History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 1

VI

BEG-LÁR-NÁMA.

This work derives its name from the person to whom it was dedicated, and by whose advice it was undertaken: Sháh Kásim Khán, son of Amír Saiyid Kásim Beg-Lár. We learn nothing of the author—not even his name—either from the preface or the body of the history. We can only tell, from the tone in which he speaks of his patron, that he must have been a most abject dependant.

The name of Beg-Lár, we are told, belonged to his patron's family by hereditary descent, and is not therefore to be confounded with the Beglerbegs of Turkey and Persia, who are the viceroys or governors of the Provinces.²⁸⁹ The Beg-Lár family after residing for some generations at Turmuz, came to reside at Samarkand, whence we had them emigrating to Sind. They pretend to derive their origin from 'Ali, the son-in-law and cousin-german of the Prophet. The genealogy is given in the Beg-Lár-náma and Tuhfatu-l Kirám. Their intimate connection with the Arghúns is attributed to one of their remote ancestors having taken up his abode in Khitá, where he and his descendants continued in friendly communication with the Turks. This connection, indeed, frequently gives rise to the Beg-Lár family's being called Arghún, as at pp. 263, 287, in the extract from the Táríkh-i Táhirí, where the patron of our author is styled an Arghún.

Amír Sháh Kásim came from Samarkand to Sind in the time of Sháh Husain Arghún, and was received with distinction. He married the niece of the Wairsí Ráná of 'Umarkot, and as her father was a Bhattí Rájpút, Sháh Kásim, the produce of this marriage, was half a Bhattí, and amongst that tribe he was brought up. It is to him, under the title of Khán-i Zamán, that this book is chiefly devoted, and as he acted an important part in the affairs of the kingdom, we are treated with tedious reports of the most trifling exploits performed by him and his sons, consisting chiefly of provincial contests, border feuds and cattle raids. This minute history, however, compels the author to mention the names of streams, forts, villages and tribes, which in themselves sometimes possess considerable interest. Even the local hostilities and intermarriages of clans afford matter of speculation to the curious enquirer, and on all these points some information is to be gleaned from the Beg-Lár-náma.²⁹⁰

As the little that there is of general interest centres in the connection which Khán-i Zamán had with public characters, it may as well be mentioned that he first rose to some distinction under Sháh Husain, the Arghún ruler of Sind. He then served successively Mirzá Ísá Tarkhán, Ján Bábá, Mirzá Muhammad Bákí, and Mirzá Jání Beg. When this chief went to render his submission to the Emperor Akbar, Khán-i Zamán accompanied him, and was received with favour. He was afterwards nominated to an appointment in Sind under Mirzá Ghází Beg, and lived to an old age in that country, surrounded by a large and thriving family. His son, Mír Abú-l Kásim Sultán, was celebrated for his gallant conduct in the field, as well as for his literary talents. After rebelling against the constituted authorities, he was pardoned through the intercession of his father; but was subsequently blinded to prevent his exciting further disturbances.

The exact date of the composition of this work cannot be fixed with precision within twenty years—1017 and 1036 H.—because the intimations we have on that point are altogether contradictory and irreconcilable. We are told (p. 256) that the author's patron has “at this period, (aknún)” that is 1017 “reached the age of seventy.” About this there can be no doubt, because we have already been informed (p. 36) that he was born in 947— moreover the date is given not only in numerals but in text. But we are informed (p. 27) of Mirzá Ghází Beg's death, which occurred in 1021; about which, also, there can be no doubt, as it is substantiated by a chronogram in the Tuhfatu-l Kirám (p. 72). Again, in enumerating the children of his patron, (pp. 260, 261) we have the dates of 1032 and 1033, both in text and numerals. It could not have been composed at any period more than three years beyond this, because Jahángír is mentioned as the reigning monarch. Taking all these points into consideration, we may consider, either that the rough draft was written in 1017, and that a second was made about 1035, when the subsequent dates gained admission; or that aknún, as at p. 41, is used with reference to the event which the author is describing, not with reference to the period at which he is writing—in short, in the sense of “at that time,” not “at this present.” If so, the date of 1017 relates only to the time when Khán-i Zamán had completely peopled and settled the country round the fort of Saiyid-garh, of which he finished the building in 1011; and we can fix with tolerable certainty upon the year 1034, or 1035—say 1625 A.D.—as that in which the Beg-Lár-náma was brought to a conclusion; but I have no great confidence in this interpretation, and it must be confessed that the matter is not worth further enquiry.

The Beg-Lár-náma, after the preface, opens with a general abstract history of Sind and the Arab invasion, in twenty-two pages: we then have a very slight notice of the Arghúns, with a biography of Amír Kásim Beg, extending altogether to eighteen pages: and from that to the end we have detailed accounts of the squabbles amongst the various members of the Tarkhán family, with the insertion of every expedition of robbery and plunder in which the noble Khan-i Zamán himself was in the remotest degree concerned.

This work is not found in India, except in the provinces of Sind, where I know of three copies. There is one in the Imperial Library at Paris. Fonds Gentil, No. 17.²⁹² Size Quarto, (12 × 9 inches). 275 pages of 17 lines each.

EXTRACTS.

Aboriginal Inhabitants of Sind.

Sind derives its name from Sind, the son of Ham the son of Núh (God's peace be with him!) and the province remained in possession of his descendants; but their names cannot be found in any books of history, nor have I heard them in legendary stories, and I am therefore compelled to omit them. That which I have heard from common report is this, that in olden time the Province of Sind was held by the tribes of Bína, Ták, and Nabúmiya; but the period of their government is not known. After a time, Sahasí Ráí reigned in the fort of Alór,^292a and all Sind and Hind was under his rule. When he died, Chach Brahman became master of Sind and Hind. His capital was the fort of Brahmanábád, and his dominions extended to the confines of Kashmír. His son Dáhir succeeded him and became master of the whole kingdom. In his days the armies of Islám arrived under the command of Muhammad Kásim, and after many battles Dáhir was slain.

Mír Kásim Beg-Lár marries the daughter of Ráná Kúmba.

It appears that in those days when Mir Kásim Beg-Lár deceased held the governorship of 'Umarkot,^292b Ráná^292c Kúmba Wairsí represented to him that an inveterate and deep-rooted enmity existed between his people and the Ráthors of the fort of Nílma,^292d and he was therefore solicited to march against them, that ample revenge might be taken. The Mír complied with his request, and he accordingly marched with the people of the Sodha tribe²⁹³ in that direction. When the warlike and fierce Ráthors were informed of the coming of the ever-successful army, they armed themselves and advanced boldly to the field of battle. Both armies stood in powerful array against each other. The Ráná intimated to the Mír that it was an old-established custom amongst their tribes that both parties should alight from their horses and engage on foot.^293a The most noble Amír agreed to this and issued orders to his army, which consisted of Sodhas, that they should dismount while they opposed the enemy. The Amír took his bow from the easel and began to shoot his arrows. Every arrow told, piercing through the armour and bodies of the enemy, and each time sending a soul to the world of annihilation. Twenty of the enemy having been slain, the remnant took to flight, confessing the Mír's bravery, and lauding him with a hundred thousand tongues. When the Sodhas witnessed such bravery and intrepidity, they resolved to honour themselves by seeking a matrimonial alliance with the Mír. The great and noble Mír, according to the will of God, accepted their prayers, and Rájia the daughter of Ráná Kúmba Wairsí's sister, a most modest chaste girl, whose father was the Bhattí chief of the fort of Jesalmír, was betrothed to him.^293b

