A'in-i Akbarī - The Ain-i-Akbarī, Volume 1

His Majesty made a seven-fold division, based upon experience; 1. Mast (full blood); 2. Shergír (tiger-seizing); 3. Sádah (plain); 4. Manjholah (middlemost); 5. Karha; 6. P'handurkiya; 7. Mokal. The first class comprises young elephants, possessed of the peculiar heat which renders the animal so strong. The second class contains likewise young ones, which once or twice have given signs of perfection, and exhibit an uninterrupted alacrity. The third class comprehends useful elephants, which are nearly as good as the preceding. The fourth class contains elephants of a somewhat inferior value. Those of the fifth class are younger than those of the fourth. The elephants of the sixth class are smaller than those of the fifth. The last class contains all young ones still unfit for use.

Each class is divided into three subdivisions, viz., large sized, middle, young ones; the last class contains ten kinds. A certain quantity of food has been fixed for each class.

Formerly the classification of the elephants was never attended to; hence in feeding them a large quantity of the stores was wasted. But when His Majesty, soon after lifting the veil,¹ commenced to care for the happiness of his subjects, this matter was properly inquired to, and wise regulations were issued for guidance. 1. Mast elephants. Large ones get daily 2 mans 24 sers; middle-sized, 2 m. 19 s.; small ones, 2 m. 14 s. 2. Shergírs. Large ones, 2 m. 9 s.; middle-sized ones, 2 m. 4 s.; small ones, 1 m. 39 s. 3. Sádahs. Large ones, 1 m. 34 s.; middle-sized ones, 1 m. 29 s.; small ones, 1 m. 24 s. 4. Manjholahs. Large ones, 1 m. 22 s.; middle-sized ones, 1 m. 20 s.; small ones, 1 m. 18 s. 5. Karhas. Large ones, 1 m. 14 s.; middle-sized ones, 1 m. 9 s.; small ones, 1 m. 4 s. 6. P'handurkiyas. Large ones, 1 m.; middle-sized ones, 36 s.; small ones, 32 s. 7. Mokals. Large ones, 26 s.; middle-sized ones, 24s; third class, 22 s.; fourth class, 20 s.; fifth class, 18 s.; sixth class, 16 s.; seventh class, 14 s.; eighth class, 12 s.; ninth class, 10 s.; tenth class, 8 s.

Female elephants have been divided into four classes, viz., large ones, middle-sized ones, small ones, Mokals. The first two classes are divided into three; the third, into four; the fourth, into nine subdivisions. 1. Large ones. Big, 1 m. 22 s.; middling, 1 m. 18 s.; small ones, 1 m. 14 s. 2. Middle-sized ones. Big, 1 m. 10 s.; middling, 1m. 6s.; small, 1m. 2s. 3. Small ones. Big, 37 s.; middling, 32 s.; small, 27 s.; still smaller, 22 s. 4. Mokals. First class, 22 s.; second, 20 s.; third, 18 s.; fourth, 16 s.; fifth, 14 s.; sixth, 12 s.; seventh, 10 s.; eighth, 8 s.; ninth, 6 s.

1. Mast elephants. There are five and a half¹ servants for each, viz., first, a Maháwat, who sits on the neck of the animal and directs its movements. He must be acquainted with its good and bad properties, and thus contribute to its usefulness. He gets 200 dáms per month; but if the elephant be k'huṭahar, i. e., wicked and addicted to pulling down the driver, he gets 220 d. Secondly, a Bhoí, who sits behind, upon the rump of the elephant, and assists in battle and in quickening the speed of the animal; but he often performs the duties of the Maháwat. His monthly pay is 110 d. Thirdly, the Met'hs, of whom there are three and one-half, or only three in case of small elephants. A met'h fetches fodder, and assists in caparisoning the elephant. Met'hs of all classes get on the march four dáms daily, and at other times, three and a half.

2. For every Shergír, there are five servants, viz., a Maháwat, at 180 d.; a Bhoí, at 103 d.; and three Met'hs as before.

3. For every Sádah, there are four and a half servants, viz., a Maháwat, at 160 d., a Bhoí at 90 d.; and two and a half Met'hs.

4. For every Manjholah, there are four servants; viz., a Maháwat, at 140 d.; a Bhoí, at 80 d.; and two Met'hs.

6. For every Karha, there are three and a half servants; viz., a Maháwat at 120 d., a Bhoí at 70 d.; and one and a half Met'hs.

6. For every P'handurkiya, there are two servants; víz., a Maháwat, at 100 d., and a Met'h.

7. For every Mokal, there are likewise two servants; viz., a Maháwat, at 50 d., and a Met'h.

Female Elephants. 1. Large ones have four servants, viz., a Maháwat at 100 d.; a Bhoí, at 60 d., two Met'hs. 2. Middle sized ones have three and a half servants; viz., a Maháwat, at 80 d.; a Bhoí, at 50 d.; and one and a half Met'hs. 3. Small ones have two; viz., a Maháwat, at 60 d.; and a Met'h. 4. Mokals have likewise two; viz. a Maháwat, at 60 d., and a Met'h.

His Majesty has appointed a Superintendent over every troop of ten, twenty, and thirty, elephants. Such a troop is called a halqah; the superintendent is called Faujdár. His business is to look after the condition and the training of the elephants; he teaches them to be bold, and to stand firm at the sight of fire, and at the noise of artillery; and he is responsible for their behaviour in these respects. When a Faujdár is raised to the dignity of a Çadí (a commander of one hundred), or higher, he has twenty-five elephants assigned to himself, the other Faujdárs, as Bístís (commanders of twenty) and Dahbáshís (commanders of ten) being under his orders. The same order is followed from the Dahbáshís up to the Hazárís (commanders of one thousand). The pay of officers above the Çadí is different. Some Faujdárs have been raised to the dignity of grandees of the court. A Çadí marks two horses. A Bístí of the first grade has 30 Rupees per mensem; second grade, 25 R; third grade, 20 R. A Dahbáshí of the first grade has twenty R.; second grade, 16 R.; third grade, 12 R. Bístís and Dahbáshís mark one horse, and belong to the Ahadís. Such Faujdars as have thirty or twenty-five elephants assigned to themselves, have to pay the wages of the Maháwat and of one Bhoí of that elephant, which they select for their own use; but such as have twenty or ten, only pay for a Maháwat.

The above arrangement regarding the servants was not thought sufficient by His Majesty, who has much experience in this matter. He therefore put several halqahs in charge of every grandee, and required him to look after them. The fodder also is now supplied by the government. A trustworthy clerk has, besides, been appointed, who is in charge of the correspondence of this branch; he looks after the receipts and expenditure, and sees that the orders of His Majesty are carried out. He also parades the elephants in the order described below (A´ín 78).

1. The Dharnah is a large chain, made of iron, gold, or silver. It is made of sixty oval links, each weighing three sers; but the chain differs in length and thickness according to the strength of the elephant. One end of the chain is fixed in the ground, or fastened to a pillar; the other end is tied to the left hind leg of the elephant. Formerly, they fastened this chain to the forefoot; but as this ís injurious for the chest of the elephant, His Majesty ordered to discontinue the usage.

2. The A´ndú is a chain, with which both forefeet are tied. As it annoys the elephant, His Majesty ordered it to be discontinued.

3. The Berí is a chain for fastening both hindfeet.

4. The Baland is a fetter for the hindfeet, an invention of His Majesty. It allows the elephant to walk, but prevents him from running.

5. The Gaddh berí resembles the A´ndú, and is an additional chain for the hindlegs of unruly and swift elephants.

6. The Loh langar is a long chain, suitable for an elephant. One end is tied to the right fore foot, and the other end to a thick log, a yard in length. This the driver keeps near him, and drops it, when the elephant runs too swiftly, or gets so unruly as no longer to obey. The chain twists round his leg, and the log will annoy the animal to such an extent that it necessarily stops. This useful invention, which has saved many lives, and protected huts and walls, is likewise due to His Majesty.

7. The Charkhí is a piece of hollowed bamboo, half a yard and two ṭassújes long, and has a hole in the middle. It is covered with sinews and filled with gunpowder, an earthen partition dividing the powder into two halves. A fuzee wrapt in paper, is put into each end. Fixed into the hole of the bamboo at right angles is a stick, which serves as a handle. Upon fire being put to both ends, it turns round, and makes a frightful noise. When elephants fight with each other, or are otherwise unruly, a bold man on foot takes the burning bamboo into his hand, and holds it before the animals, when they will get quiet. Formerly, in order to separate two elephants that were fighting, they used to light a fire; but people had much trouble, as it seldom had the desired effect. His Majesty invented the present method, which was hailed by all.

8. Andhiyárí, i. e., darkness, a name which His Majesty changed into Ujyálí, i. e., light, is a piece of canvass above one and a half yards square. It is made of brocade, velvet, &c., and tied with two ends to the Kiláwah (vide next). When the elephant is unruly, it is let fall, so that he cannot see. This has been the saving of many. As it often gives way, especially when the elephant is very wild, His Majesty had three heavy bells attached to the ends of the canvass, to keep it better down. This completed the arrangement.

9. The Kiláwah¹ consists of a few twisted ropes, about one and a half yards long. They are laid at the side of each other, without however being interwoven among themselves, the whole being about eight fingers broad. A ring is drawn through both ends of the ropes, aud fastened where the throat of the elephant is: the elephant driver rests his feet in it, and thus sits firmly. Sometimes it is made of silk or leather. Others fix small pointed iron-spikes to the kaláwah, which will prevent an unruly elephant from throwing down the driver by shaking its head.

10. The Dult'hí is a rope, five yards long, as thick as a stick. This they tie over the kaláwah, to strengthen it.

11. The Kanár is a small pointed spike, half a yard long. This they likewise attach to the kaláwah, and prick the elephant's ears with it, in order to make the animal wild, or to urge it on.

12. The Ḍór is a thick rope passing from the tail to the throat. When properly tied, it is an ornament. They also catch hold of it, when the elephant makes an awkward movement. They also attach many other trappings to it.

13. The Gadelah, is a cushion put on the back of the elephant, below the dult'hí. It prevents galling, and is a source of comfort.

14. The Gudauṭí is a chain of brass. They attach it near the tail, which it prevents from getting injured by the dult'hí. It is also ornamental.

15. The Pichwah is a belt made of ropes, and is fastened over the buttocks of the elephant. It is a support for the Bhoí, and of much use to him in firing.

16. The Chaurásí consists of a number of bells attached to a piece of broadcloth, which is tied on before and behind with a string passed through it. It looks ornamental and grand.

17. Piṭkachh is the name of two chains fastened over the elephant's sides. Attached to them, a bell hangs below the belly. It is of great beauty and grandeur.

18. Large chains. They attach six on both sides, and three to the kaláwah, the latter being added by His Majesty.

19. Quṭás (the tail of the Thibetan Yak). There are about sixty, more or less, attached to the tusk, the forehead, the throat, and the neck. They are either white, or black, or pied, and look very ornamental.

20. The Ṭayyá consists of five iron plates, each a span long, and four fingers broad, fastened to each other by rings. On both sides of the Ṭayyá there are two chains, each a yard long, one of which passes from above the ear, and the other from below it, to the kaláwah, to which both are attached. Between them there is another chain, which is passed over the head and tied to the kaláwah; and below, crossways, there are four iron spikes ending in a curve, and adorned with knobs. The Quṭás are attached here. At their lower end, there are three other chains similarly arranged. Besides, four other chains are attached to the knob; two of them, like the first, end in a knob, whilst the remaining two are tied to the tusks. To this knob again three chains are attached, two of which are tied round about the trunk, the middle one hanging down. Quṭás and daggers are attached to the former knobs, but the latter lies over the forehead. All this is partly for ornament, partly to frighten other animals.

21. The Pák'har is like an armour, and is made of steel; there are separate pieces for the head and the trunk.

22. The Gaj-jhamp is a covering put as an ornament above the pák'har. It looks grand. It is made of three folds of canvass, put together and sewn, broad ribbons being attached to the outside.

23. The Meg'h dambar is an awning, to shade the elephant driver, an invention by His Majesty. It also looks ornamental.

24. The Ranpiyala is a fillet for the forehead, made of brocade or similar stuffs, from the hem of which nice ribbons and quṭás hang down.

25. The Gatelí consists of four links joined together, with three above them, and two others over the latter. It is attached to the feet of the elephant. Its sound is very effective.

26. The Pái ranjan consists of several bells similarly arranged.

27. The A´nkus is a small crook. His Majesty calls it Gajbág'h.¹ It is used for guiding the elephant and stopping him.

28. The Gaḍ is a spear which has two prongs, instead of an iron point. The Bhoí makes use of it, when the elephant is refractory.

29. The Bangrí is a collection of rings made of iron or brass. The rings are put on the tusks, and serve to strengthen as well as to ornament them.

30. The Jagáwaṭ resembles the Gaḍ (No. 28), and is a cubit long. The Bhoí uses it, to quicken the speed of the elephant.

31. The Jhanḍá, or flag, is hung round with Quṭás, like a togh.² It is fixed to the side of the elephant.

But it is impossible to describe all the ornamental trappings of elephants.

For each Mast and Shergír and Sádah, seven pieces of cotton cloth are annually allowed, each at a price of 8½ dáms. Also, four coarse woollen pieces, called in Hindí kambal, at 10 d. each, and eight ox hides, each at 8 d. For Manjholah and Karha elephants, four of the first; three of the second; and seven of the third, are allowed. For P'handurkiyas, and Mokals, and female elephants, three of the first; two of the second; four of the third. The saddle cloth is made of cloth, lining, and stuff for edging it round about; for sewing, half a ser of cotton thread is allowed. For every man of grain, the halqah dár is allowed ten sers of iron for chains, &c., at 2 d. per ser; and for every hide, one ser of sesame oil, at 60 d. per man. Also, 5 s. coarse cotton thread for the kaláwah of the elephant on which the Faujdár rides, at 8 d. per ser; but for other elephants, the men have to make one of leather, &c., at their own expense.

A sum of twelve dáms is annually subtracted from the servants; but they get the worn out articles.

There are one hundred and one elephants selected for the use of His Majesty. Their allowance of food is the same in quantity as that of the other elephants, but differs in quality. Most of them also get 5 s. of sugar, 4 s. of g'hí, and half a man of rice mixed with chillies, cloves, &c. and some have one and a half man¹ of milk in addition to their grain. In the sugar-cane season, each elephant gets daily, for two months, 300 sugarcanes, more or less. His Majesty takes the place of the Maháwat.

Each elephant requires three bhoís in the rutting season, and two, when cool. Their monthly wages vary from 120 to 400 d., and are fixed by His Majesty himself. For each elephant there are four Met'hs. In the Halqahs, female elephants are but rarely told off to accompany big male ones; but for each kháçah elephant there are three, and sometimes even more, appointed. First class big female elephants have two and one-half met'hs; second class do., two; third class do., one and one-half; for the other classes, the same as in the Halqahs.

As each Halqah is in charge of one of the Grandees, so is every kháçah elephant put in charge of one of them. Likewise, for every ten kháçah elephants, a professional man is appointed, who is called Daháídár. They draw twelve, ten, and eight rupees per mensem. Besides, an active and honest superintendent is appointed for every ten elephants. He is called Naqíb (watcher), and has to submit a daily report, when elephants eat little, or get a shortened allowance, or in cases of sickness, or when anything unusual happens. He marks a horse, and holds the rank of an Ahadí. His Majesty also weekly dispatches some of the servants near him, in the proportion of one for every ten elephants, who inspect them and send in a report.

His Majesty, the royal rider of the plain of auspiciousness, mounts on every kind of elephants, from the first to the last class, making them, notwithstanding their almost supernatural strength, obedient to his command. His Majesty will put his foot on the tusks, and mount them, even when they are in the rutting season, and astonishes experienced people.¹

They also put comfortable turrets on the backs of swift-paced elephants, which serve as a travelling sleeping apartment. An elephant so caparisoned, is always ready at the palace.

Whenever His Majesty mounts an elephant, a month's wages are given as a donation to the Bhoís. And when he has ridden ten elephants, the following donations are bestowed, viz., the near servant who has weekly to report on the elephants, receives a present; the former, 100 R.; the Daháí, 31 R.; the Naqíb, 15 R.; the Mushrif (writer), 7½ R. Besides, the regal rewards given to them at times when they display a particular zeal or attentiveness, go beyond the reach of speech.

Each elephant has his match appointed for fighting: some are always ready at the palace, and engage when the order is given. When a fight is over, if the combatants were kháçah elephants, the bhoís receive 250 dáms as a present; but if other elephants, the bhoís get 200 d.

The Daháídár of kháçah elephants receives one dám for every rupee paid as wages to the Bhoís and Met'hs; the Mushrif is entitled to ½ d., and the Naqíb to ¼ d. In the case of Halqah elephants, the Çadíwál, the Dahbáshí, and the Bístí, are entitled to 1 d. for every rupee; and the Mushrif and the Naqíb receive the allowance given for kháçah elephants.

In order to prevent laziness, and to ensure attentiveness, His Majesty, as for all other departments, has fixed a list of fines. On the death of a male or a female kháçah elephant, the Bhoís are fined three months' wages. If any part of the harness is lost, the Bhoís and Met'hs are fined two-thirds of the value of the article; but in the case of a saddle cloth, the full price. When a female elephant dies from starvation, or through want of care, the Bhoís have to pay the cost price of the animal.

If a driver mixes drugs with the food of an elephant, to make the animal hot, and it dies in consequence thereof, he is liable to capital punishment, or to have a hand cut off, or to be sold as a slave. If it was a kháçah elephant, the Bhoís lose three months' pay, and are further suspended for one year.

Two experienced men are monthly dispatched, to enquire into the fatness or leanness of kháçah elephants. If elephants are found by them out of flesh, to the extent of a quarter, according to the scale fixed by the Págosht Regulation (vide A´ín 83), the grandees in charge are fined, and the bhoís are likewise liable to lose a month's wages. In the case of Halqah elephants, Ahadís are told off to examine them, and submit a report to His Majesty. If an elephant dies, the Maháwat and the Bhoí are fined three months' wages. If part of an elephant's tusk is broken, and the injury reaches as far as the kalí—this is a place at the root of the tusks, which on being injured is apt to fester, when the tusks get hollow and become useless—a fine amounting to one-eighth of the price of the elephant is exacted, the dárogah paying two-thirds, and the Faujdár one-third. Should the injury not reach as far as the kalí, the fine is only one-half of the former, but the proportions are the same. But, at present, a fine of one per cent, has become usual; in the case of kháçah elephants, however, such punishment is inflicted as His Majesty may please to direct.

His Majesty is very fond of horses, because he believes them to be of great importance in the three branches of the government, and for expeditions of conquest, and because he sees in them a means of avoiding much inconvenience.

Merchants bring to court good horses from 'Iráq i 'Arab and 'Iráq i 'Ajam, from Turkey, Turkestan, Badakhshán, Shirwán, Qirghiz, Thibet, Kashmír, and other countries. Droves after droves arrive from Túrán and I´rán, and there are now-a-days twelve thousand in the stables of His Majesty. And in like manner, as they are continually coming in, so there are others daily going out as presents, or for other purposes.

Skilful, experienced men have paid much attention to the breeding of this sensible animal, many of whose habits resemble those of man; and after a short time Hindustan ranked higher in this respect than Arabia, whilst many Indian horses cannot be distinguished from Arabs or from 'Iráqí breed. There are fine horses bred in every part of the country; but those of Cachh excel, being equal to Arabs. It is said that a long time ago an Arab ship was wrecked and driven to the shore of Cachh; and that it had seven choice horses, from which, according to the general belief, the breed of that country originated. In the Panjáb, horses are bred resembling 'Iráqís, especially between the Indus and the Bahat (Jhelum): they go by the name of Sanújí;¹ so also in the district of Patí Haibatpúr,² Bajwárah, Tahárah, in the Súbah of A´grah, Mewát, and in the Súbah of Ajmír, where the horses have the name of pachwariyah. In the northern mountainous district of Hindustan, a kind of small but strong horses is bred, which are called gúṭ; and in the confines of Bengal, near Kúch [- Bahár], another kind of horses occurs, which rank between the gúṭ and Turkish horses, and are called táng'han: they are strong and powerful.

His Majesty, from the light of his insight and wisdom, makes himself acquainted with the minutest details, and with the classification and the condition of every kind of article; he looks to the requirements of the times, and designs proper regulations. Hence he also pays much attention to every thing that is connected with this animal, which is of so great an importance for the government, and an almost supernatural means for the attainment of personal greatness.

