseback, resembling the king of Dihlí, with the umbrella (chatr), the standard ('alam), and other imperial ensigns. The second highest card of the same suit represents a vazír on horseback; and after this card come ten others of the same suit with pictures of horses, from one to ten. 2nd, Gajpati, the king whose power lies in the number of his elephants, as the ruler of Oṛísah. The other eleven cards represent, as before, the vazír, and elephants from ten to one. 3rd, Narpati, a king whose power lies in his infantry, as is the case with the rulers of Bíjápúr. The card represents a king sitting on his throne in imperial splendour; the vazír sits on a foot stool (çandalí), and the ten cards completing this suit have foot soldiers, from one to ten. 4th, Gaḍhpati. The card shews a man sitting on a throne over a fort; the vazír sits on a çandalí over a fort; and the remaining ten cards have forts from one to ten, as before. 5th, Dhanpati, the lord of treasures. The first card of this suit shews a man, sitting on a throne, and gold and silver heaps; the vazír sits upon a çandalí, as if he took account of the Treasury, and the remaining cards shew jaws full of gold and silver, from one to ten. 6th, Dalpati, the hero of battle. The first card of this suit shews a king in armour, sitting on his throne and surrounded by warriors in coats of mail. The vazír sits on a çandalí, and wears a jaibah (breast armour); the ten other cards shew individuals clad in armour. 7th, Nawápati, the lord of the fleet. The card shews a man sitting on a throne in a ship; the vazír sits, as usual, on a çandalí, and the other ten cards have boats from one to ten. 8th, Típati, a queen sitting on the throne, surrounded by her maids. The second card shews a woman as vazír on a çandalí, and the other ten cards have pictures of women, from one to ten. 9th, Surapati, the king of the divinities (deotah), also called Indar, on a throne. The vazír sits on a çandalí, and the ten other cards have pictures of divinities from one to ten. 10th, Asrpati, the lord of genii (deo). The card represents Sulaimán, son of Dáúd, on the throne. The vazír sits on a çandalí, and the other ten cards have genii. 11th, Banpati, the king of wild beasts. The card represents a tiger (sher) with some other animals. The vazír is drawn in the shape of a leopard (palang) and the other ten cards are pictures of wild beasts, as usual from one to ten. 12th, A´hipati, the king of snakes. The first card shews a serpent mounted on a dragon, whilst the vazír is a serpent riding on another serpent of the same kind. The remaining ten cards shew serpents, from one to ten.

The first six of these twelve suits are called bíshbar (powerful), and the six last, kambar (weak).

His Majesty has also made some suitable alterations in the cards. Thus the Dhanpati, or lord of treasures, is represented as a man distributing money. The vazír sits on a çandalí, and inspects the Treasury; but the ten other cards of this suit are representations of the ten classes of workmen employed in the Treasury, viz., the jeweller, the melter, the piece-cutter (muṭallas-sáz), the weighman, the coiner, the muhur counter, the bitikchí (writer) of dhan pieces (vide p. 30, No. 17), the bitikchí of man pieces (vide p. 30, No. 20), the dealer, the qurçgar (vide p. 23, No. 15). His Majesty had also the king of assignments painted on the cards, who inspects farmáns, grants, and the leaves of the daftar (vide p. 260); the vazír sits on a çandalí with the daftar before him; the other cards show officers employed in the Financial Department, as the paper maker, the misṭar maker (vide p. 52, Note 5), the clerk who makes the entries in the Daftar, the illuminator (muçawwir), the naqqásh (who ornaments the pages), the jadwalkash (who draws blue and gold lines on the pages), the farmán writer, the mujallid (bookbinder), the rangrez¹ (who stains the paper with different colours). The Pádisháh i qimásh also, or king of manufactures, is painted in great state, looking at different things, as Thibetan yaks, silk, silken stuffs. The vazír sits near him on a çandalí, enquiring into former proceedings. The other ten cards represent beasts of burden. Again, the Pádisháh i Chang, or lord of the lyre, is painted sitting on a throne, and listening to music; the vazír sits before him, enquiring into the circumstances of the performers, of whom pictures are given on the remaining cards. Next, the Pádisháh i zar i safíd, or king of silver, who is painted distributing rupees and other silver coins; the vazír sits on a çandalí, and makes enquiries regarding donations. On the other cards, the workmen of the silver mint are depicted, as before those of the gold mint. Then comes the Pádisháh i shamsher, or king of the sword, who is painted trying the steel of a sword. The vazír sits upon a çandalí, and inspects the arsenal; the other cards contain pictures of armourers, polishers, &c. After him comes the Pádisháh i Táj,² or king of the diadem. He confers royal insignia, and the çandalí upon which the vazír sits, is the last of the insignia. The ten other cards contain pictures of workmen, as tailors, quilters, &c. Lastly, the Pádisháh i Ghulámán, or king of the slaves, sits on an elephant, and the vazír on a cart. The other cards are representations of servants, some of whom sit, some lie on the ground in worship, some are drunk, others sober, &c.

Besides these ordinary games of cards, His Majesty also plays chess, four-handed and two-handed. His chief object is to test the value of men, and to establish harmony and good fellow-feeling at Court.

At first I intended, in speaking of the Grandees of the Court, to record the deeds which raised them to their exalted positions, to describe their qualities, and to say something of their experience. But I am unwilling to bestow mere praise; in fact, it does not become the encomiast of His Majesty to praise others, and I should act against my sense of truthfulness, were I but to mention that which is praiseworthy, and to pass in silence over that which cannot be approved of. I shall therefore merely record, in form of a table, their names and the titles which have been conferred upon them.

1. Sha´hza´dah Sulta´n Sali´m, eldest son of His Majesty.

2. Sha´h´zadah Sulta´n Mura´d, second son of His Majesty.

3. Sha´hza´dah Sulta´n Da´nya´l, third son of His Majesty.

Akbar had five sons—

Of daughters, I find three mentioned—(a.) Sháhzádah Khánum, born three months after Salím, in 977. (b.) Shukrunnisá Begum, who in 1001 was married to Mírzá Sháhrukh (No. 7, below, p. 312); and (c.) A´rám Bánú Begum; both born after Sulṭán Dányál. Regarding the death of the last Begum, vide Tuzuk, p. 386.

Of Akbar's wives the following are mentioned:—1. Sulṭán Raqiyah Begum (a daughter of Mírzá Hindál), who died 84 years old, 7th Jumáda I, 1035, (Tuzuk, p. 401). She was Akbar's first wife (zan i kalán), but had no child by him. She tended Sháhjahán. Núr Jahán (Jahángír's wife) also stayed with her after the murder of Sher Afkan. 2. Sulṭán Salímah Begum. She was a daughter of Gulrukh (?) Begum¹ (a daughter of Bábar) and Mírzá Núruddín Muhammad. Humáyún had destined her for Bairám Khán, who married her in the beginning of Akbar's reign. After the death of Bairám, Akbar, in 968, married her. She died 10th Zí Qa'dah, 1021. As a poetess, she is known under the name Makhfí (concealed), and must not be confounded with Zebunnisá² (a daughter of Aurangzeb's), who has the same poetical name. 3. The daughter of Rájah Bihárí Mal and sister of Rájah Bhagawán Dás. Akbar married her in 968, at Sáṉbhar. 4. The beautiful wife of 'Abdulwási’, married in 970, (vide Bad. II, 61). 5. or Princess of Jodhpúr, the mother of Jahángír. Her name is not mentioned by any Muhammadan historian. As Akbar's mother had the title of Maryam Makání, so was Jodh Bái called Maryam uzzamání. She died in the month of Rajab 1032, A. H. (Tuzuk, p. 361). The Tuzuk expresses a hope ‘that God will receive her in His mercy; for Jahángír's mother, though a Hindú, could not well ‘be sent to hell.’ 6. Bíbí Daulat Shád, mother of (b.) and (c.); vide Tuzuk, p. 16. 7. A daughter of 'Abdullah Khán Mughul (964). 8. A daughter of Mírán Mubárik Sháh of Khandes; vide p. 13, note.

Sulṭán Salím. Title as Emperor, Jahángír. Title after death, Jannatmakání. Born at Fathpúr Síkṛí, on Wednesday, 17th Rabí' I, 977, or 18th Shahríwar of the 14th year of Akbar's Era. He was called Salím, because he was born in the house of Shaikh Salím i Chishtí. Akbar used to call him Shaikhú Bábá (vide Tuzuk, p. 1). For his wives and children, vide below, No. 4. Jahángír died on the 28th Çafar 1037 (28th October, 1627) near Rájor on the Kashmír frontier. Vide my article on Jahángír in the Calcutta Review for October, 1869.

Sulṭán Murád, Akbar's fourth son, was born on Thursday, 3rd Muharram, 978, and died of delirium tremens in 1006, at Jalnápúr in Barár (Tuzuk, p. 15; Akbarnámah II, p. 443; Kháfí Khán, p. 212). He was nicknamed Paháṛí (Bad. II, 378). He was sabzrang (of a livid complexion), thin, and tall (Tuzuk). A daughter of his was married to Prince Parwíz, Jahángír's son (Tuzuk), p. 38.)

Sulṭán Dányál was born at Ajmír, on the 10th Jumáda I., 979, and died of delirium tremens, A. H. 1013. Kháfí Khán, I. p. 232, says, the news of his death reached Akbar in the beginning of 1014. He was called Dányál in remembrance of Shaikh Dányál, a follower of Mu'ín i Chishtí, to whose tomb at Ajmír Akbar, in the beginning of his reign, often made pilgrimages. Dányál married, in the beginning of 1002, the daughter of Qulij Khán (No. 42), and towards the end of 1006, Jánán Begum, a daughter of Mírzá 'Abdurrahím Khán Khánán (Kháfí Khán, p. 213), and was betrothed to a daughter of Ibráhím 'A´dilsháh of Bíjápúr; but he died before the marriage was consummated. He had three sons:—1. Ṭahmúras, who was married to Sulṭán Bahár Begum, a daughter of Jahángír. 2. Báyasanghar (). 3. Hoshang, who was married to Hoshmand Bánú Begum, a daughter of Khusrau. Besides, he had four daughters whose names are not mentioned. One of them, Buláqí Begum, was married to Mírzá Wálí (Tuz., p. 272). Ṭahmúras and Hoshang were killed by A´çaf Khán after the death of Jahángír (vide Proceedings, As. Society of Bengal, for August 1869). Nothing appears to be known regarding the fate of Báyasanghar. Vide Calcutta Review for October, 1869.

Dányál is represented as well built, good looking, fond of horses and elephants, and clever in composing Hindústaní poems.

4. Sulta´n Khusrau, eldest son of Prince Salím [Jahángír].

Jahángír's wives (Tuzuk, p. 84, and Preface, p. 6). A daughter of Rájah Bhagawán Dás, married in 993, gave birth, in 994, to Sulṭánunnisá Begum [Kháfí Khán, Sulṭán Begum], and in 995 to Prince Khusrau. She poisoned herself with opium in a fit of madness apparently brought on by the behaviour of Khusrau and her younger brother Madhú Singh, in 1011 (Kháfí Khán, p. 227). 2. A daughter of Rái Rái Singh, son of Rái Kalyan Mal of Bíkánír, married 19th Rajab 994. Bad. II, p. 353. She is not mentioned in the Tuzuk among Jahángír's wives. 3. A daughter of Odai Singh, [Mot'h Rájah], son of Rájah Máldeo, married in 994. The Tuzuk (p. 5) calls her Jagat Gosáyiní. She is the mother of Sháhjahán, and died in 1028, (Tuzuk, p. 268). 4. A daughter of Khwájah Hasan, the uncle of Zain Khán Kokah. She is the mother of Prince Parwíz. She died 15th Tír, 1007. 5. A daughter of Rájah Keshú Dás Rát'hor. She is the mother of Bahár Bánú Begum (born 23rd Shahríwar 998). 6. and 7. The mothers of Jahándár and Shahryár. 8. A daughter of 'Alí Rái, ruler of little Thibet (Bad. II, 376), married in 999. 9. A daughter of Jagat Singh, eldest son of Rájah Mán Singh (Tuzuk, p. 68). 10. Mihrunnisá Khánum, the widow of Sher Afkan. On her marriage with Jahángír she received the title of Núr Mahall, and was later called Núr Jahán. (Tuz. p. 156). Jahángír does not appear to have had children by Núr Jahán.

Jahángír's children. 1. Sulṭán Khusrau. 2. Sulṭán Parwíz. 3. Sulṭán Khurram (Sháhjahán). 4. Sulṭán Jahándár. 5. Sulṭán Shahryár. Two daughters are mentioned:—(a.) Sulṭán unnisâ Begum; (b.) Sulṭán Bahár Bánú Begum. There were ‘several children’ after Parwíz; but the Tuzuk (p. 8) does not give their names. They appear to have died soon after their birth.

Sulṭán Khusrau was born on the 24th Amurdád 995, (Tuzuk, Preface); but Kháfí Khán says 997. He was married to a daughter of A'zam Khán Kokah. His sons—1. Baland Akhtar, who died when young, Tuzuk, p. 73. 2. Dáwar Bakhsh, (also called Buláqí)^* whose daughter, Hoshmand Bánú Begum, was married to Hoshang, son of Dányál. 3. Garshasp.

Khusrau died on the 18th Isfandiyármuz, 1031. He lies buried in the Khusrau Gardens in Allahabad. Dáwar Bakhsh was proclaimed Emperor by A´çaf Khán after the death of Jahángír; but at the order of Sháhjahán, he was killed, together with his brother Garshasp, by A´çaf Khán.

Sulṭán Parwíz, born 19th A´bán, 997. He was married to a daughter of Mírzá Rustam i Çafawí (No. 9) and had a son who died when young (Tuz. p. 282). A daughter of Parwíz was married to Dárá Shikoh. Parwíz died of delirium tremens in 1036.

Sulṭán Khurram [Sháhjahán] was born at Láhor on the 30th Rabí' I, 1000 A. H. Regarding his family, vide Proceedings A. S. of Bengal, for August 1869, p. 219. He was Akbar's favorite.

Sulṭán Jahándár had no children. He and Sulṭán Shahryár were born about the same time, a few months before Akbar's death (Tuz. Preface, p. 17). Shahryár was married, in the 16th year of Jahángír, to Mihrunnisá, the daughter of Núr Jahán by Sher Afkan, and had a daughter by her, Arzání Begum (Tuzuk, p. 370). The Iqbálnámah (p. 306) calls her . From his want of abilities, he got the nickname Náshudaní (fit for nothing). Khusrau, Parwíz, and Jahándár died before their father.

Shahryár, at the instigation of Núr Jahán, proclaimed himself Emperor at Láhor a few days after the death of Jahángír. He was killed either at the order of Dáwar Bakhsh or of A´çaf Khán; vide Proceedings A. S. Bengal for August 1869, p. 218.

5. Mi´rza´ Sulaima´n, son of Khán Mírzá, son of Sulṭán Mahmúd, son of Abú Sa'íd.

6. Mi´rza´ Ibra´him, son of Mírzá Sulaimán (No. 5.)

Mírzá Sulaimán was born in 920, and died at Láhor in 997. He is generally called Wálí i Badakhshán. As grandson of Abú Sa'íd Mírzá, he is the sixth descendant from Tímúr. Abú Sa'íd killed Sulṭán Muhammad of Badakhshán, the last of a series of kings who traced their descent to Alexander the Great, and took possession of Badakhshán, which after his death fell to his son, Sultán Mahmúd, who had three sons, Báyasanghar Mírzá, 'Alí Mírzá,¹ Khán Mírzá. When Mahmúd died, Amír Khusrau Khán, one of his nobles, blinded Báyasanghar, killed the second prince, and ruled as usurper. He submitted to Bábar in 910. When Bábar took Qandahár, in 912, from Sháh Beg Arghún, he sent Khán Mírzá as governor to Badakhshán. Mírzá Sulaimán is the son of this Khán Mírzá.²

After the death of Khán Mírzá, Badakhshán was governed for Bábar by Prince Humáyún, Sultán Uwais (Mírzá Sulaimán's father-in-law), Prince Hindál, and lastly, by Mírzá Sulaimán, who held Badakhshán till 17 Jumáda II, 948, when he had to surrender himself and his son, Mírzá Ibráhím, to Prince Kámrán. They were released by Humáyún in 952, and took again possession of Badakhshán. When Humáyún had taken Kábul, he made war upon and defeated Mírzá Sulaimán who once in possession of his country, had refused to submit; but when the return of Kámrán from Sind obliged Humáyún to go to Kábul, he reinstated the Mírzá, who held Badakhshán till 983. Bent on making conquests, he invaded in 967 Balkh, but had to return. His son, Mírzá Ibráhím, was killed in battle.³

In the eighth year when Mírzá Muhammad Hakím's (Akbar's brother) mother had been killed by Sháh Abul Ma'álí, Mírzá S. went to Kábul, and had Abul Ma'álí hanged; he then married his own daughter to M. M. Hakím, and appointed Umed 'Alí, a Badakhshán noble, M. M. Hakím's Vakíl (970). But M. M. Hakím did not go on well with Mírzá Sulaimán, who returned next year to Kábul with hostile intentions; but M. M. Hakím fled and asked Akbar for assistance, so that Mírzá S., though he had taken Jalálábád, had to return to Badakhshán. He returned to Kábul in 973, when Akbar's troops had left that country, but retreated on being promised tribute.

Mírzá Sulaimán's wife was Khurram Begum, of the Qibchák tribe. She was clever and had her husband so much in her power, that he did nothing without her advice. Her enemy was Muhtarim Khánum, the widow of Prince Kámrán. M. Sulaimán wanted to marry her; but Khurram Begum got her married, against her will, to Mírzá Ibráhím, by whom she had a son, Mírzá Sháhrukh (No. 7). When Mírzá Ibráhím fell in the war with Balkh, Khurram Begum wanted to send the Khánum to her father, Sháh Muhammad of Káshgar; but she refused to go. As soon as Sháhrukh had grown up, his mother and some Badakhshí nobles excited him to rebel against his grandfather M. Sulaimán. This he did, alternately rebelling and again making peace. Khurram Begum then died. Sháhrukh took away those parts of Badakhshán which his father had held, and found so many adherents, that M. Sulaimán, pretending to go on a pilgrimage to Makkah, left Badakhshán for Kábul, and crossing the Níláb went to India (983). Khán Jahán, governor of the Panjáb, received orders to invade Badakhshán, but was suddenly ordered to go to Bengal, as Mun'ím Khán had died and Mírzá Sulaimán did not care for the governorship of Bengal, which Akbar had given him.

M. Sulaimán then went to Ismá'íl II. of Persia. When the death of that monarch deprived him of the assistance which he had just received, he went to Muzaffar Husain Mírzá (No. 8) at Qandahár, and then to M. M. Hakím at Kábul. Not succeeding in raising disturbances in Kábul, he made for the frontier of Badakhshán, and luckily finding some adherents, he managed to get from his grandson the territory between Táiqán and the Hindú Kush. Soon after Muhtarim Khánum died. Being again pressed by Sháhrukh, M. Sulaimán applied for help to 'Abdullah Khán Uzbak, king of Túrán, who had long wished to annex Badakhshán. He invaded and took the country in 992; Sháhrukh fled to Hindústán, and M. Sulaimán to Kábul. As he could not recover Badakhshán, and rendered destitute by the death of M. M. Hakím, he followed the example of his grandson, and repaired to the court of Akbar who made him a Commander of six thousand.

A few years later, he died at Láhor, at the age of seventy-seven.

7. Mi´rza´ Sha´hrukh, son of Mírzá Ibráhím.

Vide Nos. 5 and 6. Akbar, in 1001, gave him his daughter Shukrunnisá Begum, and made him governor of Málwah, and he distinguished himself in the conquest of the Dak'hin. Towards the end of Akbar's reign, he was made a Commander of seven thousand, and was continued in his Mançab by Jahángír.