* * * * * * *

Khán-i Zamán, with the aid of the Almighty, proceeded, with his friends and suite, after taking leave of Mirzá Ján Bábá, towards Jesalmír. When he arrived, he halted outside the fort on the margin of the tank,^293c and despatched a messenger to Ráí Dhar Ráj to say that Mirzá Ján Bábá had sent a robe of honour for him. The Ráí with much politeness, requested him to stay where he was encamped, and intimated that he would come to him on an auspicious day and hour to be invested with the robe. In those days the periodical rains, by the will of God, had not fallen, and the land all round was parched up. A single vessel of water was to be had only at a very heavy price, for there was no water in the lake. But, when the prosperous feet of this nobleman touched that ground, suddenly, by the will of God, rain fell: the dry land became saturated and green herbs sprung up in every place. In the morning, the Ráí came to visit him and had the honour of meeting him. He said that the rain had fallen only on account of his prosperous presence. He accompanied the Khán with great honour and respect into the fort, and then performed the rites of hospitality. Each day he showed him greater honour. The great Khán stayed there for the period of five months, after which he took leave and turned his reins towards Nasrpúr. Having reached the banks of the tank of Sánkra, he learnt that Jaish Khán and 'Aláu-d dín, having pursued their course along the eastern bank of the river, were proceeding towards Thatta to meet Ján Bábá. When they had reached the stream of the Rain, they were informed that Mirzá Ján Bábá, accompanied by Saiyid 'Alí Shírází, had gone to Mirzá Muhammad Bákí, and according to the will of God had been slain. On hearing this, they returned and reached Nasrpúr plundering the country on their road. Khán-i Zamán also went thither and met them. The exigencies of the time were such that he owed money, and as none of these people showed him any humanity and favour, he was much distressed in mind. He said he had placed all his reliance on Mirzá Ján Bábá, on whom the decree of God had now passed. He observed to his companions, “At present it is urgently necessary for me to pay some money in liquidation of my debt, what is your advice.” They replied— “These people possess much wealth and are proud of their riches. Now we are at your service and ready to accompany you wherever you desire.” On this, he proceeded towards the Sodhas, at the village of Tarangehí.

The Plunder of Tarangchí.

Khán-i Zamán, by the advice of his companions, set out and crossed the waters of Sánkra. When Dúda and Ghází learnt that he had gone in that direction with only a few men, they rode after him. As soon as 'Aláu-d dín and Míán were informed that their sons Ghází and Dúda had gone to join Khán-i Zamán, they also marched in the same direction with the intention of bringing them back. They reached the banks of the Sánkra at the time that Khán-i Zamán had crossed it, while Dúda and Ghází were only then preparing to pass the stream. When they saw that their fathers had come to take them back, they immediately threw themselves into the stream, swam their horses over, and joined Khán-i Zamán. They would not return, for they reflected that, if at this time they did not accompany him, the reward of their past services would be forfeited. In the afternoon, Khán-i Zamán, having watered his horses, left the village of Ráhú Madh, and that renowned lion, with only twelve horsemen, travelled through a large jungle the whole night. On arriving near the village of Tarangchí, he found the camels of the Sodhas there, and determined to carry them off without delay; but it occurred to him that he had better first let his horses quench their thirst. With this intent he proceeded towards the village, and there found the tracks of five hundred horses that had just passed over the ground. He was alarmed, and thought how impossible it was to save himself with so few men against such a host. He, however, advanced and asked the driver of the camels what army had passed by that road. The man replied that Mirzá Muhammad Bákí and Mirzá Ján Bábá had quarrelled with each other, and that the former had asked the Sodhas to reinforce him. Hence a force of about five hundred men of the Waisa tribe had passed that way. The Khán's companions were much alarmed at this intelligence, and brought back their horses without watering them; but they bravely and gallantly carried off the camels; many of these animals died on account of the severe marches they had to make. The next day, in the afternoon, the dauntless heroes reached the village of Ráhú Madh,²⁹⁵ where they stayed only sufficient time to drink water. At nightfall they halted at the village of Pariyárí. Early next morning they pursued their journey, and reached the village of Sítára, which belonged to the Anrán tribe. There they rested themselves without fear or danger. They divided the camels amongst themselves. One was given to Jaish Khan, another to Birlás, another to 'Aláu-d dín, and another to Míán Sodha.

* * * * * * *

Proceedings of Khán-i Zamán.

Khán-i Zamán had his head-quarters at Nasrpúr, and comforted the people under his rule by his kindness and justice.

* * * * * * *

As ties of relationship existed between him and the Bhattís, he sent Arab horses laden with all kinds of valuable articles to the Ránás of the Sodha, Rára, and Bhattí tribes, the Ráwats and the Ráthors, and the Ráís and Jáms of the Jhárejas; insomuch that the chiefs of 'Umarkot, Jesalmír, Bíkánír, Nirohí, Mahwa (Míwár?), Kótara, Báhalmír, Nílma, Bárkar, Kach, Náktí, Rámdinpúr, Chaudúwár, and the like, were gained by his bounty. No demand of service was made from them. These chiefs engraved the words of friendship and fidelity on their hearts, and considering themselves greatly honoured, were ready to exclaim:—“We are under great obligations to the Sháh! We can think of nothing else but of serving him. For we are favoured by his generosity, and will never turn our faces against his commands.” Being grateful they were always ready to obey his orders. If any service was required of them, they performed it with the greatest fidelity and submission, and whenever they were summoned they came willingly. As the Bháts and Chárans were dependents of these chiefs he used to reward these family bards whenever they came to him, with a lakh (of rupees?) or more. As Hewanda was the bard of the Bhattís, he presented him with a donation of one crore and a quarter, or one hundred and twenty-five lakhs (?), besides horses, camels, etc., which he likewise generously granted. In short, by the wise conduct of this great and enlightened noble, all men, great and small, bad and good, were as obedient to him as slaves. The renown of the excellent qualities of this second Hátim or Ma'n, was not only on the tongues of all the nobles and plebeians of his own land, but also spread over every part of the world.

The Sacking of 'Umarkot.