First, he has set apart a place for horse-dealers, where they may, without delay, find convenient quarters, and be secure from the hardships of the seasons. By this arrangement, the animals will not suffer³ from that hardness and avariciousness so often observed in dealers of the present time; nor will they pass from the hands of well intentioned merchants into those of others. But dealers who are known for their uprightness and humanity, may keep their horses where they please, and bring them at an appointed time. Secondly, he appointed a circumspect man to the office of an Amín i Kárwánsará, who from his superior knowledge and experience, keeps the dealers from the path of disobedience, and ties the mischievous tongues of such as are wicked and evasive. Thirdly, he has appointed a clever writer, who keeps a roll of horses that arrive and have been mustered, and who sees that the orders of His Majesty do not fall into abeyance. Fourthly, he has appointed trustworthy men, acquainted with the prices of horses, to examine the animals, and to fix their prices, in the order in which they are imported. His Majesty, from his goodness, generally gives half as much again above the price fixed by them, and does not keep them waiting for their money.¹

There are two classes of horses: 1. Kháçah; 2. Those that are not kháçah. The kháçah horses are the following—six stables, each containing forty choice horses of Arabia and Persia; the stables of the princes; the stables of Turkish courier horses; the stables of horses bred in the Imperial studs. They have each a name, but do not exceed the number thirty. His Majesty rides upon horses of the six stables.

The Second class horses are of three kinds, viz., sí-aspí, bíst-aspí, dah-aspí i. e., belonging to the stables of thirty, twenty, and ten. A horse whose value comes up to ten muhurs, is kept in a Dah-muhrí stable; those worth from eleven to twenty muhurs, in a Bíst-muhrí stable, and so on.

Grandees and other Mançabdárs, and Senior Ahadís are in charge of the stables. Hay and crushed grain are found by the government for all horses, except for the horse which the Yatáqdár (guard) of every stable is allowed to ride, and which he maintains in grain and grass at his own expense.

A kháçah horse was formerly allowed eight sers fodder per diem, when the ser weighed twenty-eight dáms. Now that the ser is fixed at thirty dáms, a kháçah horse gets seven and a half sers. In winter, they give boiled peas or vetch; in summer, grain. The daily allowance includes two sers of flour, and one and a half sers of sugar. In winter, before the horse gets fresh grass, they give it half a ser of g'hí. Two dáms are daily allowed for hay; but hay is not given, when fresh grass is available. About three bíg'has of land will yield sufficient fodder for a horse. When, instead of sugar, the horses get molasses, they stop the g'hí; and when the season of fresh grass comes, they give no grain for the first three days, but allow afterwards six sers of grain and two sers of molasses per diem. In other 'Iráqí and Turkí stables, they give seven and a half sers of grain. During the cool six months of the year, they give the grain boiled, an allowance of one dám being given for boiling one man of it. The horses also get once a week a quarter ser of salt. When g'hí and fresh grass are given, each horse, provided its price be above thirty-one muhurs, gets also one ser of sugar; whilst such as are worth from twenty-one to thirty muhurs, only get half a ser. Horses of less value get no sugar at all. Before green grass is given, horses of a value from twenty-one to upwards of one hundred muhurs, get one man and ten sers of g'hí; such as are worth from eleven to twenty muhurs, thirty sers; but horses up to ten muhurs get neither g'hí, brown sugar, nor green oats. Salt is given at the daily rate one-fiftieth of a dám, though it is mostly given in a lump. 'Iráqí and Turkí horses which belong to the court, are daily allowed two d. for grass; but such of them as are in the country, only one and a half. In winter, each horse gets a bíg'ha of fresh oats, the price of which, at court, is 240 d., and in the country, 200 d. At the time of fresh oats, each horse gets two mans of molasses, the same quantity being subtracted from the allowance of grain.

Experienced officers, attached to the Imperial offices, calculate the amount required, and make out an estimate, which in due course is paid. When a horse is sick, every necessary expense is paid on the certificate of the horse doctor.

Every stallion to a stud of mares receives the allowance of a kháçah horse. The gúṭ horses get five and a half sers of grain, the usual quantity of salt, and grass at the rate of one and a half d. per diem, if at court, and at the rate of 13/25 d., when in the country; but they do not get g'hí, molasses, or green oats. Qisráqs, i. e., female horses, get, at court, four and a half sers of grain, the usual allowance of salt, and one d. for grass; and in the country, the same, with the exception of the grass, for which only three fourths of a dám are allowed. Stud mares get two and three fourths sers of grain; but the allowance for grass, salt, and fuel, is not fixed.

A foal sucks its dam for three months; after which, for nine months, it is allowed the milk of two cows; then, for six months, two and three-fourths sers of grain per diem; after which period, the allowance is every six months increased by a ser, till it completes the third year, when its food is determined by the above regulations.

It would be difficult and tedious to describe the various ornaments, jewels, and trappings, used for the kháçah horses on which His Majesty rides out.

For the whole outfit of a kháçah horse, the allowance is 277½ d. per annum; viz., an artak, or horse quilt, of wadded chintz, 47 d.; a yálposh (a covering for the mane) 32 d.; a woollen towel, 2 d.—these three articles are renewed every six months; in lieu of the old artak, half the cost price is deducted, and one-sixth for the old yálposh—; a saddle cloth, the outside of which is woven of hair, the lining being coarse wool, 42 d.; halters for the nakhtah (headstall) and the hind feet,¹ 40 d.; a pusht-tang (girth), 8 d.; a magas-ráṉ (a horse tail to drive away flies), 3 d.; a nakhtah and qaizah (the bit), 14 d.; a curry-comb, 1½ d.; a grain bag, 6 d.; a basket, in which the horse gets its grain, 1 d.³ These articles are given annually, and fifteen dáms, ten jetals, subtracted in lieu of the old ones.

In the other stables, the allowance for horses whose value is not less than twenty-one muhurs, is 196½ d. per annum, the rate of the articles being the same. Twenty-five and a half dáms are subtracted in lieu of the old articles.

In stables of horses worth twenty to eleven muhurs, the annual allowance is 155¼ d.; viz., for the artak, 39¾ d.; the yálposh, 27¼ d.; a coarse saddle cloth, 30 d.; the girth, 6 d.; the nakhtah and qaizah, 10 d., and the nakhtah ropes and feet-ropes, 32 d.; the magasráṇ, 2 d.; a towel, 1½ d.; a curry-comb, 1¼ d.; a basket, 1 d.; a grain bag, 4½ d. Twenty dáms are subtracted for the old articles.

For horses worth up to ten muhurs, and qisráqs, and gúṭ, the allowance is 117¼ d.;² viz., an artak, 37 d.; a yálposh, 24½ d.; a jul, 24 d.; a nakhtah band and a páiband, 8 d.; a nakhtah and qaizah, 8 d.; a pusht-tang, 5 d.; a magasráṉ and a towel, each 1½ d.; a curry-comb, 1¼ d.; a basket, 1 d.; a grain bag, 4½ d. The amount subtracted is the same as before.

1. The Karáh is an iron vessel for boiling grain sufficient for ten horses. The price of a karáh is at the rate of one hundred and forty dáms per man of iron; but this includes the wages of the maker. 2. The Missín Saṭl, or brass bucket, out of which horses drink. There is one for every ten kháçah horses. The price of making one is 140 d. For other horses, as in the stables of thirty, &c., there is only one. 3. The Kamand is a halter, attached to iron pegs, for fastening the horses. In stables of forty, there are three; in stables of thirty, two; in others, one. The weight of a halter is half a man; its cost price is 140 d., and 16 d. the wages of the rope maker. 4. The A´haníṉ mekh, or iron peg, of which there are two for every halter. Each peg weighs five sers, and costs 15 d. 5. The Tabartukhmáq, or hammer, weighs five sers, and is used for fixing the iron pegs. There is one in every stable.

All broken and old utensils of brass and iron, in the kháçah stables, if repairable, are repaired at the expense of the Dároghahs; and when they are past mending, their present value is deducted, and the difference paid in cash. In other stables, a deduction of one-half of their value is made every third year.

6. Na'l, or horseshoes, are renewed twice a year. Formerly eight dáms were given for a whole set, but now ten. 7. Kúndláṉ. One is allowed for ten horses.¹ The price of it is 80¾ R.

1. The A´tbegí is in charge of all horses belonging to the government. He directs all officers charged with the management of the horses. This office is one of the highest of the State, and is only held by grandees of high rank: at present it is filled by the Khán Khánán² (Commander-in-Chief). 2. The Dároghah. There is one appointed for each stable. This post may be held by officers of the rank of commanders of five thousand down to Senior Ahadís. 3. The Mushrif, or accountant. He keeps the roll of the horses, manages all payments and fines, sees that His Majesty's orders are carried out, and prepares the estimate of the stores required for this department. He is chosen from among the grandees. 4. The Dídahwar, or inspector. Their duty is occasionally to inspect the horses, before they are mustered by His Majesty; they also determine the rank and the condition of the horses. Their reports are taken down by the Mushrif. This office may be held by Mansabdárs or Ahadís. 5. The Akhtachís look after the harness, and have the horses saddled. Most of them get their pay on the list of the Ahadís. 6. The Chábuksuwár rides the horses, and compares their speed with the road, which is likewise taken down by the Mushrif. He receives the pay of an Ahadí. 7. The Hádá. This name is given to a class of Rájpúts, who teach horses the elementary steps. Some of them get their pay on the list of the Ahadís. 8. The Mírdahah is an experienced groom placed over ten servants. He gets the pay of an Ahadí: but in other kháçah stables, he only gets 170 d.; in the country-bred stables, 160 d.; in the other Síaspí stables, 140 d.; in the Bístaspí stables, 100 d.; and in the Dah-aspí stables, 30 d. Besides he has to look after two horses. 9. The Baiṭár, or horse-doctor, gets the pay of an Ahadí. 10. The Naqíb, or watcher. Some active, intelligent men are retained for supervision. They report the condition of each stable to the Dároghahs and the Mushrif, and it is their duty to have the cattle in readiness. The two head Naqíbs are Ahadís, and they have thirty people under them, who receive from 100 to 120 d. 11. The Sáis, or groom. There is one groom for every two horses. In the Chihilaspí stables, each groom gets 170 d.; in the stables of the eldest prince, 138 d.; in the stables of the other princes, and in the courier horse stables, 136 d.; in the country bred stables, 126 d.; in the other Síaspí stables, 106 d.; in the Bístaspí stables, 103 d.; and in the Dahaspí stables, 100 d. 12. The Jilaudár (vide A´ín 60) and the Paik (a runner). Their monthly pay varies from 1200 to 120 d., according to their speed and manner of service. Some of them will run from fifty to one hundred kroh (kos) p. day. 13. The Na'lband, or farrier. Some of them are Ahadís, some foot soldiers. They receive 160 d. 14. The Zíndár, or saddle holder, has the same rank and pay as the preceding. In the Kháçah stable of forty horses, one saddle is allowed for every two horses, in the following manner: for the first and twenty-first; for the second and twenty-second, and so on. If the first horse is sent out of the stable, the saddle remains at its place, and what was the second horse becomes first, and the second saddle falls to the third horse, and so on to the end. If a horse out of the middle leaves, its saddle is given to the preceding horse. 15. The A´bkash, or water-carrier. Three are allowed in the stables of forty; two in stables of thirty, and only one in other stables. The monthly pay is 100 d. 16. The Farrásh (who dusts the furniture). There is one in every kháçah stable. His pay is 130 d. 17. A Sipandsoz¹ is only allowed in the stables of forty horses; his pay is 100 d. 18. The Khákrúb, or sweeper. Sweepers are called in Hindustan Halálkhur;² His Majesty brought this name en vogue. In stables of forty, there are two; in those of thirty and twenty, one. Their monthly pay is 65 d.

During a march, if the dároghahs are in receipt of a fixed allowance for coolies, they entertain some people to lead the horses. In the stables of thirty horses, fifteen are allowed. And in the same proportion does the government appoint coolies, when a dároghah has not received the extra-allowance. Each cooly gets two dáms per diem.

His Majesty, from the regard which he pays to difference in rank, believes many fit for cavalry service, though he would not trust them with the keeping of a horse. For these he has told off separate stables, with particular Dároghahs and Mushrifs. When their services are required, they are furnished with a horse on a written order of the Bitikchí (writer); but they have not to trouble themselves about the keeping of the horse. A man so mounted is called a Bárgírsuwár.

In order to prevent fraudulent exchanges, and to remove the stamp of doubtful ownership, horses were for some time marked with the word (nazar sight), sometimes with the word (dágh, mark), and sometimes with the numeral (seven).¹ Every horse that was received by government had the mark burnt on the right cheek; and those that were returned, on the left side. Sometimes, in the case of 'Iráqí and Mujannas² horses, they branded the price in numerals on the right cheek; and in the case of Turkí and Arab horses, on the left. Now-a-days the horses of every stable are distinguished by their price in numerals. Thus, a horse of ten muhurs, is marked with the numeral ten; those of twenty muhurs, have a twenty, and so on. When horses, at the time of the musters, are put into a higher or a lower grade, the old brand is removed.

Formerly, whenever there had been taken away either ten horses from the stables of forty, or from the stud-bred horses, or five from the courier horses, they were replaced in the following manner. The deficiency in the stables of forty was made up from horses chosen from the stables of the princes; the stud-bred horses were replaced by other stud bred ones, and the courier horses from other stables. Again, if there were wanting fifteen horses in the stables of the eldest prince (Salím), they were replaced by good horses of his brothers; and if twenty were wanting in the stables of the second prince (Murád), the deficiency was made up by horses taken from the stables of the youngest prince and from other stables; and if twenty-five were wanting in the stables of the youngest prince (Dányál), the deficiency was made up from other good stables.

But in the thirty-seventh year of the Divine Era (A. D. 1593), the order was given that, in future, one horse should annually be added to each stable. Thus, when, in the present year, the deficiency in the kháçah stables had come up to eleven, they commenced to make up the complement, the deficiency of the other stables being made up at the time of the muster parades.

When a kháçah horse dies, the Dároghah has to pay one rupee, and the Mírdahah ten d., upon every muhur of the cost price; and the grooms lose one-fourth of their monthly wages. When a horse is stolen, or injured, His Majesty determines the fine, as it cannot be uniform in each case.

In the other stables, they exacted from the Dároghah for a single horse that dies, one rupee upon every muhur; for two horses, two rupees upon every muhur; and from the Mírdahah and the grooms the above proportions. But now, they take one rupee upon every muhur for one to three horses that die; and two upon every muhur, for four horses; and three upon every muhur, for five.

If the mouth of a horse gets injured, the Mírdahah is fined ten dáms upon every muhur, which fine he recovers from the other grooms.

There are always kept in readiness two kháçah horses; but of courier-horses, three, and one of each stable from the seventy muhurs down to the ten muhur stables and the Gúṭs. They are formed into four divisions, and each division is called a misl.

First misl, one from the chihilaspí stables; one from the stable of the eldest prince; one from those of the second prince; one from the stable of kháçah courier horses. Second misl, one from the stable of the youngest prince; one from the studbred; one from the chihilaspí stables; one courier horse. Third misl, one horse from the stables of the three princes; one stud bred. Fourth misl, one horse from each of the stables of horses of forty, thirty, twenty, and ten muhurs.

His Majesty rides very rarely on horses of the fourth misl. But when prince Sháh Murád joined his appointment,¹ His Majesty also rode the best horses of the stables of forty muhurs. The arrangement was then as follows. First misl, one horse from the stables of forty; one horse from the stables of the eldest and the youngest prince, and a courier horse. Second misl, stud bred horses from the stables of horses above seventy muhurs; kháçah horses of forty muhurs, and courier horses. Third misl, one horse from the stables of each of the two princes, the stud bred, and the seventy muhur horses. Fourth misl, horses from the stables of sixty, forty, and thirty muhurs.

Horses are also kept in readiness from the stables of twenty and ten muhurs and the Gúṭs.

Whenever His Majesty mounts a horse belonging to one of the six kháçah stables, he gives something, according to a fixed rule, with the view of increasing the zeal and desire for improvement among the servants. For some time it was a rule that, whenever he rode out on a kháçah horse, a rupee should be given, viz., one dám to the A´tbegí, two to the Jilaudár; eighteen and one-half to the grooms, the rest being shared by the Mushrif, the Naqíb, the Akhtachí, and the Zíndár. In the case of horses belonging to the stables of the eldest prince, thirty dáms were given, each of the former recipients getting a quarter of a dam less. For horses belonging to stables of the second prince, twenty dáms were given, the donations decreasing by the same fraction; and for horses belonging to the stables of the youngest prince, as also for courier horses, and stud-breds, ten dáms, according to the same manner of distribution.

Now, the following donations are given:—For a horse of a stable of forty, one rupee as before; for a horse belonging to a stable of the eldest prince, twenty dáms; for a horse belonging to the youngest prince, ten dáms; for courier horses, five; for stud breds, four; for horses of the other stables, two.

Whenever a horse is given away as a present, the price of the horse is calculated fifty per cent. higher, and the recipient has to pay ten dáms upon every muhur of the value of the horse. These ten dáms per muhur are divided as follows:—The A´tbegí gets five dáms; the Jilaubegí, two and a half; the Mushrif, one and a quarter; the Naqíbs, nine jetals; the grooms, a quarter dám; the Tahçíldár, fifteen jetals; the remainder is equally divided among the Zíndár and Akhtachí.

In this country, horses commonly live to the age of thirty years. Their price varies from 500 muhurs to 2 Rupees.

From the time His Majesty paid regard to the affairs of the state, he has shewn a great liking for this curiously shaped animal; and as it is of great use for the three branches of the government, and well known to the emperor for its patience under burdens, and for its contentment with little food, it has received every care at the hands of His Majesty. The quality of the country breed improved very much, and Indian camels soon surpassed those of I´rán and Túrán.

From a regard to the dignity of his court, and the diversion of others, His Majesty orders camel-fights, for which purpose several choice animals are always kept in readiness. The best of these kháçah camels, which is named Sháhpasand (approved of by the Sháh), is a country bred twelve years old: it overcomes all its antagonists, and exhibits in the manner in which it stoops down and draws itself up, every finesse of the art of wrestling.

Camels are numerous near Ajmír, Jodhpúr, Nágór, Bíkánír, Jaisalmír, Batinḍá, and Bhaṭnír; the best are bred in the Súbah of Gujrát, near Cachh. But in Sind is the greatest abundance: many inhabitants own ten thousand camels and upwards. The swiftest camels are those of Ajmír; the best for burden are bred in T'hat'hah.

The success¹ of this department depends on the Arwánahs, i. e., female camels. In every country, they get hot in winter, and couple. The male of two humps goes by the name of Bughur. The young ones of camels are called nar (male), and máyah (female), as the case may be; but His Majesty has given to the nar the name of Bughdí, and to the female that of Jammázah. The bughdí is the better for carrying burdens and for fighting; the jammázah excels in swiftness. The Indian camel called Lok, and its female, come close to them in swiftness, and even surpass them. The offspring of a bughur and a jammázah goes by the name of g'hurd; the female is called máyah g'hurd. If a bughdí, or a lok, couples with a jammázah, the young one is called bughdí or lok respectively. But if a bughdí or a lok couples with an arwánah, the young male is named after its sire, and the young female after its dam. The lok is considered superior to the g'hurd, and the máyah g'hurd.

When camels are loaded and travel, they are generally formed into qaṭárs (strings), each qaṭár consisting of five camels. The first camel of each qaṭár is called peshang;¹ the second, peshdarah; the third, miyánah qaṭár; the fourth, dumdast; the last camel, dumdár.

The following is the allowance of such bughdís as are to carry burdens. At the age of two and a half, or three years, when they are taken from the herd of the stud dams, a bughdí gets 2 s. of grain; when three and a half to four years old, 5 s.; up to seven years, 9 s.; at eight years, 10 s. The same rule applies to bughurs. Similarly in the case of jammázahs, g'hurds, máyah g'hurds, and loks, up to four years of age; but from the fourth to the seventh year, they get 7 s.; and at the age of eight years, 7½ s., at the rate of 28 dáms p. ser. As the ser has now 30 dáms, a corresponding deduction is made in the allowance. When bughdís are in heat, they eat less. Hence also concession is made, if they get lean, to the extent of 10 s., according to the provisions of the Págosht rule (A´ín 83); and when the rutting season is over, the Dároghahs give out a corresponding extra allowance of grain, to make up for the former deficiency. If they have made a definite entry into their day-book, and give out more food, they are held indemnified according the Págosht rule; and similarly in all other cases, note is taken of the deductions according to that rule.

At Court, camels are found in grass by the government for eight months. Camels on duty inside the town, are daily allowed grass at the rate of 2 d. per head; and those outside the town, 1½ d. During the four rainy months, and on the march, no allowance is given, the drivers taking the camels to meadows to graze.

The following articles are allowed for kháçah camels:—an Afsár (head stall); a Dum-afsár, (crupper); a Mahár kát'hí (furniture resembling a horse-saddle, but rather longer,—an invention of His Majesty); a kúchí (which serves as a saddle-cloth); a Qaṭárchí; a Sarbchí;¹ a Tang (a girth); a Sartang a (head-strap); a Shebband (a loin-strap); a Jalájil (a breast rope adorned with shells or bells); a Gardanband (a neckstrap); three Chádars (or coverings) made of broadcloth, or variegated canvass, or waxcloth. The value of the jewels, inlaid work, trimmings, and silk, used for adorning the above articles, goes beyond description.

Five qaṭárs of camels, properly caparisoned, are always kept ready for riding, together with two for carrying a Mihaffah, which is a sort of wooden turret, very comfortable, with two poles, by which it is suspended, at the time of travelling, between two camels.