He died at Ujain in 1016. His wife, Kábulí Begum, was a daughter of Mírzá Muhammad Hakím. She wanted to take his body to Madínah, but was robbed by the Badawís; and after handing over the body to some ‘scoundrels,’ she went to Baçrah, and then to Shíráz. In 1022, Sháh 'Abbás married her to Mírzá Sulṭán 'Alí, his uncle, whom he had blinded; but the Begum did not like her new husband.

Sháhrukh's Children. 1. Hasan and Husain, twins. Hasan fled with Khusrau and was imprisoned by Jahángír. 2. Badí'uzzamán (or Mírzá Fathpúrí), ‘a bundle of wicked bones,’ murdered by his brothers in Patan (Gujrát). 3. Mírzá Shujá' rose to honours under Sháhjahán, who called him Najábat Khán. 4. Mírzá Muhammad Zamán. He held a town in Badakhshán, and fell against the Uzbaks. 5. Mírzá Sulṭán, a favorite of Jahángír. He had many wives, and Jahángír would have given him his own daughter in marriage, if he had not perjured himself in trying to conceal the number of his wives. He fell in disgrace, was appointed governor of Gházípúr, where he died. 6. Mírzá Mughul, who did not distinguish himself either. The Tuzuk (p. 65) says that after the death of Sháhrukh, Jahángír took charge of four of his sons, and three of his daughters, ‘whom Akbar had not known.’ ‘Sháhrukh, though twenty years in India, could not speak a word of Hindí.’

8. Mirza Muzaffar Husain, son of Sulṭán Husain Mírzá son of Bahrám Mírzá, son of Sháh Ismá'íl i Çafawí.

In 965, Sháh Ṭahmásp of Persia (930 to 984) conquered Qandahár, which was given, together with Dáwar and Garmsír as far as the river Hírmand, to Sulṭán Husain Mírzá, his nephew. Sulṭán Husain M. died in 984, when Sháh Ismá'íl II (984 to 985) was king of Persia, and left five children, Muhammad Husain Mírzá, Muzaffar Husain Mírzá, Rustam Mírzá, Abú Sa'íd Mírzá, and Sanjar Mírzá. The first was killed by Sháh Ismá'íl in I´rán. The other four in Qandahár had also been doomed; but the arrival of the news of the sudden death of the Sháh saved their lives. The new Sháh, Khudábandah, gave Qandahár to Muzaffar Husain Mírzá, and Dáwar as far as the Hírmand to Rustam Mírzá, who was accompanied by his two younger brothers, their Vakíl being Hamzah Beg Zul Qadr, or Kor Hamzah, an old servant of their father. The arbitrary behaviour of the Vakíl caused Muzaffar Husain Mírzá to take up arms against him, and after some alternate fighting and peace-making, Muzaffar had the Vakíl murdered. This led to fights between Muzaffar and Mírzá Rustam who, however, returned to Dáwar.

Not long after, the invasion of Khurásán by the Uzbaks under Dín Muhammad Sulṭán and Báqí Sulṭán (a sister's son of 'Abdullah Khán of Túrán) took place, and the Qandahár territory being continually exposed to incursions, the country was unsettled. Most Qizilbásh grandees fell in the everlasting fights, and the Sháh of Persia promised assistance, but rendered none; Mírzá Rustam who had gone to Hindústán, was appointed by Akbar Governor of Láhor, and kept Qandahár in anxiety; and Muzaffar hesitatingly resolved to hand over Qandahár to Akbar, though 'Abdullah Khán of Túrán advised him not to join the Chagatái kings (the Mughuls of India). At that time Qará Beg (an old servant of Muzaffar's father, who had fled to India, and was appointed Farráshbegí by Akbar) returned to Qandahár, and prevailed upon Muzaffar's mother and eldest son to bring about the annexation of Qandahár to India.

Akbar sent Beg Khán Arghún, Governor of Bangish, to take prompt possession of Qandahár, and though, as in all his undertakings, Muzaffar wavered the last moment and had recourse to trickery, he was obliged by the firm and prudent behaviour of Beg Khán, in 1003, to go to Akbar. He received the title of Farzand (son), was made a Commander of five thousand, and received Sambhal as Jágír, “which is more worth than all Qandahár.”

But the ryots of his jágír preferred complaints against his grasping collectors, and Muzaffar, annoyed at this, applied to go to Makkah. No sooner had Akbar granted this request than Muzaffar repented. He was reinstated, but as new complaints were preferred, Akbar took away the jágír, and paid him a salary in cash (1005). Muzaffar then went to Makkah, but returned after reaching the first stage, which displeased Akbar so much, that he refused to have anything to do with him.

Muzaffar found everything in India bad, and sometimes resolved to go to Persia, and sometimes to Makkah. From grief and disappointment, and a bodily hurt, he died in 1008.

His daughter, called Qandahár Mahall, was in 1018 married to Sháhjahán, and gave birth, in 1020, to Nawáb Parhez Bánú Begum.

Three sons of his remained in India, Bahrám Mírzá, Haidar Mírzá, (who rose to dignity under Sháhjahán, and died in 1041), and Ismá'íl Mírzá. The Maásír mentions two other sons, Alqás Mírzá and Ṭahmás Mírzá.

Muzaffar's younger brothers, Mírzá Abú Sa'íd, and Mírzá Sanjar, died in 1005. They held commands of Three hundred and fifty. (Vide Nos. 271 and 272.)

9. Mirza Rustam.—He is the younger, but more talented brother of the preceding. As the revenue of Dáwar was insufficient for him and his two younger brothers, he made war on Malik Mahmúd, ruler of Sístán. Muzaffar Husain assisted him at first, but having married Malik Mahmúd's daughter, he turned against Rustam. This caused a rupture between the brothers. Assisted by Lallah (guardian) Hamzah Beg, M. Rustam invaded Qandahár, but without result. During the invasion of the Uzbaks into Khurásán, he conquered the town of Faráh, and bravely held his own. Some time after, he again attacked Malik Mahmúd. The latter wished to settle matters amicably. During an interview, Rustam seized him, and killed him, when Jaláluddín, Mahmúd's son, took up arms. Rustam was defeated, and hearing that his brother Muzaffar had occupied Dáwar, he quickly took the town of Qalát. Being once absent on a hunting expedition, he nearly lost the town, and though he took revenge on the conspirators who had also killed his mother, he felt himself so insecure, that he resolved to join Akbar. Accompanied by his brother, Sanjar Mírzá, and his own four sons Murád, Sháhrukh, Hasan, and Ibráhím, he went in 1001 to India. Akbar made him a Panjhazárí, and gave him Multán as jágír, “which is more than Qandahár.” His inferiors being too oppressive, Akbar, in 1003, wished to give him Chítor, but recalled him from Sarhind, gave him Pat'hán as tuyúl, and sent him, together with A´çaf Khán against Rajah Bású. But as both did not get on well together, Akbar called M. Rustam to court, appointing Jagat Singh, son of Rajah Mán Singh, in his stead. In 1006, M. Rustam got Ráisín as jágír. He then served under Prince Dányál in the Dak'hin. In 1021, Jahángír appointed him Governor of T'hat'hah, but recalled him as he ill-treated the Arghúns. After the marriage of his daughter with Prince Parwíz, Jahángír made him Shashhazárí, and appointed him Governor of Alláhábád. He held the fort against 'Abdullah Khán whom Sháhjahán, after taking possession of Bengal and Bihár, had sent against Alláhábád, and forced 'Abdullah to retire to Jhosí. In the 21st year, he was appointed Governor of Bihár, but was pensioned off as too old by Sháhjahán at 120000 Rs. per annum, and retired to A´grah. In the sixth year, M. Rustam married his daughter to Prince Dárá Shikoh. He died, in 1051, at Agrah, 72 years old.

As a poet he is known under the takhalluç of Fidáí. He was a man of the world and understood the spirit of the age. All his sons held subsequently posts of distinction.

His first son Murád got from Jahángír the title of Iltifát Khán. He was married to a daughter of 'Abdurrahím Khán Khánán. Murád's son, Mírzá Mukarram Khán, also distinguished himself; he died in 1080.

His third son Mírzá Hasan í Çafawí, a Hazár o pançadí under Jahángír, was Governor of Kúch; died 1059. Hasan's son, Mírzá Çafshikan, was Faujdár of Jessore in Bengal, retired, and died in 1073. Çafshikan's son, Sai fuddín i Çafawí, accepted the title of Khán under Aurangzeb.

10. Bairam Khan, the fifth in descent from Mír 'Alí Shukr Beg Bahárlü.

Bahárlü is the name of a principal clan of the Qaráqúilü Turks. During the time of their ascendancy, under Qará Yúsuf, and his sons Qará Sikandar and Mírzá Jahán Sháh, rulers of 'Iráq i 'Arab and A´zarbáiján, 'Alí Shukr Beg held Dainúr, Hamadán, and Kurdistán, “which tracts are still called the territory of 'Alí Shukr.” His son Pír 'Alí Beg stayed some time with Sulṭán Mahmúd Mírzá, and attacked afterwards the Governor of Shíráz, but was defeated. He was killed by some of the Amírs of Sulṭán Husain Mírzá. Pír Alí Beg's son, in the reign of Sháh Ismá'íl i Çafawí, left 'Iráq, settled in Badakhshán, and entered the service of Amír Khusrau Sháh (vide p. 311, l. 26) at Qunduz. He then joined, with his son Saif 'Alí Beg, Bábar's army as Amír Khusrau had been deposed. Saif 'Alí Beg is Bairám's father.

Bairám Khán was born at Badakhshán. After the death of his father he went to Balkh to study. When sixteen years old, he entered Humáyún's army, fought in the battle of Qanauj (10th Muharram, 947), and fled to the Rájah of Lak'hnor (Sambhal). Sher Sháh met Bairám in málwah, and tried to win him over. But Bairám fled from Burhánpúr with Abul Qásim, governor of Gwáliár, to Gujrát. They were surprised, on the road, by an ambassador of Sher Sháh who just returned from Gujrát. Abul Qásim, a man of imposing stature, being mistaken for Bairám, the latter stepped forward and said in a manly voice, “I am Bairám.” “No,” said Abul Qásim, “he is my attendant, and brave and faithful as he is, he wishes to sacrifice himself for me. So let him off.” Abul Qásim was then killed, and Bairám escaped to Sulṭán Mahmúd of Gujrát. Under the pretext of sailing for Makkah, Bairám embarked at Súrat for Sindh. He joined Humáyún on the 7th Muharram, 950, when the Emperor, after passing through the territory of Rajah Máldeo, was pressed by the Arghúns at Jon. On the march to Persia, he proved the most faithful attendant. The King of Persia also liked him, and made him a Khán. On Humayún's return, Bairám was sent on a mission to Prince Kámrán. When Humáyún marched to kábul, he took Qandahár by force and treachery from the Qizilbáshes, and making Bairám governor of the district, he informed the Sháh that he had done so as Bairám was ‘a faithful servant of both.’ Subsequently rumours regarding Bairám's duplicity reached Humáyún; but when in 961, the Emperor returned to Qandahár, the rumours turned out false.

The conquest of India may justly be ascribed to Bairám. He gained the battle of Máchhíwárah, and received Sambhal as jágír. In 963, he was appointed atálíq (guardian) of Prince Akbar, with whom he went to the Panjáb against Sikandar Khán. On Akbar's accession (2nd Rabí 'II, 963) at Kalánúr, he was appointed Wakíl and Khán Khánán, and received the title of Khán Bábá. On the second of Shawwál, 964, shortly after the surrender of Mánkoṭ, when Akbar returned to Láhor, an imperial elephant ran against Bairám's tent, and Bairám blamed Atgah Khán (No. 15), who never had been his friend, for this accident. The Atgah, after arrival at Láhor, went with his whole family to Bairám, and attested his innocence by an oath upon the Qorán.¹ In 965, Bairám married Salímah Sulṭán Begum (p. 309, note,) and soon after, the estrangement commenced between Akbar and him. Badáoní (II, p. 36) attributes the fall of Bairám to the illtreatment of Pír Muhammad (No. 20) and the influence of Adham Khán, and his mother Máhum Anagah (Akbar's nurse), Çiddiq Muhammad Khán, Shihábuddín Ahmad, &c., who effectually complained of the wretchedness of their jágírs, and the emptiness of the Treasury, whilst Bairám Khán's friends lived in affluence. The Ṭabaqát i Akbarí says that no less than twenty-five of Bairám's friends reached the dignity of Panjhazárís—rather a proof of Bairám's gift of selecting proper men. Bairám's fall is known from the Histories. “Akbar's trick resembles exactly that which Sulṭán Abú Sa'íd i Mughul adopted towards his minister Amír Chaubán. (Bad.)

On hearing the news that Akbar had assumed the reigns of the government, Bairám left A´grah, and sent his friends who had advised him to go to Akbar, to Court. He himself went under the pretext of going to Makkah to Mewát and Nágor, from where he returned his insignia, which reached Akbar at Jhujhar; for Akbar was on his way to the Panjáb, which Bairám, as it was said, wished to invade. The insignia were conferred on Pír Muhammad Khán, Bairám's old protégé; and he was ordered to see him embark for Makkah. Bairám felt much irritated at this; and finding the road to Gujrát occupied by Rájah Máldeo, his enemy, he proceeded to Bíkánír to his friend Kalyán Mal (No. 93). But unable to restrain himself any longer, he entrusted his property, his family, and his young son 'Abdurrahím (No. 29) to Sher Muhammad Díwánah, his adopted son and jágír holder of Tabarhindah, and broke out in open rebellion. At Dípálpúr, on his way to the Panjáb, he heard that Díwánah had squandered the property left in his charge, had insulted his family, and had sent Muzaffar 'Alí (whom Bairám had despatched to Díwánah to settle matters) to Court a prisoner. Mortified at this, Bairám resolved to take Jálindhar. Akbar now moved against him; but before he reached him, he heard that Bairám had been defeated¹ by Atgah Khán (No. 15), Bairám fled to Fort Tilwárah on the banks of the Bayáh, followed by Akbar. Fighting ensued. In the very beginning, Sulṭán Husain Jaláir was killed; and when his head was brought to Bairám,² he was so sorry, that he sent to Akbar and asked forgiveness. This was granted, and Bairám, accompanied by the principal grandees, went to Akbar's tent, and was pardoned. After staying for two days longer with Mun'im Khán, he received a sum of money, and was sent to Makkah. The whole camp made a collection (chandogh). Hájí Muhammad of Sístán (No. 55) accompanied Bairám over Nágor to Patan (Nahrwálah) in Gujrát, where he was hospitably received by Músá Khán Fúládí, the governor. On Friday, 14th Jumáda I, 968, while alighting from a boat after a trip on the Sahaṉsa Lang Tank, Bairám was stabbed by a Lohání Afghán of the name of Mubárik, whose father had been killed in the battle of Máchhíwarah. “With an Alláhu Akbar on his lips, he died.” The motive of Mubárik Khán is said to have merely been revenge. Another reason is mentioned. The Kashmírí wife of Salím Sháh with her daughter had attached herself to Ḅairám's suite, in order to go to Hijáz, and it had been settled that Bairám's son should be betrothed to her, which annoyed the Afgháns. Some beggars lifted up Bairám's body, and took it to the tomb of Shaikh Husámuddín. Seventeen years later the body was interred in holy ground at Mashhad.

Akbar took charge of 'Abdurrahím, Bairám's son (vide No. 29), and married soon after Salímah Sulṭán Begum, Bairám's widow.

For Bairám, we often find the spelling Bairam. Firishtah generally calls him Bairám Khán Turkmán. Bairám was a Shí'ah, and a poet of no mean pretensions (vide Badáoní III, p. 190).

11. Mun'im Khan, son of Bairam³ Beg.

Nothing appears to be known of the circumstances of his father. Mun'im Khán was a grandee of Humáyún's Court, as also his brother Fazíl Beg. When Humáyún, on his flight to Persia, was hard pressed by Mírzá Sháh Husain of T'hat'hah, one grandee after another went quietly away. M. and Fazil Beg also were on the point of doing so, when Humáyún made them prisoners, as he had done from motives of prudence and policy with several other nobles. M. did not, however, accompany Humáyún to Persia. He rejoined him immediately on his return, and rose at once to high dignity. He rejected the governorship of Qandahár, which was given to Bairám Khán. In 961, he was appointed atálíq of Prince Akbar; and when Humáyún invaded India, M. was left as governor of Kábul in charge of Mírzá Muhammad Hakím, Akbar's brother, then about a year old. In Kábul M. remained till Bairám fell into disgrace. He joined Akbar, in Zí Hajjah, 967, at Lúdhiánah, where Akbar encamped on his expedition against Bairám. M. was then appointed Khán Khánán and Vakíl.

In the seventh year of Akbar's reign, when Adham Khán (No. 19) killed Atgah Khán (No. 15), Mun'im who had been the instigator, fled twice from Court, but was caught the second time in Saror (Sirkár of Qanauj) by the collector of the district, and was brought in by Sayyid Mahmúd Khán of Bárha (No. 75). Akbar restored M. to his former honors.

Mun'im Khán's son, Ghaní Khán, whom his father had left in charge of Kábul, caused disturbances from want of tact. Máh Jújak Begum, Prince M. Muhammad Hakím's mother, advised by Fazíl Beg and his son 'Abulfath, who hated Ghaní Khán, closed the doors of Kábul, when Ghaní Khán was once temporarily absent at Fálíz. Ghaní Khán, not finding adherents to oppose her, went to India. Máh Jújak Begum then appointed Fazíl Beg as Vakíl and 'Abulfath as Náib; but being dissatisfied with them, she killed them both, at the advice of Sháh Walí, one of her nobles. On account of these disturbances, Akbar, in the eighth year, sent M. to Kábul. Thinking he could rely on the Kábulís, M. left before his contingent was quite ready. He was attacked near Jalálábád by Máh Jújak Begum (who in the meantime had killed Sháh Walí and had taken up, apparently criminally, with Haidar Qásim Koh-bar, whom she had made Vakíl) and defeated. M. fled to the Ghak'hars, and ashamed and hesitating he joined Akbar, who appointed him Commander of the Fort of A´grah.

In the 12th year, after the defeat and death of Khán Zamán (No. 13), M. was appointed to his jágírs in Jaunpúr (Bad. II, 101), and then concluded peace with Sulaimán Kararání of Bengal, who promised to read the Khuṭbah and strike coins in Akbar's name.

In 982, Akbar, at M.'s request, went with a flotilla from A´grah to Bihár, and took Hájípúr and Patna from Dáúd, Sulaimán's son. M. was then appointed Governor of Bihár, and was ordered to follow Dáúd into Bengal. M. moved to Ṭánḍah (opposite Gaur, on the right side of the Ganges) to settle political matters, and left the pursuit to Muhammad Qulí Khán Barlás (No. 31). But as the latter soon after died, M., at the advice of Todar Mall, left Ṭánḍah, and followed up Dáúd, who after his defeat at , submitted at Katak. In Çafar 983, M. returned, and though his army had terribly suffered from epidemics on the march through Southern Bengal, he quartered them against the advice of his friends at Gaur, where M. soon after died of fever.

The great bridge of Jaunpúr was built by Mun'im Khán in 975. Its táríkh is . M.'s son, Ghaní Khán, went to 'A´dilsháh of Bíjápúr, where he died.

12. Tardi Beg Khan, of Turkistán.

A noble of Humáyún's Court. After the conquest of Gujrát, he was made Governor of Champánír (Páwangaṛh). On Mírzá 'Askarí's defeat by Sulṭán Bahádur, Tardí Beg also succumbed to him and retreated to Humáyún. During the emperor's flight from India, Tardí Beg distinguished himself as one of the most faithless¹ companions. When passing through the territory of Rájah Máldeo, he even refused Humáyún a horse, and at Amarkoṭ, he declined to assist the emperor with a portion of the wealth he had collected while at court. Hence Rái Parsád advised H. to imprison some of his nobles and take away part of their property by force. H. however returned afterwards most of it. In Qandahár, Tardí Beg left the emperor and joined Mírzá 'Askarí. But Mírzá 'Askarí put most of them on the rack, and forced also Tardí Beg to give him a large sum as ransom.