The appointment of the governorship of 'Umarkot depended upon the will of the kings of Sind, who removed the incumbent whenever they thought proper. About the time when Khán-i Khánán came to Sind, the governorship of that fort was held by Ráná Megráj. Khán-i Khánán expressed a desire to be connected by marriage with the Ráná, who having no daughter fit to be given in marriage to him, he was obliged to offer the hand of his brother Mán Sing's daughter. After the death of Ráná Megráj, Nawwáb Mirzá Jání Beg conferred the governorship of 'Umarkot on his son Kishan Dás. Animosity sprang up between this chief and Mán Sing, and he, having turned out Mán Sing from the fort, assumed the surname himself. Mán Sing, being related to Khán-i Khánán, sent his son to represent the matter to him. In those days Khan-i Khánán and Nawwáb Mirzá Jání Beg were both in attendance on the Emperor Akbar at Burhánpúr. Khán-i Khánán therefore recommended Mán Sing to the favour of Mirzá Jání Beg, who wrote to Mirzá Abú-l Kásim Sultán directing him to place Mán Sing in the governorship of the fort of 'Umarkot, and make Kishan Das understand that he was not to oppose and thwart him, but that the same rule with regard to their respective positions should be observed now, as had been established from of old in the family. Mír Abú-l Kásim Sultán, in obedience to this mandate, proceeded from the fort of Sháhgarh²⁹⁷ towards 'Umarkot. Having reached the village of Sámára he alighted there, Mán Sing being also with him. Ráná Kishan Dás being informed of this, collected his forces, and having encamped opposite the same village, drew up his army in hostile array. The Ráná Kishan Dás was in many ways related to the noble Khán-i Zamán, one of his sisters being married to Mír Abú-l Kásim, another to Sháh Mukím Sultán,^297a and he himself was son-in-law of Báncha Bhattí, the maternal nephew of the Khán. Some friendly people who were with the Amír were anxious that no fighting should take place between the parties. When they expressed their intention to the Ráná, he said he considered himself a servant of Mír Abú-l Kásim, and would not rebel against him: still Mán Sing must not be allowed any interference, because he was the originator of these quarrels and disturbances. Mír Abú-l Kásim, however, adhered to the orders he had received to place Mán Sing in the governorship. At length, upon the instigation of his well-meaning friends, the Ráná resolved to go to Mír Abú-l Kásim Sultán. So when he arrived, he alighted from his horse, and having changed his vanity and pride for humility and supplication, he advanced on foot for a long distance with his whole army, officers, dependants, and servants. He kissed the feet of the Sultán, and presented him the horse on which he had himself ridden. The Sultán mounted and gave him his hand. He then pitched his tent near²⁹⁸ the pool of Sámára and passed the night there. The Ráná also encamped on the margin of the pool. At daybreak, some of the people of the Mír's camp, who belonged to the Sameja tribe, went into the fields of the Sodhas and began to injure them. As hostilities had previously existed between these tribes, the Sodhas abused the Same-jas, and a quarrel ensued. Intelligence being brought to Mír Abú-l Kásim, he immediately hastened off; and Ráná Kishan Dás also set his army in array, and advanced with intent to fight, but his heart failing him, he took to flight, and proceeded towards Kaurhár. Mír Abú-l Kásim with his followers and companions, hastened to 'Umarkot. When he approached the fort, a son of the Ráná Kishan Dás who was in it, not being able to oppose him, took some money with him and fled. Upon this, the Mír entered the fort and the whole family of the Ráná were captured. But as they were related to him, they, together with his treasures,^298a were of course protected. All other things, however, were taken possession of by the army. Temples were demolished, cows were directed to be butchered, and the houses of the vile infidels were made to resound with the sound of trumpets and horns, and their filthy idols were polluted. In the idolatrous places of worship Muhammadan tenets were promulgated, and prayers were read for one entire week. He remained in the fort passing his time in festivity and pleasure. As the killing of cows and the breaking of idols is considered by the Sodhas to be the highest possible insult, the Ráná felt highly indignant, and having returned from the village of Kaurhár, he summoned the Sodhas from all sides and quarters to meet him at Gaddí. There they crowded ready to advance on 'Umarkot. They had been subjected to great ignominy, and so they were all ready to sacrifice their lives in revenge. When this news reached Khán-i Zamán, he, reflecting that both parties were enrolled in his army, was most anxious that no contest should take place between them, and consequently hurried away with the intention of effecting a reconciliation between them. He set out in the evening from Nasrpúr, and having travelled the whole night arrived early the next morning at the village of Gaddí, where the Ráná and the Sodhas had encamped. He sent his son Mír Sháh Mukím Sultán, Mír Fathí Beg Sultán, and Kána Bhattí, brother of Rám Bhattí, to the Ráná, in order to appease and comfort him. They accordingly went to him, and so far appeased him that he was induced to accompany them, and had the honour of kissing the Khán's feet. The Khán exalted him by the grant of a horse and robe of honour, and spoke words of sympathy and consolation. * * * * In the end, some of the plundered property was restored, but the Ráná obtained only poor satisfaction.

VII.

THESE two are different names of the same work, of which the author is Saiyid Jamál, son of Mír Jalálu-d dín Husainí Shírází, who composed his work in the year H. 1065 (1654-5 A.D.), as we learn from a casual notice in the genealogical tree, to be hereafter mentioned. The work is named after the Moghal families of Arghún and Tarkhán respectively, whose origin will be further noticed in the Appendix. The Arghún-náma is mentioned in the Tuhfatu-l Kirám as if it were a separate work, but there is nothing on the Arghúns in the latter history which is not derived from sources at present extant and available. I could find no trace of such a history in Sind, and I was told by several people in that province, that the work under consideration was the only one known as the Arghún-náma. As it treats with sufficient copiousness upon the Arghún history, as will be seen in the translated extract, there is no impropriety in giving it this assumed name, but it is obvious that the author himself styled it Tarkhán-namá only, in compliment to his patron Mirzá Muhammad Sálih, who was of the Tarkhán family.

There appears to have been at one time a history of that family of older date than this, because Saiyid Jamál informs us, that the Mirzá, being most anxious to acquaint himself with the genealogy and history of the Moghal tribes, and especially of his own ancestors, in order that he might learn precisely from what particular chief he was dcscended, commissioned our author to send him the book called Tarkhán-náma. This zealous individual, not being able, notwithstanding all his enquiries, to find any book of this name, determined to compose one himself to supply the deficiency, and for this purpose examined and extracted from Tabarí, the Rauzatu-s Safá, the Zafar-náma, the Taríkh-i Humáyúní, the Akbar-náma, the Nigáristán, the Táríkh-i Táhirí, the Muntakhab-i be-badal Yúsufí, the Táríkh-i Guzída, the Majma'u-l Ansáb, and others. And so having traced the progenitorship of the Tarkháns up to the Patriarch Noah, he completed what he styles his Tarkhán-náma.

In this enumeration of authorities we have another flagrant instance of that offensive suppression of the truth which so often excites our indignation in the Indian historians. The work to which Saiyid Jamál is most indebted is Mír M'asúm's Táríkh-i Sind, from which he has extracted and abridged, but with many omissions,³⁰¹ the whole history of the Arghúns and Tarkháns, from the rise of Sháh Beg, to the close of the independence of Sind under Jání Beg, and to which he is indebted even for the selection of whole sentences, as well as the frame of the narrative; and yet Mír M'asúm's name is nowhere mentioned, except where his grandfather Saíyid Mír Kalán (p. 96) is incidentally brought upon the stage. From some of the works quoted he has of course borrowed his Turkish genealogy, but even there his obligations seem to have been confined to the Rauzata-s Safá, the Zafar-náma , and the Majma'u-l Ansáb, which three works would have been sufficient to afford him all the information with which we are favoured on that subjeet. The Táríkh-i Táhirí, which is the only local history which he quotes, is, with strange inconsistency, not followed either for facts or dates.

Mírzá Muhammad Sálih, who is represented to have been endowed with every excellence, personal and intellectual, was the son of Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, grandson of the more celebrated holder of the same name, who founded the Tarkhán dynasty of Sind. Mirzá 'Ísá, the younger, was introduced to Akbar in 1012 H., and was treated by him and his successor, Jahángír, with distinguished consideration. As his independence of all favour and patronage, except that bestowed by the Emperor himself, rendered him obnoxious to the nobles about the Court, they managed that he should receive only those jágírs in which the turbulence of the inhabitants made the collection of revenue difficult;³⁰² but his bravery and good conduct defeated all these machinations, and he triumphed over the jealous opposition of of his enemies.