A camel's furniture is either coloured or plain. For every ten qaṭárs, they allow three qaṭárs coloured articles.

For Bughdís, the cost of the [coloured] furniture is 225¾ d., viz., a headstall studded with shells, 20½ d.; a brass ring, 1½ d.; an iron chain, 4½ d.; a kallagí (an ornament in shape of a rosette, generally made of peacock's feathers, with a stone in the centre), 5 d.; a pushtpozí (ornaments for the strap which passes along the back), 8 d.; a dum-afsár (a crupper), 1½ d.; for a takaltú (saddle quilt) and a sarbchí, both of which require 5 sers of cotton, 20 d.; a jul (saddle-cloth), 68 d.; a jaház i gajkárí,² which serves as a mahárkát'hí (vide above), 40 d.: a tang, shebband, gulúband (throat-strap), 24 d.; a ṭanáb (long rope) for securing the burden—camel-drivers call this rope ṭáqah ṭanáb, or kharwár—38 d.; a báláposh, or covering, 15 d.³

For Jammázahs, two additional articles are allowed, viz., a gardanband, 2 d.; and a sínah band (chest-strap), 16 d.

The cost of a set of plain furniture for Bughdís and Jammázahs amounts to 168½ d., viz., an afsár, studded with shells, 10 d.; a dum-afsár, ½ d.; a jaház, 16½ d.; a jul, 52½ d.; a tang, a shebband, and gulúband, 24 d.; a ṭáqah ṭanáb, 37½ d.; a báláposh, 28 d.¹

For Loks, the allowance for furniture is 143 d., viz., an afsár, jaház, kharwár, according to the former rates; a jul, 37½ d.; a tang, shebband, gulúband, 14½ d.; a báláposh, 28 d.²

The coloured and plain furniture is renewed once in three years, but not so the iron bands and the wood work. In consideration of the old coloured furniture of every qaṭár, sixteen dáms, and of plain furniture, fourteen dáms, are deducted by the Government. At the end of every three years, they draw out an estimate, from which one-fourth is deducted; then after taking away one-tenth of the remainder, an assignment is given for the rest.³

'Alafí camels (used for foraging) have their furniture renewed annually, at the cost of 52½ d. for countrybred camels and loks, viz., [for countrybred camels] an afsár, 5 d.; a jul, 36½ d; a sardoz, ½ d.; a tang, and a shebband, 10¾ d.;⁴ and [for loks], an afsár, a tang, and a shebband, as before; a jul, 45¾ d.; a sardoz, ¾ d.

From the annual estimate one-fourth is deducted, and an assignment is given for the remainder.

Shalítah ṭáṭs, or canvass sacks, for giving camels their grain, are allowed one for every qaṭár, at a price of 30¾ d. for bughdís and jammázahs, and 24½ d. for loks.

Hitherto the cost of these articles had been uniformly computed and fixed by contract with the camel-drivers. But when in the forty-second year of the divine era [1598 A. D.], it was brought to the notice of His Majesty that these people were, to a certain extent, losers, this regulation was abolished, and the current market price allowed for all articles. The price is therefore no longer fixed.

On every New Year's day, the head camel-drivers receive permission for shearing the camels, anointing them with oil, injecting oil into the noses of the animals, and indenting for the furniture allowed to 'Alafí camels.

The scientific terms for these operations are taṭliyah and tajrí', though we might expect taṭliyah and tánshíq, because tanshíq means injecting into the nose.

For each Bughdí and Jammázah 3¾ sers of sesame oil are annually allowed, viz., three sers for anointing, and ¾ ser for injection into the nose. So also ¾ s. of brimstone, and 6½ s. of butter-milk. For other kinds of camels the allowance is 5/8 s. of brimstone, 6½ s. of butter-milk, and ¾ s. of grease for injecting into the nose-holes.

Formerly these operations were repeated three times, but now only once a year.

His Majesty has formed the camels into qaṭárs, and given each qaṭár in charge of a sárbán, or driver. Their wages are four-fold. The first class get 400 d.; the second, 340 d.; the third, 280 d.; the fourth, 220 d., per mensem.

The qaṭárs are of three kinds—1. Every five qaṭárs are in charge of an experienced man, called bístopanjí, or commander of twenty-five. His salary is 720 d. He marks a Yábú horse, and has four drivers under him. 2. Double the preceding, or ten qaṭárs, are committed to the care of a Panjáhí, or commander of fifty. He is allowed a horse, draws 960 d., and has nine drivers under him. 3. Every hundred qaṭárs are in charge of a Panjçadí, or commander of five hundred. Ten qaṭárs are under his personal superintendence. With the exception of one qaṭár, Government finds drivers for the others. The Panjáhís, and Bístopanjís are under his orders. Their salary varies: now-a-days many Yúzbásbís¹ are appointed to this post. One camelistold off for the farráshes. A writer also has been appointed. His Majesty, from his practical knowledge, has placed each Pançadí under a grandee of the court. Several active foot-soldiers have been selected, to enquire from time to time into the condition of the camels, so that there may be no neglect. Besides, twice a year some people adorned with the jewel of insight, inspect the camels as to their leanness or fatness, at the beginning of the rains, and at the time of the annual muster.

Should a camel get lost, the Sárbán is fined the full value; so also the Panjáhí and the Pançadí. If a camel get lame or blind, they are fined the fourth part of the price.

Raibárí is the name given to a class of Hindus who are acquainted with the habits of the camel. They teach the country bred lok camel so to step as to pass over great distances in a short time. Although from the capital to the frontiers of the empire, into every direction, relay horses are stationed, and swift runners have been posted at the distance of every five kos, a few of these camel riders are kept at the palace in readiness. Each Raibárí is also put in charge of fifty stud arwánahs, to which for the purpose of breeding, one bughur and two loks are attached. The latter (the males) get the usual allowance of grain, but nothing for grass. The fifty arwánahs get no allowance for grain or grass. For every bughur, bughdí, and jammázah, in the stud, the allowance for oiling and injecting into the nostrils, is 4 s. of sesame oil, ¾ s. of brimstone, 6½ s. of butter milk. The first includes ¾ s. of oil for injection. Loks, arwánahs, g'hurds, and máyah g'hurds, only get 35/8 s. of sesame oil—the deduction is made for injection,—6½ s. of butter milk, and 5/8 s. of brimstone.

Botahs and Dumbálahs—these names are given to young camels; the former is used for light burdens—are allowed 2½ s. of oil, inclusive of ½ s. for injection into the nostrils, ½ s. of brimstone, and 4½ s. of butter-milk.

Full grown stud camels get weekly ½ s. of saltpetre and common salt; botahs get ¼ s.

The wages of a herdsman is 200 d. per mensem. For grazing every fifty stud camels, he is allowed five assistants, each of whom gets 2 d. per diem. A herdsman of two herds of fifty is obliged to present His Majesty three arwánahs every year; on failure, their price is deducted from his salary.

Formerly the state used to exact a fourth part of the wool sheared from every bughdí and jammázah, each camel being assessed to yield four sers of wool. This His Majesty has remitted, and in lieu thereof, has ordered the drivers to provide their camels with dum-afsárs, wooden pegs, &c.

The following are the prices of camels:—a bughdí, from 5 to 12 Muhurs; a jammázah, from 3 to 10 M.; a bughur, from 3 to 7 M.; a mongrel lok, from 8 to 9 M.; a country-bred, or a Balúchí lok, from 3 to 8 M.; an arwánah, from 2 to 4 M.

His Majesty has regulated the burdens to be carried by camels. A first class bughdí, not more than 10 mans; a second class do., 8 m.; superior jammázahs, loks, &c., 8 m.; second class do, 6 m.

In this country, camels do not live above twenty-four years.

Throughout the happy regions of Hindustan, the cow is considered auspicious, and held in great veneration; for by means of this animal, tillage is carried on, the sustenance of life is rendered possible, and the table of the inhabitant is filled with milk, butter-milk, and butter. It is capable of carrying burdens and drawing wheeled carriages, and thus becomes an excellent assistant for the three branches of the government.

Though every part of the empire produces cattle of various kinds, those of Gujrát are the best. Sometimes a pair of them are sold at 100 muhurs. They will travel 80 kos [120 miles] in 24 hours, and surpass even swift horses. Nor do they dung whilst running. The usual price is 20 and 10 muhurs. Good cattle are also found in Bengal and the Dakh'in. They kneel down at the time of being loaded. The cows give upwards of half a man of milk. In the province of Dihlí again, cows are not more worth than 10 Rupees. His Majesty once bought a pair of cows for two laes of dáms [5000 Rupees].

In the neighbourhood of Thibet and Kashmír, the Qaṭás, or Thibetan Yak, occurs, an animal of extraordinary appearance.

A cow will live to the age of twenty-five.

From his knowledge of the wonderful properties of the cow, His Majesty, who notices every thing which is of value, pays much attention to the improvement of cattle. He divided them into classes, and committed each to the charge of a merciful keeper. One hundred choice cattle were selected as kháçah, and called kotal. They are kept in readiness for any service, and forty of them are taken unladen on hunting expeditions, as shall be mentioned below (Book II, A´ín 27.). Fifty-one others nearly as good are called half-kotal, and fifty-one more, quarter-kotal. Any deficiency in the first class is made up from the second, and that of the middle from the third. But these three form the cow-stables for His Majesty's use.

Besides, sections of cattle have been formed, each varying in number from 50 to 100, and committed to the charge of honest keepers. The rank of each animal is fixed at the time of the public muster, when each gets its proper place among sections of equal rank. A similar proceeding is adopted for each section, when selected for drawing waggons and travelling carriages, or for fetching water (víde A´ín 22).

There is also a species of oxen, called gainí, small like gúṭ horses, but very beautiful.

Milk-cows and buffaloes have also been divided into sections, and handed over to intelligent servants.

Every head of the first kháçah class is allowed daily 6¼ s. of grain, and 1½ d. of grass. The whole stable gets daily 1 man, 19 s. of molasses, which is distributed by the Dárogah, who must be a man suitable for such a duty and office. Cattle of the remaining kháçah classes get daily 6 s. of grain, and grass as before, but no molasses are given.

In other cow-stables, the daily allowance is as follows. First kind, 6 s. of grain, 1½ d. of grass at court, and otherwise only 1 d. The second kind get 5 s. of grain, and grass as usual. The oxen used for travelling carriages get 6 s. of grain, and grass as usual. First class gainís get 3 s. of grain, and 1 d. of grass at court, otherwise only ¾ d.. Second class do., 2½ s. of grain, and ¾ d. of grass at court, otherwise only ½ d.

A male buffalo (called Arnah) gets 8 s. of wheat flour boiled, 2 s. of g'hí, ½ s. of molasses, 1½ s. of grain, and 2 d. of grass. This animal, when young, fights astonishingly, and will tear a lion to pieces. When this peculiar strength is gone, it reaches the second stage, and is used for carrying water. It then gets 8 s. of grains, and 2 d. for grass. Female buffaloes used for carrying water get 6 s. of grain, and 2 d. for grass. First class oxen for leopard-waggons¹ get 6¼ s. of grain; and other classes, 5 s. of grain, but the same quantity of grass. Oxen for heavy waggons got formerly 5 s. of grain, and 1½ d. for grass; but now they get a quarter ser less, and grass as before.

The milk-cows and buffaloes, when at court, have grain given them in proportion to the quantity of milk they give. A herd of cows and buffaloes is called ṭ'háṭ. A cow will give daily from 1 to 15 s. of milk; a buffalo from 2 to 30 s. The buffaloes of the Panjáb are the best in this respect. As soon as the quantity of milk given by each cow has been ascertained, there are demanded two dáms weight of g'hí for every ser of milk.

In the kháçah stables, one man is appointed to look after four head of cattle. Eighteen such keepers in the first stable get 5 d. per diem, and the remaining keepers, 4 d. In other stables, the salary of the keepers is the same, but each has to look after six cows. Of the carriage drivers, some get their salaries on the list of the Ahadís; others get 360 d., others 256 d. down to 112 d. Bahals, or carriages, are of two kinds:—1. Chatrídár or covered carriages, having four or more poles (which support the chatr, or umbrella); 2. without a covering. Carriages suited for horses are called g'hurbahals. For every ten waggons, 20 drivers and 1 carpenter are allowed. The head driver, or Mírdahah, and the carpenter, get each 5 d. per diem; the others, 4 d. For some time 15 drivers had been appointed, and the carpenter was disallowed: the drivers themselves undertook the repairs, and received on this account an annual allowance of 2200 dáms [55 Rupees.]

If a horn of an ox was broken, or the animal got blind, the Dároghah was fined one-fourth of the price, or even more, according to the extent of the injury.

Formerly the Dároghahs paid all expenses on account of repairs, and received for every day that the carriages were used, half a dám úng money— úng is hemp smeared with g'hí, and twisted round about the axle-tree which, like a pivot, fits into the central hole of the wheel, and thus prevents it from wearing away or getting broken. When afterwards the Dárogahship was transferred to the drivers, they had to provide for this expense. At first, it was only customary for the carts to carry on marches a part of the baggage belonging to the different workshops; but when the drivers performed the duties of the Dároghahs, they had also to provide for the carriage of the fuel required at court, and for the transport of building materials. But subsequently, 200 waggons were set aside for the transport of building materials, whilst 600 others have to bring, in the space of ten months, 1,50,000 mans of fuel to the Imperial kitchen. And if officers of the government on any day use the Imperial waggons for other purposes, that day is to be separately accounted for, as also each service rendered to the court. The drivers are not subject to the Págosht regulation (vide A´ín 83). If, however, an ox dies, they have to buy another.

But when it came to the ears of His Majesty that the above mode of contract was productive of much cruelty towards these serviceable, but mute animals, he abolished this system, and gave them again in charge of faithful servants. The allowance of grain for every cart-bullock was fixed at 4 s., and 1½ d. were given for grass. For other bullocks, the allowance in one-half of the preceding. But during the four rainy months no money is allowed for grass. There were also appointed for every eighteen carts twelve drivers, one of whom must understand carpenter's work. Now, if a bullock dies, government supplies another in his stead, and likewise pays for the úng, and is at the expense of repairs.

The cattle that are worked are mustered once a year by experienced men who estimate their fatness or leanness; cattle that are unemployed are inspected every six months. Instead of the above mentioned transport of firewood, &c., the carters have now to perform any service which may be required by the government.

The mule possesses the strength of a horse, and the patience of an ass; and though it has not the intelligence of the former, it has not the stupidity of the latter. It never forgets the road which it has once travelled. Hence it is liked by His Majesty, whose practical wisdom extends to every thing, and the breeding is encouraged. It is the best animal for carrying burdens, and travelling over uneven ground, and has a very soft step. People generally believe that the male ass couples with a mare, but the opposite connexion also is known to take place, as mentioned in the books of antiquity. The mule resembles its dam. His Majesty had a young ass coupled with a mare, and they produced a very fine mule.

In many countries just princes prefer travelling about on a mule; and people can therefore easily lay their grievances before them,¹ without inconveniencing the traveller.

Mules are only bred in Hindustan in Pak'halí,² and its neighbourhood. The simple inhabitants of this country used to look upon mules as asses, and thought it derogatory to ride upon them; but in consequence of the interest which His Majesty takes in this animal, so great a dislike is now nowhere to be found.

Mules are chiefly imported from 'Iráq i 'Arab and 'Iráq i 'Ajam. Very superior mules are often sold at Rs. 1,000 per head.

Like camels, they are formed into qaṭárs of five, and have the same names, except the second mule of each qaṭár, which is called bardast, [instead of peshdarah, vide A´ín 61, end].

Mules reach the age of fifty.

Such mules as are not country-bred, get at court, 6 s. of grain, and 2 d. for grass; otherwise, only 1½ d. Country-bred mules get 4 s. of grain, and 1½ d. of grass, when at court; otherwise, 1 d. for grass. Each mule is allowed every week 3½ jetals for salt; but they give the salt in a lump.

For imported mules, a head stall of leather, 20¼ d.; an iron chain weighing 2 s., 10 d.; a ranakí (crupper) of leather, 4 d.; a pálán (pack-saddle), 102 d.; a sháltang (shawl strap), and a palás-tang (blanket strap), 36¼ d.; a ṭáqah ṭanáb (a rope for fasteniug the burden,) 63 d.; a qatir shaláq (a short whip), 6 d.; a bell, one for every qaṭár, 10 d.; a horse hair saddle, 40 d.; a kaláwah (vide A´ín 45, No. 9) of leather, 13 d.; a set of ropes, 9 d.; a saddle cloth, 4½ d.; a sardoz (a common head stall) 4 d.; a khurjín (wallet), 15 d.; a fodder-bag, 4 d.; a magas-rán (to drive away flies) of leather, 1 d.; a curry-comb and a hair-glove (for washing), 4 d. Total, 345¾ d.

For country-bred mules the allowance is 151¼ d., viz., a head stall of leather, 4 d.; pack-saddle, 51 d. 18¾ j.; the two straps, 16½ d.; a ṭáqah ṭanáb and sardoz, 40 d.; a bell, 5 d.; a fodder-bag, 3 d.; a crupper, 3 d.; a saddle, 24 d.; a curry-comb and a hair-glove, 4 d.

The furniture is renewed every third year; but for all iron and wood work, half the price is deducted. The annual allowance for the repair of the furniture is 40 d.; but on the march, the time of renewal depends on the wear. Mules are shod every six months at a cost of 8 d. per head.

Each qaṭár is in charge of a keeper. Túránís, I´ránís, and Indians, are appointed to this office: the first two get from 400 to 1920 d.; and the third class, from 240 to 256 d. per mensem. Such keepers as have monthly salaries of 10 R. [400 d.] and upwards, have to find the peshang (first mule of their qaṭár) in grain and grass. Experienced people inspect the mules twice a year as to leanness or fatness. Once a year they are paraded before His Majesty.

If a mule gets blind or lame, the muleteer is fined one-fourth of the cost price; and one-half, if it is lost.

Asses also are employed for carrying burdens and fetching water. They get 3 s. of grain, and 1 d. for grass. The furniture for asses is the same as that for country-bred mules, but no saddle is given. The annual allowance for repairs is 23 d. The keepers do not get above 120 d. per mensem.

The success of the three branches of the government, and the fulfilment of the wishes of the subjects, whether great or small, depend upon the manner in which a king spends his time. The care with which His Majesty guards over his motives, and watches over his emotions, bears on its face the sign of the Infinite, and the stamp of immortality; and though thousands of important matters occupy, at one and the same time, his attention, they do not stir up the rubbish of confusion in the temple of his mind, nor do they allow the dust of dismay to settle on the vigour of his mental powers, or the habitual earnestness with which His Majesty contemplates the charms of God's world. His anxiety to do the will of the Creator is ever increasing; and thus his insight and wisdom are ever deepening. From his practical knowledge, and capacity for every thing excellent, he can sound men of experience, though rarely casting a glance on his own ever extending excellence. He listens to great and small, expecting that a good thought, or the relation of a noble deed, may kindle in his mind a new lamp of wisdom, though ages have past without his having found a really great man. Impartial statesmen, on seeing the sagacity of His Majesty, blotted out the book of their own wisdom, and commenced a new leaf. But with the magnanimity which distinguishes him, and with his wonted zeal, he continues his search for superior men, and finds a reward in the care with which he selects such as are fit for his society.

Although surrounded by every external pomp and display, and by every inducement to lead a life of luxury and ease, he does not allow his desires, or his wrath, to renounce allegiance to Wisdom, his sovereign—how much less would he permit them to lead him to a bad deed! Even the telling of stories, which ordinary people use as as a means of lulling themselves into sleep, serves to keep His Majesty awake.

Ardently feeling after God, and searching for truth, His Majesty exercises upon himself both inward and outward austerities, though he occasionally joins public worship, in order to hush the slandering tongues of the bigots of the present age. But the great object of his life is the acquisition of that sound morality, the sublime loftiness of which captivates the hearts of thinking sages, and silences the taunts of zealots and sectarians.

Knowing the value of a lifetime, he never wastes his time, nor does he omit any necessary duty, so that in the light of his upright intentions, every action of his life may be considered as an adoration of God.

It is beyond my power to describe in adequate terms His Majesty's devotions. He passes every moment of his life in self-examination or in adoration of God. He especially does so at the time, when morning spreads her azure silk, and scatters abroad her young, golden beams; and at noon, when the light of the world-illuminating sun embraces the universe, and thus becomes a source of joy for all men; in the evening, when that fountain of light withdraws from the eyes of mortal man, to the bewildering grief of all who are friends of light; and lastly at midnight, when that great cause of life turns again to ascend, and to bring the news of renewed cheerfulness to all who, in the melancholy of the night, are stricken with sorrow. All these grand mysteries are in honor of God, and in adoration of the Creator of the world; and if dark-minded, ignorant men cannot comprehend their signification, who is to be blamed, and whose loss is it? Indeed, every man acknowledges that we owe gratitude and reverence to our benefactors; and hence it is incumbent on us, though our strength may fail, to show gratitude for the blessings we receive from the sun, the light of all lights, and to enumerate the benefits which he bestows. This is essentially the duty of kings, upon whom, according to the opinion of the wise, this sovereign of the heavens sheds an immediate light.¹ And this is the very motive which actuates His Majesty to venerate fire and reverence lamps.