On Humáyún's return from 'Iráq, Tardí Beg asked pardon for his former faithlessness, was restored to favour, and was sent, in 955, after the death of Mírzá Ulugh Beg, son of Mírzá Sulṭán, to Dáwar. During the conquest of India, T. distinguished himself and received Mewát as jágír. In 963, when Humáyún died (7th Rabí' I), T. read the Khuṭbah in Akbar's name, and sent the crown-insignia with M. Abúl Qásim, son of Prince Kámrán, to Akbar in the Panjáb. Akbar made T. a Commander of Five Thousand and appointed him governor of Dihlí. T. drove away Hájí Khán, an officer of Sher Sháh, from Narnaul. On Hemú's approach, after some unsuccessful fighting, T. too rashly evacuated Dihlí, and joined Akbar at Sarhind. Bairám Khán, who did not like T. from envy and sectarian motives, accused him, and obtaining from Akbar “a sort of permission” (Bad. II, 14) had him murdered (end of 963). Akbar was displeased. Bairám's hasty act was one of the chief causes of the distrust with which the Chagatái nobles looked upon him. Tardí Beg was a Sunní.

13. Kha´n Zama´n i Shaiba´ni´.

His father Haidar Sulṭán Uzbak i Shaibání had been made an Amír in the Jám war with the Qizilbáshes. When Humáyún returned from Persia, Haidar joined him, together with his two sons 'Alí Qulí Khán [Khán Zamán] and Bahádur Khán (No. 22,) and distinguished himself in the conquest of Qandahár. On the march to Kábul, an epidemic broke out in Humáyún's camp, during which Haidar Sulṭán died.

'Alí Qulí Khán distinguished himself in Kábul and in the conquest of Hindústán, was made Amír and sent to the Duáb and Sambhal, where he defeated the Afgháns. At the time of Akbar's accession 'Alí Qulí Khán fought with Shádí Khán, an Afghán noble; but when he heard that Hemú had gone to Dihlí, he thought fighting with this new enemy more important; but before 'Alí Qulí arrived at Dihlí, Tardí Beg (No. 12) had been defeated, and A. returned from Meerut to Akbar at Sarhind. 'Alí Qulí was sent in advance with 10,000 troopers, met Hemú near Pánípat and defeated him. Though Akbar and Bairám were near, they took no part in this battle. 'Alí Qulí received the title of Khán Zamán. Next to Bairám, the restoration of the Mughul Dynasty may be justly ascribed to him. Khán Zamán then got Sambhal again as jágír, cleared the whole north of India up to Lak'hnau of the Afgháns, and acquired an immense fortune by plunder. In 964, he held Jaunpúr as Qáim maqám for Sikandar, after the latter had surrendered Mánkoṭ. In the third year of Akbar's reign, Khán Zamán became the talk of the whole country in consequence of a love scandal with Sháham Beg, a page of Humáyún, and as he refused to send the boy back to Court, Akbar took away some of Khán Zamán's tuyúls, which led him to rebel. Bairám from generosity did not interfere; but when Pír Muhammad, Khán Zamán's enemy, had been appointed Vakíl, he took away, in the 4th year, the whole of his mahalls, and had him appointed commander against the Afgháns who threatened the Jaunpúr District. Pír Muhammad had also Burj 'Alí thrown from the walls of Fírúzábád, whom Khán Zamán had sent to him to settle matters. Khán Zamán now thought, it was high time to send away Sháham Beg, went to Jaunpúr, and drove away the Afgháns. Upon the fall of Bairám, they appeared again under Sher Sháh, son of 'Adlí, with a large army and 500 elephants. Khán Zamán, however, defeated them in the streets of Jaunpúr, and carried off immense plunder and numerous elephants, which he retained for himself.

In Zí Qa'dah of the 6th year, Akbar moved personally against him; but at Kaṛah (on the Ganges,) Khán Zamán and his brother Bahádur submitted and delivered the booty and the elephants. They were pardoned and sent again to Jaunpúr. Soon after, he defeated the Afgháns, who had attacked him in a fortified position near the Son.

In the 10th year, Khán Zamán rebelled again in concert with the Uzbaks, and attacked the Tuyúldárs of the province. As soon as an imperial army marched against him, he went to Gházípúr, and Akbar on arrival at Jaunpúr sent Mun'im Khán against him. Being a friend of Khán Zamán, he induced him to submit, which he did. But a body of imperial troops under Mu'izzulmulk and Rájah Todar Mall having been defeated by Bahádur and Iskandar Uzbak, (No. 48) the rebellion continued, though repeated attempts were made to bring about a conciliation. Having at last sworn to be faithful, Khán Zamán was left in possession of his jágírs, and Akbar returned to A´grah. But when the emperor, on the 3rd Jumáda I, 974, marched against M. Muhammad Hakím' Khán Zamán rebelled again, read the Khuṭbah at Jaunpúr in M. Muhammad Hakím's name, and marched against Shergaṛh (Qanauj). Akbar was now resolved no longer to pardon; he left the Panjáb, 12th Ramazán 974, and A´grah on the 26th Shawwál. At Sakíṭ, east of A´grah, Akbar heard that Khán Zamán had fled from Shergaṛh to Mánikpúr where Bahádur was, and from there marching along the Ganges, had over-bridged the river near the frontier of Singror (Nawábganj, between Mánikpúr and Alláhábád). Akbar sent a detachment of 6000 troopers under Muhammad Qulí Khán Barlás and Todar Mall to Audh to oppose Iskandar Khán Uzbak, and marched over Rái Barelí to Mánikpúr, crossed the Ganges with about 100 men, and slept at night near the banks of the river, at a short distance from Khán Zamán's camp, who must have gone from Nawábganj back again on the right side of the river to Kaṛah. Next morning, 1st Zí Hajjah, 974, Akbar with some reinforcements attacked Khán Zamán. Bahádur was captured, and brought to Akbar, and he had scarcely been despatched, when Khán Zamán's head was brought in. He had been half killed by an elephant whose driver was called Somnát, when a soldier cut off his head; for Akbar had promised a muhur for every Mughul's head. But another soldier snatched away the head and took it to Akbar. The fight took place dar 'arçah i Sakráwal [in Badáoní, Mungarwál] “which place has since been called Fathpúr. The Trig. S. maps shew a small village Fathpúr about 10 or 12 miles south-east of Kaṛah, not far from the river.

On the same day, though the heat was terrible, Akbar started for and reached Alláhábád.

Khán Zamán as a poet styled himself Sulṭán (vide Proceedings Asiatic Society, September 1868.) Zamániyá (now a station on the E. I. Railway) was founded by him. Though an Uzbak, Khán Zamán, from his long residence in Persia was a staunch Shí'ah. Khán Zamán must not be confounded with No. 124.

14. 'Abdullah Khan Uzbak.

A noble of Humáyún's Court. After the defeat of Hemu, he received the title of Shujá'at Khán, got Kálpí as tuyúl, and served under Adham Khán (No. 19) in Gujrát. When Báz Bahádur, after the death of Pír Muhammad, had taken possession of Málwah, 'Abdullah was made a Panjhazárí, and was sent to Málwah with almost unlimited authority. He re-conquered the province, and ‘reigned in Mandú like a king.’ Akbar found it necessary to move against him. 'Abdullah, after some unsuccessful fighting, fled to Gujrát, pursued by Qásim Khán of Níshápúr (No. 40). Leaving his wives in the hands of his enemies, he fled with his young son to Changíz Khán, an officer of Sulṭán Mahmúd of Gujrát. Hakím 'Ainulmulk was despatched to Changíz with the request to deliver up 'Abdullah, or to dismiss him. Changíz Khán did the latter. 'Abdullah again appeared in Málwah, and was hotly pursued by Shihábuddín Ahmad Khán (No. 26), who nearly captured him. With great difficulties he eluded his pursuers, and managed to reach Jaunpúr, where he died a natural death during the rebellion of Khán Zamán (No. 13).

15. Shamsuddi´n Muhammad Atgah Kha´n.

Son of Mír Yár Muhammad of Ghazní, a simple farmer. Shamsuddín, when about twenty years old, once dreamed that he held the moon under his arm, which dream was justified by the unparalleled luck which he owed to a little deed of kindness. Shamsuddín entered Prince Kámrán's service as a common soldier, and was present in the fatal battle of Qanauj (10th Muharram, 947). Humáyún, after the defeat, crossed the river ‘on an elephant,’ and dismounted on the other side, where a soldier who had escaped death in the current, stretched out his hand to assist the emperor to jump on the high bank. This soldier was Shamsuddín. Humáyún attached him to his service, and subsequently appointed his wife wet nurse (anagah) to Prince Akbar at Amarkoṭ, conferring upon her the title of Jí Jí Anagah. Shamsuddín remained with the young prince, whilst Humáyún was in Persia, and received after the emperor's restoration the title of Atgah (foster father) Khán. Humáyún sent him to Hiçár, which Sirkár had been set aside for Prince Akbar's maintenance.

After Akbar's accession, Atgah Khán was despatched to Kábul to bring to India the Empress mother and the other Begums. Soon after, on the march from Mankoṭ to Láhor, the elephant affair took place, which has been related under Bairám Khán, p. 316. He held Khusháb in the Panjáb as jágír, and received, after Bairám's fall, the insignia of that chief. He was also appointed Governor of the Panjáb. He defeated Bairám Khán near Jálindhar, before Akbar could come up, for which victory Akbar honored him with the title of A'zam Khán. In the sixth year, he came from Láhor to the Court, and acted as Vakíl either in supersession of Mun'im Khán, or by ‘usurpation,’ at which Akbar connived. Mun'im Khán and Shiháb Khán (No. 26) felt much annoyed at this, and instigated Adham (vide No. 19) to kill Atgah Khán,¹ 12th Ramazán, 969.

For Atgah Khán's brothers vide Nos. 16, 28, 63, and for his sons, Nos. 18 and 21. The family is often called in Histories Atgah Khail, ‘the foster father battalion.’

16. Kha´n i Kala´n, Mir Muhammad, elder brother of Atgah Khán.

He served under Kámrán and Humáyún, and rose to high dignity during the reign of Akbar. Whilst Governor of the Panjáb, where most of the Atgahs (Atgah Khail) had jágírs, he distinguished himself in the war with the G'hakkars, the extirpation of Sulṭán A´dam, and in keeping down Kamál Khán. In the ninth year he assisted Mírzá Muhammad Hakím against Mírzá Sulaimán (No. 5), restored him to the throne of Kábul, settled the country, and sent back the imperial troops under his brother Qnṭbuddín (No. 28), though Akbar had appointed the latter Atálíq of the Prince. But Khán i Kalán did not get on well with M. M. Hakím, especially when the Prince had given his sister Fakhrunnisá Begum (a daughter of Humáyún by Jújak Begum, and widow of Mír Sháh Abul Ma'álí) to Khwájah Hasan Naqshbandí in marriage. To avoid quarrels, Khán i Kalán left one night Kábul and returned to Láhor.

In the 13th year (976), the Atgah Khail was removed from the Panjáb, and ordered to repair to A´grah. Khán i Kalán received Sambhal as Jágír, whilst Husain Qulí Khán (No. 24) was appointed to the Panjáb. In 980, he was sent by Akbar in advance, for the reconquest of Gujrát (Bad. II, 165). On the march, near Sarohí (Ajmír), he was wounded by a Rájpút, apparently without cause; but he recovered. After the conquest, he was made governor of Patan (Nahrwálah). He died at Patan in 983.

He was a poet and wrote under the takhalluç of ‘Ghaznawí,’ in allusion to his birthplace. Badáoní (III, 287) praises him for his learning.

His eldest son, Fázil Khán (No. 156) was a Hazárí, and was killed when Mírzá 'Azíz Kokah (No. 21), was shut up in Ahmadábád. His second son, Farrukh Khán (No. 232) was a Panjçadí. Nothing else is known of him.

17. Mi´rza´ Sharafuddin Husai´n, son of Khwájah Mu'ín.

He was a man of noble descent. His father, Khwájah Mu'ín was the son of Kháwind Mahmúd, second son of Khwájah Kalán (known as Khwájagán Khwájah), eldest son of the renowned saint Khwájah Náçiruddín 'Ubaidullah Ahrár. Hence Mírzá Sharafuddín Hnsain is generally called Ahrárí.

His grandfather, Kháwind Mahmúd went to India, was honorably received by Humáyún, and died at Kábul.

His father, Khwájah Mu'ín, was a rich, but avaricious man; he held the tract of land, called ‘Rúdkhánah i Nasheb,’ and served under 'Abdullah Khán, ruler of Káshghar. He was married to Kíjak Begum, daughter of Mír 'Aláulmulk of Tirmiz, who is a daughter of Fakhr Jahán Begum, daughter of Sulṭán Abú Sa'íd Mírzá. ‘Hence the blood of Tímúr also flowed in the veins of Mírzá Sharafuddín Husain.’ As the son did not get on well with his father, he went to Akbar. Through the powerful influence of Máhum, Akbar's nurse, and Adham Khán, her son (No. 19), Mírzá Sharaf was appointed Panjhazárí. In the 5th year, Akbar gave him his sister Bakhshí Bánú Begum in marriage, and made him governor of Ajmír and Nágor. In 969, when Akbar went to Ajmír, Mírzá Sharaf joined the emperor, and distinguished himself in the siege of Mírt'ha, which was defended by Jagmal and Devídás, the latter of whom was killed in an engagement subsequent to their retreat from the fort.

In 970, Mírzá Sharaf's father came to A´grah and was received with great honors by Akbar. In the same year, Mírzá Sharaf, from motives of suspicion, fled from A´grah over the frontier, pursued by Husain Qulí Khán (No. 24) and other grandees. His father, ashamed of his son's behaviour, left for Hijáz, but died at Cambay. The ship on which his body was, foundered. Mírzá Sharaf stayed for some time with Changiz Khán, a Gujrát noble, and then joined the rebellion of the Mírzás. When Gujrát was conquered, he fled to the Dak'hin, and passing through Baglánah, was captured by the Zamíndár of the place, who after the conquest of Súrat handed him over to Akbar. To frighten him, Akbar ordered him to be put under the feet of a tame elephant, and after having kept him for some time imprisoned, he sent him to Muzaffar Khán, Governor of Bengal (No. 37), who was to give him a jágír, should he find that the Mírzá shewed signs of repentance; but if not, to send him to Makkah. Muzaffar was waiting for the proper season to have him sent off, when Mír Ma'çúm i Kábulí rebelled in Bihár. Joined by Bábá Khán Qáqshál, the rebels besieged Muzaffar Khán in Ṭánḍah and overpowered him. Mírzá Sharaf fled to them, after having taken possession of the hidden treasures of Muzaffar. But subsequently he became Ma'çúm's enemy. One was waiting for an opportunity to kill the other. Ma'çúm at last bribed a boy of the name of Mahmúd, whom Mírzá Sharaf liked, and had his enemy poisoned. Mírzá Sharaf's death took place in 988. He is wrongly called Siefuddeen in Stewart's History of Bengal (p. 108).

18. Yu´suf Muhammad Kha´n, eldest son of Atgah Khán (No. 15).

He was Akbar's foster brother (kokah or kúkaltásh). When twelve years old, he distinguished himself in the fight with Bairám (p. 317, l. 5,) and was made Khán. When his father had been killed by Adham Khán (No. 19), Akbar took care of him and his younger brother, 'Azíz Kokah (No. 21). He distinguished himself during the several rebellions of Khán Zamán (No. 13).

He died from excessive drinking in 973. Bad. II, p. 84.

19. Adham Kha´n,¹ son of Máhum Anagah.

The name of his father is unknown; he is evidently a royal bastard. His mother Máhum was one of Akbar's nurses (anagah²), and attended on Akbar ‘from the cradle till after his accession.’ She appears to have had unbounded influence in the Harem and over Akbar himself, and Mun'im Khán (No. 11), who after Bairám's fall had been appointed Vakíl, was subject to her counsel. She also played a considerable part in bringing about Bairám's fall; Bad. II, p. 36.

Adham Khán was a Panjhazárí, and distinguished himself in the siege of Mánkoṭ.³ Bairám Khán, in the third year, gave him Hatkánt'h,⁴ South-East of A´grah, as jágír, to check the rebels of the Bhadauriyah clan, who even during the preceding reigns had given much trouble. Though he accused Bairám of partiality in bestowing bad jágírs upon such as he did not like, Adham did his best to keep down the Bhadauriyahs. After Bairám's fall, he was sent, in 968, together with Pír Muhammad Khán, to Málwah, defeated Báz Bahádur near Sárangpúr, and took possession of Bahádur's treasures and dancing girls. His sudden fortune made him refractory; he did not send the booty to A´grah, and Akbar thought it necessary to pay him an unexpected visit, when Máhum Anagah found means to bring her son to his senses. Akbar left after four days. On his departure, Adham prevailed on his mother to send back two beautiful dancing girls; but when Akbar heard of it, Adham turned them away. They were captured, and killed by Máhum's orders. Akbar knew the whole, but said nothing about it. On his return to A´grah, however, he recalled Adham, and appointed Pír Muhammad governor of Málwah.

At Court, Adham met again Atgah Khán, whom both he and Mun'im Khán envied and hated. On the 12th Ramazán 969, when Mun'ím Khán, Atgah Khán, and several other grandees, had a nightly meeting in the state hall at A´grah, Adham Khán with some followers, suddenly entered. All rose to greet him, when Adham struck Atgah with his dagger, and told one of his companions (vide p. 321 note), to kill him. He then went with the dagger in his hand towards the sleeping apartments of Akbar, who had been awakened by the noise in the state hall. Looking out from a window, he saw what had happened, rushed forward sword in hand, and met Adham on a high archway (aiwán) near the harem. “Why have you killed my foster father, you son of a bitch?” (bachah i ládah), cried Akbar. “Stop a moment, majesty,” replied Adham, seizing Akbar's arms, “first inquire.” Akbar drew away his hands and struck Adham a blow in the face, which sent him “spinning” to the ground. “What are you standing here gaping,” said Akbar to one of his attendants of the name of Farhat Khán, “bind this man.” This was done, and at Akbar's orders Adham Khán was twice thrown down from the dais (çuffah) of the Aiwán to the ground, with his head foremost. The corpses of Adham and Atgah were then sent to Dihlí.

Máhum Anagah heard of the matter, and thinking that her son had been merely imprisoned, she repaired, though sick, from Dihlí to A´grah. On seeing her, Akbar said, “He has killed my foster father, and I have taken his life.” “Your Majesty has done well,” replied Máhum, turning pale, and left the hall. Forty days after, she died from grief, and was buried with her son in Dihlí in a tomb which Akbar had built for them. For Adham's brother, vide No. 60.

20. Pi´r Muhammad Kha´n of Shírwán.¹

Nothing is known of his father. Pír Muhammad was a Mullá, and attached himself to Bairám in Qandahár. Through Bairám's influence he was raised to the dignity of Amír on Akbar's accession. He distinguished himself in the war with Hemú, and received subsequently the title of Náçirulmulk. His pride offended the Chagatái nobles and, at last, Bairám himself, to whom he once refused admittance when he called on him at a time he was sick.