By an early acknowledgement of Sháh Jahán as Emperor, and his proclamation of him in the 'Idgáh of Ahmadábád, in which he anticipated the other more tardy nobles of Guzerát, where his jágír was then situated, he met with a distinguished reception from the new monarch, to whom he went to pay his respects on the banks of the Mahí. He was shortly afterwards preferred to the Súbadárí of Thatta, where he was directed to seize the person of Sharíru-l Mulk at all hazards. Having succeeded in sending this gallant but obnoxious individual a prisoner to the Imperial Court, he received the honour of a Naubat, a lac of rupees in cash, and the increase of 1000 to his personal rank. He obtained subsequently the Súbadárí of Guzerát, and died full of years and titles at the advanced age of ninety-five, in the year 1061 H. (1651 A.D.), four years previous to the composition of this work.

Mirzá Muhammad Sálih succeeded to some portion of the honours of his father, and the other members of the family had each a separate provision assigned to them by the royal munificence.

The Tarkhán-náma, after a preface of three pages, opens with a genealogical tree from Noah to Muhammad Sálih, extending through twenty-eight pages. We then have an abstract history of the Kháns of Turkistan, and of Changíz Khán, and his descendants who ruled in Írán, in forty pages; the history of the Arghúns in twenty-three pages; of the Tarkháns in thirty-three pages; concluding with the death of Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán abovementioned. Altogether, 127 pages 4to. (12 × 9 inches) of 17 lines each. The style is elegant, but, from a comparison with the original authorities, it will appear that its best graces are borrowed. Like other local histories of Sind, it is rare out of that province.

EXTRACTS.

The Arghún Dynasty of Kandahár and Sind.³⁰³

It is related by historians that Amír Zú-n Nún, son of Amír Basrí, one of the descendants of Arghún Khán Tarkhán, son of Abaká Khán, son of Hulákú Khán, son of Túlí Khán, son of Changíz Khán, a soldier distinguished for courage and bravery among the warriors of his tribe,^303a was employed by Abú Sa'íd Mirzá, and on all occasions acted up to his former character. By this conduct he became a great favourite of Sultán Abú Sa'íd. The honours and rewards he received subjected him to the envy and jealousy of his fellows, for his rank was elevated above that of all his relations.

When Sultán Abú Sa'íd was slain in the battle of Kárábágh, Amír Zú-n Nún retired to his father in Hirát. He served for a short time under Yádgár Mírzá. Afterwards, when Sultán Husain succeeded to the throne of Khúrásán, Mírzá Amír Misrí^303b died, Amír Zú-n Nún his son was regarded with favour by Sultán Husain Mirzá, who assigned him the chiefship of Ghór, Zamíndáwar and Kandahár, In these countries the warlike tribes of Hazára and Takdarí had complete power.^303c Amír Zú-n Nún, in the year 884 H. (1479-80 A.D.), proceeded in that direction with a small body of his tribesfolk (ulús) For some time he was engaged in hostilities with these people, and, being in all battles victorious and successful, he brought the countries into subjection to his rule. The Hazára, Takdarí, and all the other tribes having seen this, quietly submitted to his authority and made no further opposition. The services of Amír Zú-n Nún were so highly approved of, that Sultán Husain bi-l Karár made him absolute governor of Kandahár, Ghór, and other countries. After some time Amír Zú-n Nún Misrí obtained independent power in those provinces, and he also encroached upon the territories of Shál, Mustúng, and their dependencies. In the course of four more years he was in command of a large force and had entirely attached to his interest the people of Hazára, Takdarí, Kipchák, and the Moghals of Kandahár. On hearing this, Sultán Husain sent an imperative order, requiring him to present himself without delay at the imperial court. The Amír acted accordingly, and on his arrival at court made the usual presents. The people were all loud in their praises of his loyalty and fidelity, and consequently the Sultán presented him with a vest of honour, a richly caparisoned horse, kettle drums, and banner, and also granted him a royal patent of investiture. He then ordered him to leave his son and suite at the court, and himself proceed to Kandahár. Immediately on receipt of this order, the Amír seized the first opportunity of secretly taking his son and the nobles who had attended him, and marched with great rapidity to Kandahár, leaving, however, his property, arms, etc., behind him in his residence. In the course of two or three days the Sultán ordered that the Amír should not leave the court for Kandahár until after the festival of Nauroz. The royal messengers, on arriving at the Amír's residence, discovered the flight, and reported to the Sultán the state of affairs. The Sultán, on hearing of it, remarked that the Amír had evidently departed without any intention of returning. But the prince and the nobles argued that his having left horses, camels, carpets, and other property behind him was a proof that his absence would not be of long duration. The Sultán then said that his flight was only another proof of his ready wit and sagacity. However, regrets were now unavailing. A.H. 911 (1505 A.D.) Sultán Husain died, and the affairs of the kingdom of Khurásán fell into complete disorder.

Affairs were thus situated when in the Muharram of the year 913 H. (May, 1507) Muhammad Khán Shaibání Úzbek crossed the Jíhún with an enormous army, like a swarm of ants or locusts, which he had collected for the purpose of conquering Khurásán. Badí'u-z Zamán Mirzá, son of the late Sultán Husain, was in great alarm and consternation at the approach of this army, and instantly sent information of the fact to Amír Zú-n Nún.³⁰⁵ The Amír consulted with his sons and nobles, who all entertained different opinions on the subject, but the Amír declared that he considered it incumbent on him to march to the support of the Sultán, and that courage and humanity alike forbade him to remain inactive during this crisis. He said that his return was not to be hoped for, as the Úzbek army was powerful and numerous in the extreme, and the fortunes of the house of Sultán Husain were in their decline. Accordingly, he assembled a friendly body of Arghún and Tarkhán troops, and marched to the succour of the Prince Badí'u-z Zamán. Having arrived at the camp, he was received with every honour. The same day the army of the Úzbeks and of Má-waráu-n nahr crossed the river. Numerous signs of the approach of Muhammad Khán Shaibání's overwhelming force were evident. Upon reaching the field of the approaching contest, the Prince having reviewed his troops, formed up in order of battle, and from both armies the shouts of the warriors and the roll of the kettle-drums resounded to the vault of heaven.

The Amír, with a body of his bold well-mounted horsemen, commenced the attack, and by an impetuous charge, completely routed a body of the enemy, and threw them into utter confusion. In vain: for as wave follows wave, column after column of the Úzbeks came on in endless succession to the attack, till at last the Khurá-sánís, unable to contend any longer with such disproportionate numbers, turned rein and fled. A scene of the wildest and most hopeless confusion ensued. The Amír, however, with a small band of his trusty and indomitable warriors, maintained his ground, now standing on the defensive, now charging one wing of the enemy, and now the other. The field was dyed with blood. Thus they fought bravely and desperately until the Úzbeks closing in on every side, the Amír was wounded and thrown from his horse. Disdaining the quarter offered him by the Úzbeks, who hoped to take him a prisoner in triumph to Muhammad Khán, he fell, covered with glory.

Sháh Beg Arghún.