But why should I speak of the mysterious blessings of the sun, or of the transfer of his greater light to lamps? Should I not rather dwell on the perverseness of those weakminded zealots, who, with much concern, talk of His Majesty's religion as of a deification of the Sun, and the introduction of fire-worship? But I shall dismiss them with a smile.

The compassionate heart of His Majesty finds no pleasure in cruelties, or in causing sorrow to others; he is ever sparing of the lives of his subjects, wishing to bestow happiness upon all.

His Majesty abstains much from flesh, so that whole months pass away without his touching any animal food, which, though prized by most, is nothing thought of by the sage. His august nature cares but little for the pleasures of the world. In the course of twenty-four hours, he never makes more than one meal. He takes a delight in spending his time in performing whatever is necessary and proper. He takes a little repose in the evening, and again for a short time in the morning; but his sleep looks more like waking.

His Majesty is accustomed to spend the hours of the night profitably; to the private audience hall are then admitted eloquent philosophers, and virtuous Çúfís, who are seated according to their rank, and entertain His Majesty with wise discourses. On such occasions His Majesty fathoms them, and tries them on the touch-stone of knowledge. Or the object of an ancient institution is disclosed, or new thoughts are hailed with delight. Here young men of talent learn to revere and adore His Majesty, and experience the happiness of having their wishes fulfilled, whilst old men of impartial judgment see themselves on the expanse of sorrow, finding that they have to pass through a new course of instruction.

There are also present in these assemblies, unprejudiced historians, who do not mutilate history by adding or suppressing facts, and relate the impressive events of ancient times. His Majesty often makes remarks wonderfully shrewd, or starts a fitting subject for conversation. On other occasions matters referring to the empire and the revenue, are brought up, when His Majesty gives orders for whatever is to be done in each case.

About a watch before day-break, musicians of all nations are introduced, who recreate the assembly with music and songs, and religious strains; and when four g'haṛís are left till morning, His Majesty retires to his private apartments, brings his external appearance in harmony with the simplicity of his heart, and launches forth into the ocean of contemplation. In the meantime, at the close of night, soldiers, merchants, peasants, tradespeople, and other professions, gather round the palace, patiently waiting to catch a glimpse of His Majesty. Soon after day-break, they are allowed to make the kornish (vide A´ín 74). After this, His Majesty allows the attendants of the Harem to pay their compliments. During this time various matters of worldly and religious import are brought to the notice of His Majesty. As soon as they are settled, he returns to his private apartments, and reposes a little.

The good habits of His Majesty are so numerous, that I cannot adequately describe them. If I were to compile dictionaries on this subject, they would not be exhaustive.

Admittance to Court is a distinction conferred on the nation at large; it is a pledge that the three branches of the government are properly looked after, and enables subjects personally to apply for redress of their grievances. Admittance to the ruler of the land is for the success of his government, what irrigation is for a flower-bed; it is the field, on which the hopes of the nation ripen into fruit.

His Majesty generally receives twice in the course of twenty-four hours, when people of all classes can satisfy their eyes and hearts with the light of his countenance. First, after performing his morning devotions, he is visible, from outside the awning, to people of all ranks, whether they be given to worldly pursuits, or to a life of solitary contemplation, without any molestation from the mace-bearers. This mode of shewing himself is called, in the language of the country, darsan (view); and it frequently happens that business is transacted at this time. The second time of his being visible is in the State Hall, whither he generally goes after the first watch of the day. But this assembly is sometimes announced towards the close of day, or at night. He also frequently appears at a window which opens into the State Hall, for the transaction of business; or he dispenses there justice calmly and serenely, or examines into the dispensation of justice, or the merit of officers, without being influenced in his judgment by any predilections, or any thing impure and contrary to the will of God. Every officer of government then presents various reports, or explains his several wants, and is instructed by His Majesty how to proceed. From his knowledge of the character of the times, though in opposition to the practice of kings of past ages, His Majesty looks upon the smallest details as mirrors capable of reflecting a comprehensive outline; he does not reject that which superficial observers call unimportant, and counting the happiness of his subjects as essential to his own, never suffers his equanimity to be disturbed.

Whenever His Majesty holds court, they beat a large drum, the sounds of which are accompanied by Divine praise. In this manner, people of all classes receive notice. His Majesty's sons and grandchildren, the grandees of the Court, and all other men who have admittance, attend to make the kornish, and remain standing in their proper places. Learned men of renown and skilful mechanics pay their respects; the Dároghahs and Bitikchís (writers) set forth their several wants; and the officers of justice give in their reports. His Majesty, with his usual insight, gives orders, and settles everything in a satisfactory manner. During the whole time, skilful gladiators and wrestlers from all countries hold themselves in readiness, and singers, male and female, are in waiting. Clever jugglers, and funny tumblers also are anxious to exhibit their dexterity and agility.

His Majesty, on such occasions, addresses himself to many of those who have been presented, impressing all with the correctness of his intentions, the unbiasedness of his mind, the humility of his disposition, the magnanimity of his heart, the excellence of his nature, the cheerfulness of his countenance, and the frankness of his manners; his intelligence pervades the whole assembly, and multifarious matters are easily and satisfactorily settled by his truly divine power.

This vale of sorrows is changed to a place of rest: the army and the nation are content. May the empire flourish, and these blessings endure!

Superficial observers, correctly enough, look upon a king as the origin of the peace and comfort of the subjects. But men of deeper insight are of opinion that even spiritual progress among a people would be impossible, unless emanating from the king, in whom the light of God dwells; for near the throne, men wipe off the stain of conceit, and build up the arch of true humility.¹

With the view, then, of promoting this true humility, kings in their wisdom have made regulations for the manner in which people are to shew their obedience. Some kings have adopted the bending down of the head. His Majesty has commanded the palm of the right hand to be placed upon the forehead, and the head to be bent downwards. This mode of salutation, in the language of the present age, is called kornish, and signifies that the saluter has placed his head (which is the seat of the senses and the mind) into the hand of humility, giving it to the royal assembly as a present, and has made himself in obedience ready for any service that may be required of him.

The salutation, called taslím, consists in placing the back of the right hand on the ground, and then raising it gently till the person stands erect, when he puts the palm of his hand upon the crown of his head, which pleasing manner of saluting signifies that he is ready to give himself as an offering.

His Majesty relates as follows: “One day my royal father bestowed upon me one of his own caps, which I put on. Because the cap of the king was rather large, I had to hold it with my [right] hand, whilst bending my head downwards, and thus performed the manner of salutation (kornish) above described. The king was pleased with this new method, and from his feeling of propriety ordered this to be the mode of the kornish and taslím.

Upon taking leave, or presentation, or upon receiving a mansab, a jágír, or a dress of honour, or an elephant, or a horse, the rule is to make three taslíms; but only one on all other occasions, when salaries are paid, or presents are made.

Such a degree of obedience is also shewn by servants to their masters, and looked upon by them as a source of blessings. Hence for the disciples of His Majesty, it was necessary to add something, viz., prostration¹ (sijdah); and they look upon a prostration before His Majesty as a prostration performed before God; for royalty is an emblem of the power of God, and a light-shedding ray from this Sun of the Absolute.

Viewed in this light, the prostration has become acceptable to many, and proved to them a source of blessings upon blessings.

But as some perverse and dark-minded men look upon prostration as blasphemous man-worship, His Majesty, from his practical wisdom, has ordered it to be discontinued by the ignorant, and remitted it to all ranks, forbidding even his private attendants from using it in the Darbár i 'A´m (general court-days). However, in the private assembly, when any of those are in waiting, upon whom the star of good fortune shines, and they receive the order of seating themselves, they certainly perform the prostration of gratitude by bowing down their foreheads to the earth, and thus participate in the halo of good fortune.

In this manner, by forbidding the people at large to prostrate, but allowing the Elect to do so, His Majesty fulfills the wishes of both, and shows the world a fitting example of practical wisdom.

Just as spiritual leadership requires a regulated mind, capable of controlling covetousness and wrath, so does political leadership depend on an external order of things, on the regulation of the difference among men in rank, and the power of liberality. If a king possess a cultivated mind, his position as the spiritual leader of the nation will be in harmony with his temporal office; and the performance of each of his political duties will be equivalent to an adoration of God. Should any one search for an example, I would point to the practice of His Majesty, which will be found to exhibit that happy harmony of motives, the contemplation of which rewards the searcher with an increase of personal knowledge, and leads him to worship this ideal of a king.¹

When His Majesty seats himself on the throne, all that are present perform the kornish, and then remain standing at their places, according to their rank, with their arms crossed,² partaking, in the light of his imperial countenance, of the elixir of life, and enjoying everlasting happiness in standing ready for any service.

The eldest prince places himself, when standing, at a distance of one to four yards from the throne, or when sitting, at a distance from two to eight. The second prince stands from one and one-half to six yards from the throne, and in sitting from three to twelve. So also the third; but sometimes he is admitted to a nearer position than the second prince, and at other times both stand together at the same distance. But His Majesty generally places the younger princes affectionately nearer.

Then come the Elect of the highest rank, who are worthy of the spiritual guidance of His Majesty, at a distance of three to fifteen yards, and in sitting from five to twenty. After this follow the senior grandees from three and a half yards, and then the other grandees, from ten or twelve and a half yards from the throne.

All others stand in the Yasal.³ One or two attendants⁴ stand nearer than all.

The business which His Majesty daily transacts is most multifarious; hence I shall only describe such affairs as continually recur.

A large number of men are introduced on such days, for which an Anjuman i Dád o Dihish, or assembly of expenditure, has been announced. Their merits are enquired into, and the coin of knowledge passes current. Some take a burden from their hearts by expressing a wish to be enrolled among the members of the Divine Faith; others want medicines for their diseases.¹ Some pray His Majesty to remove a religious doubt; others again seek his advice for settling a worldly matter.² There is no end to such requests, and I must confine myself to the most necessary cases.

The salaries of a large number of men³ from Túrán and I´rán, Turkey and Europe, Hindustan and Kashmír, are fixed by the proper officers in a manner described below, and the men themselves are taken before His Majesty by the paymasters. Formerly it had been the custom for the men to come with a horse and accoutrements; but now-a-days only men appointed to the post of an Ahadí⁴ bring a horse. The salary as proposed by the officers who bring them, is then increased or decreased, though it is generally increased; for the market of His Majesty's liberality is never dull. The number of men brought before His Majesty depends on the number of men available. Every Monday all such horsemen are mustered as were left from the preceding week. With the view of increasing the army and the zeal of the officers, His Majesty gives to each who brings horsemen, a present of two dáms for each horseman.

Special Bitikchís⁵ [writers] introduce in the same manner such as are fit to be Ahadís. In their case, His Majesty always increases the stipulated salary. As it is customary for every Ahadí to buy⁶ his own horse, His Majesty has ordered to bring to every muster the horses of any Ahadís that may have lately died, which he hands over to the newly appointed Ahadís either as presents, or charging the price to their monthly salaries.

On such occasions, Senior Grandees and other Amírs introduce also any of their friends, for whom they may solicit appointments. His Majesty then fixes the salaries of such candidates according to circumstances; but appointments under fifty rupees per mensem are rarely ever solicited in this manner.

Appointments to the Imperial workshops also are made in such assemblies, and the salaries are fixed.

God, the Giver of intellect and the Creator of matter, forms mankind as He pleases, and gives to some comprehensiveness, and to others narrowness of disposition. Hence the origin of two opposite tendencies among men, one class of whom turn to religious (dín), and the other class to worldly thoughts (dunyá). Each of these two divisions selects different leaders,² and mutual repulsiveness grows to open rupture. It is then that men's blindness and silliness appear in their true light; it is then discovered how rarely mutual regard and charity are to be met with.

But have the religious and the worldly tendencies of men no common ground? Is there not everywhere the same enrapturing beauty³ which beams forth from so many thousand hidden places? Broad indeed is the carpet⁴ which God has spread, and beautiful the colours which He has given it.

One man thinks that by keeping his passions in subjection he worships God; and another finds self-discipline in watching over the destinies of a nation. The religion of thousand others consists in clinging to an idea: they are happy in their sloth and unfitness of judging for themselves. But when the time of reflection comes, and men shake off the prejudices of their education, the threads of the web of religious blindness¹ break, and the eye sees the glory of harmoniousness.

But the ray of such wisdom does not light up every house, nor could every heart bear such knowledge. Again, although some are enlightened, many would observe silence from fear of fanatics, who lust for blood, but look like men. And should any one muster sufficient courage, and openly proclaim his enlightened thoughts, pious simpletons would call him a mad man, and throw him aside as of no account, whilst ill-stared wretches would at once think of heresy and atheism, and go about with the intention of killing him.

Whenever, from lucky circumstances, the time arrives that a nation learns to understand how to worship truth, the people will naturally look to their king, on account of the high position which he occupies, and expect him to be their spiritual leader as well; for a king possesses, independent of men, the ray of Divine wisdom,² which banishes from his heart everything that is conflicting. A king will therefore sometimes observe the element of harmony in a multitude of things, or sometimes, reversely, a multitude of things in that which is apparently one; for he sits on the throne of distinction, and is thus equally removed from joy or sorrow.

Now this is the case with the monarch of the present age, and this book is a witness of it.

Men versed in foretelling the future, knew this when His Majesty was born,³ and together with all others that were cognizant of the secret, they have since been waiting in joyful expectation. His Majesty, however, wisely surrounded himself for a time with a veil, as if he were an outsider, or a stranger to their hopes. But can man counteract the will of God? His Majesty, at first, took all such by surprise as were wedded to the prejudices of the age; but he could not help revealing his intentions: they grew to maturity in spite of him, and are now fully known. He now is the spiritual guide of the nation, and sees in the performance of this duty a means of pleasing God. He has now opened the gate that leads to the right path, and satisfies the thirst of all that wander about panting for truth.

But whether he checks men in their desire of becoming disciples, or admits them at other times, he guides them in each case to the realm of bliss. Many sincere enquirers, from the mere light of his wisdom, or his holy breath, obtain a degree of awakening which other spiritual doctors could not produce by repeated fasting and prayers for forty days. Numbers of those who have renounced the world, as Sannásís, Jogís, Sevrás, Qalandars, Hakíms, and Çufís, and thousands of such as follow worldly pursuits, as soldiers, tradespeople, mechanics, and husbandmen, have daily their eyes opened to insight, or have the light of their knowledge increased. Men of all nations, young and old, friends and strangers, the far and the near, look upon offering a vow to His Majesty as the means of solving all their difficulties, and bend down in worship on obtaining their desire. Others again, from the distance of their homes, or to avoid the crowds gathering at Court, offer their vows in secret, and pass their lives in grateful praises. But when His Majesty leaves Court, in order to settle the affairs of a province, to conquer a kingdom, or to enjoy the pleasures of the chase, there is not a hamlet, a town, or a city, that does not send forth crowds of men and women with vow-offerings in their hands, and prayers on their lips, touching the ground with their foreheads, praising the efficacy of their vows, or proclaiming the accounts of the spiritual assistance received. Other multitudes ask for lasting bliss, for an upright heart, for advice how best to act, for strength of the body, for enlightenment, for the birth of a son, the reunion of friends, a long life, increase of wealth, elevation in rank, and many other things. His Majesty, who knows what is really good, gives satisfactory answers to every one, and applies remedies to their religious perplexities. Not a day passes but people bring cups of water to him, beseeching him to breathe upon it. He who reads the letters of the divine orders in the book of fate, on seeing the tidings of hope, takes the water with his blessed hands, places it in the rays of the world-illuminating sun, and fulfils the desire of the suppliant. Many sick people¹ of broken hopes, whose diseases the most eminent physicians pronounced incurable, have been restored to health by this divine means.

A more remarkable case is the following. A simple-minded recluse had cut off his tongue, and throwing it towards the threshold of the palace, said, “If that certain blissful thought,² which I just now have, has been put into my heart by God, my tongue will get well; for the sincerity of my belief must lead to a happy issue.” The day was not ended before he obtained his wish.

Those who are acquainted with the religious knowledge and the piety of His Majesty, will not attach any importance to some of his customs,³ remarkable as they may appear at first; and those who know His Majesty's charity and love of justice, do not even see any thing remarkable in them. In the magnanimity of his heart, he never thinks of his perfection, though he is the ornament of the world. Hence he even keeps back many who declare themselves willing to become his disciples. He often says, “Why should I claim to guide men, before I myself am guided?” But when a novice bears on his forehead the sign of earnestness of purpose, and he be daily enquiring more and more, His Majesty accepts him, and admits him on a Sunday, when the world-illuminating sun is in its highest splendour. Notwithstanding every strictness and reluctance shewn by His Majesty in admitting novices, there are many thousands, men of all classes, who have cast over their shoulders the mantel of belief, and look upon their conversion to the New Faith as the means of obtaining every blessing.

At the above-mentioned time of everlasting auspiciousness, the novice with his turban in his hands, puts his head on the feet of His Majesty. This is symbolical,⁴ and expresses that the novice, guided by good fortune and the assistance of his good star, has cast aside⁵ conceit and selfishness, the root of so many evils, offers his heart in worship, and now comes to enquire as to the means of obtaining everlasting life. His Majesty, the chosen one of God, then stretches out the hand of favour, raises up the suppliant, and replaces the turban on his head, meaning by these symbolical actions that he has raised up a man of pure intentions, who from seeming existence has now entered into real life. His Majesty then gives the novice the Shaçt,¹ upon which is engraved ‘the Great Name,’² and His Majesty's symbolical motto, ‘Alláhu Akbar.’ This teaches the novice the truth that

Seeing the wonderful habits of His Majesty, his sincere attendants are guided, as circumstances require it; and from the wise counsels they receive, they soon state their wishes openly. They learn to satisfy their thirst in the spring of divine favour, and gain for their wisdom and motives renewed light. Others, according to their capacities are taught wisdom in excellent advices.

But it is impossible while speaking of other matters besides, to give a full account of the manner in which His Majesty teaches wisdom, heals dangerous diseases, and applies remedies for the severest sufferings. Should my occupations allow sufficient leisure, and should another term of life be granted me, it is my intention to lay before the world a separate volume on this subject.

The members of the Divine Faith, on seeing each other, observe the following custom. One says, “Alláhu Akbar;” and the other responds, “Jalla Jaláluhu.”³ The motive of His Majesty, in laying down this mode of salutation, is to remind men to think of the origin of their existence, and to keep the Deity in fresh, lively, and grateful remembrance.

It is also ordered by His Majesty that, instead of the dinner usually given in remembrance of a man after his death, each member should prepare a dinner during his lifetime, and thus gather provisions for his last journey.

Each member is to give a party on the anniversary of his birth-day, and arrange a sumptuous feast. He is to bestow alms, and thus prepare provisions for the long journey.

His Majesty has also ordered that members should endeavour to abstain from eating flesh. They may allow others to eat flesh, without touching it themselves; but during the month of their birth they are not even to approach meat. Nor shall members go near anything that they have themselves slain; nor eat of it. Neither shall they make use of the same vessels with butchers, fishers, and birdcatchers.

Members should not cohabit with pregnant, old, and barren women; nor with girls under the age of puberty.

In connection with the preceding A´ín, it may be of interest for the general reader, and of some value for the future historian of Akbar's reign, to collect, in form of a note, the information which we possess regarding the religious views of the Emperor Akbar. The sources from which this information are derived, are, besides Abulfazl's A´ín, the Muntakhab ut Tawáríkh by 'Abdul Qádir ibn i Mulúk Sháh of Badáon —regarding whom I would refer the reader to p. 104, and to a longer article in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1869—and the Dabistán ul Mazáhib¹ a work written about sixty years after Akbar's death by an unknown Muhammadan writer of strong Pársí tendencies. Nor must we forget the valuable testimony of some of the Portuguese Missionaries whom Akbar called from Goa, as Rodolpho Aquaviva, Antonio de Monserrato, Francisco Enriques, &c., of whom the first is mentioned by Abulfazl under the name of Pádrí Radalf.¹ There exist also two articles on Akbar's religious views, one by Captain Vans Kennedy, published in the second volume of the Transactions of the Bombay Literary Society, and another by the late Horace Hayman Wilson, which had originally appeared in the Calcutta Quarterly Oriental Magazine, Vol. I., 1824, and has been reprinted in the second volume of Wilson's works, London, 1862. Besides, a few extracts from Badáoní, bearing on this subject, will be found in Sir H. Elliott's Bibliographical Index to the Historians of Muhammadan India, p. 243 ff. The Proceedings of the Portuguese Missionaries at Akbar's Court are described in Murray's Historical Account of Discoveries and Travels in Asia, Edinburgh, 1820, Vol. II.

I shall commence with extracts from Badáoní.² The translation is literal, which is of great importance in a difficult writer like Badáoní.

[Badáoní, edited by Maulawí A´ghá Ahmad 'Alí, in the Bibliotheca Indica, Vol. II, p. 198.]