Bairám subsequently ordered him to retire, sent him, at the instigation of Shaikh Gadáí (vide p. 272) to the Fort of Biyánah, and then forced him to go on a pilgrimage. Whilst on his way to Gujrát, Pír Muhammad received letters from Adham Khán (No. 19) asking him to delay. He stayed for a short time at Rantanbhúr; but being pursued by Bairám's men, he continued his journey to Gujrát. This harsh treatment annoyed Akbar, and accelerated Bairám's fall. Whilst in Gujrát, P. M. heard of Bairám's disgrace, and returned at once to Akbar who made him a Khán. In 968, he was appointed with Adham Khán to conquer Málwah, of which he was made sole governor after Adham's recall. In 969, he defeated Báz Bahádur who had invaded the country, drove him away, and took Bíjágaṛh from I'timád Khán, Báz Bahádur's general. He then made a raid into Khandes, which was governed by Mírán Muhammad Sháh, sacked the capital Burhánpúr, slaughtered most unmercifully the inhabitants, and carried off immense booty, when he was attacked by Báz Bahádur and defeated. Arriving at night on his flight at the bank of the Narbaddah, he insisted on crossing it, and perished in the river.

21. Kha´n i A'zam Mi´rza´ 'Azi´z Kokah, son of Atgah Khán (No. 15).

His mother was Jí Jí Anagah (vide p. 321). He grew up with Akbar, who remained attached to him to the end of his life. Though often offended by his boldness, Akbar would but rarely punish him; he used to say, “Between me and 'Azíz is a river of milk which I cannot cross.”

On the removal of the Atgah Khail (p. 321, l. 1.) from the Panjáb, he retained Dípálpúr, where he was visited by Akbar in the 16th year (978) on his pilgrimage to the tomb of Shaikh Faríd i Shakkarganj at Ajhodhan (Pák Patan, or Patan i Panjáb).

In the 17th year, after the conquest of Ahmadábád, Mírzá 'Azíz was appointed governor of Gujrát as far as the Mahindra river, whilst Akbar went to conquer Súrat. Muhammad Husain Mírzá and Sháh Mírzá, joined by Sher Khán Fúládí, thereupon besieged Patan; but they were at last defeated by Mírzá 'Azíz and Quṭbuddín. 'Azíz then returned to Ahmadábád. When Akbar, on the 2nd Çafar 981, returned to Fathpúr Síkrí, Ikhtiyárulmulk, a Gujrátí noble, occupied I´dar, and then moved against 'Azíz in Ahmadábád. Muhammad Husain Mírzá also came from the Dak'hin, and after attacking Kambháyit (Cambay), they besieged Ahmadábád. 'Azíz held himself bravely. The siege was raised by Akbar, who surprised the rebels¹ near Patan. During the fight Muhammad Husain Mírzá and Ikhtiyár ulmulk were killed. The victory was chiefly gained by Akbar himself, who with 100 chosen men fell upon the enemy from an ambush. 'Azíz had subsequently to fight with the sons of Ikhtiyárulmulk.

In the 20th year Akbar introduced the Dágh (A´ín 7), which proved a source of great dissatisfaction among the Amírs. Mírzá 'Azíz especially shewed himself so disobedient, that Akbar was compelled to deprive him temporarily of his rank.

Though restored to his honours in the 23rd year, M. 'Azíz remained unemployed till the 25th year (988), when disturbances had broken out in Bengal and Bihár (vide Muzaffar Khán, No. 37). 'Azíz was promoted to a command of Five Thousand, got the title of A'zam Khán, and was despatched with a large army to quell the rebellion. His time was fully occupied in establishing order in Bihár. Towards the end of the 26th year, he rejoined the emperor, who had returned from Kábul to Fathpúr Síkrí. During 'Azíz's absence from Bihár, the Bengal rebels had occupied Hájípúr, opposite Patna; and 'Azíz, in the 27th year, was again sent to Bihár, with orders to move into Bengal. After collecting the Tuyúldárs of Iláhábád, Audh, and Bihár, he occupied Gaṛhí, the ‘key’ of Bengal. After several minor fights with the rebels under Ma'çúm i Kábulí, and Majnún Khán Qáqshál, 'Azíz succeeded in gaining over the latter, which forced Ma'çúm to withdraw. The imperial troops then commenced to operate against Qatlú, a Lohání Afghán, who during these disturbances had occupied Orissa and a portion of Bengal. 'Azíz, however, took ill, and handing over the command to Shahbáz Khán i Kambú, returned to his lands in Bihár. Soon after, he joined Akbar at Iláhábád, and was transferred to Gaṛha and Ráisín (993).

In the 31st year (994), M. 'Azíz was appointed to the Dak'hin; but as the operations were frustrated through the envy of Shihábuddín Ahmad (No. 26) and other grandees, 'Azíz withdrew, plundered Ilichpúr in Barár, and then retreated to Gujrát, where the Khán Khánán was (Briggs, II, 257).

In the 32nd year, Prince Murád married a daughter of M. 'Azíz. Towards the end of the 34th year, 'Azíz was appointed Governor of Gujrát in succession to the Khán Khánán. In the 36th year, he moved against Sulṭán Muzaffar, and defeated him in the following year. He then reduced Jám and other zamíndárs of Kachh to obedience, and conquered Somnát and sixteen other harbour towns (37th year). Júnágaṛh also, the capital of the ruler of Súrat, submitted to him (5th Zí Qa'dah 999), and Miyán Khán and Táj Khán, sons of Daulat Khán ibn i Amín Khán i Ghorí, joined the Mughuls. 'Azíz gave both of them jágírs. He had now leisure to hunt down Sulṭán Muzaffar, who had taken refuge with a Zamíndár of Dwárká. In a fight the latter lost his life, and Muzaffar fled to Kachh, followed by 'Azíz. There also the Zamíndárs submitted, and soon after delivered Sulṭán Muzaffar into his hands. No sooner had he been brought to the Mírzá than he asked for permission to step aside to perform a call of nature, and cut his throat with a razor.

In the 39th year Akbar recalled M. 'Azíz, as he had not been at Court for several years; but the Mírzá dreading the religious innovations at Court,¹ marched against Diu under the pretext of conquering it. He made, however, peace with the ‘Firingí’ and embarked for Hijáz at Baláwal, a harbour town near Somnát, accompanied by his six younger sons (Khurram, Anwar, 'Abdullah, 'Abdullaṭíf Murtazá, 'Abdulghafúr), six daughters, and about one hundred attendants. Akbar felt sorry for his sudden departure, and with his usual magnanimity, promoted the two eldest sons of the Mírzá (M. Shamsí and M. Shádmán).

M. 'Azíz spent a great deal of money in Makkah; in fact he was so ‘fleeced,’ that his attachment to Islám was much cooled down; and being assured of Akbar's good wishes for his welfare, he embarked for India, landed again at Baláwal, and joined Akbar in the beginning of 1003. He now became a member of the ‘Divine Faith’ (vide p. 208, l. 4,) was appointed Governor of Bihár, was made Vakíl in 1004, and received Multán as Jágír.

In the 45th year (1008) he accompanied Akbar to A´sír. His mother died about the same time, and Akbar himself assisted in carrying the coffin. Through the mediation of the Mírzá, Bahádur Khán, ruler of Khandes, ceded A´sír to Akbar towards the end of the same year. Soon after, Prince Khusrau married one of 'Azíz's daughters.

At Akbar's death, Mán Singh and M. 'Azíz were anxious to proclaim Khusrau successor; but the attempt failed, as Shaikh Faríd i Bukhárí and others had proclaimed Jahángír before Akbar had closed his eyes. Mán Singh left the Fort of A´grah with Khusrau, in order to go to Bengal. 'Azíz wished to accompany him, sent his whole family to the Rájah, and superintended the burial of the deceased monarch. He countenanced Khusrau's rebellion, and escaped capital punishment through the intercession of several courtiers, and of Salímah Sulṭán Begum and other princesses of Akbar's Harem. Not long after, Khwájah Abul Hasan laid before Jahángír a letter written some years ago by 'Azíz to Rájah 'Alí Khán of Khandes, in which 'Azíz had ridiculed Akbar in very strong language. Jahángír gave 'Azíz the letter and asked him to read it, before the whole Court, which he did without the slightest hesitation, thus incurring the blame of all the courtiers present. Jahángír deprived him of his honours and lands, and imprisoned him.

In the 3rd year of Jahángír's reign (1017), M. 'Azíz was restored to his rank, and appointed (nominally) to the command of Gujrát, his eldest son, Jahángír Qulí Khán, being his náib. In the 5th year, when matters did not go on well in the Dak'hin, he was sent there with 10,000 men. In the 8th year (1022), Jahángír went to Ajmír, and appointed, at the request of 'Azíz, Sháhjahán to the command of the Dak'hin forces, whilst he was to remain as adviser. But Sháhjahán did not like M. 'Azíz on account of his partiality for Khusrau, and Mahábat Khán was despatched from Court to accompany 'Azíz from Udaipúr to A´grah. In the 9th year, 'Azíz was again imprisoned, and put under the charge of A´çaf Khán in the Fort of Gwáliár (Tuzuk, p. 127). He was set free a year later, and soon after restored to his rank. In the 18th year, he was appointed Atálíq to Prince Dáwar Bakhsh, who had been made Governor of Gujrát. M. 'Azíz died in the 19th year (1033) at Ahmadábád.

'Azíz was remarkable for ease of address, intelligence, and his knowledge of history. He also wrote poems. Historians quote the following aphorism from his ‘pithy’ sayings. ‘A man should marry four wives—a Persian woman to have somebody to talk to; a Khurásání woman, for his housework; a Hindu woman, for nursing his children; and a woman from Máwaránnahr, to have some one to whip as a warning for the other three’. Vide Iqbálnámah, p. 230.

Kokah means ‘foster brother,’ and is the same as the Turkish Kúkaldásh or Kúkaltash.

Mírzá 'Azíz's sons. 1. Mírzá Shamsí (No. 163). He has been mentioned above. During the reign of Jahángír he rose to importance, and received the title of Jahángír Qulí Khán.

2. Mírzá Shádmán (No. 233). He received the title of Shád Khán. Tuzuk, p. 99.

3. Mírzá Khurrum (No. 177). He was made by Akbar governor of Júnágaṛh in Gujrát, received the title of Kámil Khán under Jahángír, and accompanied Prince Khurram (Sháhjahán) to the Dak'hin.

4. Mírzá 'Abdullah (No. 257) received under Jahángír the title of Sardár Khán. He accompanied his father to Fort Gwáliár.

5. Mírzá Anwar (No. 206) was married to a daughter of Zain Khán Kokah (No. 34).

All of them were promoted to commanderships of Five and Two Thousands. Azíz's other sons have been mentioned above.

A sister of M. 'Azíz, Máh Bánú, was married to 'Abdurrahím Khan Khánán. (No. 29.)

22. Baha´dur Kha´n i Shaiba´ni´, (younger) brother of Khán Zamán. (No. 13.)

His real name is Muhammad Sa'íd. Humáyún on his return from Persia put him in charge of the District of Dáwar. He then planned a rebellion and made preparations to take Qandahár, which was commanded by Sháh Muhammad Khán of Qalát (No. 95.) The latter, however, fortified the town and applied to the king of Persia for help, as he could not expect Humáyún to send him assistance. A party of Qizilbáshes attacked Bahádur, who escaped.

In the 2nd year, when Akbar besieged Mánkoṭ, Bahádur, at the request of Bairám Khán, was pardoned, and received Multán as jágír. In the 3rd year, he assisted in the conquest of Málwah. After Bairám's fall, through the influence of Máhum Anagah (vide p. 323), he was made Vakíl, and was soon after appointed to Iṭáwah (Sirkár of A´grah).

Subsequently he took an active part in the several rebellions of his elder brother (vide p. 320). After his capture, Shahbáz Khán i Kambú (No. 80) killed him at Akbar's order.

Like his brother he was a man of letters (Bad. III, 239).

23. Ra´jah Biha´ri´ Mall, son of Prit'hiráj Kachhwáhah.

In some historical MSS. he is called Bihárá Mall. There were two kinds of Kachhwáhas, Rájáwat and Shaikháwat, to the former of which Bihárí Mall belonged. Their ancient family seat was Amber in the Çúbah of Ajmír. Though not so extensive as Maṛwáṛ, the revenues of Amber were larger.

Bihárí Mall was the first Rájpút that joined Akbar's Court. The flight¹ of Humáyún from India had been the cause of several disturbances. Hájí Khán, a servant of Sher Khán, had attacked Nárnaul, the jágír of Majnún Khán Qáqshál (No. 50), who happened to be a friend of the Rájah's. Through his intercession both came to an amicable settlement; and Majnún Khán, after the defeat of Hemú, (963) brought Bihárí Mall's services to the notice of the emperor. The Rájah was invited to come to court, where he was presented before the end of the first year of Akbar's reign. At the interview Akbar was seated on a wild (mast) elephant, and as the animal got restive and ran about, the people made way; only Bihárí Mall's Rájpút attendants, to the surprise of Akbar, stood firm.

In the 6th year of his reign (969), Akbar made a pilgrimage to the tomb of Mu'ín i Chishtí at Ajmír, and at Kalálí, Chaghtá Khán reported to the Emperor, that the Rájah had fortified himself in the passes, as Sharafuddín Husain (No. 17), Governor of Málwah, had made war upon him, chiefly at the instigation of Sojá, son of Púran Mall, elder brother of the Rájah. Sharafuddín had also got hold of Jagnát'h (No. 69), son of the Rájah, Ráj Singh (No. 174), son of Askaran, and Kangár, son of Jagmall (No. 134), his chief object being to get possession of Amber itself. At Deosah, 40 miles east of Jaipúr, Jaimall, son of Rúpsí (No. 118), Bihárí Mall's brother who was the chief of the country, joined Akbar, and brought afterwards, at the request of the emperor, his father Rúpsí. At Sankánír, at last, Bihárí Mall with his whole family, attended, and was most honorably received. His request to enter into Akbar's service and to strengthen the ties of friendship by a matrimonial alliance was granted. On his return from Ajmír, Akbar received the Rájah's daughter at Sambhar, and was joined, at Ratan, by the Rájah himself, and his son Bhagawant Dás, and his grandson Kuṉwar Mán Singh. They accompanied Akbar to A´grah, where Biharí Mall was made a Commander of Five Thousand. Soon after, Bihárí Mall returned to Amber. He died at A´grah (Ṭabaqát).

Amber is said to have been founded A. D. 967 by Dholá Rái, son of Sorá, of whom Bihárí Mall was the 18th descendant.¹

The Akbernámah mentions the names of four brothers of Bihárí Mall. 1. Púran Mall; 2. Rupsí (No. 118); 3. Askaran (vide No. 174); 4. Jagmall (No. 134). Bihárí Mall is said to have been younger than Púran Mall, but older than the other three.

Three sons of Bihárí Mall were in Akbar's service—1. Bhagwán Dás (No. 27); 2. Jagannát'h (No. 69); and 3. Salhadí (No. 267).

24. Kha´n Jaha´n Husain Quli´ Kha´n,² son of Walí Beg Zulqadr.

He is the son of Bairám Khán's sister. His father Walí Beg Zulqadr was much attached to Bairám, and was captured in the fight in the Parganah of (Jálindhar, vide p. 317, l. 5,) but died immediately afterwards from the wounds received in battle. Akbar looked upon him as the chief instigator of Bairám's rebellion, and ordered his head to cut off, which was sent all over Hindústán. When it was brought to Iṭáwah, Bahádur Khán (No. 22) killed the foot soldiers (tawáchís) that carried it. Khán Jahán had brought Bairám's insignia from Mewát to Akbar, and as he was a near relation of the rebel, he was detained and left under charge of A´çaf Khán 'Abdulmajíd, Commander of Dihlí. When Bairám had been pardoned, Khán Jahán was released. He attached himself henceforth to Akbar.

In the 8th year (end of 971), he was made a Khán, and received orders to follow up Sharafuddín Husain (No. 17). Ajmír and Nágor were given him as tuyúl. He took the Fort of Jodhpúr from Chandar Sen, son of Rái Máldeo, and distinguished himself in the pursuit of Udai Singh during the siege of Chítor.

In the 13th year (976), he was transferred to the Panjáb, whither he went after assisting in the conquest of Rantanbhúr.

In the 17th year, he was ordered to take Nagarkoṭ, which had belonged to Rájah Jai Chand. Badáoní says (II, p. 161), that the war was merely undertaken to provide Bír Baṛ with a jágír. Akbar had Jai Chand imprisoned, and Budí Chand, his son, thinking that his father was dead, rebelled. Khán Jahán, on his way, conquered Fort Kotlah, reached Nagarkoṭ in the beginning of Rajab 980, and took the famous Bhawan temple outside of the Fort. The siege was progressing and the town reduced to extremities, when it was reported that Ibráhím Husain Mírzá and Mas'úd Mírzá had invaded the Panjáb. Khán Jahán therefore accepted a payment of five mans of gold and some valuables, and raised the siege. He is also said to have erected a Masjid in front of Jai Chand's palace in the Fort, and to have read the Khuṭbah in Akbar's name (Friday, middle of Shawwál 980).

Accompanied by Ismá'íl Qulí Khán and Mírzá Yúsuf Khán i Rizawí (No. 35), Khán Jahán marched against the Mírzás, surprised them in the Parganah of Talambah, 40 kos from Multán, and defeated them. Ibráhím Husain Mírzá escaped to Multán, but Mas'úd Husain and several other Mírzás of note were taken prisoners.

In the 18th year (981), when Akbar returned to A´grah after the conquest of Gujrát, he invited his Amírs to meet him, and Khán Jahán also came with his prisoners, whom he had put into cow skins with horns on, with their eyelashes sewn together. Akbar had their eyes immediately opened, and even pardoned some of the prisoners. The victorious general received the title of Khán Jahán, ‘a title in reputation next to that of Khán Khánán.’ About the same time Sulaimán, ruler of Badakhshán (p. 312) had come to India, driven away by his grandson Sháhrukh (No. 7), and Khán Jahán was ordered to assist him in recovering his kingdom. But as in 983 Mun'im Khán Khánán died, and Bengal was unsettled, Khán Jahán was recalled from the Panjáb, before he had moved into Badakhshán, and was appointed to Bengal, Rájah Todar Mall being second in command. At Bhágalpúr, Khán Jahán was met by the Amírs of Bengal, and as most of them were Chaghtái nobles, he had, as Qizilbásh, to contend with the same difficulties as Bairám Khán had had. He repulsed the Afgháns who had come up as far as Gaṛhí and Ṭánḍah; but he met with more decided opposition at A´g Mahall, where Dáúd Khán had fortified himself. The Imperialists suffered much from the constant sallies of the Afgháns. Khán Jahán complained of the wilful neglect of his Amírs, and when Akbar heard of the death of Khwájah 'Abdullah Naqshbandí, who had been purposely left unsupported in a skirmish, he ordered Muzaffar Khán, Governor of Bihár (No. 37) to collect his Jágírdárs and join Khán Jahán (984). The fights near A´g Mahall were now resumed with new vigour. During a skirmish a cannon ball wounded Junaid i Kararání, Dáúd's cousin,¹ which led to a general battle (15th Rabí' II, 984). The right wing of the Afgháns, commanded by Kálá Paháṛ, gave way, when the soldiers saw their leader wounded, and the centre under Dáúd was defeated by Khán Jahán. Dáúd himself was captured and brought to Khán Jahán, who sent his head to Akbar.

After this great victory, Khán Jahán despatched Todar Mall to court, and moved to Sátgáṉw (Húglí), where Dáúd's family lived. Here he defeated the remnant of Dáúd's adherents under Jamshed and Mittí, and reannexed Sátgáṉw, which since the days of old had been called Bulghákkhánah,² to the Mughul empire. Dáúd's mother came to Khán Jahán as a suppliant.

Soon after Malkú Sáín, Rájah of Kúch Bihár sent tribute and 54 elephants, which Khán Jahán despatched to Court.