Sháh Beg Arghún son of Zú-n Nún, was, on the death of the Amír, placed by the unanimous voice of the chiefs on the vacant throne. He confirmed all his father's appointments, and gave the holders of them robes of honour. He displayed an unparalleled example of equity and justice, by which conduct he so won the hearts of his soldiery, that they became his most devoted and obedient subjects. Sháh Beg always consorted with the most distinguished and scientific men in his kingdom.

At this time Muhammad Khán, having subdued the whole of Khurásán, approached Kara with the determination of adding Kandahár also to his dominions. On his arrival at Garmsír, Sháh Beg sent messengers to him offering his allegiance and submission. He promised that he would express the same at a personal interview. Muhammad Khán was satisfied with this concession and went back.

In the year 915 H. (1509 A.D.), Sháh Isma'íl the second, having overcome and killed Muhammad Khán in battle, took possession of Khurásán. The Sháh attained to the greatest power, so much so that the surrounding nations dreaded his might and ambition.

At this juncture Warash Khán marched upon Kara, and set up his standard. Sháh Beg in alarm at this threatened invasion, consulted with his ministers, showing them the imminent danger his country was in—threatened on one side by Sháh Isma'íl, the conqueror of Khurásán, and on the other by Bábar Bádsháh, who had already reached Kábul, both with avowed warlike intentions. He pointed out to them the necessity of providing a retreat in case of their losing Kandahár. It was at length resolved to seize the Síwí territory, and in the year 917 H. (1511 A.D.), he set out from Kandahár, and having reached Shál, there made preparations for the ensuing campaign. On his arrival at Síwí he invested the fort. The descendants of Sultán Purdilí Bírlás, who ruled in Síwí, advanced to oppose him with three thousand men of the Bulúch tribe as well as other forces. The army of Sháh Beg proved completely victorious. The enemy was utterly overthrown, many were killed in action, and the survivors fled towards Sind. Sháh Beg entered Síwí in triumph, and made a short stay there, during which time he built houses, laid out gardens, and raised a fort which he strongly garrisoned, and, having appointed Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, one of the most distinguished of his nobles, to be governor, he returned to Kandahár.

Ann. Hij. 919 (A.D. 1513), the Emperor Zahíru-d dín Muhammad Bábar having determined upon the conquest of Kandahár, marched upon it with a powerful and numerous army. Sháh Beg collected his forces, with sufficient provisions and munitions of war to enable him to sustain a siege, shut himself up in the fort and posted his men on the walls and bastions. On the arrival of the Emperor in the vicinity of the city, he was attacked by disease, and became very feeble. His ministers and nobles on this became disaffected and mutinous. Sháh Beg, having learnt the state of affairs, sent the leading men of Kandahár with instructions to negociate a peace. The Emperor, consenting to the terms, despatched Khwája Jalálu-d dín with suitable presents, and returned to Kábul. Sháh Beg then withdrew after a short time to Síwí, and made a stay there. Having assembled a general council, he pointed out to them that the Emperor Bábar having once found his way to Kandahár, would not rest contented until he had conquered and brought it under his own rule; that it behoved them to consult their own and the country's safety. In pursuance of this idea, he, at the beginning of the winter season, raised a force of 1000 horse, and despatched them from Síwí to Sind. This force, on the 7th of Zí-l Ka'da H. 920 (Dec. 1514), attacked and took the villages of Kákán and Bághbán. These villages were so densely populated, that, in the sack, 1000 camels, employed on the garden-wells merely, were taken; from this, some idea may be formed of the wealth of the two places.³⁰⁷ After remaining there a week they returned with their spoil to Síwí.

A.H. 921 (1515 A.D.). The Emperor Bábar put into execution the design Sháh Beg had foreseen, and having marched upon Kanda-hár, laid siege to the fort and commenced mining it. The siege was carried on with vigour, and all supplies being cut off, a great dearth of grain ensued in the city. At this crisis, however, the Emperor's army was so weakened by fever, that a peace was again agreed upon. Whereupon, the Emperor returned to Kábul.

In this same year, Sháh Hasan Mirzá having quarrelled with his father, left him, and went to the Court of the Emperor Bábar, and being by him received with hospitality and distinction, he remained there two years. The Emperor observed that his visit was not from any affection entertained towards himself by Sháh Hasan, but in order that he might learn the art of governing rightly, and at the same time perfect himself in the ceremonies of the Court. At length, Sháh Hasan, with the Emperor's permission, returned to Kandahár.

A.H. 922 (1516 A.D.) The Emperor Bábar again assembled an army, and marched upon Kandahár, and he was yet in the jungle when the fort was invested. Sháh Beg, wearied and harassed by these repeated invasions, sent Shaikh Abú Sa'íd Púrání to negotiate a peace; the terms agreed upon were that in the ensuing year the government of Kandahár should be made over to the officers of the Emperor Bábar. Having ratified this treaty, the Emperor returned to Kábul. In pursuance of this arrangement, Sháh Beg, A.H. 923 (1517 A.D.), sent the keys of the fort of Kandahár to the Imperial Court, by the hands of Mír Ghíásu-d dín, grandson of Khondamír, author of the Habíbu-s Siyar, and father of Mír Abú-l Makárim, and grandfather of 'Abdu-llah Sultán. This ratification of the cession was approved of by his majesty.³⁰⁸

After the subjugation of his country, Sháh Beg remained two years in Shál and Síwí, reduced to penury and distress. In such straits was he, that his army was compelled during this period to subsist upon nothing but carrots, turnips, and other such vegetables. Towards the end of the year 924 A.H. (1518 A.D.), he made warlike preparations for the conquest of Sind. In consequence of the removal of Mirzá 'Ísá, he left Sultán 'Alí Arghún and Zíbak Tarkhán, with a number of men for the protection of the forts of Síwí and and Ganjáwa. He despatched a-head of his army a force of 200 horse under Mír Fázil Kokaltásh, and himself followed at the head of 300 more. On entering the Sind territory, he soon reached Bágh-bán, he learnt that an army of Samejas, under the command of Mahmúd Khán, son of Daryá Khán, was encamped at Thatta, four kos from Síwistán, and prepared to do battle. Sháh Beg halted at Bághbán, where he was well received by the principal inhabitants. He then resumed his march through the Lakkí hills towards Thatta, and at last reached that river which in those days ran to the north of Thatta.³⁰⁹ Being unprovided with means of transit, he stopped for some days on the bank, revolving in his mind how to effect a passage. At this juncture, the men on guard perceived that a man driving a laden ass was fording the river from the opposite bank. He was seized and compelled by menaces to show the way through the ford.^309a 'Abdu-r Rahmán Daulat Sháhí then plunged on horseback into the river, reached the other bank and then returned and reported the fact to Sháh Beg, who availing himself of this information, on the 15th day of Muharram A.H. 927 (December, 1520), crossed the river with his force, and marched towards the city of Thatta. On which, Daryá Khán, the adopted son of Jám Nanda, having left Jám Fíroz in garrison at Thatta, hastened at the head of his army to give the Amír battle.

After a long, bloody, and well-contested action, in which Daryá Khán, with a host of Sammas, was killed, victory declared itself in favour of Sháh Beg. On receipt of this disastrous intelligence, Jám Fíroz left Thatta and fled without stopping until he reached the village of Pírár^309b with a heavy heart. Thatta was given up to plunder till the 20th of the month, in the course of which the inhabitants were treated with merciless severity, and many of them were carried into captivity. The holy text, “Surely when kings enter a village they destroy it,” was fully exemplified in this instance. At last, by the strenuous exertions of Kází Kázin a most distinguished scholar, these outrages were put an end to, and proclamation was made to the effect that the people of the city were to remain undisturbed.³¹⁰ The fugitive Jám Fíroz remained, with a few men who had accompanied him, at Pírár, his family being still at Thatta. At length, finding that nothing was left for him but submission, he despatched a messenger to Sháh Beg, humbly intreating forgiveness, and expressing his willingness to submit himself unconditionally to the will and pleasure of his conqueror, with most solemn promises of future good conduct.