“It was during these days [end of 982 A. H.] that Abulfazl, son of Shaikh Mubárik of Nágor, came the second time to court. He is now styled 'Allámí. He is the man that set the world in flames. He lighted up the lamp of the Çabáhís, illustrating thereby the story of the man who, because he did not know what to do, took up a lamp in broad daylight, and representing himself as opposed to all sects, tied the girdle of infallibility round his waist, according to the saying, ‘He who forms an opposition, gains power.’ He laid before the Emperor a commentary on the A´yat ul-kursí,³ which contained all subtleties of the Qorán; and though people said that it had been written by his father, Abulfazl was much praised. The numerical value of the letters in the words Tafsír i Akbarí (Akbar's commentary) gives the date of composition [983]. But the emperor praised it, chiefly because he expected to find in Abulfazl a man capable of teaching the Mullás a lesson, whose pride certainly resembles that of Pharaoh, though this expectation was opposed to the confidence which His Majesty had placed in me.

The reason of Abulfazl's opinionativeness and pretensions to infallibility was this. At the time when it was customary to get hold of, and kill, such as tried to introduce innovations in religious matters (as had been the case with Mír Habshí and others), Shaikh 'Abdunnabí and Makhdúm ul mulk, and other learned men at court, unanimously represented to the emperor that Shaikh Mubarik also, in as far as he pretended to be Mahdí¹, belonged to the class of innovators, and was not only himself damned, but led others into damnation. Having obtained a sort of permission to remove him, they despatched police officers, to bring him before the emperor. But when they found that the Shaikh, with his two sons, had concealed himself, they demolished the pulpit in his prayer-room. The Shaikh, at first, took refuge with Salím i Chishtí at Fathpúr, who then was in the height of his glory, and requested him to intercede for him. Shaikh Salím, however, sent him money by some of his disciples, and told him, it would be better for him to go away to Gujrát. Seeing that Salím took no interest in him, Shaikh Mubárik applied to Mírzá 'Azíz Kokah [Akbar's foster-brother], who took occasion to praise to the emperor the Shaikh's learning and voluntary peverty, and the superior talents of his two sons, adding that Mubárik was a most trustworthy man, that he had never received lands as a present, and that he ['Azíz] could really not see why the Shaikh was so much persecuted. The emperor at last gave up all thoughts of killing the Shaikh. In a short time matters took a more favourable turn; and Abulfazl, when once in favor with the emperor, (officious as he was, and time-serving, openly faithless, continually studying His Majesty's whims, a flatterer beyond all bounds) took every opportunity of reviling in the most shameful way that sect whose labours and motives have been so little appreciated,² and became the cause not only of the extirpation of these experienced people, but also of the ruin of all servants of God, especially of Shaikhs, pious men, of the helpless, and the orphans, whose livings and grants he cut down.

He used to say, openly and implicitly,—

And when in consequence of his harsh proceedings, miseries and misfortunes broke in upon the 'Ulamás (who had persecuted him and his father), he applied the following Rubá'í to them:—

And when during disputations people quoted against him the edict of any Mujtahid³, he used to say, “Oh don't bring me the arguments of this sweetmeat-seller, and that cobbler, or that tanner!” He thought himself capable of giving the lie to all Shaikhs and 'Ulamás.”

“During the year 983 A. H., many places of worship were built at the command of His Majesty. The cause was this. For many years previous to 983, the emperor had gained in succession remarkable and decisive victories. The empire had grown in extent from day to day; everything turned out well, and no opponent was left in the whole world. His Majesty had thus leisure to come into nearer contact with ascetics and the disciples of the Mu'íniyyah sect, and passed much of his time in discussing the word of God (Qorán), and the word of the prophet (the Hadís, or Tradition). Questions of Çúfism, scientific discussions, enquiries into Philosophy and Law, were the order of the day. His Majesty passed whole nights in thoughts of God; he continually occupied himself with pronouncing the names Yá hú and Yá hádí, which had been mentioned to him,⁴ and his heart was full of reverence for Him who is the true Giver. From a feeling of thankfulness for his past successes, he would sit many a morning alone in prayer and melancholy, on a large flat stone of an old building which lay near the palace in a lonely spot, with his head bent over his chest, and gathering the bliss of early hours.”

In his religious habits the emperor was confirmed by a story which he had heard of Sulaimán,¹ ruler of Bengal, who, in company with 150 Shaikhs and 'Ulamás, held every morning a devotional meeting, after which he used to transact state business; as also by the news that Mírzá Sulaimán, a prince of Çúfí tendencies, and a Çáhib i hál² was coming to him from Badakhshán.

Among the religious buildings was a meeting place near a tank called Anúptaláo, where Akbar, accompanied by a few courtiers, met the 'Ulamás and lawyers of the realm. The pride of the 'Ulamás, and the heretical (Shí'itic) subjects discussed in this building, caused Mullá Sherí, a poet of Akbar's reign, to compose a poem in which the place was called a temple of Pharaoh and a building of Shaddád (vide Qor. Sur. 89). The result to which the discussions led, will be seen from the following extract.

“For these discussions, which were held every Thursday³ night, His Majesty invited the Sayyids, Shaikhs, 'Ulamás, and grandees, by turn. But as the guests generally commenced to quarrel about their places, and the order of precedence, His Majesty ordered that the grandees should sit on the east side; the Sayyids on the west side; the 'Ulamás, to the south; and the Shaikhs, to the north. The emperor then used to go from one side to the other, and make his enquiries……, when all at once, one night, ‘the vein of the neck of the 'Ulamás of the age swelled up,’ and a horrid noise and confusion ensued. His Majesty got very angry at their rude behaviour, and said to me [Badáoní], “In future report any of the 'Ulamás that cannot behave and talks nonsense, and I shall make him leave the hall.” I gently said to A´çaf Khán, “If I were to carry out this order, most of the 'Ulamás would have to leave,” when His Majesty suddenly asked what I had said. On hearing my answer, he was highly pleased, and mentioned my remark to those sitting near him.”

Soon after, another row occurred in the presence of the Emperor.

“Some people mentioned that Hájí Ibráhím of Sarhind had given a decree, by which he made it legal to wear red and yellow clothes,¹ quoting at the same time a Tradition as his proof. On hearing this, the Chief Justice, in the meeting hall, called him an accursed wretch, abused him, and lifted up his stick, in order to strike him, when the Hájí by some subterfuges managed to get rid of him.”

Akbar was now fairly disgusted with the 'Ulamás and lawyers; he never pardoned pride and conceit in a man, and of all kinds of conceit, the conceit of learning was most hateful to him. From now he resolved to vex the principal 'Ulamás; and no sooner had his courtiers discovered this, than they brought all sorts of charges against them.

“His Majesty therefore ordered Mauláná 'Abdullah of Sulṭánpúr, who had received the title of Makhdúm ul mulk, to come to a meeting, as he wished to annoy him, and appointed Hájí Ibráhím, Shaikh Abulfazl (who had lately come to court, and is at present the infallible authority in all religious matters, and also for the New Religion of His Majesty, and the guide of men to truth, and their leader in general), and several other newcomers, to oppose him. During the discussion, His Majesty took every occasion to interrupt the Mauláná, when he explained anything. When the quibbling and wrangling had reached the highest point, some courtiers, according to an order previously given by His Majesty, commenced to tell rather queer stories of the Mauláná, to whose position one might apply the verse of the Qorán (Sur. XVI, 72), ‘And some one of you shall have his life prolonged to a miserable age, &c.’ Among other stories, Khán Jahán said that he had heard that Makhdúm ul mulk² had given a fatwa, that the ordinance of pilgrimage was no longer binding, but even hurtful. When people had asked him the reason of his extraordinary fatwa, he had said, that the two roads to Makkah, through Persia and over Gujrát, were impracticable, because people, in going by land (Persia), had to suffer injuries at the hand of the Qizilbáshes (i. e., the Shí'ah inhabitants of Persia), and in going by sea, they had to put up with indignities from the Portuguese, whose ship-tickets had pictures of Mary and Jesus stamped on them. To make use, therefore, of the latter alternative would mean to countenance idolatry; hence both roads were closed up.

Khán Jahán also related that the Mauláná had invented a clever trick by which he escaped paying the legal alms upon the wealth which he amassed every year. Towards the end of each year, he used to make over all his stores to his wife, but he took them back before the year had actually run out.¹

Other tricks also, in comparison with which the tricks of the children of Moses are nothing, and rumours of his meanness and shabbiness, his open cheating and worldliness, and his cruelties said to have been practised on the Shaikhs and the poor of the whole country, but especially on the Aimadárs and other deserving people of the Panjáb,—all came up, one story after the other. His motives, ‘which shall be revealed on the day of resurrection’ (Qor. LXXXVI, 9), were disclosed; all sorts of stories, calculated to ruin his character and to vilify him, were got up, till it was resolved to force him to go to Makkah.

But when people asked him whether pilgrimage was a duty for a man in his circumstances, he said No;² for Shaikh 'Abdunnabí had risen to power, whilst the star of the Mauláná was fast sinking.”

But a heavier blow was to fall on the 'Ulamás.   [Bad. II, p. 207.]

“At one of the above-mentioned meetings, His Majesty asked how many freeborn women a man was legally allowed to marry (by nikáh). The lawyers answered that four was the limit fixed by the prophet. The emperor thereupon remarked that from the time he had come of age, he had not restricted himself to that number, and in justice to his wives, of whom he had a large number, both freeborn and slaves, he now wanted to know what remedy the law provided for his case. Most expressed their opinions, when the emperor remarked that Shaikh 'Abdunnabí had once told him that one of the Mujtahids had had as many as nine wives. Some of the 'Ulamás present replied that the Mujtahid alluded to was Ibn Abí Laila; and that some had even allowed eighteen from a too literal translation of the Qorán verse (Qor. Sur. IV, 3), “Marry whatever women ye like, two and two,³ and three and three, and four and four;” but this was improper. His Majesty then sent a message to Shaikh 'Abdunnabí, who replied that he had merely wished to point out to Akbar that a difference of opinion existed on this point among lawyers, but that he had not given a fatwa, in order to legalize irregular marriage proceedings. This annoyed His Majesty very much. “The Shaikh,” he said, “told me at that time a very different thing from what he now tells me.” He never forgot this.

After much discussion on this point, the 'Ulamás, having collected every Tradition on the subject, decreed, first, that by Mut'ah [not by nikáh] a man might marry any number of wives he pleased; and secondly, that Mut'ah marriages were allowed by Imám Málik. The Shí'ahs, as was well known, loved children born in Mut'ah wedlock more than those born by nikáh wives, contrary to the Sunnís and the Ahl i Jamá'at.

On the latter point also the discussion got rather lively, and I would refer the reader to my work entitled Najáturrashíd [Vide note 2, p. 104], in which the subject is briefly discussed. But to make things worse, Naqíb Khán fetched a copy of the Muwaṭṭa of Imám Málik, and pointed to a Tradition in the book, which the Imám had cited as a proof against the legality of Mut'ah marriages.

Another night, Qází Ya'qúb, Shaikh Abulfazl, Hájí Ibráhím, and a few others were invited to meet His Majesty in the house near the Anúptaláo tank. Shaikh Abulfazl had been selected as the opponent, and laid before the emperor several traditions regarding Mut'ah marriages, which his father (Shaikh Mubárik) had collected, and the discussion commenced. His Majesty then asked me, what my opinion was on this subject. I said, “The conclusion which must be drawn from so many contradictory traditions and sectarian customs, is this:—Imám Málik and the Shí'ahs are unanimous in looking upon Mut'ah marriages as legal; Imám Sháfi'í and the Great Imám (Hanífah) look upon Mut'ah marriages as illegal. But, should at any time a Qází of the Málikí sect decide that Mut'ah is legal, it is legal, according to the common belief, even for Sháfi'ís and Hanafís. Every other opinion on this subject is idle talk.” This pleased His Majesty very much.”

The unfortunate Shaikh Ya'qúb, however, went on talking about the extent of the authority of a Qází. He tried to shift the ground; but when he saw that he was discomfited, he said, “Very well, I have nothing else to say,—just as His Majesty pleases.”

“The emperor then said, “I herewith appoint the Málikí Qází Hasan 'Arab as the Qází before whom I lay this case concerning my wives, and you, Ya'qúb, are from to-day suspended.” This was immediately obeyed, and Qází Hasan, on the spot, gave a decree which made Mut'ah marriages legal.

The veteran lawyers, as Makhdúm ulmulk, Qází Ya'qúb, and others, made very long faces at these proceedings.

This was the commencement of ‘their sere and yellow leaf.’

The result was that, a few days later, Mauláná Jaláluddín of Multán a profound and learned man, whose grant had been transferred, was ordered from A´grah (to Fathpúr Síkṛí,) and appointed Qází of the realm. Qází Ya'qúb was sent to Gaur as District Qází.

From this day henceforth, ‘the road of opposition and difference in opinion’ lay open, and remained so till His Majesty was appointed Mujtahid of the empire.” [Here follows the extract regarding the formula 'Alláhu Akbar, given on p. 166, note 3.]

“During this year [983], there arrived Hakím Abulfath, Hakím Humáyún (who subsequently changed his name to Humáyún Qulí, and lastly to Hakím Humám,) and Núruddín, who as poet is known under the name of Qarárí. They were brothers, and came from Gílán, near the Caspian Sea. The eldest brother, whose manners and address were exceedingly winning, obtained in a short time great ascendancy over the Emperor; he flattered him openly, adapted himself to every change in the religious ideas of His Majesty, or even went in advance of them, and thus became in a short time, a most intimate friend of Akbar.

Soon after there came from Persia Mullá Muhammad of Yazd, who got the nickname of Yazídí, and attaching himself to the emperor, commenced openly to revile the Çahábah (persons who knew Muhammad, except the twelve Imáms), told queer stories about them, and tried hard to make the emperor a Shí'ah. But he was soon left behind by Bír Baṛ—that bastard!—and by Shaikh Abulfazl, and Hakím Abulfath, who successfully turned the emperor from the Islám, and led him to reject inspiration, prophetship, the miracles of the prophet and of the saints, and even the whole law, so that I could no longer bear their company.

At the same time, His Majesty ordered Qází Jaláluddín and several 'Ulamás to write a commentary on the Qorán; but this led to great rows among them.

Deb Chand Rájah Manjholah—that fool—once set the whole court in laughter by saying that Allah after all had great respect for cows, else the cow would not have been mentioned in the first chapter (Súrat ul baqarah) of the Qorán.

His Majesty had also the early history of the Islám read out to him, and soon commenced to think less of the Çahábah. Soon after, the observance of the five prayers and the fasts, and the belief in every thing connected with the prophet, were put down as taqlídí, or religious blindness, and man's reason was acknowledged to be the basis of all religion. Portuguese priests also came frequently; and His Majesty enquired into the articles of their belief which are based upon reason.”

“In the beginning of the next year [984], when His Majesty was at Dípálpúr in Málwah, Sharíf of A´mul arrived. This apostate had run from country to country, like a dog that has burnt its foot, and turning from one sect to the other, he went on wrangling till he became a perfect heretic. For some time he had studied Çúfic nonsense in the school of Mauláná Muhammad Záhid of Balkh, nephew of the great Shaikh Husain of Khwárizm, and had lived with derwishes. But as he had little of a derwish in himself, he talked slander, and was so full of conceit, that they hunted him away. The Mauláná also wrote a poem against him, in which the following verse occurs:

In his wanderings he had come to the Dak'hin, where he made himself so notorious, that the king of the Dak'hin wanted to kill him. But he was only put on a donkey and shewn about in the city. Hindustan, however, is a nice large place, where anything is allowed, and no one cares for another, and people go on as they may. He therefore made for Málwah, and settled at a place five kos distant from the Imperial camp. Every frivolous and absurd word he spoke, was full of venom, and became the general talk. Many fools, especially Persian heretics, (whom the Islám casts out as people cast out hairs which they find in dough—such heretics are called Nuqṭawís, and are destined to be the foremost worshippers of Antichrist) gathered round him, and spread, at his order, the rumour that he was the restorer of the Millenium. The sensation was immense. As soon as His Majesty heard of him, he invited him one night to a private audience in a long prayer room, which had been made of cloth, and in which the emperor with his suite used to say the five daily prayers. Ridiculous in his exterior, ugly in shape, with his neck stooping forward, he performed his obeisance, and stood still with his arms crossed, and you could scarcely see how his blue eye (which colour¹ is a sign of hostility to our prophet) shed lies, falsehood, and hypocrisy. There he stood for a long time, and when he got the order to sit down, he prostrated himself in worship, and sat down duzánú (vide p. 160, note 2), like an Indian camel. He talked privately to His Majesty; no one dared to draw near them, but I sometimes heard from a distance the word 'ilm (knowledge) because he spoke pretty loud. He called his silly views ‘the truth of truths,’ or ‘the groundwork of things.’

The whole talk of the man was a mere repetition of the ideas of Mahmúd of Basakhwán (a village in Gílán), who lived at the time of Tímúr. Mahmúd had written thirteen treatises of dirty filth, full of such hypocrisy, as no religion or sect would suffer, and containing nothing but títál, which name he had given to the ‘science of expressed and implied language.’ The chief work of this miserable wretch is entitled Bahr o Kúzah (the Ocean and the Jug), and contains such loathsome nonsense, that on listening to it one's ear vomits. How the devil would have laughed into his face, if he had heard it, and how he would have jumped for joy! And this Sharíf— that dirty thief—had also written a collection of nonsense, which he styled Tarashshukh i Zuhúr, in which he blindly follows Mír 'Abdulawwal. This book is written in loose, deceptive aphorisms, each commencing with the words mífarmúdand (the master said), a queer thing to look at, and a mass of ridiculous, silly nonsense. But notwithstanding his ignorance, according to the proverb, ‘Worthies will meet,’ he has exerted such an influence on the spirit of the age, and on the people, that he is now [in 1004] a commander of One Thousand, and His Majesty's apostle for Bengal, possessing the four degrees of faith, and calling, as the Lieutenant of the emperor, the faithful to these degrees.”

The discussions on Thursday evenings were continued for the next year. In 986, they became more violent, in as far as the elementary principles of the Islám were chosen as subject, whilst formerly the disputations had turned on single points. The 'Ulamás even in the presence of the emperor, often lost their temper, and called each other Káfirs or accursed.

“Makhdúm also wrote a pamphlet against Shaikh 'Abdunnabí, in which he accused him of the murder of Khizr Khán of Shirwán, who was suspected to have reviled the prophet, and of Mír Habshí, whom he had ordered to be killed for heresy. But he also said in the pamphlet that it was wrong to say prayers with 'Abdunnabí, because he had been undutiful towards his father, and was, besides, afflicted with piles. Upon this, Shaikh 'Abdunnabí called Makhdúm a fool, and cursed him. The 'Ulamás now broke up into two parties, like the Sibṭís and Qibṭís, gathering either round the Shaikh, or round Makhdúm ulmulk; and the heretic innovators used this opportunity, to mislead the emperor by their wicked opinions and aspersions, and turned truth into falsehood, and represented lies as truth.

His Majesty till now [986] had shewn every sincerity, and was diligently searching for truth. But his education had been much neglected; and surrounded as he was by men of low and heretic principles, he had been forced to doubt the truth of the Islám. Falling from one perplexity into the other, he lost sight of his real object, the search of truth; and when the strong embankment of our clear law and our excellent faith had once been broken through, His Majesty grew colder and colder, till after the short space of five or six years not a trace of Muhammadan feeling was left in his heart. Matters then became very different.”

“In 984, the news arrived that Sháh Ṭahmásp of Persia had died, and Sháh Ismá'íl II. had succeeded him. The Táríkh of his accession is given in the first letters of the three words , and [ + + = 984]. Sháh Ismá'íl gave the order that any one who wished to go to Makkah could have his travelling expenses paid from the royal exchequer. Thus thousands of people partook of the spiritual blessing of pilgrimage, whilst here you dare not now [1004] mention that word, and you would expose yourself to capital punishment, if you were to ask leave from court for this purpose.”

In 985, the news arrived that Sháh Ismá'íl, son of Sháh Ṭahmásp had been murdered, with the consent of the grandees, by his sister Parí Ján Khánum. Mír Haidar, the riddle writer, found the Táríkh of his accession in the words Shahinsháhi rúi zamín [984,] ‘a king of the face of the earth,’ and the Táríkh of his death in Shahinsháhi zer i zamín [985,] ‘a king below the face of the earth.’¹ At that time also there appeared in Persia the great comet which had been visible in India (p. 240), and the consternation was awful, especially as at the same time the Turks conquered Tabríz, Shirwán, and Mázandarán. Sulṭán Muhammad Khudábandah, son of Sháh Ṭahmásp, but by another mother, succeeded; and with him ended the time of reviling and cursing the Çahábah.

But the heretical ideas had certainly entered Hindustán from Persia.”

The following are the principal reasons which led His Majesty from the right path. I shall not give all, but only some, according to the proverb, “That which is small, guides to that which is great, and a sign of fear in a man points him out as the culprit.”