With the defeat and death of Dáúd, Bengal was by no means conquered. New troubles broke out in Bháṭí,³ where the Afgháns had collected under Karím Dád, Ibráhím, and the rich Zamíndár 'I´sá (). With great difficulties Khán Jahán occupied that district, assisted by a party of Afgháns who had joined him together with Dáúd's mother at Goás; and returned to Çihhatpúr, a town which he had founded near Ṭánḍah. Soon after, he took ill, and died after a sickness of six weeks in the same year (19th Shawwál 986(.

Abulfazl remarks that his death was opportune, inasmuch as the immense plunder collected by Khán Jahán in Bengal, had led him to the verge of rebellion.

Khán Jahán's son, Rizá Qulí (No. 274) is mentioned below among the Commanders of Three Hundred and Fifty. In the 47th year he was made a Commander of Five Hundred with a contingent of 300 troopers. Another son, Rahím Qulí, was a Commander of Two Hundred and Fifty, (No. 333). For Khán Jahán's brother vide No. 46.

25. Sai´d Kha´n, son of Ya'qúb Beg, son of Ibráhím Jábúq.

He is also called Sa'íd Khán i Chaghtái. His family had long been serving under the Tímúrides. His grandfather Ibráhím Beg Jábúq was an Amír of Humáyún's and distinguished himself in the Bengal wars. His, son Yúsuf Beg, was attacked near Jaunpúr by Jalál Khán (i. e., Salím Sháh), and killed. His other son also, Ya'qúb, Sa'íd's father, distinguished himself under Humáyún. According to the Ṭabaqát, he was the son of the brother of Jahángír Qulí Beg, governor of Bengal under Humáyún.

Sa'íd rose to the highest honors under Akbar. He was for some time Governor of Multán, and was appointed, in the 22nd year, atálíq of Prince Dányál. Some time after, he was made Çúbahdár of the Panjáb, in supercession to Sháh Qulí Muhrim (No. 45), of whom the inhabitants of the Panjáb had successfully complained. Sa'íd again was succeeded in the governorship by Rájah Bhagwán Dás (No. 27), and received Sambhal as tuyúl. In the 28th year, he was called to Court, was made a commander of Three Thousand, and was sent to Hájípúr (Patna) as successor to Mírzá 'Azíz Kokah (No. 21). In the 32nd year, when Vazír Khán (No. 41) had died in Bengal, Sa'íd was made Governor of Bengal, which office he held till the 40th year. He was also promoted to the rank of Panjhazárí. In the 40th year, Mán Singh (No. 30) being appointed to Bengal, he returned to Court, and was, in the following year, again made Governor of Bihár. In the 48th year (1011), when Mírzá Ghází rebelled in T'hat'hah after the death of his father Mírzá Jání Beg (No. 47), Sa'íd was appointed to Multán and Bhakkar, and brought about the submission of the rebel.

After the accession of Jahángír, he was offered the Governorship of the Panjáb on the condition that he should prevent his eunuchs from committing oppressions, which he promised to do. (Tuzuk, p. 6, l. 2). He died, however, before joining his post, and was buried ‘in the garden of Sarhind.’

His affairs during his lifetime were transacted by a Hindú of the name of Chetr Bhoj. Sa'íd had a passion for eunuchs, of whom he had 1200¹. One of these Khwájahsarás, Hilál, joined afterwards Jahángír's service; he built Hilálábád, six kos N. W. from A´grah, near Rankaṭṭah,² regarding which the Maásir tells an amusing incident. Another eunuch, Ikhtiyár Khán was his Vakíl, and another, I'tibár Khán, the Faujdár of his jágír. For Sa'íd's brother, vide No. 70.

26. Shiha´b Kha´n, a Sayyid of Níshápúr.

His full name is Shihábuddín Ahmad Khán. He was a relation and friend of Máhum Anagah (p. 323) and was instrumental in bringing about Bairám's fall. From the beginning of Akbar's reign, he was Commander of Dilhí. When Akbar, at the request of Máhum, turned from Sikandarábád to Dihlí to see his sick mother, Shiháb Kán told him that his journey, undertaken as it was without the knowledge of Bairám Khán, might prove disastrous to such grandees as were not Bairám's friends; and the Chaghtái nobles took this opportunity of reiterating their complaints, which led to Bairám's disgrace.

As remarked on p. 321, Shiháb served in Málwah against 'Abdullah Khán.

In the 12th year (975), he was appointed Governor of Málwah, and was ordered to drive the Mírzás from that province. In the 13th year, he was put in charge of the Imperial domain lands, as Muzaffar Khán (No. 37) had too much to do with financial matters.

In the 21st year, he was promoted to a command of Five Thousand, and was again appointed to Málwah; but he was transferred, in the following year, to Gujrát, as Vazír Khán (No. 41) had given no satisfaction. He was, in the 28th year, succeeded by I'timád Khán (No. 119), and intended to go to Court; but no sooner had he left Ahmadábád than he was deserted by his servants, who in a body joined Sulṭán Muzaffar. The events of the Gujrát rebellion are known from the histories. When Mírzá Khán Khánán (No. 29) arrived, Shiháb was attached to Qulij Khán (Málwah Corps). He distinguished himself in the conquest of Bahroṉch (992), and received that district as tuyúl. In the 34th year (997), he was again made Governor of Málwah, in succession to M. 'Azíz Kokah (No. 21).

Shiháb died in Málwah (Ujain, Ṭabaqat) in 999. His wife, Bábá A´ghá was related to Akbar's mother; she died in 1005.

During the time Shiháb was Governor of Dihlí, he repaired the canal which Fírúz Sháh had cut from the Parganah of Khizrábád to Safídún; and called it Nahr i Shiháb. This canal was again repaired, at the order of Sháhjahán, by the renowned Makramat Khán, and called , Faiz Nahr, (20th year of Sháhjahán). During the reign of Aurangzeb it was again obstructed, but has now again been repaired and enlarged by the English. (A´sáruççanádíd.)

27. Ra´jah Bhagwa´n Da´s, son of Rájah Bihárí Mall.

In the Histories we find the spellings Bhagwant, Bhagwánt, and Bhagwán. He joined Akbar's service with his father (No. 23). In 980, in the fight with Ibráhím Husain Mírzá near Sarnál (Briggs, Sartál), he saved Akbar's life. He also distinguished himself against the Ráná of I´dar, whose son, Amr Singh, he brought to Court. When, in the 23rd year, the Kachwáhahs had their tuyúls transferred to the Panjáb, Rájah Bh. D. was appointed Governor of the province. In the 29th year, Bh.'s daughter was married to Prince Salím, of which marriage Prince Khusrau was the offspring. In the 30th year, Bh. D. was made a commander of Five Thousand, and Governor of Zábulistán, as Mán Singh was sent against the Yúsufzaís. But Akbar for some reason detained him. In Khairábád, Bh. D. had a fit of madness, and wounded himself with a dagger; but he recovered, soon after, in the hands of the Court Doctors. In the 32nd year, the jágírs of the Rájah and his family were transferred to Bihár, Mán Singh taking the command of the province.

Rájah Bh. D. died in the beginning of 998 at Láhor, a short time after Rájah Todar Mall (No. 39). People say that on returning from Todar Mall's funeral, he had an attack of stranguary, of which he died. He had the title of Amír ul Umará.

The Jámi 'Masjid of Láhor was built by him.

Regarding his sons, vide Nos. 30, 104, 336.

28. Qutbuddi´n Kha´n, youngest brother of Atgah Khán (15).

As he belonged to the Atgah Khail (vide p. 321), his tuyúl was in the Panjáb. He founded several mosques, &c., at Láhor.

In the 9th year (972), Akbar sent him to Kábul. During his stay there, he built a villa at Ghaznín, his birth place. On the transfer of the ‘Atgah Khail’ from the Panjáb, Q. was appointed to Málwah. After the conquest of Gujrát, he received as jágír the Sirkár of Bahroṉch (Broach), “which lies south of Ahmadábád, and has a fort on the bank of the Narbuddá near its mouth.” Subsequently he returned to Court, and was made a commander of Five Thousand.

In the 24th year (12th Rajab, 987), he was appointed atálíq to Prince Salím, received a dágú,¹ and the title of Beglar Begí. Akbar also honoured him by placing at a feast Prince Salím on his shoulders. Afterwards Q. was again appointed to Bahroṉch ‘as far as Nazrbár.’. In the 28th year (991), Muzaffar of Gujrát tried to make himself independent. Q. did not act in concert with the other officers, and in consequence of his delay and timidity, he was attacked and defeated by Muzaffar near Barodah. Q.'s servants even joined Muzaffar, whilst he himself retreated to the Fort of Barodah. After a short time he capitulated and surrendered to Muzaffar, who had promised not to harm him or his family. But at the advice of a Zamíndár, Muzaffar went to Bahroṉch, occupied the Fort in which Q.'s family lived, and confiscated his immense property (10 krors of rupees), as also 14 lacs of imperial money. Immediately after, Muzaffar had Q. murdered.

His son Naurang Khán served under Mírzá Khán Khánán (No. 29) in Gujrát (992), received a jágír in Málwah and subsequently in Gujrát. He died in 999.

The MSS. of the Ṭabaqát, which I consulted, contain the remark that Naurang Khán was a Commander of Four Thousand, and was, in 1001, governor of Júnágaṛh.

His second son, Gújar Khán, was a Haftçadí (No. 193), and served chiefly under M. A'zam Khán Kokah (No. 21). He also had a tuyúl in Gujrát.

29. Kha´n Kha´na´n Mi´rza´ 'Abdurrahi´m, son of Bairám Khán.

His mother was a daughter of Jamál Khán of Mewát.¹ In 961, when Humáyún returned to India, he enjoined his nobles to enter into matrimonial alliances with the Zamíndárs of the country, and after marrying the elder daughter of Jamál Khán, he asked Bairám Khán to marry the younger one.

M. 'Abdurrahím was born at Láhor, 14th Çafar 964. When Bairám Khán was murdered at Patan in Gujrát (p. 317), his camp was plundered by some Afgháns; but Muhammad Amín Díwánah and Bábá Zambúr managed to remove the child and his mother from the scene of plunder, and bring them to Ahmadábád, fighting on the road with the Afghán robbers. From Ahmadábád, M. 'Abdurrahím was taken to Akbar (969), who notwithstanding the insinuations of malicious courtiers took charge of him. He gave him the title of Mírzá Khán, and married him subsequently to Mah Bánú, sister of M. 'Azíz Kokah. (No. 21).

In 981, M. 'Abdurrahím accompanied Akbar on his forced march to Patan (p. 325). In 984, M. 'A. was appointed to Gujrát, Vazír Khán having the management of the province. In the 25th year, he was made Mír 'Arz, and three years later, atálíq to Prince Salím. Soon after, he was sent against Sulṭán Muzaffar of Gujrát. Muzaffar, during the first Gujrátí war, had fallen into the hands of Akbar's officers. He was committed to the charge of Mun'im Khán (No. 11), and after his death, to the care of Sháh Mançúr the Díwán (No. 122). But Muzaffar managed, in the 23rd year, to escape, and took refuge with the Kát'hís of Júnágaṛh, little noticed or cared for by Akbar's officers. But when I'timád Khán was sent to Gujrát to relieve Shihábuddín (No. 26), the servants of the latter joined Muzaffar, and the Gujrát rebellion commenced. Muzaffar took Ahmadábád, and recruited, with the treasures that fell into his hands (vide Quṭbuddín, No. 28), an army of 40,000 troopers. Mírzá 'Abdurrahím had only 10,000 troopers to oppose him, and though his officers advised him to wait for the arrival of Qulij Khán and the Málwah contingent, Daulat Khán Lodí, M. 'A.'s Mír Shamsher, reminded him not to spoil his laurels and claims to the Khán Khánánship. M.'A. then attacked Muzaffar and defeated him in the remarkable battle of Sarkich, three kos from Ahmadábád. On the arrival of the Málwah contingent, M. 'A. defeated Muzaffar a second time near Nádot. Muzaffar concealed himself in Rájpíplah.

For these two victories Akbar made M.'A. a commander of Five Thousand, and gave him the coveted title of Khán Khánán. For this reason Historians generally call him Mírzá Khán Khánán.

When Gujrát was finally conquered, M. Khán Khánán gave his whole property to his soldiers, even his inkstand, which was given to a soldier who came last and said, he had not received anything. The internal affairs of Gujrát being settled, Qulij Khán was left in the province, and M.'A. rejoined the Court.

In the 34th year he presented to Akbar a copy of his Persian translation of Bábar's Chaghtái Memoirs (Wáqi'át i Bábarí).¹

Towards the end of the same year he was appointed Vakíl, and received Jaunpúr as tuyúl; but in 999 his jágír was transferred to Multán, and he received orders to take T'hat'hah (Sind). Passing by the Fort of Sahwán,² he took the Fort of Lak'hí, “which was considered the key of the country, just as Gaḍhí is in Bengal and Bárahmúlah in Kashmír.” After a great deal of fighting, Mírzá Jání Beg (No. 47), ruler of T'hat'hah, made peace, which M.'A., being hard pressed for provisions, willingly accepted. Sahwán was to be handed over to Akbar, M. Jání Beg was to visit the emperor after the rains, and Mírzá I´rich, M.'A.'s eldest son, was to marry Jání Beg's daughter. But as M. Jání Beg after the rains, delayed to carry out the stipulations. M.'A. moved to T'hat'hah, and prepared himself to take it by assault, when M. Jání Beg submitted and accompanied M.'A. to Court.³ Thus Sindh was annexed.

When Sulṭán Murád assembled, at Bahroṉch (Broach), his troops for the conquest of the Dak'hin, Akbar despatched M.'A. to his assistance, giving him Bhílsá as jágír. After delaying there for some time, M.'A. went to Ujain, which annoyed the Prince, though M.'A. wrote him that Rájah 'Alí Khán⁴ of Khándes was on the point of joining the Imperialists, and that he would come with him. When M.'A., at last, joined head quarters at Fort Chándor, 30 kos from Ahmadnagar, he was slighted by the Prince; and, in consequence of it, he hesitated to take an active part in the operations, leaving the command of his detachment chiefly in the hands of M. Sháhrukh (No. 7). Only on one occasion after Murád's departure from Ahmadnagar, he took a prominent part in the war. Mu'tamiduddaulah Suhail Khán (Briggs, II, 274; III, 308) threatened Prince Murád, who had been persuaded by his officers not to engage with him. M. 'A., Rájah 'Alí Khán, and M. Sháhrukh, therefore took it upon themselves to fight the enemy. Moving in Jumáda II, 1005 from Sháhpúr, M.'A. met Suhail near the town of Ashtí, 12 kos from Pathrí. The fight was unusually severe. Rájah 'Alí Khán with five of his principal officers and five hundred troopers were killed (Briggs IV, 324). The night put an end to the engagement; but each party believing itself victorious, remained under arms. When next morning, M.'A.'s troopers went to the river [near Súpá, Firishtah] to get water, they were attacked by 25,000 of the enemy's horse. Daulat Khán who commanded M.'A.'s avantguard, said to him,” It is dying a useless death to fall fighting with but 600 troopers against such odds.” “Do you forget Dihlí?” asked M.'A. “If we keep up,” replied Daulat Khán, “against such odds, we have discovered a hundred Dihlís; and if we die, matters rest with God.” Qásim of Bárha¹ and several other Sayyids were near; and on hearing M.'A.'s resolution to fight, he said, “Well, let us fight as Hindústánís, nothing is left but death; but ask the Khán Khánán what he means to do.” Daulat Khán returned, and said to M.'A. “Their numbers are immense, and victory rests with heaven; point out a place where we can find you, should we be defeated.” “Under the corpses,” said M. 'A. Thereupon they charged the flank of the enemy and routed them. After this signal victory, M.'A. distributed 75 lacs of Rupees among his soldiers. At the request of the Prince, M.'A. was soon after recalled (1006).

In the same year Mah Bánú, M. 'A.'s wife died.

In the 44th year. Prince Dányál was appointed to the Dak'hin, and M.'A. was ordered to join the Prince, and besiege Ahmadnagar. The town; as is known from the histories, was taken after a siege of 4 months and 4 days.² M.'A. then joined the Court, bringing with him Bahádur ibn i Ibráhím, who had been set up as Nizám Sháh. Dányál was appointed governor of the newly conquered territory, which was called by Akbar Dándes,³ and married to Jáná Begum, M.'A.'s daughter. The Khán Khánán was also ordered to repair to Ahmadnagar, to keep down a party that had made the son of Sháh 'Alí, uncle of Murtazá, Nizám Sháh.

After the death of Akbar, matters in the Dak'hin did not improve. In the 3rd year of Jahángír (1017), M.'A. promised to bring the war to a close in two years, if he received a sufficient number of troops. Sháhzádah Parwíz, under the Atálíqship of A´çaf Khán, Mán Singh, Khán Jahán Lodí, and others, were appointed to assist M.'A. He took the Prince in the rains from Burhánpúr to Bálág'hát; but in consequence of the usual duplicity and rancour displayed by the Amírs, the imperial army suffered from want of provisions and loss of cattle, and M.'A. was compelled to conclude a treaty dishonorable for Jahángír, who appointed Khán Jahán Lodí as his successor, and sent Mahábat Khán, subsequently M.'A.'s enemy, to bring the unsuccessful commander to Court.

In the 5th year, M. 'A. received Kálpí and Qanauj as tuyúl, with orders to crush the rebels in those districts (vide p. 324, note). Some time afterwards, M.'A. was again sent to the Dak'hin, as matters there had not improved; but he did not gain any advantage either.

In the 11th year (1025) Jahángír, at last, despatched Prince Khurram, to whom he had given the title of Sháh.¹ Jahángír himself fixed his residence at Mándú in Málwah, in order to be nearer the scene of war, while Sháh Khurram selected Burhánpúr as Head Quarters. Here the Prince also married the daughter of Shahnawáz Khán, M. 'A.'s son. 'A´dil Sháh and Quṭbulmulk sent tribute and submitted, and Jahángír bestowed upon 'A´dil Sháh the title of Farzand (son); and 'Ambar Malik handed over the keys of Ahmadnagar and other Forts, together with the Parganahs of Bálág'hát which he had conquered. Sháh Khurram then appointed M.'A. Çúbahdár of Khándes, Barár, and Ahmadnagar, whilst Shahnawáz Khán was appointed to Bálág'hát. Leaving 30,000 horse and 7,000 artillery in the Dak'hin, Sháh Khurram joined his father at Mándú, where new honors awaited him.²

In the 15th year, Malik 'Ambar ‘broke’ the treaty, and fell upon the T'hánahdárs of the Mughuls. Dáráb Khán, M. 'A.'s second son, retreated from Bálá'ghát to Bálápúr; and driven from there, he went to Burhánpúr, where he and his father were besieged. On Sháhjahán's approach, the besiegers dispersed.

In the 17th year, (1031), Sháh 'Abbás of Persia attacked Qandahár, and Sháhjahán and 'Abdurrahím were called to Court, to take the command against the Persians; but before they joined, Prince Parwíz, through Núr Jahán's influence, had been appointed heir-apparent, and Mahábat Khán had been raised to the dignity of Khán Khánán. Sháhjahán rebelled, returned with M.'A. to Mándú, and then moved to Burhánpúr. On the march thither, Sháhjahán intercepted a letter which M. 'A. had secretly written to Mahábat Khán, whereupon he imprisoned him and his son Dáráb Khán, and sent him to Fort A´sír, but released them soon after on parole. Parwíz and Mahábat Khán had, in the meantime, arrived at the Narbaddah to capture Sháhjahán. Bairám Beg, an officer of Sháhjahán's, had for this reason removed all boats to the left side of the river, and successfully prevented the imperials from crossing. At M.'A.'s advice, Sháhjahán proposed, at this time, an armistice. He made M. 'A. swear upon the Qorán not to betray him, and sent him as ambassador to Parwíz. Mahábat Khán, knowing that the fords would not now be so carefully watched as before, effected a crossing, and M.'A., forgetful of his oath, joined Prince Parwíz, and did not return to Sháhjahán, who now fled from Burhánpúr, marching through Talingánah to Orissa and Bengal. Mahábat and M. 'A. followed him up a short distance beyond the Taptí. M. 'A. wrote to Rájah Bhím, a principal courtier of the Daulatsháhí party, to tell Sháhjahán, that he (M. 'A.) would do every thing in his power to detain the imperial army, if the prince would allow his sons to join him. Rájah Bhím replied that the prince had still from five to six thousand followers, and that he would kill M.'A.'s sons, should it come to a fight. Sháhjahán then moved into Bengal and Bihár, of which he made Dáráb Khán, who had evidently attached himself to the prince, Governor. Mahábat Khán had in the mean time returned to Iláhábád to oppose Sháhjahán, and had plaeed M.'A., who looked upon him with distrust, under surveillance.