Sháh Beg moved by that generosity which distinguished him, and having pity on the miserable condition of his vanquished enemy, received the messenger most graciously, and granted him a robe of honour, at the same time sending a friendly answer to Jám Fíróz, who on the receipt of it came with a number of his friends, towards the end of the month Safar, to Thatta, dressed in most humble guise, a sword hanging from his neck to express his complete subjection. He was permitted the honour of kissing the hands of Sháh Beg. He then repeated his expressions of sorrow and contrition. Sháh Beg, having assured him of his forgiveness, invested him with the robe of honour which Sultán Husain Mirzá had before bestowed on Mír Zú-n Nún, and conferred on him the governorship of Thatta. He then held a conference with his nobles and ministers. The Sind territory, he declared, was too extensive for his own immediate government and control. It was therefore advisable to divide it, assigning one half to Jám Fíroz, and keeping the other under his own management. They all concurred, and it was arranged that the territory extending from the Lakkí hills, near Síwistán, to Thatta, should be assigned to Jám Fíroz, while the upper part from the same hills should remain in his own possession. Having settled this, Sháh Beg marched in the direction of Síwistán. The inhabitants of this place, dreading the arrival of the victorious army fled to Thátí, and having joined themselves with the Sa'ta and Súmra tribes,³¹¹ formed themselves in order of battle and advanced to give fight. An obstinate battle ensued, in which Sháh Beg proved again victorious; his adversaries fled, and he took possession of the fort of Síwistán. Having put it in complete repair, he placed in it some of his most distinguished nobles, among others Mír 'Alaika Arghún, Sultán Mukím Beg-Lár, Kaibuk Arghún, and Ahmad Tarkhán; all these he ordered to erect houses in the fort for themselves. He then took his departure for Bhakkar, and after several days marching arrived at the plain surrounding Sakhar. A few days after he reached Bhakkar, where he was much gratified with the fort and town. Having visited and inspected these, he laid out the town, assigning various quarters to his officers and soldiers. He caused a plan to be made of the fort, and placed it in the care of his principal officers, in order that, each one doing his part, they might put it into complete repair. The hard bricks for this purpose were provided by the destruction of the fort of Alor (anciently the seat of government) and of the houses of the Turk and Samma people in the suburbs of Bhakkar.^311a In a short space of time the works were finished. He fixed on the citadel of the fort as a residence for himself, and Mirzá Sháh Husain; he also permitted Mír Fázil Kokaltásh, Sultán Muhammad, keeper of the seal, and one or two others to reside in it. He employed a whole year in finishing the buildings in the fort and settling the affairs of his subjects.

A.H. 928 (1522 A.D.) Sháh Beg left Páyinda Muhammad Tarkhán in charge of Bhakkar, and advanced with a considerable army to the conquest of Guzerát. During his progress down the river, he swept the country on both banks from the foul inhabitants. On the arrival of the army at Chaindúka, Mír Fázil Kokaltásh was taken dangerously ill, and after lingering a few days died. This incident so affected Sháh Beg that an idea took possession of his mind that the death of his friend was a warning of the near approach of his own. Shortly after, intelligence was received of the Emperor Bábar's arrival in the vicinity of Bhara and Khusháb, with the avowed intention of conquering the country of Hindústán. On hearing this, Sháh Beg observed that Bábar had no intention of leaving him at peace, but that he would ultimately seize Sind, either from him or his descendants. It was needful therefore to seek out some other asylum. Having said this, he complained of a violent pain in his bowels. Every remedy was tried to alleviate it, but in vain, for in the month Sha'bán, 928 H. (June, 1522), after a reign of fifteen years, Sháh Beg died, without having been able to effect his intention of entering Guzerát. “Shahr Sha'bán” is the chronogram of his death.

Mirzá Sháh Husain Arghún.

On the death of Sháh Beg, in A.H. 928 (1522 A.D.), Sháh Husain Arghún succeeded to the throne.³¹² He conferred dresses of honour and marks of his favour on those chiefs, judges, nobles, and ministers who had assembled to congratulate him on his accession. As this event took place at the end of the Ramazán, when the great festival was about to be celebrated, the nobles about his person represented that on this great and memorable occasion it were well that the Khutba were read in his name. This he refused to permit, saying that as long as any descendant of the Sáhib-kirán (Tímúr) existed, no other man could assume this privilege. Accordingly the Khutba was read in the name of the Emperor Zahíru-d dín Muhammad Bábar. During the celebration of the festival, the Sháh remained in the same place. In the meantime he received intelligence how that Jám Fíroz and the people of Thatta had heard with delight of the demise of Sháh Beg, and had beaten their drums in token of joy and gratification. Incensed at these proceedings, Mirzá Sháh Husain having consulted with his minister, and having come to the conclusion that the prosecution of his father's designs on Guzerát was not advisable, ordered his army to march on Thatta in order to destroy Jám Fíroz. News of this determination soon reached Thatta, and Jám Fíroz, being utterly unable to oppose the army marching against him, hastily fled from the city, and crossing the river in despair took his way towards Kach. When he reached Cháchkán and Ráhmán, he collected an army of about 50,000 horse and foot. With this formidable force, consisting of the people of Sind and the Samma tribe, he returned with the intention of coming to an engagement with Mirzá Sháh Husain, who at the head of his ever victorious troops, had already arrived at the city of Thatta. On hearing of the force which Jám Fíroz was bringing against him, the Sháh having left a body of men for the protection of the city, the inhabitants being in a state of the greatest alarm, marched out with the view of bringing the enemy to an engagement. On nearing the Sindian army, he formed his troops in order of battle, and advanced. Suddenly he came in view of the enemy, who, greatly alarmed at the sight of the Moghals, dismounted, left their horses, doffed their turbans, tied the corners of each other's clothes together, and thus engaged in the conflict. Mirzá Sháh Husain knew it to be the custom of the people of Sind and Hind, when resolved upon fighting to the death, to leave their horses, and bare-headed and bare-footed, tie themselves together by each other's clothes and waistbands,—so he saw these preparations with delight, and congratulating his nobles and officers on the evident despair of the enemy, and the consequent assurance of victory to themselves, gave the order for the attack. On this, his troops armed with their bows and arrows, and sword in hand, rushed vehemently to the charge, spreading consternation and dismay in the ranks of the enemy. From morning to evening the battle was bloodily contested. Nearly 20,000 men fell on the field, till at last, Jám Fíroz, being defeated, fled, covered with shame and disgrace, to Guzerát, where he remained until his death. Mirzá Sháh Husain remained for three days on the field of battle, distributing the horses and all other booty amongst his people, and showering rewards upon his officers; he then returned in triumph to Thatta. Thence he went to Tughlikábád, where he remained six months, when he proceeded towards Bhakkar. On his arrival within thirty kos of the city, all the leading men came out to meet and congratulate him, and were received with every honour. In this year also, Shaikh Bulákí came from Kandahár to Sind to visit him.