The principal reason is the large number of learned men of all denominations and sects that came from various countries to court, and received personal interviews. Night and day people did nothing but enquire and investigate; profound points of science, the subtleties of revelation, the curiosities of history, the wonders of nature, of which large volumes could only give a summary abstract, were ever spoken of. His Majesty collected the opinions of every one, especially of such as were not Muhammadans, retaining whatever he approved of, and rejecting everything which was against his disposition, and ran counter to his wishes. From his earliest childhood to his manhood, and from his manhood to old age, His Majesty has passed through the most various phases, and through all sorts of religious practices and sectarian beliefs, and has collected every thing which people can find in books, with a talent of selection peculiar to him, and a spirit of enquiry opposed to every [Islámitic] principle. Thus a faith based on some elementary principles traced itself on the mirror of his heart, and as the result of all the influences which were brought to bear on His Majesty, there grew, gradually as the outline on a stone, the conviction in his heart that there were sensible men in all religions, and abstemious thinkers, and men endowed with miraculous powers, among all nations. If some true knowledge was thus everywhere to be found, why should truth be confined to one religion, or to a creed like the Islám, which was comparatively new, and scarcely a thousand years old; why should one sect assert what another denies, and why should one claim a preference without having superiority conferred on itself.

Moreover Sumanís¹ and Brahmins managed to get frequent private interviews with His Majesty. As they surpass other learned men in their treatises on morals, and on physical and religious sciences, and reach a high degree in their knowledge of the future, in spiritual power and human perfection, they brought proofs, based on reason and testimony, for the truth of their own, and the fallacies of other religions, and inculcated their doctrines so firmly, and so skilfully represented things as quite self-evident which require consideration, that no man, by expressing his doubts, could now raise a doubt in His Majesty, even if mountains were to crumble to dust, or the heavens were to tear asunder.

Hence His Majesty cast aside the Islámitic revelations regarding resurrection, the day of judgment, and the details connected with it, as also all ordinances based on the tradition of our prophet. He listened to every abuse which the courtiers heaped on our glorious and pure faith, which can be so easily followed; and eagerly seizing such opportunities, he shewed in words and gestures, his satisfaction at the treatment which his original religion received at their hands.

For some time His Majesty called a Brahmin, whose name was Purukhotam author of a commentary on the ..,² whom he asked to invent particular Sanscrit names for all things in existence. At other times, a Brahmin of the name of Debí was pulled up the wall of the castle,³ sitting on a chárpái, till he arrived near a balcony where the emperor used to sleep. Whilst thus suspended, he instructed His Majesty in the secrets and legends of Hinduism, in the manner of worshipping idols, the fire, the sun and stars, and of revering the chief gods of these unbelievers, as Brahma, Mahádev, Bishn, Kishn, Rám, and Mahámáí, who are supposed to have been men, but very likely never existed, though some, in their idle belief, look upon them as gods, and others as angels. His Majesty, on hearing further how much the people of the country prized their institutions, commenced to look upon them with affection. The doctrine of the transmigration of souls especially took a deep root in his heart, and he approved of the saying, —“There is no religion in which the doctrine of transmigration has not taken firm root.” Insincere flatterers composed treatises, in order to fix the evidence for this doctrine; and as His Majesty relished enquiries into the sects of these infidels (who cannot be counted, so numerous they are, and who have no end of revealed books, but nevertheless, do not belong to the Ahl i Kitáb (Jews, Christians, and Muhammadans), not a day passed, but a new fruit of this loathsome tree ripened into existence.

Sometimes again, it was Shaikh Tájuddín of Dihlí, who had to attend the emperor. This Shaikh is the son of Shaikh Zakariyá of Ajodhan. The principal 'Ulamás of the age call him Tájul'árifín, or crown of the Çúfís. He had learned under Shaikh Zamán of Pánípat, author of a commentary on the Lawáih, and of other very excellent works, was in Çúfism and pantheism second only to Shaikh Ibn 'Arabí, and had written a comprehensive commentary on the Nuzhat ularwáh. Like the preceding he was drawn up the wall of the castle. His Majesty listened whole nights to his Çúfic trifles. As the Shaikh was not overstrict¹ in acting according to our religious law, he spoke a great deal of the pantheistic presence, which idle Çúfís will talk about, and which generally leads them to denial of the law and open heresy. He also introduced polemic matters, as the ultimate salvation by faith of Pharaoh—God's curse be upon him!— which is mentioned in the Fuçúç ulhikam,² or the excellence of hope over fear,³ and many other things to which men incline from weakness of disposition, unmindful of cogent reasons, or distinct religious commands, to the contrary. The Shaikh is therefore one of the principal culprits, who weakened His Majesty's faith in the orders of our religion. He also said that infidels would, of course, be kept for ever in hell, but it was not likely, nor could it be proved, that the punishment in hell was eternal. His explanations of some verses of the Qorán, or of the Tradition of our prophet, were often far-fetched. Besides, he mentioned that the phrase 'Insán i kámil (perfect man) referred to the ruler of the age, from which he inferred that the nature of a king was holy. In this way, he said many agreeable things to the emperor, rarely expressing the proper meaning, but rather the opposite of what he knew to be correct. Even the sijdah (prostration), which people mildly call zamínbos (kissing the ground,) he allowed to be due to the Insán i Kámil; he looked upon the respect due to the king as a religious command, and called the face of the king Ka'bah i Murádát, the sanctum of desires, and Qiblah i Háját, the cynosure of necessities. Such blasphemies⁴ other people supported by quoting stories of no credit, and by referring to the practice followed by disciples of some heads of Indian sects. And after this, when.…¹

Other great philosophical writers of the age also expressed opinions, for which there is no authority. Thus Shaikh Ya'qúb of Kashmír, a well known writer, and at present the greatest authority in religious matters, mentioned some opinions held by 'Ain ulquzát of Hamadán, that our prophet Muhammad was a personification of the divine name of Alhádí (the guide), and the devil was the personification of God's name of Almuzill (the tempter),² that both names, thus personified, had appeared in this world, and that both personifications were therefore necessary.

Mullá Muhammad of Yazd, too, was drawn up the wall of the castle, and uttered unworthy, loathsome abuse against the first three Khalífahs, called the whole Çahábah, their followers and next followers, and the saints of past ages, infidels and adulterers, slandered the Sunnís and the Ahl i Jamá'at,³ and represented every sect, except the Shí'ah, as damned and leading men into damnation.

The differences among the 'Ulamás, of whom one called lawful what the other called unlawful, furnished His Majesty with another reason for apostacy. The emperor also believed that the 'Ulamás of his time were superior in dignity and rank to Imám i Ghazzálí and Imám i Rází,⁴ and knowing from experience the flimsiness of his 'Ulamás, he judged those great men of the past by his contemporaries, and threw them aside.

Learned monks also came from Europe, who go by the name of Pádre.⁵ They have an infallible head, called Pápá. He can change any religious ordinances as he may think advisable, and kings have to submit to his authority. These monks brought the gospel, and mentioned to the emperor their proofs for the Trinity. His Majesty firmly believed in the truth of the Christian religion, and wishing to spread the doctrines of Jesus, ordered Prince Murád⁶ to take a few lessons in Christianity by way of auspiciousness, and charged Abulfazl to translate the Gospel. Instead of the usual Bismilláh-irrahmán-irrahím,¹ the following lines were used—

which means, ‘O thou whose name is gracious and blessed;’ and Shaikh Faizí added another half, in order to complete the verse

These accursed monks applied the description of cursed Satan, and of his qualities, to Muhammad, the best of all prophets—God's blessings rest on him and his whole house!—a thing which even devils would not do.

Bír Baṛ also impressed upon the emperor that the sun was the primary origin of every thing. The ripening of the grain on the fields, of fruits and vegetables, the illumination of the universe, and the lives of men, depended upon the Sun. Hence it was but proper to worship and reverence this luminary; and people in praying should face towards the place where he rises, instead of turning to the quarter where he sets. For similar reasons, said Bír Baṛ, should men pay regard to fire and water, stones, trees, and other forms of existence, even to cows and their dung, to the mark on the forehead and the Brahminical thread.

Philosophers and learned men who had been at Court, but were in disgrace, made themselves busy in bringing proofs. They said, the sun was ‘the greatest light,’ the source of benefit for the whole world, the nourisher of kings, and the origin of royal power.

This was also the cause why the Naurúz i Jalálí² was observed, on which day, since His Majesty's accession, a great feast was given. His Majesty also adopted different suits of clothes of seven different colours, each of which was worn on a particular day of the week in honor of the seven colours of the seven planets.

The emperor also learned from some Hindus formulæ, to reduce the influence of the sun to his subjection, and commenced to read them mornings and evenings as a religious exercise. He also believed that it was wrong to kill cows, which the Hindus worship; he looked upon cowdung as pure, interdicted the use of beef, and killed beautiful men (?) instead of cows. The doctors confirmed the emperor in his opinion, and told him, it was written in their books that beef was productive of all sorts of diseases, and was very indigestible.

Fire-worshippers also had come from Nausárí in Gujrát, and proved to His Majesty the truth of Zoroaster's doctrines. They called fire-worship ‘the great worship,’ and impressed the emperor so favorably, that he learned from them the religious terms and rites of the old Pársís, and ordered Abulfazl to make arrangements, that sacred fire should be kept burning at court by day and by night, according to the custom of the ancient Persian kings, in whose fire-temples it had been continually burning; for fire was one of the manifestations of God, and ‘a ray of His rays.’

His Majesty, from his youth, had also been accustomed to celebrate the Hom (a kind of fire-worship), from his affection towards the Hindu princesses of his Harem.

From the New Year's day of the twenty-fifth year of his reign [988], His Majesty openly worshipped the sun and the fire by prostrations; and the courtiers were ordered to rise, when the candles and lamps were lighted in the palace. On the festival of the eighth day of Virgo, he put on the mark on the forehead, like a Hindu, and appeared in the Audience Hall, when several Brahmins tied, by way of auspiciousness, a string with jewels on it round his hands, whilst the grandees countenanced these proceedings by bringing, according to their circumstances, pearls and jewels as presents. The custom of Rák'hí (or tying pieces of clothes round the wrists as amulets) became quite common.

When orders, in opposition to the Islám, were quoted by people of other religions, they were looked upon by His Majesty as convincing, whilst Hinduism is in reality a religion, in which every order is nonsense. The Originator of our belief, the Arabian Saints, all were said to be adulterers, and highway robbers, and all the Muhammadans were declared worthy of reproof, till at length His Majesty belonged to those of whom the Qorán says (Sur. 61, 8:) “They seek to extinguish God's light with their mouths: but God will perfect his light, though the infidels be averse thereto.” In fact matters went so far, that proofs were no longer required when anything connected with the Islám was to be abolished.”

In this year [987], His Majesty was anxious to unite in his person the powers of the state and those of the Church; for he could not bear to be subordinate to any one. As he had heard that the prophet, his lawful successors, and some of the most powerful kings, as Amír Tímúr Çáhibqirán, and Mírzá Ulugh Beg i Gurgán, and several others, had themselves read the Khuṭbah (the Friday prayer), he resolved to do the same, apparently in order to imitate their example, but in reality to appear in public as the Mujtahid of the age. Accordingly, on Friday, the first Jumáda-lawwal 987, in the Jámi' Masjid of Fathpúr, which he had built near the palace, His Majesty commenced to read the Khuṭbah. But all at once he stammered and trembled, and though assisted by others, he could scarcely read three verses of a poem, which Shaikh Faizí had composed, came quickly down from the pulpit, and handed over the duties of the Imám (leader of the prayer) to Háfiz Muhammad Amín, the Court Khaṭíb. These are the verses—

“As it was quite customary in those days to speak ill of the doctrine and orders of the Qorán, and as Hindu wretches and Hinduizing Muhammadans openly reviled our prophet, irreligious writers left out in the prefaces to their books the customary praise of the prophet, and after saying something to the praise of God, wrote eulogies of the emperor instead.¹ It was impossible even to mention the name of the prophet, because these liars (as Abulfazl, Faizí, &c.) did not like it. This wicked innovation gave general offence, and sowed the seed of evil throughout the country;² but notwithstanding this, a lot of low and mean fellows put piously on their necks the collar of the Divine Faith, and called themselves disciples, either from fear, or hope of promotion, though they thought it impossible to say our creed.”

“In the same year [987], a document made its appearance, which bore the signatures and seals of Makhdúm ulmulk, of Shaikh 'Abdunnabí, çadruççudúr, of Qází Jaláluddín of Multán, Qázílquzát, of Çadr Jahán, the muftí of the empire, of Shaikh Mubárik, the deepest writer of the age, and of Ghází Khán of Badakhshán, who stood unrivalled in the various sciences. >The object of the document was to settle the superiority of the Imám i 'ádil (just leader) over the Mujtahid, which was proved by a reference to an ill-supported authority. The whole matter is a question, regarding which people differ in opinion; but the document was to do away with the possibility of disagreeing about laws, whether political or religious, and was to bind the lawyers in spite of themselves. But before the instrument was signed, a long discussion took place as to the meaning of ijtihád, and as to whom the term Mujtahid was applicable, and whether it really was the duty of a just Imám who, from his acquaintance with politics, holds a higher rank than the Mujtahid, to decide, according to the requirements of the times, and the wants of the age, all such legal questions on which there existed a difference of opinion. At last, however, all signed the document, some willingly, others against their convictions.

I shall copy the document verbatim.

‘Whereas Hindústán has now become the centre of security and peace, and the land of justice and beneficence, a large number of people, especially learned men and lawyers, have immigrated and chosen this country for their home. Now we, the principal 'Ulamás, who are not only well versed in the several departments of the law and in the principles of jurisprudence, and well-acquainted with the edicts which rest on reason or testimony, but are also known for our piety and honest intentions, have duly considered the deep meaning, first, of the verse of the Qorán (Sur. IV, 62,) “Obey God, and obey the prophet, and those who have authority among you,” and secondly, of the genuine tradition, “Surely, the man who is dearest to God on the day of judgment, is the Imám i 'A´dil: whosoever obeys the Amír, obeys Me; and whosoever rebels against him, rebels against Me,” and thirdly, of several other proofs based on reasoning or testimony; and we have agreed that the rank of a Sulṭán i 'A´dil (a just ruler) is higher in the eyes of God than the rank of a Mujtahid. Further we declare that the king of the Islám, Amír of the Faithful, shadow of God in the world, Abul Fath Jaláluddín Muhammad Akbar Pádisháh i ghází, whose kingdom God perpetuate, is a most just, a most wise, and a most God-fearing king. Should therefore, in future, a religious question come up, regarding which the opinions of the Mujtahids are at variance, and His Majesty, in his penetrating understanding and clear wisdom, be inclined to adopt, for the benefit of the nation and as a political expedient, any of the conflicting opinions which exist on that point, and issue a decree to that effect, we do hereby agree that such a decree shall be binding on us and on the whole nation.

Further, we declare that, should His Majesty think fit to issue a new order, we and the nation shall likewise be bound by it, provided always that such an order be not only in accordance with some verse of the Qorán, but also of real benefit for the nation; and further, that any opposition on the part of the subjects to such an order as passed by His Majesty, shall involve damnation in the world to come, and loss of religion and property in this life.

This document has been written with honest intentions, for the glory of God, and the propagation of the Islám, and is signed by us, the principal 'Ulamás and lawyers, in the month of Rajab of the year 987 of the Hijrah.’

The draft of this document when presented to the emperor, was in the handwriting of Shaikh Mubárik. The others had signed it against their will, but the Shaikh had added at the bottom that he had most willingly signed his name; for this was a matter, which, for several years, he had been anxiously looking forward to.

No sooner had His Majesty obtained this legal instrument, than the road of deciding any religious question was open; the superiority of intellect of the Imám was established, and opposition was rendered impossible. All orders regarding things which our law allows or disallows, were abolished, and the superiority of intellect of the Imám became law.

But the state of Shaikh Abulfazl resembled that of the poet Hairatí of Samarqand,¹ who after having been annoyed by the cool and sober people of Máwaral-nahr (Turkistán), joined the old foxes of Shí'itic Persia, and chose ‘the roadless road.’ You might apply the proverb to him, ‘He prefers hell to shame on earth.’

On the 16th Rajab of this year, His Majesty made a pilgrimage to Ajmír. It is now fourteen years that His Majesty has not returned to that place. On the 5th Sha'bán, at the distance of five kos from the town, the emperor alighted, and went on foot to the tomb of the saint (Mu'ínuddín). But sensible people smiled, and said, it was strange that His Majesty should have such a faith in the Khwájah of Ajmír, whilst he rejected the foundation of everything, our prophet, from whose ‘skirt’ hundreds of thousands of saints of the highest degree had sprung.”

“After Makhdúm ulmulk and Shaikh 'Abdunnabí had left for Makkah (987), the emperor examined people about the creation of the Qorán, elicited their belief, or otherwise, in revelation, and raised doubts in them regarding all things connected with the prophet and the imáms. He distinctly denied the existence of Jins, of angels, and of all other beings of the invisible world, as well as the miracles of the prophet and the saints; he rejected the successive testimony of the witnesses of our faith, the proofs for the truths of the Qorán as far as they agree with man's reason, the existence of the soul after the dissolution of the body, and future rewards and punishments in as far as they differed from metempsychosis.

His Majesty had now determined publicly to use the formula, ‘There is no God but God, and Akbar is God's representative.’ But as this led to commotions, he thought better of it, and restricted the use of the formula to a few people in the Harem. People expressed the date of this event by the words fitnahái ummat, the ruin of the Church (987). The emperor tried hard to convert Quṭbuddín Muhammad Khán and Shahbáz Khán (vide List of grandees, IId book, Nos. 28 and 80), and several others. But they staunchly objected. Quṭbuddín said, “What would the kings of the West, as the Sulṭán of Constantinople, say, if he heard all this. Our faith is the same, whether a man hold high or broad views.” His Majesty then asked him, if he was in India on a secret mission from Constantinople, as he shewed so much opposition; or if he wished to keep a small place warm for himself, should he once go away from India, and be a respectable man there: he might go at once. Shahbáz got excited, and took a part in the conversation; and when Bír Bar—that hellish dog— made a sneering remark at our religion, Shahbáz abused him roundly, and said, “You cursed infidel, do you talk in this manner? It would not take me long to settle you.” It got quite uncomfortable, when His Majesty said to Shahbáz in particular, and to the others in general, “Would that a shoefull of excrements were thrown into your faces.”

“In this year the Tamghá (inland tolls) and the Jazyah (tax on infidels), which brought in several krors of dáms, were abolished, and edicts to this effect were sent over the whole empire.”

In the same year a rebellion broke out at Jaunpúr, headed by Muhammad Ma'çúm of Kábul, Muhammad Ma'çúm Khán, Mu'izzul Mulk, 'Arab Bahádur, and other grandees. They objected to Akbar's innovations in religious matters, in as far as these innovations led to a withdrawal of grants of rent-free land. The rebels had consulted Mullá Muhammad of Yazd (vide above, pp. 175, 182), who was Qází-lquzát at Jaunpúr; and on obtaining his opinion that, under the circumstances, rebellion against the king of the land was lawful, they seized some tracts of land, and collected a large army. The course which this rebellion took, is known from general histories; vide Elphinstone, p. 511. Mullá Muhammad of Yazd, and Mu'izzulmulk, in the beginning of the rebellion, were called by the emperor to A´grah, and drowned, on the road, at the command of the emperor, in the Jamnah.

In the same year the principal 'Ulamás, as Makhdúm ul mulk, Shaikh Munawwar, Mullá 'Abdushshukúr, &c., were sent as exiles to distant provinces.

“Hájí Ibráhím of Sarhind (vide above, p. 105) brought to court an old, worm-eaten MS. in queer characters, which, as he pretended, was written by Shaikh Ibn 'Arabí. In this book, it was said that the Çáhib i Zamán¹ was to have many wives, and that he would shave his beard. Some of the characteristics mentioned in the book as belonging to him, were found to agree with the usages of His Majesty. He also brought a fabricated tradition that the son of a Çahábí (one who knew Muhammad) had once come before the prophet with his beard cut off, when the prophet had said that the inhabitants of Paradise looked like that young man. But as the Hájí during discussions, behaved impudently towards Abulfazl, Hakím Abulfath, and Sháh Fathullah, he was sent to Rantanbhúr, where he died in 994.

Farmáns were also sent to the leading Shaikhs and 'Ulamás of the various districts to come to Court, as His Majesty wished personally to enquire into their grants (vide IId book, A´ín 19) and their manner of living. When they came, the emperor examined them singly, giving them private interviews, and assigned to them some lands, as he thought fit. But when he got hold of one who had disciples, or held spiritual soirées, or practised similar tricks, he confined them in forts, or exiled them to Bengal or Bhakkar. This practice become quite common.* * * The poor Shaikhs who were, moreover, left to the mercies of Hindu Financial Secretaries, forgot in exile their spiritual soirées, and had no other place where to live, except mouseholes.”