In the 21st year, Jahángír ordered Mahábat Khán to send M. 'A. to court, where he was reinstated in his titles and honours. He afterwards retired to his jágír at Láhor, when Mahábat Khán followed him and sent him back to Dihlí. Soon after the failure of his scheme of retaining possession of Jahángír's person, and the return of the monarch from Kábul, Mahábat Khán had to fly. Núr Jahán now appointed M.'A. to follow up Mahábat, and contributed herself twelve lacs of rupees to the expedition. But before the necessary preparations had been completed, M.'A. took ill at Láhor, and on his arrival in Dihlí, he died at the age of seventy-two, in the end of Jahángír's 21st year (1036). The words Khán Sipahsálár kú (where is the Khán Commander) are the táríkh of his death.

M. 'A.'s great deeds are the conquests of Gujrát and Sind and the defeat of Suhail Khán of Bíjápúr. During Jahángír's reign, he did nothing remarkable; nor was he treated with the respect which he had enjoyed during the lifetime of Akbar, though he was allowed to retain his rank. For nearly thirty years, he had been serving in the Dak'hin. Every grandee, and even the princes, accused him of secret friendship with the rulers of the Dak'hin, and Abulfazl, on one occasion, gave his fatwá that M.'A. was a rebel. Under Jahángír, he was the open friend of Malik 'Ambar; and Muhammad Ma'çúm, one of his servants, once informed the emperor that he would find Malik 'Ambar's correspondence in the possession of 'Abdurrahím of Lak'hnau (No. 197), who was much attached to M.'A. Mahábat Khán was appointed to enquire into this; but 'Abdurrahím of Lak'hnau would not betray his friend. People said, M. 'A.'s motto was, ‘people should hurt their enemies under the mask of friendship,’ and all seem to have been inclined to blame him for maliciousness and faithlessness. He used to get daily reports from his newswriters whom he had posted at various stations. He read their reports at night, and tore them up. But he was also proverbial for his liberality and love of letters. The Maásir i Rahímí¹ is a splendid testimony of his generosity; it shews that he was the Mæcenas of Akbar's age. People, by a happy comparison, called him Mír 'Alí Sher (vide p. 101, note 4.) M.'A. wrote Persian, Turkish, Arabic, and Hindí with great fluency. As poet he wrote under the name of Rahím.

Though his father had been a Shí'ah, M.'A. was a Sunní; but people said, he was a Shí'ah, but practised taqiyyah.²

M.'A.'s most faithful servant was Miyán Fahím. People said, he was the son of a slave girl; but he appears to have been a Rájpút. He grew up with M.'A.'s sons, and was as pious as he was courageous. He fell with his son Fírúz Khán and 40 attendants in the fight with Mahábat Khán, who had imprisoned his master. M.'A. built him a tomb in Dihlí, which is now called Nílah Burj, near Humáyún's tomb. (A´sáruççanádíd.)

M. 'A. outlived his four sons.

1. Mírzá I´rich (or I´rij, Shahnawáz Khán Bahádur (No. 255). When young he used to be called Khán Khánán i jawán. He distinguished himself by his courage. In the 40th year of Akbar he was made a Commander of 400. In the 47th year, after a fight with Malik 'Ambar who got wounded, he received the title of Bahádur, During the reign of Jahángír he was called Shahnawáz Khán (vide Tuzuk, p. 95), and was made a Commander of Five Thousand. He died in 1028 from excessive drinking. (Vide Tuzuk, p. 270).

Two of his sons are mentioned in the Pádisháhnámah. 1. Mírzá Khán. He was Faujdár of Kángṛah, and retired ‘foolishly’ from public life in Rabí' II, 1046. But he was re-employed and was a Commander of Three Thousand in 1055 (Pádisháhnámah II, pp. 483, 723). 2. Lashkarshikan Khán. He got in 1047, a present of 4000 R., and received an appointment in Bengal.

Historians call Shahnawáz Khán generally Shahnawáz Khán i Jahángírí, to distinguish him from Shahnawáz Khán i Çafawí, a grandee of Sháhjahán.

2. Mírzá Dáráb Dáráb-Khán. He has been mentioned above (p. 337). When Sháhjahán made him Governor of Bengal, he retained his wife, a son and a daughter, and a son of Shahnawáz Khán as hostages (yarghamál). When the prince after the fight near the Tons (Benares) had again to go to the Dak'hin, he wrote to Dáráb Khán to move to Gaḍhí (N. W. entrance of Bengal) and join him. Dáráb wrote him that he could not come, being besieged by the zamíndárs of the place. He fell at last into the hands of Parwíz and Mahábat Khán, and as Jahángír had ‘no objections’, Mahábat executed him (1035), wrapped his head in a table cloth, and sent it to his father M.'A. as a present of a ‘melon.’ A short time before, 'Abdullah Khán had killed Dáráb's son and a son of Shahnawáz Khán.

3. Mírzá Rahmán Dád. His mother belonged to the Sandahas of Amarkoṭ. Though very dissolute, he was most liked by his father. He died, at Bálápúr, about the same time as his eldest brother. Vide Tuzuk, p. 315. No one dared to inform his father of the event, till people sent at last the famous saint Hazrat 'I´sá of Sindh to M. 'A. on a visit of condolence.

4. Mírzá Amrullah. He grew up without education, and died when young.

30. Ra´jah Ma´n Singh, son of Bhagwán Dás

He was born at Amber, and is the son of Rájah Bhagwán Dás (No. 27). European Historians say that he was the adopted son of Rájah Bh. D., but Muhammadan Historians do not allude to this circumstance, perhaps because Hindús make absolutely no difference between a real and an adopted son. He is also known under the title of Mírzá Rájah, and Akbar bestowed upon him the title of Farzand (son).

He joined Akbar with Bihárí Mall (p. 329). In 984, he was appointed against Ráná Kíká, and gained, in 985, the great battle near Gogandah.¹ Rájah Rámsáh of Gwáliár was killed with his sons, whilst the Ráná himself in the melée was wounded by Mán Singh. Akbar, however, felt annoyed, because M. S. did not follow up his victory, and recalled him.

When Bhagwán Dás was appointed governor of the Panjáb, M. S. commanded the districts along the Indus. In the year 993, Prince M. Muhammad Hakím died, and M. S. was sent to Kábul to keep the country in order. He rejoined Akbar near the Indus with M. Muhammad Hakím's sons (M. Afrásyáb and M. Kaiqubád); but was soon after sent back to Kábul, where he chastised the Raushánís who, like other Afghán tribes, were given to predatory incursions. After the death of Rájah Bír Baṛ, in the war with the Yúsufzaís, M. S. was appointed to the command of the army in Kábul, in supercession of Zain Khán Kokah (No. 34) and Hakím Abul Fath. He was also put in charge of Zábulistán, as Bhagwán Dás had a fit of madness (p. 333). In the 32nd year, M. S. was recalled in consequence of loud complaints of the people against the Rájpúts and M. S.'s indifference to the Kábulís, and was appointed Governor of Bihár, to which province the tuyúls of the Kachhwáhas had been transferred.

After the death of Bhagwán Dás in 998, M. S., who hitherto had the title of Kuṉwar, received from Akbar the title of Rájah and a Command of Five Thousand. In Bihár he punished several refractory Zamindárs, as Púrán Mall and Rájah Sangrám. Rám, and received their tribute.

The principal events of Mán Singh's life from 997 to 1015 are given in Stewart's History of Bengal, (pp. 114 to 121).¹ In the 35th year, M. S. invaded Orissa by way of Jhárkanḍ (Chuttiá Nágpúr). The result of this expedition was the cession of Púrí. In the 37th year, when the Afgháns under Khwájah Sulaimán and Khwájah 'Usmán attacked Púrí, M. S. again invaded Orissa, and re-annexed, in 1000, that province to the Dihlí empire. In the 39th year, M. S. continued his conquests in Bháṭí (the eastern portions of the Sundarban), and built, in the following year, Akbarnagar, or Rájmahall, at a place which Sher Sháh, before him, had selected as a convenient spot, as also Salímnagar, the Fort of Sherpúr Murchah (Mymensing). The whole of Eastern Bengal on the right side of the Brahmaputra was likewise annexed. In the 41st year, M. S. married the sister of Lachmí Naráin, Rájah of Kúch Bihár, who had declared himself a vassal of the Mughul empire. In the same year, M. S. took dangerously ill at G'horág'hát, when the Afgháns attacked him. They were soon after driven back by Himmat Singh, one of M. S.'s sons,² into the Sundarban. In the 42nd year, M. S. had to send a detachment under Hijáz Khán into Kúch Bihár for the protection of Lachmí Naráin. In the 44th year, M. S., at Akbar's request, joined the Dak'hin war. Thinking that the Afgháns, in consequence of the death of their leader, the rich 'I´sá of G'horág'hát, would remain quiet, M. S. appointed his son Jagat Singh (No. 160) his deputy, and joined Prince Salím at Ajmír. Jagat Singh died after a short time, and was succeeded by Mahá Singh, a grandson, of M. S. The Afgháns under 'Usmán used this opportunity, defeated, in the 45th year, the imperials near Bhadrak in Orissa, and occupied a great portion of Bengal. M. S. then hastened back over Rahtás, and defeated the Afgháns near Sherpúr 'Aṭáí, a town of the Sirkár of Sharífábád, which extended from Bardwán to Fath Singh, S. of Murshidábád. After this victory, which obliged 'Usmán to retreat to Orissa, M. S. paid a visit to the Emperor who promoted him to a (full) command of Seven Thousand. Hitherto Five Thousand had been the limit of promotion. It is noticeable that Akbar in raising M. S. to a command of Seven Thousand, placed a Hindú above every Muhammadan officer, though, soon after, M. Sháhrukh (vide p. 312) and M. 'Azíz Kokah (No. 21) were raised to the same dignity.

M. S. remained in Bengal till 1013, when the sickness of the emperor induced him to resign his appointment, in order to be in the capital. The part which he played at the time of Akbar's death is known from the Histories. Jahángír thought it prudent to overlook the conspiracy which the Rájah had made, and sent him to Bengal. But soon after (1015), he was recalled and ordered to quell disturbances in Rahtás (Bihár), after which he joined the emperor. In the 3rd year of Jahángír's reign, he was permitted to go to his home, where he raised levies, in order to serve with M. 'Abdurrahím (No. 29) in the Dak'hin war.

M. S. died a natural death in the 9th year of J.'s reign whilst in the Dak'hin. Sixty of his fifteen hundred wives burned themselves on the funeral pile. At the time of his death, only one of his numerous sons was alive, Bháo Singh, regarding whose succession to the title vide Tuzuk i Jahángírí, p. 130.

The ground on which the Táj at A´grah stands, belonged to Mán Singh.

31. Muhammad Quli´ Kha´n Barla´s, a descendant of the Barmaqs(?).¹

He served under Humáyún, and held Multán as jágír. In the beginning of Akbar's reign, he conveyed, together with Shamsuddín Atgah (No. 15) the princesses from Kábul to India. His tuyúl was subsequently transferred to Nágor. For a short time he was also Governor of Málwah.

In the 12th year, he was sent against Iskandar Khán Uzbak (vide No. 48) in Audh. After the death of Khán Zamán, Iskandar fled to Bengal, and Audh was given to Muhammad Qulí Khán as jágír.

He subsequently served under Mun'im Khán in Bihár and Bengal. In the 19th year, when Dáúd had withdrawn to Sátgáṉw (Húglí), Mun'im Khán despatched M. Q. Kh. to follow up the Afgháns, whilst he remained with Rájah Todar Mall in Ṭánḍah to settle financial matters. When M. Q. Khán arrived at Sátgáṉw, Dáúd withdrew to Orissa, to which country neither M. Q. Khán nor his officers had much inclination to go. From Sátgáṉw, M. Q. Khán invaded the district of Jesar (Jessore), where Sarmadí, a friend of Dáúd's, had rebelled; but the imperialists met with no success, and returned to Sátgáṉw. Mun'im Khán at last ordered Todar Mall to join M. Q. Khán, and subsequently, both moved into Orissa. Soon after passing the frontier, M. Q. Khán died at Mednípúr (Midnapore), Ramazán, 982. He seems to have died a natural death, though some accused one of his enunchs of foul play.

His son, Mírzá Farídún Barlás (No. 227). He served under M. 'Abdurrahím (No. 29) in Sind, and accompanied, in 1001, Jání Beg (No. 47) to Court. He was a commander of Five Hundred. Under Jahángír, he was rapidly promoted, and held, in the 8th year, a command of Two Thousand, when he served under Prince Khurram against Ráná Amr Singh. He died during the expedition.

His son Mihr 'Alí Barlás was made by Jahángír a commander of One Thousand.

32. Tarson Kha´n, sister's son of Sháh Muhammad Saiful Mulk.

In Histories he is called Tarson Muhammad Khán. Saiful Mulk had been an independent ruler in Gharjistán (a part of Khurásán); but he had to submit to Ṭahmasp (A. H. 940.)

Tarson Khán was in the service of Bairám Khán (No. 10), and joined Akbar, when Bairám fell into disgrace. Akbar sent him together with Hájí Muhammad Sístání (No. 55) to see Bairám, on his way to Makkah, as far as Nágor, then the frontier of the empire. T. Kh. was subsequently promoted, to the post of a Commander of Five Thousand, and was for some time Governor of Bhakkar and then of Patan in Gujrát. In the 21st year, he served in Rájpútáná, vide No. 44. In the 23rd year, he was made Faujdár of Jaunpúr, at the same time that Mullá Muhammad Yazdí (vide p. 189) was appointed Qázílquzát and Çadr of that Sirkár. When the Jaunpúr Rebellion broke out, T. Kh. with other faithful Amírs moved to Bihár against Bahádur Khán and 'Arab Khán, who were joined by Ma'çúm Khán Farankhúdí (No. 157). In the 27th year, he served under M. 'Azíz Kokah in Bihár. When the Qáqsháls (No. 50) left Ma'çúm Khán and joined the Imperialists, M. 'Azíz sent T. Kh. to G'horág'hát, where most of the Qáqsháls had jágírs. T. Kh. stayed at Tájpúr (Dinagepore), settling matters, when Ma'çúm Khán came with a large army from Bháṭí (),¹ and plundered Western Bengal, approaching even the environs of Ṭánḍah; he also sent a detachment against T. Kh., who was besieged in the Fort of Tájpúr. The siege was raised by a corps sent by Shahbáz Khán i Kambú (No. 80) from Patna, and T. Kh. was thus enabled to join Shahbáz, and drive away the rebels from Upper Bengal. Ma'çúm fled again to Bháṭí, and Shahbáz and T. Kh. planned an expedition against 'I´sá, who had afforded Ma'çúm shelter. They crossed the Ganges at Khizrpúr, which stands on the frontier of Bháṭí, took Sunnárgáṉw, plundered Baktarápúr (?), where 'I´sá used to live, and nearly caught Ma'çúm. At this juncture, 'I´sá returned from an expedition to Kúch Bihár, and attacked the Imperialists near Bhowál (N. of Dacca). The Imperialists had entrenched themselves near the Brahmaputra, and the fighting was continued for a long time both by land and on the river. At one time, T. Kh. with a small detachment came too near a position held by the enemy, and was attacked by Ma'çúm Khán and wounded. Immediately afterwards he was caught, and killed by Ma'çúm (992). For a relation of his, vide No. 400.

33. Qiya´ Kha´n Gung.

Qiyá is a Turkish word and means zeb, ornament. Gung, if it is the Persian word, means ‘dumb.’ He served under Humáyún, and held Kol Jalálí. On the approach of Hemú, he joined Tardí Beg (No. 12) in Dihlí, and retreated with him. After Hemú's defeat, Qiyá was sent to A´grah, and was raised to the dignity of a commander of Five Thousand. Several parganahs in Gwáliár having been given to him as tuyúl, Qiyá Khán, in the 2nd year of Akbar's reign, besieged Gwáliár, which was held by Bhíl Khán, a general of Salím Sháh, during whose reign Gwáliár had been the capital of the empire. Bhíl Khán, thinking it impossible to hold the Fort for a long time, wished¹ to hand it over for a consideration to Rájah Rámsáh, whose ancestors had held Gwáliár, when Qiyá Khán arrived, and after defeating the Rájah, prepared himself to besiege Bhíl Khán. When Akbar, in 966, came to A´grah, he sent a detachment to assist Qiyá, and Bhíl Khán submitted.

He was a friend of Bairám, but was the first that left him and joined Akbar.

A few years later, Qiyá Khán joined Khán Zamán's rebellion, but repented and was pardoned, at the request of Mun'im Khán.

After the first conquest of Bengal, Q. Kh. was sent to Orissa, to settle matters. He remained in Orissa and Bengal during the Bengal rebellion, and when, in the 25th year, the Imperialists withdrew from that country, Qutlú Khán seized upon Orissa, and besieged Qiyá Khán in some fort. Deserted by his soldiers, Q. Kh. was killed (989).²

Tardí Khán (No. 101), his son, was a Commander of Fifteen Hundred. He accompanied Prince Dányál to the Dak'hin, but fell later in disgrace. In the 49th year, he was restored and promoted to a command of Two Thousand Five Hundred, and got a present of 5 lacs of Rupees.

34. Zain Kha´n,¹ son of Khwájah Maqçúd of Harát.

His father, Khwájah Maqçúd 'Alí, was a servant of Akbar's mother. The name of his mother was Píchah Ján Anagah; she was one of Akbar's nurses. On Humáyún's flight to Persia, Maqçúd was always near the howdah of Akbar's mother, and remained attached to her in all her misfortunes. His brother was Khwájah Hasan (Zain Khán's uncle), whose daughter married Prince Salím. She is the mother of Prince Parwíz.

In 993, Mírzá Muhammad Hakím, Akbar's brother, had died, and Akbar crossed the Indus for Zábulistán. Zain Khán was at that time a commander of Two Thousand and Five Hundred, and was sent against the Yúsufzaís. This tribe, says Abulfazl, had formerly been in Qarábágh and Qandahár, and had invaded Kábul, where a great number of them were killed by M. Ulugh Beg. The remainder settled at Lamghánát, and subsequently at Ishtaghar. For the last one hundred years, they had held the territory of Bajor, and were notorious robbers. In Bajor, there was also a tribe of the name of Sulṭání, who traced their descent to a daughter of Sulṭán Sikandar. The Yúsufzaís deprived them treacherously of their district; a few of the Sulṭánídes, however, remained in Waijúr from attachment to their old country.

On a former occasion, when Akbar had moved against M. Muhammad Hakím, the chiefs of the Yúsufzaís submitted, and one of them, Kálú, went with Akbar to A´grah and was hospitably treated. He fled, however, but was caught by Shamsuddín Kháfí (No. 159) near Aṭak, and was sent back; and although Akbar continued to treat him kindly, he fled again and stirred up his countrymen.