After the lapse of two years, A.H. 930 (1524 A.D.), Mirzá Sháh Husain came to the determination to invade Multán, in pursuance of which design he ordered his nobles and generals to make the necessary arrangements. At the commencement of the year A.H. 931 (1525 A.D.), he started on this expedition. On reaching the city of Úch he found the Bulúchís and Langáhs prepared to fight. The Multán army in those days was a hundred-fold greater than the Mirzá's, yet he, trusting in Divine assistance, drew up his army with great care and circumspection, and with his Moghal troops began the battle. When these two brave armies confronted each other, the Moghals employed their deadly fire, and the Langáhs and Bulúchís plied their bows and arrows. The contest was sharp, but victory at length declared itself in favour of Mirzá Sháh Husain. Many of the Langáhs were slain, the rest fled. The fort was captured, and orders were given to demolish the buildings in the city of Úch.

The news of the Sháh's success soon reached the ears of Sultán Muhammad Langáh, the ruler of Multán.³¹⁴ Whereupon he despatched parties in all directions, with instructions to levy forces with the greatest celerity. In accordance with these orders, within the course of a month, an army consisting of 80,000 horse and foot, composed of men of the Bulúch, Jat, Rind, Dádí, and other tribes, was raised.^314a At the head of his large and powerful force, the Sultán set out from Multán. The Mirzá on hearing of these numbers being brought against him, took up a position on the banks of the Ghára and there awaited the attack of the enemy. Sultán Mahmúd remained for a month in the suburbs of Multán for the purpose of constructing such engines as might be required, and of amply providing his army with the necessary munitions and stores. Having effected this he resumed his march. The Sultán, inflated with pride and puffed up with a certainty of victory, at last arrived at Beg. Here it happened that Shaikh Shujá' Bukhárí, the son-in-law of the Sultán, a man possessed of great influence in the political and fiscal affairs of the State, was detected in an intrigue in the royal harem. This having come to the knowledge of the Sultán, he was so enraged, that the Shaikh saw his only safety lay in the death of the Sultán. Having obtained from the treasury the deadly poison there deposited for the destruction of those obnoxious to the State, he administered it to Sultán Mahmúd. The army, which consisted chiefly of Bulúchís, being thus deprived of its head, the greatest confusion reigned.

The Langáhs placed Sultán Husain, son of the late Sultán Mah-múd, upon the vacant throne, and finding it necessary to make peace, they sent the holy Shaikh Baháu-d-dín to negociate a treaty. The Shaikh submitted his terms to Mirzá Sháh Husain, who approved and ratified them. The Mirzá then returned, and on his arrival at Úch, ordered another fort to be erected there. In the mean time, Langer Khán, one of the late Sultán Mahmúd's nobles, came to the Mirzá and informed him that, owing to the youth of Sultán Husain, he was unfit to conduct the Government of Multán,—that the duties of the State were neglected, and that in consequence of the tyranny and oppression, rebellions and insurrections had broken out in the city; that all the greatest and best disposed of the inhabitants were desirous of another ruler. He ended by imploring the Mirzá to march again upon Multán. Mirzá Sháh Husain complied with this request, and on reaching the city laid close siege to the fort, which was garrisoned by the Langáh army. Desultory fighting took place daily between the two forces. At length a great scarcity of provisions took place in the city. This increased to such an extent that even the head of a cow was valued at ten tankas, while the price of grain rose to 100 tankas per maund. After some time had elapsed, a party of soldiers one morning forced the gate of the city. The troops rushed in and captured the place. All the inhabitants of the city, from seven years of age up to seventy, were taken prisoners, the city was given up to plunder, and very many of the Langáh tribe were slain. On this, Mirzá Sháh gave orders that no further hurt should be done to the survivors.

Sultán Husain and his sisters were brought before the Mirzá by the venerable Shaikh Baháu-d dín; and Mirzá Sháh, for the sake of their reverend protector, received them kindly, and abstained from doing them any injury.

After a stay of two months in the city, the Mirzá left Khwája Shamsu-d dín, with a force of 200 horse, 100 foot, and 100 gunners³¹⁶ under him in charge of Multán, and having sent a message to the Court of the Emperor, Zahíru-d din Bábar, offering Multán to him, he returned to Bhakkar; and thence went to Thatta, where, having inspected and satisfied himself as to the proper management of the surrounding country, he fixed his abode, and passed fifteen years in the enjoyment of peace and tranquility.

In the Ramazán A.H. 949 (Dec. 1542, A.D.), the Emperor Nasíru-d dín Hámuyún on account of the rebellion of Shír Khán Afghán came from Lahore towards Sind. Having taken up his quarters in the town of Laharí (Rorí), he established his own residence within the walls of the delightful garden of Babarlúka. Sultán Mahmúd desolated the country, and himself took refuge in the fort of Bhakkar. The Emperor sent Amír Táhir Sadar and Samandar Beg to Mirzá Sháh Husain in Thatta, reminding him of the ties of amity and friendship which had existed between the Tarkháns and the late Emperor Bábar. Mirzá Sháh Husain paid much honour to the royal messengers, and said that if the Emperor intended to invade Guzerát, he, the Mirzá, attended by his whole army, would accompany him on the expedition, and not return till the conquest had been effected. He also made over to him the tract extending from Hála Kandí to Bitúra on the other side of the river, to defray the expenses of the royal household. He sent Shaikh Mírak Púrání and Mirzá Kásim Tafáí to the Emperor, bearing similar terms and suitable presents. On their arrival there, they expressed the Mirzá's loyalty and presented the petition of which they were the bearers. After a few days, the Emperor dismissed the ambassadors, and wrote with his own hand a letter to their master, to the following effect: “To Sháh Husain, greeting (after the usual compliments), I comply with your request on this condition, namely, that you serve me with fidelity. Farewell!”

Mirzá Sháh Husain had formed his determination to present himself to the Emperor at a personal interview. The Arghún nobles were, however, of a different opinion, and altogether adverse to submitting themselves, and by their cunning and designing arts raised a quarrel, by which means they prevented Sháh Husain from following the dictates of his own judgment. The Emperor remained at Babarlúka for five months in the full expectation that Sháh Husain would come to meet him, and having sworn allegiance would become a faithful ally. Having been informed as to the intentions of the Arghúns, he marched with his army on the first of Jumáda-l Awwal A.H. 948 (Aug.-Sept., 1541), towards Síwistán; on his arrival at which place, he laid siege to the fort. Mirzá Husain having received intelligence of this movement, came from Thatta and formed an entrenched camp. The Emperor ordered mines to be dug under the fort, by means of which he succeeded in destroying one bastion. The garrison however, speedily remedied the injury done to their defences by raising another wall. The Emperor saw that the Arghúns had strengthened the work, and was aware that he was altogether unprovided with the engines necessary for the successful termination of the siege. Seven months had now elapsed since he first laid siege to the fort. Mirzá Sháh Husain succeeded in stopping the conveyance of supplies to the besieging army, which moreover were impeded by contrary winds and the rising of the river. Owing to these unfortunate circumstances, the army was greatly distressed. At this juncture the Emperor received a petition from Rájá Máldeo of Jodpur, intimating that during his majesty's absence, the Rájá had continued his faithful servant, and hoped for his arrival. Should the Emperor deem it fit to bring his ever prosperous army, the Rájá was at his service with 20,000 Rájpúts, and would accompany the Imperial army to whatever place it may be directed to march.