“In this year (988) low and mean fellows, who pretended to be learned, but were in reality fools, collected evidences that His Majesty was the Çáhib i Zamán, who would remove all differences of opinion among the seventy-two sects of the Islám. Sharíf of A´mul brought proofs from the writings of Mahmúd of Basakhwán (vide above, p. 177), who had said that, in 990, a man would rise up who would do away with all that was wrong* *.¹ And Khwájah Mauláná of Shíráz, the heretical wizard, came with a pamphlet by some of the Sharífs of Makkah, in which a tradition was quoted that the earth would exist for 7,000 years, and as that time was now over, the promised appearance of Imám Mahdí would immediately take place. The Mauláná also brought a pamphlet written by himself on the subject. The Shí'ahs mentioned similar nonsense connected with 'Alí, and some quoted the following Rubá'í, which is said to have been composed by Náçir i Khusrau,² or, according to some, by another poet:—

All this made His Majesty the more inclined to claim the dignity of a prophet, perhaps I should say, the dignity of something else.”³

“At one of the meetings, the emperor asked those who were present, to mention each the name of man who could be considered the wisest man of the age; but they should not mention kings, as they formed an exception. Each then mentioned that man in whom he had confidence. Thus Hakím Humám (vide above, p. 175) mentioned himself, and Shaikh Abulfazl his own father.

During this time, the four degrees of faith in His Majesty were defined. The four degrees consisted in readiness to sacrifice to the Emperor property, life, honor, and religion. Whoever had sacrificed these four things, possessed four degrees; and whoever had sacrificed one of these four, possessed one degree.

All the courtiers now put their names down as faithful disciples of the throne.”

“At this time (end of 989), His Majesty sent Shaikh Jamál Bakhtyár to bring Shaikh Quṭbuddín of Jalesar who, though a wicked man, pretended to be ‘attracted by God.’ When Quṭbuddín came, the emperor brought him to a conference with some Christian priests, and rationalists, and some other great authorities of the age. After a discussion, the Shaikh exclaimed, ‘Let us make a great fire, and in the presence of His Majesty I shall pass through it. And if any one else gets safely through, he proves by it the truth of his religion.” The fire was made. The Shaikh pulled one of the Christian priests by the coat, and said to him, “Come on, in the name of God!” But none of the priests had the courage to go.

Soon after the Shaikh was sent into exile to Bhakkar, together with other faqírs, as His Majesty was jealous of his triumph.

A large number of Shaikhs and Faqírs were also sent to other places, mostly to Qandahár, where they were exchanged for horses. About the same time, the emperor captured a sect consisting of Shaikhs and disciples, and known under the name of Iláhís. They professed all sorts of nonsense, and practised deceits. His Majesty asked them whether they repented of their vanities. They replied, “Repentance is our Maid.” And so they had invented similar names for the laws and religious commands of the Islám, and for the fast. At the command of His Majesty, they were sent to Bhakkar and Qandahár, and were given to merchants in exchange for Turkish colts.”

“His Majesty was now (990) convinced that the Millennium of the Islámitic dispensation was drawing near. No obstacle, therefore, remained to promulgating the designs which he had planned in secret. The Shaikhs and 'Ulamás who, on account of their obstinacy and pride, had to be entirely discarded, were gone, and His Majesty was free to disprove the orders and principles of the Islám, and to ruin the faith of the nation by making new and absurd regulations. The first order which was passed was, that the coinage should shew the era of the Millennium, and that a history of the one thousand years should be written, but commencing from the death of the prophet. Other extraordinary innovations were devised as political expedients, and such orders were given that one's senses got quite perplexed. Thus the sijdah, or prostration, was ordered to be performed as being proper for kings; but instead of sijdah, the word zamínbos was used. Wine also was allowed, if used for strengthening the body, as recommended by doctors; but no mischief or impropriety was to result from the use of it, and strict punishments were laid down for drunkenness, or gatherings, and uproars. For the sake of keeping everything within proper limits, His Majesty established a wine-shop near the palace, and put the wife of the porter in charge of it, as she belonged to the caste of wine-sellers. The price of wine was fixed by regulations, and any sick persons could obtain wine on sending his own name and the names of his father and grandfather to the clerk of the shop. Of course, people sent in fictitious names, and got supplies of wine; for who could strictly enquire into such a matter? It was in fact nothing else but licensing a shop for drunkards. Some people even said that pork formed a component part of this wine! Notwithstanding all restrictions, much mischief was done, and though a large number of people were daily punished, there was no sufficient check.

Similarly, according to the proverb,¹ ‘Upset, but don't spill,’ the prostitutes of the realm (who had collected at the capital, and could scarcely be counted, so large was their number), had a separate quarter of the town assigned to them, which was called Shaiṭánpúrah, or Devilsville. A Dárogah and a clerk also were appointed for it, who registered the names of such as went to prostitutes, or wanted to take some of them to their houses. People might indulge in such connexions, provided the toll collectors knew of it. But without permission, no one was allowed to take dancing girls to his house. If any wellknown courtier wanted to have a virgin, they should first apply to His Majesty, and get his permission. In the same way, boys prostituted themselves, and drunkenness and ignorance soon led to bloodshed. Though in some cases capital punishment was inflicted, certain privileged courtiers walked about proudly and insolently doing what they liked.

His Majesty himself called some of the principal prostitutes and asked them who had deprived them of their virginity. After hearing their replies, some of the principal and most renowned grandees were punished or censured, or confined for a long time in fortresses. Among them, His Majesty came across one whose name was Rájah Bír Baṛ, a member of the Divine Faith, who had gone beyond the four degrees, and acquired the four cardinal virtues.¹ At that time he happened to live in his jágír in the Parganah of Karah; and when he heard of the affair, he applied for permission to turn Jógí; but His Majesty ordered him to come to Court, assuring him that he need not be afraid.

Beef was interdicted, and to touch beef was considered defiling. The reason of this was that, from his youth, His Majesty had been in company with Hindu libertines, and had thus learnt to look upon a cow—which in their opinion is one of the reasons why the world still exists—as something holy. Besides, the Emperor was subject to the influence of the numerous Hindu princesses of the Harem, who had gained so great an ascendancy over him, as to make him forswear beef, garlic, onions, and the wearing of a beard,² which things His Majesty still avoids. He had also introduced, though modified by his peculiar views, Hindu customs and heresies into the court assemblies, and introduces them still, in order to please and win the Hindus and their castes; he abstained from everything which they think repugnant to their nature, and looked upon shaving the beard as the highest sign of friendship and affection for him. Hence this custom has become very general. Pandering pimps also expressed the opinion that the beard takes its nourishment from the testicles; for no eunuch had a beard; and one could not exactly see of what merit or importance it was to cultivate a beard. Moreover, former ascetics had looked upon carelessness in letting the beard grow, as one way of mortifying one's flesh, because such carelessness exposed them to the reproach of the world; and as, at present, the silly lawyers of the Islám looked upon cutting down the beard as reproachful, it was clear that shaving was now a way of mortifying the flesh, and therefore praiseworthy, but not letting the beard grow. (But if any one considers this argument calmly, he will soon detect the fallacy.) Lying, cheating Muftís also quoted an unknown tradition, in which it was stated that ‘some Qázís’ of Persia had shaved their beards. But the words kamá yaf'alu ba'zulquzáti (as some Qázís have done), which occur in this tradition, are based upon a corrupt reading, and should be kamá yaf'alu ba'zul'uzát (as some wicked men have done). * * * *

The ringing of bells as in use with the Christians, and the showing of the figure of the cross, and³…….., and other childish playthings of theirs, were daily in practice. The words Kufr shái' shud, or ‘heresy became common ’, express the Táríkh (985). Ten or twelve years after the commencement of these doings, matters had gone so far that wretches like Mírzá Jání, chief of Tattah, and other apostates, wrote their confessions on paper as follows:—‘I, such a one, son of such a one, have willingly and cheerfully renounced and rejected the Islám in all its phases, whether low or high, as I have witnessed it in my ancestors, and have joined the Divine Faith of Sháh Akbar, and declare myself willing to sacrifice to him my property and life, my honor and religion.’ And these papers—there could be no more effective letters of damnation—were handed over to the Mujtahid (Abulfazl) of the new Creed, and were considered a source of confidence or promotion. The Heavens might have parted asunder, and earth might have opened her abyss, and the mountains have crumbled to dust!

In opposition to the Islám, pigs and dogs were no longer looked upon as unclean. A large number of these animals was kept in the Harem, and in the vaults of the castle, and to inspect them daily, was considered a religious exercise. The Hindus, who believe in incarnations, said that the boar belonged to the ten forms which God Almighty had once assumed.

The saying of some wise men that a dog had ten virtues, and that a man, if he possess one of them, was a saint, was also quoted as a proof. Certain courtiers and friends of His Majesty, who were known for their excellence in every department, and proverbial as court poets,¹ used to put dogs on a tablecloth and feed them, whilst other heretical poets, Persians and Hindustánís, followed this example, even taking the tongues of dogs into their own mouths, and then boasting of it.

The ceremonial ablution after emission of semen³ was no longer considered binding, and people quoted as proof that the essence of man was the sperma genitale, which was the origin of good and bad men. It was absurd that voiding urine and excrements should not require ceremonial ablutions, whilst the emission of so tender a fluid should necessitate ablution; it would be far better, if people would first bathe, and then have connexion.

Further, it was absurd to prepare a feast in honour of a dead person; for the corpse was mere matter, and could derive no pleasure from the feast. People should therefore make a grand feast on their birth-days.⁴ Such feasts were called A´sh i hayát, food of life.⁵

The flesh of the wild boar and the tiger was also permitted, because the courage which these two animals possess, would be transferred to any one who fed on such meat.

It was also forbidden to marry one's cousins or near relations, because such marriages are destructive of mutual love. Boys were not to marry before the age of 16, nor girls before 14, because the offspring of early marriages was weakly. The wearing of ornaments and silk dresses at the time of prayer was made obligatory.¹ * * * *

The prayers of the Islám, the fast, nay even the pilgrimage, were henceforth forbidden. Some bastards, as the son of Mullá Mubárik, a worthy disciple of Shaikh Abulfazl, wrote treatises, in order to revile and ridicule our religious practices, of course with proofs. His Majesty liked such productions, and promoted the authors.

The era of the Hijrah was now abolished, and a new era was introduced, of which the first year was the year of the emperor's accession (963). The months had the same names as at the time of the old Persian kings, and as given in the Niçábuççibyán.² Fourteen festivals also were introduced corresponding to the feasts of the Zoroastrians; but the feasts of the Musalmáns and their glory were trodden down, the Friday prayer alone being retained, because some old, decrepit, silly people³ used to go to it. The new era was called Táríkh i Iláhí, or ‘Divine Era.’ On copper coins and gold muhurs, the era of the Millenium⁴ was used, as indicating that the end of the religion of Muhammad, which was to last one thousand years, was drawing near. Reading and learning Arabic was looked upon as a crime; and Muhammedan law, the exegesis of the Qorán, and the Tradition, as also those who studied them, were considered bad and deserving of disapproval. Astronomy, philosophy, medicine, mathematics, poetry, history, and novels, were cultivated and thought necessary. Even the letters which are peculiar to the Arabic language, as the , and , were avoided. Thus for 'Abdullah, people wrote Abdullah; and for Ahadí, Ahadí, &c. All this pleased His Majesty. Two verses from the Sháhnámah, which Firdausí gives as part of a story, were frequently quoted at court—

Similarly other verses were eagerly seized, if they conveyed a calumny, as the verses from the ……,¹ in which the falling out of the teeth of our prophet is alluded to.

In the same manner, every doctrine and command of the Islám, whether special or general, as the prophetship, the harmony of the Islám with reason, the doctrines of Rúyat, Taklíf, and Takwín,² the details of the day of resurrection and judgment,—all were doubted and ridiculed. And if any one did object to this mode of arguing, his answer was not accepted. But it is well known how little chance a man has who cites proofs against one who will reject them, especially when his opponent has the power of life and death in his hands; for equality in condition is a sine quâ non in arguing.

Many a family was ruined by these discussions. But perhaps ‘discussions ’ is not the correct name; we should call them meetings for arrogance and defamation. People who sold their religion, were busy to collect all kinds of exploded errors, and brought them to His Majesty, as if they were so many presents. Thus Laṭíf Khwájah, who came from a noble family in Turkistán, made a frivolous remark on a passage in Tirmizí's Shamáil,³ and asked how in all the world the neck of the prophet could be compared to the neck of an idol. Other remarks were passed on the straying camel.⁴ Some again expressed their astonishment, that the prophet, in the beginning of his career, plundered the caravans of Quraish; that he had fourteen wives; that any married woman was no longer to belong to her husband, if the prophet thought her agreeable, &c. * * * At night, when there were social assemblies, His Majesty told forty courtiers to sit down as ‘The Forty,¹ and every one might say or ask what he liked. If then any one brought up a question connected with law or religion, they said, “You had better ask the Mullás about that, as we only settle things which appeal to man's reason.” But it is impossible for me to relate the blasphemous remarks which they made about the Çahábah, when historical books happened to be read out, especially such as contained the reigns of the first three Khalífahs, and the quarrel about Fadak, the war of Çiffín,² &c.,—would that I were deaf! The Shí'ahs, of course, gained the day, and the Sunnís were defeated; the good were in fear, and the wicked were secure. Every day a new order was given, and a new aspersion or a new doubt came up; and His Majesty saw in the discomfiture of one party a proof for his own infallibility, entirely forgetful of the proverb, ‘Who slanders others, slanders himself.’* * * The ignorant vulgar had nothing on their tongues but ‘Alláhu Akbar’, and they looked upon repeating this phrase, which created so much commotion, as a daily religious exercise. Mullá Sherí, at this time, composed a qiṭ'ah of ten verses, in which the following occur:—

At the new year's day feasts, His Majesty forced many of the 'Ulamás and the pious, nay even the Qázís and the Muftí of the realm, to drink wine.* * * And afterwards the Mujtahids of the Divine Faith, especially Faizí, called out, “Here is a bumper to the confusion of the lawyers!” On the last day of this feast, when the sun enters the nineteenth degree of Aries (a day called Sharafu-lsharaf, and considered particularly holy by His Majesty), the grandees were promoted, or received new jágírs, or horses, or dresses of honor, according to the rules of hospitality, or in proportion of the tribute they had brought.”

In this year Gulbadan Begum [Akbar's aunt] and Salímah Sulṭán Begum returned from a pilgrimage to Makkah. Soon after Sháh Abú Turáb also, and I'timád Khán of Gujrát, returned from the pilgrimage, and brought an immense stone with them, which had to be transported on an elephant. The stone contained, according to Abú Turáb, an impression of the foot of the prophet. Akbar—though it is difficult to guess the motive—went four kos to meet it, and the grandees were ordered to carry the stone themselves by turns, and thus it was brought to town.

“In this year, Shaikh Mubárik of Nágor said in the presence of the emperor to Bír Baṛ, “Just as there are interpolations in your holy books, so there are many in ours (Qorán); hence it is impossible to trust either.”

Some shameless and ill-starred wretches also asked His Majesty, why at the approaching close of the Millennium, he did not make use of the sword, ‘the most convincing proof,’ as Sháh Ismá'íl of Persia had done. But His Majesty, at last, was convinced that confidence in him as a leader was a matter of time and good counsel, and did not require the sword. And indeed, if His Majesty, in setting up his claims, and making his innovations, had spent a little money, he would have easily got most of the courtiers, and much more the vulgar, into his devilish nets.

The following Rubá'í of Náçir i Khusrau was often quoted at court —

At a council meeting for renovating the religion of the empire, Rájah Bhagawán said, “I would willingly believe that Hindus and Musalmáns have each a bad religion; but only tell us where the new sect is, and what opinion they hold, so that I may believe.” His Majesty reflected a little, and ceased to urge the Rájah. But the alteration of the orders of our glorious faith was continued. The Táríkh was found in the words Ihdás i bid'at, the innovation of heresy (990).

During those days also the public prayers and the azán, which was chanted five times a day for assembly to prayer in the statehall, were abolished. Names like Ahmad, Muhammad, Muçṭafa, &c., became offensive to His Majesty, who thereby wished to please the infidels outside, and the princesses inside, the Harem, till, after some time, those courtiers who had such names, changed them; and names as Yár Muhammad, Muhammad Khán, were altered to Rahmat. To call such ill-starred wretches by the name of our blessed prophet would indeed be wrong, and there was not only room for improvement by altering their names, but it was even necessary to change them, according to the proverb, ‘It is wrong to put fine jewels on the neck of a pig.’

And this destructive fire broke all out in A´grah, burnt down great and small families, and did not even spare their family tombs—May God forsake these wretches!”

“In Rabí'ussání 990, Mír Fathullah came from the Dak'hin (vide above p. 33).* * * * As he had been an immediate pupil of Mír Ghiásuddín Mançúr of Shíráz, who had not been overstrict in religious matters, His Majesty thought that Fathullah would only be too glad to enter into his religious scheme. But Fathullah was such a stanch Shí'ah, and at the same time such a worldly office-hunter, and such a worshipper of mammon and of the nobility, that he would not give up a jot of the tittles of bigoted Shí'ism. Even in the statehall he said, with the greatest composure, his Shí'ah prayers—a thing which no one else would have dared to do. His Majesty, therefore, put him among the class of the bigots; but he connived at his practices, because he thought it desirable to encourage a man of such attainments and practical knowledge. Once the emperor, in Fathullah's presence,¹ said to Bír Baṛ, “I really wonder how any one in his senses can believe that a man, whose body has a certain weight, could, in the space of a moment, leave his bed, go up to heaven, there have 90,000 conversations with God, and yet on his return find his bed still warm?” So also was the splitting of the moon ridiculed. “Why,” said His Majesty, lifting up one foot, “it is really impossible for me to lift up the other foot! What silly stories men will believe.” And that wretch (Bír Baṛ) and some other wretches—whose names be forgotten—said, “Yea, we believe! Yea, we trust!” This great foot-experiment was repeated over and over again. But Fathullah—His Majesty had been every moment looking at him, because he wanted him to say something; for he was a new-comer—looked straight before himself, and did not utter a syllable, though he was all ear.”

Here Badáoní mentions the translations from Sanscrit into Persian, which have been alluded to above, p. 104. It is not quite certain whether the translations were made from Sanscrit, or from Hindí translations, or from both. Badáoní clearly states that for some translations, as as the At'harban, Hindus were used as interpreters. For other works as the Mahabhárat, there may have been Hindí translations or extracts, because Akbar himself (vide p. 105, note 1) translated passages to Naqíb Khán. Abulfazl also states that he was assisted by Pandits when writing the fourth book of the A´ín. Compare Sir H. Elliott's Index to the Historians of India, p. 259.

“In these days (991) new orders were given. The killing of animals on certain days was forbidden, as on Sundays, because this day is sacred to the Sun; during the first eighteen days of the month of Farwardín; the whole month of A´bán (the month in which His Majesty was born); and on several other days, to please the Hindus. This order was extended over the whole realm, and capital punishment was inflicted on every one who acted against the command. Many a family was ruined. During the time of these fasts, His Majesty abstained altogether from meat, as a religious penance, gradually extending the several fasts during a year over six months and even more, with the view of eventually discontinuing the use of meat altogether.

A second order was given that the Sun should be worshipped four times a day, in the morning and evening, and at noon and midnight. His Majesty had also one thousand and one Sanscrit names of the Sun collected, and read them daily, devoutly turning towards the sun; he then used to get hold of both ears, and turning himself quickly round about, used to strike the lower ends of the ears with his fists. He also adopted several other practices connected with sun-worship. He used to wear the Hindu mark on his forehead, and ordered the band to play at midnight and at break of day. Mosques and prayer-rooms were changed into store rooms, or given to Hindu Chaukídárs. For the word jamá'at (public prayer), His Majesty used the term jimá' (copulation), and for hayya¹ ala, he said yalalá talalá.

The cemetry within the town was ordered to be sequestered.”

“In the same year (991), His Majesty built outside the town two places for feeding poor Hindus and Muhammadans, one of them being called Khairpúrah, and the other Dharmpúrah. Some of Abulfazl's people were put in charge of them. They spent His Majesty's money in feeding the poor. As an immense number of Jogís also flocked to this establishment, a third place was built, which got the name of Jogípúrah. His Majesty also called some of the Jogís, and gave them at night private interviews, enquiring into abstruse truths; their articles of faith; their occupations; the influence of pensiveness; their several practices and usages; the power of being absent from the body; or into alchemy, physiognomy, and the power of omnipresence of the soul. His Majesty even learned alchemy, and shewed in public some of the gold made by him. Once a year also during a night called Sívrát, a great meeting was held of all Jogís of the empire, when the emperor ate and drank with the principal Jogís, who promised him that he should live three and four times as long as ordinary men. His Majesty fully believed it, and connecting their promises with other inferences he had drawn, he got quite convinced of it. Fawning court doctors, wisely enough, found proofs for the longevity of the emperor, and said that the cycle of the moon, during which the lives of men are short, was drawing to its close, and that the cycle of Saturn¹ was at hand, with which a new cycle of ages, and consequently the original longevity of mankind, would again commence. Thus they said, it was mentioned in some holy books that men used to live up to the age of one thousand years, whilst in Sanscrit books the ages of some men were put down as ten thousand years; and in Thibet, there were even now a class of Lámahs, or Mongolian devotees, and recluses, and hermits, that live two hundred years, and more. For this reason, His Majesty, in imitation of the usages of these Lámahs, limited the time he spent in the Harem, curtailed his food and drink, but especially abstained from meat. He also shaved the hair of the crown of his head, and let the hairs at the sides grow, because he believed that the soul of perfect beings, at the time of death, passes out by the crown (which is the tenth opening² of the human body) under a noise resembling thunder, which the dying man may look upon as a proof of his happiness and salvation from sin, and as a sign that his soul, by metempsychosis, will pass into the body of some grand and mighty king.