Zain Khán moved into the District of Waijúr (north of Pasháwar), and punished the Yúsufzaís. Several chiefs asked for pardon. After this he erected a fort in Jakdarah, in the middle of the country, and defeated the enemies in twenty-three fights. He had at last to ask for reinforcements, and Akbar sent to him Rájah Bír Baṛ and Hakím Abul Faith with some troops. Zain Khán asked them to attack the Afgháns, whilst he would occupy the conquered districts, or he would attack the enemies, and they should hold the district. But Bír Baṛ and Hakím Abul Fath, who were no friends of Zain Khán, proposed that they should attack the Yúsufzaís together, and then go back. Z. Kh. said, it would not do to return without better results from a country which had cost so many sacrifices; else, the best thing they could do, was to return the same way they had come. But to this they would not listen, and returned by another road (over ). Z. Kh. paid no attention to their insubordination and joined them, chiefly because he was afraid they would denounce him at Court. As soon as the Afgháns saw the Imperialists returning, they attacked them in every narrow valley. On passing the Girewah² Balandrí (), Z. Kh. who commanded the rear chandáwal), was so severely attacked, that he had to face them. Arrows and stones were showered from all sides on the Imperialists, the soldiers got bewildered, and the horses ran into the train of elephants. Many lives were lost. Z. Kh., unable to prevent a rout, rushed among the Afgháns seeking death, when Jánish Bahádur (No. 235) got hold of the reins of his horse, and led him by force out of the melée. In the greatest disorder the Imperialists reached the next station, when the mere rumour of an approach of the Afgháns dispersed the soldiers. In the darkness of night most of them lost their way, and several detachments entered the valleys occupied by the Afgháns. The enemies being engaged in plundering, they were at first safe; but next day they were all cut off. This was the occasion when Bír Baṛ with 500 officers fell (vide p. 204).

In the 31st year (994), Z. Kh. operated successfully against the Mahmands and Ghorís near Pasháwar, who under their chief Jaláluddín Raushání had committed numerous predations. In the next year, Z. Kh. was made governor of Zábulistán vice Mán Singh, and moved, in the 33rd year, against the Yúsufzaís. After eight months' fighting, they submitted, but Z. Kh. insisted on occupying their territory. He followed the same policy as before, and erected a large Fort on the banks of the river Pajkorah (or Panjkorah) (), where their district commences. During the festival of the 'I´d i Qurbání (Baqr 'I´d, in Zí Hajjah), he surprised the Afgháns, and took possession of the whole district, erecting a fort wherever he thought necessary, and leaving in each a sufficient number of soldiers.¹ (Vide No. 46.)

In the 35th year, he was sent to punish several rebellious zamíndárs in the Himálayas. Most of them, as Rájah Budí (Badhí) Chand of Nagarkoṭ (vide p. 330), Rái Pertáb of Mánkoṭ, Rájah Parisrám of Mount Jamú, Rájah Bású of Mau, Rái Balbhadr of Lak'hinpúr, &c., submitted and accompanied Z. Kh. to Court, though they had an army of 10000 horse and a lac of foot soldiers.

After having been made, in the 36th year, a Commander of Four Thousand, Z. Kh. was allowed an 'alam and a naqqárah (vide p. 50), and was appointed, in the following year, governor of the districts beyond the Indus up to the Hindúkush, when new opportunities offered for punishing the mountaineers.

In the 41st year, he was made a Commander of Five Thousand, and governor of Kábul, vice Qulij Khán. In the same year, Prince Salím fell in love with Z. Kh.'s daughter, and married her soon after, though Akbar was displeased (vide p. 277, l. 4, from below). With the death of Jalál Khán Raushání the disturbances in Zábulistán came to an end, and Z. Kh. was ordered to Láhor, from where Akbar, on his return from Burhánpúr, called him to A´grah.

Z. Kh. died in 1010, partly from excessive drinking. He played on several instruments, and composed poems. As Sa'íd Khán (No. 25) for his eunuchs, and Qulij Khán (No. 42) for his horses, so was Z. Kh. famous for his elephants.

A son of his, Shukrullah (No. 373), vide below, was a Commander of Two Hundred. The Maásir mentions another son, Mughul Khán, who served under Jahángír and Sháhjahán (vide Pádisháhn. II, p. 641), and died 19th Ramazán 1067. He commanded for some time Fort Odgír in the Dak'hin, where the author of the Maásir later found an inscription referring to his appointment. For a second daughter, vide p. 328.

For Zain Khán's brother, vide No. 38.

35. Mi´rza´ Yu´suf Kha´n, son of Mír Ahmad i Razawí.

He was a real Sayyid of Mashhad, and was much liked by Akbar. In the 30th year he was a Commander of Two Thousand and Five Hundred. When Shahbáz Khán left Bihár for Bengal, M. Yúsuf Khán was sent from Audh to keep Bihár. In the 32nd year (995), when Qásim Khán (No. 59) resigned, M. Y. was sent to Kashmír as ruler. He was much liked by the people of that country, conciliated Shams Chak, the claimant of the throne, and sent him to Court. In the 34th year (997), Akbar visited Kashmír, and issued several orders regarding the taxation of the country. In the districts of Mararáj and Kamráj, i. e., the upper and lower districts on both sides of the Bahat river, he fixed the taxes at one-fourth.

In Kashmír every piece of ground is called pattah, though a pattah originally is equal to 1 Bíg'hah, 1 Biswah (Iláhí) of Akbar. Two and a half pattahs and a little more are equal to 1 Kashmírí Bíg'hah. Three kinds of grain pay taxes in Kashmír, and each village is assessed at some kharwárs of shálí. A kharwár is equal to 3 mans, 8 sers of Akbar. The principal weight used in Kashmír is the tark, which is equal to 8 sers of Akbar (vide p. 84, note 3). At the time of the Rabí' crop, they take 2 tarks from each pattah of wheat and vetches (másh). The country having been recently annexed, was assessed very lightly, at 22 lacs kharwárs, which was 2 lacs more than before, the kharwár being reckoned at 16 dáms. For this sum, Akbar handed over Kashmír to M. Y. Kh.

In the 36th year, one of M. Y. Kh.'s Mutaçaddís (revenue clerks) fled to court, and stated that the revenue should be 50 per cent. (dah-pánzdah) higher, and the kharwár should be valued at 28 dáms. M. Y. Kh. informed Akbar that so high an assessment was an impossibility; but Akbar sent Qází Núrullah and Qází 'Alí to Kashmír, to report on the revenue. As M. Y. Khán's people assumed a threatening attitude, Núrullah returned, and Akbar sent Hasan Beg Shaikh 'Umarí (No. 167) to Kashmír. On his arrival, some of M. Y. Kh's people made a conspiracy, and stirred up the malcontents of the country, who collected under Yádgár, the son of M. Y. Kh's uncle. The disturbances became so serious, that Qází 'Alí and Hasan Beg returned to Hindústán; but the rebels blockaded the roads, and killed Qází 'Alí. Hasan Beg escaped, not without wounds. Yádgár then read the khuṭbah in his name, and had dies prepared for striking coins. Several bad omens foreshadowed his speedy ruin. Without having any knowledge of this rebellion, Akbar revisited Kashmír; but when he was informed of the state of the country, he put M. Y. Kh. under the charge of Abulfazl. Yádgár in vain tried to oppose Akbar at the frontier passes, and fled from Srínagar to Hírápúr, where some of M. Y. Kh.'s men spread at night the rumour that Akbar had suddenly arrived. In the confusion which ensued, Yádgár fled outside of the camp, accompanied by a servant of the name of Yúsuf. His camp was plundered, and M. Y. Kh.'s men got hold of Yúsuf, who had returned to get a horse for his master. They tortured him, till he confessed where Yádgár was. Soon after, they caught him and cut off his head.

As M. Y. Kh. refused to remain in charge of Kashmír under the increased revenue, the country was made kháliçah, and Shamsuddín Kháfí (No. 159) was appointed Governor with 3,000 troops. Some time after, at Prince Salím's request, M. Y. Kh. was re-instated.

In the 38th year, M. Y. Kh. was appointed Dárogah of the Topkhánah, and received Jaunpúr as tuyúl, vice Qulij Khán (1002); but in the 41st year his jágír was transferred to Gujrát, to enable him to serve in the Dak'hin. In the following year, when Çádiq of Harát (No. 43) died, M. Y. Kh. was appointed atálíq to Prince Murád, whom he joined in Bálápúr (Barár). After the death of Prince Murád (p. 309), M. Y. Kh. distinguished himself together with Abulfazl in the Dak'hin wars, and later, under Prince Dányál, in the conquest of Ahmadábád, on which occasion M. Y. Kh. is said to have been more energetic than other grandees.

After joining Akbar's Court at Burhánpúr, in the 46th year, M. Y. Kh. went again to Prince Dányál, who, in 1010, sent him to assist Abulfazl and the KhánKhánán at Bálág'hát. But soon after, he died of abscess at Jalnápúr¹, in Jumáda II, of the same year. His body was taken to Mashhad.

M. Y. Kh. generally stayed at Sulṭánpúr, which he looked upon as his Indian home. His contingent consisted exclusively of Rohílahs, whose wages he paid monthly.

His sons. 1. Mírzá Lashkarí Çafshikan Khán (No. 375). He was under Akbar T'hánahdár of Bír (East of Ahmadnagar), and got from Jahángír the title of Çafdar Khán, and a tuyúl in Bihár. In the 5th year (of Jahángír), he was promoted to the post of a Commander of 1500, with 700 horse, and was made in the following year Çúbahdár of Kashmír. In the 8th year, he was removed from his office. In the 21st year, when Mahábat Khán had fled, he was sent towards Dihlí, to intercept Mahábat's treasures which were known to have arrived from Bengal. This he did. In the beginning of Sháh Jahán's reign, he was made a Commander of 2500, and 2000 horse, received the title of Çafshikan Khán, and was again sent to Bír, where he remained for a long time. He withdrew at last from public life, got a pension of Rs. 12,000 per annum, and lived at Láhor. He died in 1055.

He was frank to a fault. Once he invited the Mançabdárs of Kábul, and feasted them on pork; and when called to Court, to answer for his conduct, he gave Jahángír a lesson by saying that not only pork, but also wine was forbidden in the law. For this answer he fell into disgrace.

2. Mírzá 'Ivaz (). He was a good Prose writer, and wrote a History of the World, entitled Chaman.

3. Mírzá Afláṭún. ‘He lived with his brother.’ He was subsequently made Mutawallí of Sikandrah (Akbar's tomb), where he died.

A relation of M. Y. Kh., Mír 'Abdullah, was under Sháhjahán a Commander of 1500 and 600 horse. He was for some time Governor of Fort Dharúr, E. of Bír, mentioned above. He died in the 8th year of Sháhjahán.

36. Mahdi´ Qa´sim Kha´n.

The Ṭabaqát mentions him among the Commanders of Five Thousand. He served first under M. 'Askarí, Bábar's third son, whose foster brother he was. His brother was Ghazanfar Kokah¹ (). Humáyún, after the conquest of Gujrát, had appointed 'Askarí to Ahmadábád. One night, when half drunk, M. 'Askarí said, “I am king and the shadow of God;” when Ghazanfar gently replied, “Thou art drunk, and hast lost thy senses,” at which all who were present laughed. 'Askarí got enraged, and imprisoned Ghazanfar; but he escaped, went to Sulṭán Bahádur, king of Gujrát, who had retreated to Fort Diu, and betrayed the plans of 'Askarí. Bahádur thereupon collected an army, marched to Ahmadábád, and drove the Prince away (vide No. 12).

Mahdí Qásim Khán joined Humáyún on his return from Persia, and was made in the beginning of Akbar's reign, a Commander of Four Thousand. In the 10th year, Abdul Majíd A´çaf Khán (No. 49) had been ordered to pursue Khán Zamán (No. 13; but entertaining doubts regarding his own safety, he fled to Gaṛha (Jabalpúr). M. Q. Kh. was, therefore, sent to Gaṛha, after Akbar had, in 973, returned from Jaunpúr to A´grah, and was ordered to capture 'Abdul Majíd. When M. Q. Kh. arrived at Gaṛha, 'Abdul Majíd fled to Khán Zamán; but the wretched state of the country displeased M. Q. Kh. so much, that without asking Akbar's permission, he left Gaṛha and went to Makkah. From there he returned over Persia and Qandahár, and arrived, towards the end of the 13th year, at Rantanbhúr, which Akbar besieged, and asked to be forgiven, sending at the same time a fine batch of Persian horses as a present. Akbar pardoned him, restored him to his old rank, and gave him Lak'hnau as tuyúl.

‘Nothing else is known of him’ (Maásir). He had been dead for some time in 1001, when the Ṭabaqát was completed. Husain Khán Tukriya (No. 53) was the son of his sister and his son-in-law.

He had a villa at Láhor, which was called Bágh i Mahdí Qásim Khán, vide Badáoní II, 90, 292, and Calcutta Review for October, 1869 (Jahángír's Death).

37. Muzaffar Kha´n i Turbati´.

Turbat is the name of a tribe (ulús) in Khurásán. His full name is Khwájah Muzaffar 'Alí Khán i Turbatí. He was Bairám's Díwán. Bairám delegated him from Dípálpúr to Sher Muhammad Díwánah (p. 317), who sent him in chains to Akbar. Though several courtiers advised the Emperor to kill Muzaffar, he pardoned him, and made him 'A´mil (Collector) of the Parganah of Parsaror. Subsequently Akbar made him Díván i Buyútát (Collector of the Imperial Stores, &c.), and at last Díván of the Empire, with the title of Muzaffar Khán (971). Rájah Todarmall was then under him. According to Badáoní, the two quarrelled incessantly, though people said that the Rájah was a better financier than Muzaffar, whose accession to office was honored by the short táríkh , zálim (= 971), or ‘Tyrant.’

In the 11th year, he abolished the Jam' i Raqmí. This is the name of the assessment of the Dihlí empire, which had existed since the time of Bairám; but the rent roll shewed an assessment very different from the actual state of things; ‘for, on account of the number of men (kasrat i mardum, i. e. Jágír holders) and the unsettled state (qalb i wiláyat) of the country, the revenue was increased in name (banám afzúdah) for the sake of mere shew (barái mazíd i i'tibár)’. This Jam' i Raqmí was now abolished (vide Third Book, A´ín i Dahsálah), and Muzaffar prepared a rent roll according to his experience and the returns of Qánúngos. The new rent roll was called Jam' i Háçil i Hál, or the Roll of the present actual income (vide p. 352). As the Dágh law (pp. 255, 256, and p. 242) did not then exist, Muzaffar Khán fixed the number of soldiers which the contingents of the Amírs and the Mulázims (friends of the king) should contain, and the soldiers were divided into three classes.¹

In the 12th year, it was reported that Muzaffar loved a boy of the name of Quṭb. Akbar had the boy forcibly removed, whereupon Muzaffar assumed the garb of a Faqír, and went into the forest. Akbar was thus obliged to recall him, and restored the beloved.

In the 17th year, a mania for Chaupar (p. 303) had seized Akbar's Court Muzaffar lost not only his goldmuhurs, but also his temper, and annoyed the Emperor so much, that he was told to go to Makkah. But he was re-called, and joined the Court at Súrat, which Akbar then besieged. In the 18th year (981), after having been for some time in Sárangpúr in Málwah, he was appointed Vakíl of the Empire, with the title of Jumlatul Mulk. But he did several things which Akbar did not approve of, and when the Emperor returned from Patna, from where he had despatched a corps to take Rahtás in South Bihár, he ordered Muzaffar to join the expedition, without allowing him first to pay his respects (vide Briggs II, 249). Like his companion, Khwájah Shamsuddín Kháfí (No. 159), M. distinguished himself in the campaign, punished the rebels on several occasions, and took Hájípúr, of which the Afgháns had again taken possession. For these services, M. was appointed, in the 20th year, Governor of Bihár, from Chausá to Gaṛhí. Soon after the taking of Hájípúr, M. was nearly caught by a party of Afgháns, who saw him reconnoitering the banks of the G'handak.

In the 22nd year, M. returned to Court, where Sháh Mançúr (No. 122) and Rájah Todar Mall continued, under his superintendence, their financial reforms.

On the death of Khán Jahán (No. 24) in 986, he was made Governor of Bengal.

In the 25th year (988), Sháh Mançúr subjected the Amírs of Bihár and Bengal to strict enquiries, and called on them to refund sums which they had spent without permission. When he insisted on his demands, Ma'çúm i Kábulí and several other grandees that held jágírs in Bihár, rebelled. Muzaffar imitated Sháh Mançúr's policy in Bengal, and when he commenced vigorously to collect outstandings, Bábá Khán Qáqshál and other Jágírdárs of Bengal rebelled likewise. M. defeated them on several occasions, but would not listen to proposals of peace. At last the Bihár rebels joined those of Bengal, and mustered a sufficient force to take the field against Muzaffar. Notwithstanding this, the rebels would have gladly come to terms and gone to Oṛísá, had not Muzaffar betrayed his weakness by moving to the Fort of Ṭánḍah, which, according to Badáoní, consisted of nothing but four old walls. The rebels thus emboldened demanded full pardon, permission to go to Makkah, and restoration of one-third of their property. At this juncture, Sharafuddín Husain (No. 17) escaped from Muzaffar's custody, joined the rebels, and informed them of M.'s miserable condition. They moved therefore against Ṭánḍah, took it, captured M., and killed him (Rabí' I, 988¹).

The Jámi' Masjid in A´grah was built by Muzaffar. I am told the Masjid is now in ruins which still go by the name of Nawáb Muzaffar Khán kí Masjid or Kálí Masjid. The Maásir says, it stood in the Kaṭrah Miyán Raqíq, but this name does not appear to be now-a-days in use. The Masjid now called the Jámi' Masjid of A´grah was built, in 1058, by Jahán A´rá Begum, Sháhjahán's daughter, at a cost of five lacs of Rupees.

According to the Mir-át ul 'A´lam, his youngest daughter was married to Sháh Fathullah of Shíráz.

38. Saif Kha´n Kokah, elder brother of Zain Khán Kokah (No. 34).

His mother had only daughters, and when she was pregnant with Saif Khán, her husband threatened to divorce her, should it again turn out to be a daughter. She complained of this to Akbar's mother, and Akbar, though then a child, told her husband that he would incur his displeasure if he should do so; ‘besides,’ said he, ‘it shall be this time a fine boy.’ The mother looked upon Prince Akbar's words as a prophecy from heaven, and in course of time Saif Khán was born.

Akbar was very fond of Saif Khán, and made him, though quite young, a Commander of Four Thousand. He distinguished himself by his bravery, especially in the 17th year, at the taking of Súrat, where he was wounded by a bullet. In the beginning of the next year (981), he accompanied Akbar on his forced march from A´grah to Ahmadábád (p. 325), and was killed bravely fighting with Muhammad Husain Mírzá.

How Akbar appreciated his services may be seen from the fact, that having heard that Saif Khán was heavily involved, he paid, on his return to A´grah, every debt due by him.

His two sons, Sher Afkan (355), and Amánullah (356) are mentioned below as Commanders of Two Hundred and Fifty.

39. Ra´jah Todar Mall, a Khetrí.

He was born at Láhor. The Maásirul Umará does not record his services before the 18th year of Akbar's reign; but T. M. appears to have entered Akbar's service at a very early period. In 971, he was employed under Muzaffar (Bad. II, 65), and in 972, he served under Akbar against Khán Zamán (vide No. 61). He held the first important post in the 18th year, when after the conquest of Gujrát he was left there to assess that province. In the 19th year, after the conquest of Patna, he got an 'alam and a naqqárah (p. 55), and was ordered to accompany Mun'im Khán to Bengal. He was the soul of the expedition. In the battle with Dáúd Khán i Kararání, when Khán 'A´lam (vide No. 58) had been killed, and Mun'im Khán's horse had run away, the Rájah held his ground bravely, and ‘not only was there no defeat, but an actual victory.’ “What harm,” said Todar Mall, “if Khán 'A´lam is dead; what fear, if the Khán Khánán has run away, the empire is ours!” After settling several financial matters in Bengal and Oṛísá, Todar Mall went to Court, and was employed in revenue matters. When Khán Jahán (No. 24) went to Bengal, Todar Mall was ordered to accompany him. He distinguished himself, as before, in the defeat and capture of Dáúd. In the 21st year, he took the spoils of Bengal to Court, among them 3 to 400 elephants. In the following year, he was again sent to Gujrát, vice Vazír Khán (No. 41), who had given no satisfaction. Whilst arranging at Ahmadábád matters with Vazír Khán, Muzaffar Husain, at the instigation of Mihr 'Alí Kolábí, rebelled. Vazír Khán proposed to retreat to the Fort, but Todar Mall was ready to fight, and defeated Muzaffar in the 22nd year, near Dholqah, which lies 12 kos from Ahmadábád. Vazír Khán would have been lost in this battle, if Todar Mall had not come to his assistance. Muzaffar, after his defeat, fled to Júnágaṛh.

In the same year Todar Mall was appointed Vazír. When Akbar left Ajmír for the Panjáb, the house idols of the Rájah were lost, as mentioned on p. 32, note.

When the news of Muzaffar's death (No. 37) and the occupation of the whole of Bengal and Bihár by the rebels reached Akbar, he sent Todar Mall, Çádiq Khán, Tarson Khán, &c., from Fathpúr Síkrí to Bihár. Muhibb 'Alí (No. 107), Governor of Rahtás, and Muhammad Ma'çúm Khán i Farankhúdí (No. 157) were appointed Kumakís, or auxiliaries. The latter joined the Rájah with 3000 well equipped horse, evidently bent on rebellion. Todar Mall managed to keep him quiet; but he reported the matter to Court. The Bengal rebels, under Ma'çúm i Kábulí, the Qáqsháls, and Mírzá Sharafuddín Husain, with 30,000 horse, 500 elephants, and many ships and artillery, had collected near Mungír, and Todar Mall, from fear of treachery among his auxiliaries, shut himself up in the Fort of Mungír, instead of risking a general engagement. During the siege, two of his officers, Humáyún Farmilí and Tarkhán Díwánah, joined the rebels. Though suffering from want of provisions, Todar Mall held himself bravely, especially as he received timely remittances from Court. After the siege had lasted for some time, Bábá Khán Qáqshál died, and Jabárí, son of Majnún Khán Qáqshál desired to leave. The rebel army dispersed; Ma'çúm i Kábulí went to South Bihár, and 'Arab Bahádur wished to surprise Patna, and take possession of the Imperial treasury, which Paháṛ Khán (perhaps No. 407) had safely lodged in the Fort of that town. After sending Ma'çúm i Farankhúdí to Patna, to assist Paháṛ Khán, Todar Mall and Çádíq Khán followed Ma'çúm i Kábulí to Bihár. Ma'çúm made a fruitless attempt to defeat Çádíq Khán in a sudden night attack, but was obliged to retreat, finding a ready asylum with 'I´sá Khán, Zamíndár of Oṛísá. Todar Mall was thus enabled to report to Akbar that South Bihár, as far as Gaṛhí, was re-annexed to the Dihlí empire.

In the 27th year (990), Todar Mall was made Díván, or rather Vakíl. During this year he introduced his financial reforms which have made him so famous. The third book of the A´ín contains his new rent-roll, or Açl i Jam' i Ṭúmár, which superseded Muzaffar's assessment (p. 349). His regulations regarding the coinage have been alluded to above, and others may be found in the Akbarnámah.

The most important reform introduced by Todar Mall is the change in the language and the character used for the revenue accounts. Formerly they had been kept in Hindí by Hindú Muharrirs. Todar Mall ordered that all government accounts should henceforth be written in Persian. He thus forced his co-religionists to learn the court language of their rulers,—a circumstance which may well be compared to the introduction of the English language in the courts of India. The study of Persian therefore became necessary for its pecuniary advantages.

Todar Mall's order, and Akbar's generous policy of allowing Hindús to compete for the highest honors—we saw on p. 341 that Mán Singh was the first Commander of Seven Thousand,—explain two facts, first, that before the end of the 18th century the Hindús had almost become the Persian teachers of the Muhammadans; secondly, that a new dialect could arise in upper India, the Urdú, which without the Hindús as receiving medium, never could have been called into existence. Whether we attach more influence to Todar Mall's order or to Akbar's policy, which once initiated, his successors, willing or not, had to follow, one fact should be borne in mind that before the times of Akbar, the Hindús, as a rule, did not study Persian, and stood therefore politically below their Muhammadan rulers.

In the 29th year, Akbar honored him by paying him a visit. In the 32nd year, a Khetrí, from private hatred, wounded T. M. on a march at night time. The man was at once cut down.

When Bír Baṛ (No. 85) had been killed in the war with the Yúsufzaís, T. M. was ordered to accompany Mán Singh, who had been appointed commander-in-chief. In the 34th year, when Akbar went to Kashmír, T. M. was left in charge of Láhor. Soon after, he applied for leave to go to the banks of the Ganges, as he was old and wished to die. Akbar let him go; but he recalled him from Hardwár, and told him that looking after his duties was more virtuous than sitting on the banks of the Ganges. T. M. unwillingly returned, but died soon after, on the 11th day of the year 998 (vide No. 27, p. 333).

Though often accused of headstrongness and bigotry by contemporaneous historians, Todar Mall's fame, as general and financier, has outlived the deeds of most of Akbar's grandees: together with Abulfazl and Mán Singh, he is best known to the people of India at the present day.

His son Dhárú (No. 190) was a Commander of Seven Hundred, and was killed during the Sindh expedition, while serving under Khán Khánán (p. 335). People say that he used to shoe his horses with golden shoes.

The name Todar Mall is often spelt in MSS. with the Hindí Ṭ, ḍ, and ṛ, which explains the spelling ‘Torel Mall,’ which we find in old Histories. Under Sháhjahán also there lived a distinguished courtier of the name ‘Todar Mall.’

The Tafríhul 'Imárat¹ says, Todar Mall's father died when T. M. was quite young, and that the widow was in great distress. T. M., at an early age, shewed much clearness and common sense, and received an appointment as writer, from which humble position he rose to the greatest honors.

40. Muhammad Qa´sim Kha´n, of Níshápúr.

The Maásir calls him Qásim Muhammad Khán, and has put his name under the letter Q; but Abulfazl, Badáoní, and the Ṭabaqát give his name in the above order.

He was a rich landowner of Níshápúr, and fled after the invasion of the Uzbaks to India, where he served under Bairám Khán. He distinguished himself in the war with Sikandar Súr, and served as Haráwal, or leader of the van, under Khán Zamán (No. 13) in the battle with Hemú. Immediately after, but still in the first year of Akbar's reign, he was sent against Hájí Khán, who had defeated Ráná Udai Sing of Maiwár, and taken possession of Nágor and Ajmír. Hájí Khán was an old servant of Sher Khán, and was distinguished for his wisdom and bravery. On the appearance of the Imperialists, however, Hájí Khán's army dispersed, and he himself withdrew to Gujrát. M. Q. Kh. thus took possession of Nágor and Ajmír, which for a long time remained the South Western frontier of Akbar's empire.

In the 5th year, he left Bairám's party, and joined the Chaghtái nobles. He commanded the left wing of Shamsuddín Atgah's corps in the fight in which Bairám was defeated (p. 317). After the victory, he received Multán as jágír.

He was next sent to Sárangpúr in Málwah, where, in the 9th year, he was visited by Akbar on his sudden hunting expedition to that province, the object of which was to get hold of 'Abdullah Khán Uzbak (No. 14). M. Q. Kh. assisted in the pursuit.

According to the Ṭabaqát, M. Q. Kh. died soon after at Sárangpúr.

41. Vazi´r Kha´n, brother of 'Abdul Majíd i A´çaf Khán (I), of Harát (No. 49).

When Vazír Khán escaped with his brother (vide below No. 49) from Bahádur Khán (No. 21), he fled to Kaṛah, and obtained subsequently, through the mediation of Muzaffar Khán (No. 37), free pardon for himself and A´çaf Khán.

In the 21st year, when 'Azíz Kokah (p. 326) had incurred Akbar's displeasure, V. Kh. was sent to Gujrát, to govern in 'Azíz's name, and when that chief had been called to Court, he was appointed governor (sipahsálár) of the province. But he did not distinguish himself, and Akbar, in the 22nd year, sent Todar Mall (No. 39) to Gujrát, to take the administration out of V. Kh.'s hands. It happened that about the same time, Mihr 'Alí Gulábí, a friend of M. Ibráhím Husain, rebelled and set up as king Muzaffar Husain, Ibráhím's young son, whom he had brought from the Dak'hin. As mentioned above, the rebellion was crushed through Todar Mall's bravery. When the Rájah left, Mihr 'Alí appeared again, and V. Kh., most of whose soldiers had joined the rebel, shut himself up in the fort of Ahmadábád. In one of the assaults, Mihr 'Alí was killed by a bullet, and Muzaffar Husain Mírzá, from timidity, raised the siege. Notwithstanding this success, matters in Gujrát did not improve, and oppressions became so numerous, that Akbar deposed V. Kh. and called him to Court.

In the 25th year, Akbar appointed him vazír in the place of Sháh Mançúr of Shíráz (No. 122), and soon after governor of Audh.

In the 27th year, when M. 'Azíz (No. 21) had been sent to Bihár, V. Kh. was ordered to join him with his contingent, and as after the flight of Ma'çúm Khán sickness obliged 'Azíz to return to Bihár, he left V. Kh. in charge of the province, till a new Çúbahdár should be appointed. V. Kh. made use of the opportunity, and moved against Qutlú Khán, ruler of Oṛísá, whom he defeated (vide p. 356). Qutlú, in the following (29th) year, sent tribute, and was left in possession of Oṛísá. V. Kh. returned to Ṭánḍah, and applied himself, with the assistance of Çádiq Khán (No. 43) and Shahbáz Khán i Kambú (No. 80) to financial matters.

In the 31st year, Akbar ordered that each çúbah should, in future, be ruled by two Amírs, and Vazír Khán was appointed Çúbahdár of Bengal, with Muhibb 'Alí Khán (No. 107) as assistant. In the following year, 995, V. Kh. died.

Shahbáz Khán, who was Bakhshí of Bengal, allowed Mírzá Muhammad Çálih, V. Kh.'s son, to take command of his father's contingent. But M. M. Çálih shewed much inclination to rebel, and Akbar sent Mír Murád (282, or 380) to bring him and his contingent to Court. On the route, at Fathpúr Haṉswah, he behaved so rebelliously, that Mír Murád imprisoned him with the assistance of the jágírdárs of the district, and took him fettered to Akbar. He was kept imprisoned for some time.

42. Qulij Kha´n.

He is called Andajání, from Andaján, a province of Farghánah, south of the Saihún. His ancestors had been for many years serving under the Tímúrides. His grandfather was a noble at Sulṭán Husain Mírzá Báiqrá's court.

The principal facts of his life have been mentioned on p. 34, note 2. In mentioning his appointment to Súrat, the ‘iron fort,’ which Akbar, in the 17th year, conquered in one month and seventeen days, Abulfazl says that the Fort had been built in 947 (1540-41, A. D.) by Çafar A´ghá, alias Khudáwand Khán, a Turkish slave of Sulṭán Mahmúd of Gujrát. The táríkh of its construction is characteristic (metre long Ramal),

‘May this structure prove a barrier for the chest and the life of the Firingí.’¹

Qulij Khán died at the age of eighty, on the 10th Ramazán 1022 (end of 1613, A. D.)² at Pasháwar. He was at his death a Commander of Six Thousand, Five Thousand horse.

The Maásir and Badáoní (III, p. 188) say that he belonged to the tribe of Jání Qurbání (?); but for the latter word the MSS. have different readings, as Qurbání, Farbání, Faryání, &c.

The Maásir copies from the Zakhírat ulkhawánín the following story which is said to have taken place in 1000 A. H., when Jaunpúr was Q.'s jágír. ‘Q. was building a house, when the working men in digging came to a cupolalike-structure. Q. and several other respectable men were called, and they remained on the spot till the newly discovered building was fully dug out. It had a door with an immense lock attached to it weighing one man. When forced open, an old man made his appearance, who asked the bystanders in Sanscrit, whether Rám Chandr's avatár (incarnation) had taken place; whether he had got back his Sítá; whether Krishná's avatár had taken place at Mathurá; and, lastly, whether Muhammad had appeared in Arabia. On receiving affirmative answers to these questions, the old man further wished to know, whether the Ganges still flowed. This also being affirmed, he expressed a wish to be taken out. Q. then put up seven tents, joined to each other, in each of which the sage remained for a day. On the 8th day he came out, and said prayers according to the way of Muhammadans. In sleep and eating he differed from other men; he spoke to no one, and died after six months.’

Qulij Khán's sons. 1. Mírzá Saifullah (No. 292). 2. Mírzá Chín Qulij (No. 293), regarding whom vide below.

43. Ça´diq Kha´n, son of Báqir of Harát.

Other Historians call him Çádiq Muhammad Khán.¹ His father, Muhammad Báqir, had been vazír to Qará Khán Turkmán, ruler of Khurásán, Qará had rebelled against Sháh Ṭahmásp, and fled to India. Çádiq entered Bairám's service as Rikábdár (spur-holder), and got soon after a mançab, and was made, after Bairám's death, an Amír. Badáoní (II, 220) alludes to his services under Humáyún in Qandahár, and the Ṭabaqát says that he had been since his youth in Akbar's service.

After the conquest of Patna, Akbar returned by boat to Jaunpúr. On the road, in crossing the river at Chausá, a valuable elephant perished through Ç.'s carelessness. Akbar confiscated his jágír, excluded him from Court, and told him to go to Bhat'h (Bhat'h G'horá, or Bandah-Rewah), to get another elephant. After passing over ‘the heights and the low places’ of fortune, Çádiq, in the 20th year, returned to Court with 100 elephants, and was restored to favor. He was made governor of Gaṛha, vice Rái Sarjan (No. 96). In the 22nd year (985), Ç., with several other grandees, was ordered to punish Rájah Madhukar, should he not submit peacefully. Passing the confines of Narwar, Ç. saw that kindness would not do; he therefore took the fort of Karhará (), and cutting down the jungle, advanced to the river Dasthárá, close to which U´ndchhah lay, Madhukar's residence. A fight ensued. Madhukar was wounded and fled with his son Rám Sáh. Another son of his, Hoṛal Deo (Maásir, Hoṛal Ráo), and about 200 Rájpúts were killed. Ç. remained encamped in the Rájah's territory. Driven to extremities, Madhukar sent Rám Chand, a relation of his, to Akbar at Bahírah, and asked and obtained pardon. On the 3rd Ramazán, 986, Çádiq with the penitent Rájah arrived at Court.

Soon after, Ç.'s aqṭá' were transferred to the Eastern Districts of the empire, so that he might take part in the suppression of the revolt in Bengal. In the 27th year, during the temporary absence of 'Azíz Kokah (No. 21), Çádiq and Muhibb 'Alí Khán (No. 107) defeated Khabíṭah,¹ one of Ma'çúm's officers, on the Ghandak near Hájípúr, and sent his head to Akbar. In the beginning of the 28th year, he paid his respects at Court, but was immediately ordered to rejoin Mírzá Kokah, who had again left for Bihár.

In the beginning of the 29th year, he was ordered to move to Vazír Khán (No. 41), who at a place six kos from Bardwán was treating with Qutlú.² Through Ç.'s skill, a sort of peace was concluded, which confirmed Qutlú in the possession of Oṛísá. Ç. then returned to his tuyúl at Patna.

When Shahbáz Khán (No. 80) returned from his expedition to Bháṭí, the tuyúldárs of Bengal and Bihár were ordered to move to him. Ç., however, was no friend of Shahbáz. The mutual dislike rose to the highest pitch, when once Ç.'s elephant ran against Shahbáz, who believed the accident premeditated; and Akbar sent Khwájah Sulaimán (No. 327) to Bengal to settle their differences. One was to remain in Bengal, the other to go to Bihár; but Ç., in the 30th year, left Bengal without permission, and went to Court, where he was not admitted. But when Shahbáz went from Bihár to Bengal, Ç. went again to Court, and was appointed governor of Multán.

When the Raushánís in the District of Mount Teráh (), “which lies west of Pasháwar, and is 32 kos long, and 12 kos broad,” commenced disturbances, Ç., in the 33rd year, was ordered to bring them to obedience, which he did with much tact and firmness. After the return of Zain Khán (No. 34) from Waijúr, Ç. was sent there, to subjugate the Yúsafzaís.

In the 36th year, Prince Murád was sent from Málwah to Gujrát, and as Ismá'íl Qulí Khán (No. 46) had not given satisfaction as Vakíl, Ç. was appointed atálíq to the Prince,¹ whom in the 40th year he accompanied to the Dak'hin. Shahbáz Khán being one of the auxiliaries, the old enmity broke out again. After the siege of Ahmadnagar had been raised, Ç. distinguished himself in protecting the frontiers of Barár.

In the beginning of the 41st year, he was made a Commander of Five Thousand. In the same year he defeated Saráwar Khán, and made much booty. He was then made governor of Sháhpúr, which town Prince Murád had founded six kos from Bálápúr.

Çádiq died at Sháhpúr in the beginning of 1005. At Dholpúr, which ‘lies 20 kos from A´grah, near the left bank on the Chambal river,’ Ç. had erected splendid buildings and a Mausoleum. He had also done much for the cultivation of the surrounding country.

He was one of the best officers Akbar had.

His sons. 1. Záhid Khán (No. 286), a Commander of Three Hundred and Fifty. In the 47th year, he was made a Khán, and, on the accession of Jahángír, a Commander of Two Thousand.

2. Dost Muhammad (No. 287). 3. Yár Muhammad (No. 288). ‘Neither of them was alive at the time of Sháhjahán.’ Maásir.

44. Rai´ Rai´singh, son of Rái Kalyán Mall (No. 93).

Rái Singh belonged to the Ráṭhors of Bíkánír, and is the fourth descendant from Rái Máldeo. His father, Kalyán Mall, was a friend of Bairám (p. 316), and paid, in the 15th year, his respects to Akbar at Ajmír, when he together with his son entered the emperor's service. He also sent his brother's daughter to Akbar's Harem. Kalyán Mall was in the 40th year a Commander of Two Thousand.

Rái Singh, in the 17th year, when Akbar made preparations to crush the rebellion in Gujrát, occupied Jodhpúr, the old seat of Mál Deo, in order to prevent the rebels from invading the Dihlí territory; but Ibráhím, after his defeat at Sarnál, invaded Akbar's territory, and besieged Nágor, which at that time was the tuyúl of Khán i Kalán (No. 16), and was defended by his son, Farrukh Khán (p. 322). R. came to his relief, and the Mírzá had not only to raise the siege, but was pursued, and defeated by R. In the following year also, R. distinguished himself in the engagement with Muhammad Husain Mírzá (p. 325).

In the 19th year, R. and Sháh Qulí Mahram (No. 45) were ordered to punish Chandr Sen, son of Rájah Mál Deo; but as they were unable to take Siwánah, Chandr Sen's stronghold, notwithstanding the auxiliaries which Akbar had sent them at R.'s request, R., in the 21st year, was called to Court, and Shahbáz Khán (No. 80) took the command. Before the end of the same year, however, R. and Tarson Muhammad Khán (No. 32) were sent against the refractory zamíndárs of Jálor and Sarohí; but as they applied to Akbar for pardon, R. and Sayyid Háshim of Bárhah (No. 143) garrisoned Nádot to watch the Ráná of Udaipúr, and bring the rebels of those districts to obedience. As at this time Saltán Deodah, the zamíndár of Sarohí, from distrust again assumed a hostile attitude, R. marched against Sarohí and besieged