His Majesty gave his religious system the name of Tauhíd i Iláhí, or ‘Divine Monotheism.’

He also called, according to the manner of the Jogís, a number of special disciples Chelahs (slaves). A lot of vile, swindling, wicked birds, who were not admitted to the palace, stood every morning opposite to the window, near which His Majesty used to pray to the sun, and declared, they had made vows not to rinse their mouths, nor to eat and drink, before they had seen the blessed countenance of the emperor; and every evening, there was a regular court assembly of needy Hindus and Muhammadans, all sorts of people, men and women, healthy and sick, a queer gathering, and a most terrible crowd. No sooner had His Majesty finished saying the 1001 names of the ‘Greater Luminary’, and stepped out into the balcony, than the whole crowd prostrated themselves. Cheating, thieving Brahmins collected another set of 1001 names of ‘His Majesty the Sun,’ and told the emperor that he was an incarnation, like Rám, Kishn, and other infidel kings; and though Lord of the world, he had assumed his shape, in order to play with the people of our planet. In order to flatter him, they also brought Sanscrit verses, said to have been taken from the sayings of ancient sages, in which it was predicted that a great conqueror would rise up in India, who would honor Brahmins and cows, and govern the earth with justice. They also wrote this nonsense on old looking paper, and shewed it to the emperor, who believed every word of it.

In this year also, in the state hall of Fathpúr, the ten cubit square of the Hanafís and the Qullatain¹ of the Sháfi'ís and Shí'ahs were compared. The fluid quantum of the Hanafís was greater than that of the others.

His Majesty once ordered that the Sunnís should stand separately from the Shí'ahs, when the Hindustánís, without exception, went to the Sunní side, and the Persians to the Shí'ah side.”

“During this year [992], Mullá Iláhdád of Amrohah and Mullá Sherí attended at Court, in order to flatter the emperor; for they had been appointed to Çadrships in the Duáb of the Panjáb. Mullá Sherí presented to His Majesty a poem made by him, entitled Hazár Shuá', or ‘The Thousand Rays,’ which contained 1,000 qiṭa'hs in praise of the Sun. His Majesty was much pleased.”

At the feast of the emperor's accession in 992, numerous conversions took place. [Bad. II. p. 338.]

“They were admitted as disciples in sets of twelve, one set at a time, and declared their willingness to adopt the new principles, and to follow the new religion. Instead of the usual tree,¹ His Majesty gave his likeness, upon which the disciples looked as a symbol of faith and the advancement of virtue and prosperity. They used to wrap it up in cloth studded with jewels, and wore it on the top of their turbans. The phrase ‘Alláhu Akbar’ was ordered to be used as the heading in all writings. Playing with dice, and taking interest, were allowed, and so in fact was every thing else admitted which is forbidden in the Islám. A play-house was even built at Court, and money from the exchequer was lent to the players on interest (vide Second book, A´ín 15). Interest and shatal (money given at the end of the play to the by-standers) were looked upon as very satisfactory things.

Girls before the age of fourteen, and boys before sixteen, were not to marry, and the story of the marriage night of the Prophet with Çiddíqah² was totally disapproved of.² But why should I mention other blasphemies— May the attention which any one pays to them run away like Quicksilver— really I do not know what human ears cannot bear to hear!

The sins which all prophets are known to have committed, were cited as a reason, why people should not believe the words of the prophets. So especially in the case of David³ and the story of Uriah. And if any one dared to differ from the belief of these men, he was looked upon as fit to be killed, or as an apostate and everlastingly damned, or he was called a lawyer and enemy of the emperor. But according to the proverb, ‘What people sow, that they shall reap,’ they themselves became notorious in the whole world as the greatest heretics by their damnable innovations, and ‘the infallible authority’ got the nick name of Abújahl.⁴ Yes, ‘If the king is bad, the Vizier is worse.’ Looking after worldly matters was placed before religious concerns; but of all things, these innovations were the most important, and every thing else was accessory.

In order to direct another blow at the honour of our religion, His Majesty ordered that the stalls of the Fancy bázárs, which are held on New year's-day, should, for a stated time, be given up for the enjoyment of the Begums and the women of the Harem, and also for any other married ladies. On such occasions, His Majesty spent much money; and the important affairs of Harem people, marriage-contracts, and betrothals of boys and girls, were arranged at such meetings.

The real object of those who became disciples was to get into office; and though His Majesty did everything to get this out of their heads, he acted very differently in the case of Hindus, of whom he could not get enough; for the Hindus, of course, are indispensible; to them belongs half the army and half the land. Neither the Hindústánís nor the Moghuls can point to such grand lords as the Hindus have among themselves. But if others than Hindus came, and wished to become disciples at any sacrifice, His Majesty reproved or punished them. For their honour and zeal he did not care, nor did he notice whether they fell in with his views or not.”

“In this year Sulṭán Khwájah died. He also belonged to the elect disciples of His Majesty. After burying him, they laid down a new rule. They put a grate over his grave in such a manner that the light of the rising sun, which cleanses from all sins, could shine on the face of the corpse. People said, they had seen fiery tongues resting over his mouth, but God knows best.”

During the month of Çafar (the second month of the year) 994, Akbar's troops were defeated by the Yúsufzaís. Badáoní says (p. 350):

“Nearly 8,000 men, perhaps even more, were killed. Bír Baṛ also, who had fled from fear of his life, was slain, and entered the row of the dogs in hell, and thus got something for the abominable deeds he had done during his lifetime. During the last night attack, many grandees and persons of renown were killed, as Hasán Khán,¹ and Khwájah 'Arab, paymaster (colonel) of Khán Jahán, and Mullá Sherí, the poet, and many others whose names I cannot specify. The words az Khwájah 'Arab haif² express the Táríkh of the defeat, by one less. Hakím Abulfath and Zain Khán, on the 5th Rabí'ulawwal, reached with their defeated troops the fort of A´ṭak.* * * But His Majesty cared for the death of no grandee more than for that of Bír Baṛ. He said, “Alas! they could not even get his body out of the pass, that it might have been burned;” but at last, he consoled himself with the thought, that Bír Baṛ was now free and independent of all earthly fetters, and as the rays of the sun were sufficient for him, there was no necessity that he should be cleansed by fire.”

New orders were given in the beginning of 995. [Page 356.]

“No one was to marry more than one wife, except in cases of barrenness; but in all other cases the rule was, ‘One God, and one wife.’ Women, on reaching the limit of their period of fertility, when their courses stop, should no longer wish for the husband. If widows liked to re-marry, they might do so, though this was¹ against the ideas of the Hindus. A Hindu girl, whose husband had died before the marriage was consummated, should not be burnt. If, however, the Hindus thought this a hardship, they should not be prevented (from burning the girl); but then a Hindu widow should take the girl……²

Again, if disciples meet each other, one should say ‘Alláhu Akbar,’ and the other should respond ‘Jalla Jaláluhu.’ These formulas were to take the place of our salám, and the answer to the salám. The beginning of counting Hindu months should be the 28th day, and not the 16th, because the latter was the invention and innovation of Bikramájít. The Hindu feasts, likewise, were to take place in accordance with this rule. But the order was not obeyed, though farmáns to that effect, as early as 990, had been sent to Gujrát and Bengal.

Common people should no longer learn Arabic, because such people were generally the cause of much mischief. Cases between Hindus should be decided by learned Brahmins, and not by Musalmán Qázís. If it were necessary to have recourse to oaths, they should put heated irons into the hands of the accused, who was guilty if his hands were burnt, but innocent if not; or they should put the hands of the accused into hot, liquid butter; or the accused should jump into water, and if he came to the surface before an arrow had returned to the ground, which had been shot off when the man jumped into the water, he was guilty.

People should be buried with their heads towards the east, and their feet towards the west.¹ His Majesty even commenced to sleep in this position.”

“In the same year the prohibition of the study of Arabic was extended to all. People should learn Astronomy, Mathematics, Medicine, and Philosophy. The Táríkh of this order is Fasád i fazl (995).* *

On the 10th day of Muharram 996, His Majesty had invited the Khán Khánán, and Mán Singh (who had just been appointed governor of Bahár, Hájípúr and Patna); and whilst they were drinking, His Majesty commenced to talk about the Divine Faith, in order to test Mán Singh. He said without reserve, “If Your Majesty mean by the term of membership, willingness to sacrifice one's life, I have given pretty clear proofs, and Your Majesty might dispense with examining me; but if the term has another meaning, and refers to religion, surely I am a Hindu. And if I am to become a Muhammadan, Your Majesty ought to say so— but besides Hinduism and Islám, I know of no other religion.” The emperor then gave up urging him.

During the month of Çafar 996, Mírzá Fúlád Beg Barlás managed to get one night Mullá Ahmad of T'hat'hah, on some pretext, out of his house, and stabbed at him, because the Mullá openly reviled [as Shí'ahs do] the companions of the prophet. The Táríkh of this event is expressed by the words Zihe khanjar i Fúlád, ‘Hail, steel of Fúlád,’ or by Khúk i saqarí, ‘hellish hog!’ And really, when this dog of the age was in his agony, I saw that his face looked just like the head of a pig,² and others too witnessed it—O God! we take refuge with Thee against the evil which may befall us! His Majesty had Mírzá Fúlád tied to the foot of an elephant and dragged through the streets of Láhor; for when Hakím Abulfath, at the request of the emperor, had asked the Mírzá, whether he had stabbed at the Mullá from religious hatred, he had said, “If religious hatred had been my motive, it would have been better to kill a greater one³ than the Mullá.” The Hakím reported these words to His Majesty, who said, “This fellow is a scoundrel; he must not be allowed to remain alive,” and ordered his execution, though the people of the Harem asked the emperor to spare him for his general bravery and courage. The Mullá outlived the Mírzá three or four days. The Shí'ahs, at the time of washing his corpse, say that, in conformity with their religion, they put a long nail into the anus, and plunged him several times into the river.¹ After his burial, Shaikh Faizí and Shaikh Abulfazl put guards over his grave; but notwithstanding all precaution, during the year His Majesty went to Kashmír, the people of Láhor, one night, took the hideous corpse of the Mullá from the grave, and burned it.”

“In 999, the flesh of oxen, buffaloes, goats, horses, and camels, was forbidden. If a Hindu woman wished to be burnt with her husband, they should not prevent her; but she should not be forced. Circumcision was forbidden before the age of twelve, and was then to be left to the will of the boys. If any one was seen eating together with a butcher, he was to lose his hand, or if he belonged to the butcher's relations, the fingers which he used in eating.

In 1000, the custom of shaving off the beard was introduced.”

In 1002, special orders were given to the kotwáls to carry out Akbar's commands. They will be found in the Third book of the A´ín, A´ín 5. The following are new:

If any of the darsaniyyah² disciples died, whether man or woman, they should hang some uncooked grains and a burnt brick round the neck of the corpse, and throw it into the river, and then they should take out the corpse, and burn it at a place where no water was. But this order is based upon a fundamental rule, which His Majesty indicated, but which I cannot here mention.

If a woman was older than her husband by twelve years, he should not lie with her, and if a young girl was found running about town, whether veiled or not, or if a woman was bad, or quarrelled with her husband, she should be sent to the quarter of the prostitutes, to do there what she liked.”

“At the time of famines and distress, parents were allowed to sell their children, but they might again buy them, if they acquired means to repay their price. Hindus who, when young, had from pressure become Musalmáns, were allowed to go back to the faith of their fathers. No man should be interfered with on account of his religion, and every one should be allowed to change his religion, if he liked. If a Hindu woman fall in love with a Muhammadan, and change her religion, she should be taken from him by force, and be given back to her family. People should not be molested, if they wished to build churches and prayer rooms, or idol temples, or fire temples.”

“In this year A'zam Khán returned from Makkah, where he had suffered much harm at the hands of the Sharífs,¹ and throwing away the blessing which he had derived from the pilgrimage, joined, immediately on his return, the Divine Faith, performing the sijdah and following all other rules of discipleship; he cut off his beard, and was very forward at social meetings and in conversation. He learnt the rules of the new faith from the Reverend Master Abulfazl, and got Gházípúr and Hájípúr as jágír.”

“During the Muharram of 1004, Çadr Jahán, muftí of the empire, who had been promoted to a commandership of One Thousand, joined the Divine Faith, as also his two over-ambitious sons; and having taken the Shaçt² of the new religion, he ran into the net like a fish, and got his Hazáríship. He even asked His Majesty what he was to do with his beard, when he was told to let it be. On the same day, Mullá Taqí of Shushtar³ joined, who looks upon himself as the learned of all learned, and is just now engaged in rendering the Sháhnámah into prose, according to the wishes of the emperor, using the phrase jallat 'azmatuhu wa 'azza shánuhu,⁴ wherever the word Sun occurs. Among others that joined were Shaikhzádah Gosálah Khán of Banáras; Mullá Sháh Muhammad of Sháhábád;⁵ and Çúfí Ahmad, who claimed to belong to the progeny of the famous Muhammad Ghaus. They all accepted the four degrees of faith, and received appointments as Commanders from One Hundred to Five Hundred, gave up their beards agreeably to the rules, and thus looked like the youths in Paradise. The words mútarásh i chand, or ‘several shavers’, express the táríkh of this event (1004). The new candidates behaved like Hindus that turn Muhammadan,⁶ or like those who are dressed in red clothes, and look in their joy towards their relations, who say to them, “My dear little man, these rags will be old to-morrow, but the Islám will still remain on your neck. This Ahmad, ‘the little Çúfí’, is the same who claimed to be the pupil, or rather the perfect successor, of Shaikh Ahmad of Egypt. He said that at the express desire of that religious leader of the age, he had come to India, and the Shaikh had frequently told him, to assist the Sulṭán of India, should he commit an error, and lead him back from everlasting damnation. But the opposite was the case.”

So far Badáoní. We have, therefore, the following list of members of the Divine Faith. With the exception of Bír Baṛ, they are all Muhammadans; but to judge from Badáoní's remarks, the number of those that took the Shaçt, must have been much larger.

Nos. 4 to 6 are taken from the A´ín; the others are mentioned in the above extracts from Badáoní. The literary element is well represented in the list.

The above extracts from Badáoní possess a peculiar value, because they show the rise and progress of Akbar's views, from the first doubt of the correctness of the Islám to its total rejection, and the gradual establishment of a new Faith combining the principal features of Hinduism and the Fireworship of the Pársís. This value does not attach to the scattered remarks in the A´ín, nor to the longer article in the Dabistán.

As the author of the latter work has used Badáoní, it will only be necessary to collect the few remarks which are new.

The following two miracles are connected with Akbar's birth.

[Dabistán, p. 390.¹]

“Khwájah Mas'úd, son of Khwájah Mahmúd, son of Khwájah Murshidulhaq, who was a gifted Çáhib i hál,¹ said to the writer of this book, “My father related, he had heard from great saints, that the Lord of the faith and the world ‘reveals himself.’ I did not know, whether that august personage had appeared or would appear, till, at last, one night I saw that event, and when I awoke, I suddenly arrived at that place, where the blessed¹ Lord was born, namely on a Sunday of the month of Rajab of the year 949, the lord Jaláluddín Akbar, the august son of Humáyún Pádisháh and Hamídah Bánú Begum.”

The second miracle has been related above, on p. 163, note 3. These two miracles make up the first of the four chapters, into which the author of the Dabistán has divided his article on the “Divine Faith.” The second chapter contains religious dialogues, and extracts from Badáoní, which are rather conjecturally rendered in Shea's Translation. The third chapter contains remarks on the worship of the sun and stars, chiefly with reference to the sun-worship of the Tátárs.² The last chapter contains extracts from the third and fifth books of the A´ín.

P. 410. “His Majesty also sent money to I´rán, to bring to India a wise Zoroastrian of the name of Ardsher.”³

P. 412. Abulfazl wrote, as a counterpart to his commentary on the A´yatulkursí (p. 169), a preface to the translation of the Mahábhárat (vide p. 105) of two juz.

P. 413. “When Sulṭán Khwájah,⁴ who belonged to the members of the Divine Faith, was near his death, he said that he hoped, His Majesty would not have him buried like a mad man. He was therefore buried in a grave with a peculiar lamp, and a grate was laid over it, so that the greater luminary, whose light cleanses from all sins, might shine upon him.* * *

Should a Hindu woman fall in love with a Muhammadan, and be converted to the Islám, she would be taken away by force and handed over to her family; but so should also a Musalmán woman, who had fallen in love with a Hindu, be prevented from joining Hinduism.”⁵

P. 414. “I heard from Mullá Tarson of Badakhshán, who was a Hanafí by sect, that once during the year 1058, he had gone on a pilgrimage to Sikandrah, the burial place of Akbar. “One of my companions,” he said, “declined to enter the pure mausoleum, and even abused the Representative of God [Akbar]. My other companions said, “If Akbar possesses hidden knowledge, that man will certainly come to grief.” Soon after a piece of a broken stone fell down, and crushed his toe.”

P. 431. “In Multán, I saw Sháh Salámullah, who has renounced the world, and is a muahhid (Unitarian). He is very rigid in discipline, and avoids the society of men. He said, he had often been in company with Jaláluddín Akbar, and had heard him frequently say, “Had I formerly possessed the knowledge which I now have, I would never have chosen a wife for myself; for upon old women I look as mothers, on women of my age as sisters, and on girls as daughters.” A friend of mine said, he had heard Nawáb Abul Hasan, called Lashkar Khán of Mashhad, report the same as having been said by Akbar.

Salámullah also said that God's Representative (Akbar) had often wept and said, “O that my body were larger than all bodies together, so that the people of the world could feed on it without hurting other living animals.”

A sign of the sagacity of this king is this, that he employed in his service people of all classes,¹ Jews, Persians, Túránís, &c., because one class of people, if employed to the exclusion of others, would cause rebellions, as in the case of the Uzbaks and Qizilbáshes (Persians), who used to dethrone their kings. Hence Sháh 'Abbás, son of Sulṭán Khudábandah i Çafawí, imitated the practice of Akbar, and favoured the Gurjís (Georgians). Akbar paid likewise no regard to hereditary power, or genealogy and fame, but favoured those whom he thought to excel in knowledge and manners.”

The passages in the A´ín which refer to Akbar's religious views are the following:—p. III; 11; 48; 49; 54; 57; 58, l. 4 from below; A´ín 26, p. 61; p. 90, notes 3 and 4, the Sanscrit names being very likely those which were alluded to by Badáoní, vide above p. 180, l. 18; p. 91, note 3; p. 103, note 3; 104, 105, 106; p. 108 l. 22, because the “making of likenesses” is as much forbidden by the Islám, as it was interdicted by the Mosaic law; A´ín 72, p. 153; 159; A´ín 77, p. 162; A´ín 81, p. 216. In the Second Book, A´íns 18, 19, 22, 23, 24, 25; in the IIId book, end of A´ín 1 (Táríkh Iláhí); A´íns 2, 5, 9, 10; and lastly, the greater part of the fifth book.

It will be observed that the remarks on Akbar's religious views do not extend beyond the year 1596, when the greater part of the A´ín had been completed. Badáoní's history ends with A. H. 1004, or A. D. 1595; but his remarks on Akbar's religion become more and more sparing towards the end, and as subsequent historians, even Jahángír in his ‘Memoirs,’ are almost entirely silent on the religious ideas of the emperor, we have no means of following them up after 1596. Akbar, in all probability, continued worshipping the sun, and retained all other peculiarities of his monotheistic Pársí-Hinduism, dying as he had lived. The story related in that edition of Jahángír's Memoirs which has been translated by Major Price, that Akbar died as a good Musalmán, and ‘repented’ on his death-bed, is most untrustworthy, as every other particular of that narrative.¹

With Akbar's death,² the Divine Faith died out. Akbar, solely relying on his influence and example, had established no priesthood, and had appointed no proper person for propagating his faith. If we except the influence which his spirit of toleration exerted, the masses had remained passive. Most of the members, mentioned on p. 209, had died before Akbar; such as were still alive, as Sharíf of A´mul took again to sophistry, and tried to create sensations under Jahángír.¹ As Jahángír did not trouble himself about any religion, Akbar's spirit of toleration soon changed to indifference, and gradually died out, when a reaction in favour of bigotry set in under Aurangzeb. But people still talked of the Divine Faith in 1643 or 1648, when the author of the Dabistán collected his notes on Akbar's religion.²