In consequence of this invitation, in Rabí'u-l Awwal, A.H. 949 (May-June, 1542), the Emperor marched towards the territories of Rájá Máldeo. After some marches, he approached near them, but was there informed by some inhabitants of the surrounding country of the sinister views entertained by Máldeo, who, they said, had invited him only because Sher Khán Afghán had placed a force in ambuscade for the purpose of attacking and plundering the army. On hearing this, the Emperor became alarmed, and was much downcast, and after consultation he left the Jodpur territory, and marched with great speed to Sátalmír. Thence he rapidly proceeded to Jesalmír, and from thence he continued his journey to 'Umarkot. During his march hither his army suffered much from drought. On his arrival, Dair Sál the chief, accompanied by his people, came out to meet him, and kissed his stirrup.³¹⁸ He cleared the fort of its occupants and assigned it to the use of the Emperor, who remained in it for some days.

The people of Thatta sent the great Saiyid 'Alí Shírází, who was Shaikhu-l Islám at that time, with presents of fruits and perfumes; the star of his prosperity again arose from the horizon of greatness.

On Sunday, the 5th of Rajab, A.H. 949 (15th October, 1542), was born the great Emperor Jalálu-d dín Muhammad Akbar. His father rejoiced greatly at the birth of a son. The first clothes of the child were, for the sake of superior sanctity, made out of the garments of the aforesaid Saiyid. As there was in 'Umarkot no place fitted for the residence of a king, the Court was compelled to remove to Sind. Having set out they reached the town of Jún, situated on the banks of the Rain. This place is celebrated amongst the cities of Sind for the number and beauty of its gardens, abounding in rivulets which present fresh and delightful scenes. In these gardens, the Emperor remained for some days, within sight of the town. Mirzá Husain also came with his forces into its vicinity, and there encamped. Daily skirmishes took place in the environs of the town between the followers of the two camps. One day, Tímúr Sultán, Shaikh 'Alí Beg, and Tardí Beg Khán, with a body of men, made preparations to attack a fort which was filled with grain. Mirzá Sháh Husain's officer, Sultán Mahmúd Khán Bhakkarí, being apprized of their design, took a large force, and in the morning attacked them. Shaikh 'Ali Beg with his sons, stood his ground until he was slain; others of his force were also killed in this engagement. Their adversaries also suffered heavy loss. The Emperor, grieved at the occurrence, contracted a disgust for Sind, and determined upon going to Kandahár.

In the meantime, on the 7th of Muharram A.H. 950, (12th April, 1543, A.D.), Bairam Khán came, unattended, from Guzerát, and having met the Emperor attempted to console him. He endeavoured with success to negociate a peace between the contending parties. Sháh Husain, delighted with the prospect of peace, readily agreed to the proposal, and sent the Emperor 100,000 miskáls in cash, all the equipage required for travelling (which he caused to be prepared), with 300 horse and an equal number of camels. A bridge also was built near the town, on which the Emperor observed that the Arabic words Sirát mustakím, signifying “a strong bridge,” formed the chronogram of the date of the treaty and the construction of the bridge, i.e. A.H. 950, (A.D. 1543-4). On the 7th of Rabí'-ul Ákhir of the same year, the Emperor marched towards Kandahár and Mirzá Sháh Husain returned to Thatta. It is said that the Mirzá became, towards the end of his life, afflicted with palsy. He chose as his companions men of loose character and mean extraction. The Moghals, Tarkháns, and others, being unable to obtain an audience at the Court, remained in their own houses. Daily, men of notoriously bad character were raised to preferment; for instance, early in the year 960 (1553 A.D.), the Arbábí, or prefecture of the city, was conferred upon 'Arabí Káhí, while the premiership was entrusted to Isma'íl, an innkeeper. Towards the close of the same year, Mirzá Sháh Husain made 'Arabí Káhí his viceregent in the fort of Tughlikábád, and installed Shaibah and Rafík, two slaves whom he had purchased and made his most confidential advisers, as superintendents of the city. Having thus placed all the Moghals, Arghúns, Tarkháns, etc., under the control of 'Arabí Káhí, he himself went to Bhakkar.

It happened that the sons of 'Arabí Káhí, being rapacious and greedy, oppressed the Moghals. Seeing this, the Arghúns and Tar-kháns in Thatta became alarmed and much grieved. On this, 'Arabí Káhí, with the concurrence of his friends, sent information to Mirzá Sháh Husain, that the Arghún and Tarkhán inhabitants of the city had thrown off their allegiance, and were filled with visionary schemes against him. This, he said, jeopardized the safety of the country, and therefore he had deemed it incumbent on him to report the circumstance. Infuriated by this intelligence, Sháh Husain wrote orders that 'Arabí Káhí should invite into the fort the most seditious of the Arghún tribe, such as Mír Farrukh, Mír Kabaik, Mír Tímúr, Mír Fázil, Mír Khallá, etc., and there put them to death. He said that this example would intimidate the others, who would then return to their allegiance. He at the same time treacherously sent a letter to the Moghals, couched in kind terms, stating that they were his brothers and of the same tribe with himself, and that ('Arabí Káhí) and such fellows, were in reality only their servants and slaves, that to the disgust of the Sammas he had raised these men of low degree to elevated ranks, and that if in conformity to his orders they were obeyed and respected, then, considering themselves highly honoured, they would the more readily devote themselves to the duties assigned them. It happened, that these two contradictory letters both fell into the hands of the Moghals, who thus becoming aware of the Shah's duplicity and treacherous designs, revolted, and having seized 'Arabí Káhí, Rafík, Shaibah, and Isma'íl, put them to death in the beginning of Muharram A.H. 961 (Dec. 1553). Having taken Máh Begam, consort of the Mirzá, together with his other concubines, prisoners, they consulted amongst themselves and agreed to the necessity of choosing a leader for the better prosecution of their business. They all offered themselves as candidates, each man declaring that he would not consent to anyone being preferred before himself. This being the state of the case, it was at last agreed that, as the Arghúns could not choose one among themselves, in preference to another, who might have honours and obeisances paid him, it was advisable, therefore, to select as their chief, one from out the Tarkhán tribe. That Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, governor of Fath Bágh, being wise, prudent, and of noble descent, was best qualified for the office and likely to accede to their request. They then invited the Mirzá from Fath Bágh and informed him of their wishes. On his arrival, they showed him great hospitality, and, persisting in their request, obtained his consent. They then nominated him their chief, and placed him at the head of the government of Thatta. They paid him royal respect and homage, and having sworn allegiance, placed themselves under his authority, and made proclamation of his supremacy by beat of drums. The Mirzá took possession of the treasure, and having lavished large sums amongst the army, established his power over the several districts and tribes of Sind.

Enraged at these occurrences, Mirzá Sháh Husain seized the Arghúns and Tarkháns who were in Bhakkar, such as Mír Jání Beg Tarkhán, Mír Ahmad Tarkhán, Mír Hamza Beg-Lár, Mír Murád Husain Beg-Lár, and others, and then marched at the head of a considerable army to Thatta to give battle to the Arghúns and Tar-kháns. On his arrival within two kos of the city, the two armies came into collision on the banks of the stream of Sháh Panáh. Two or three engagements took place in which both armies suffered considerable loss. In the midst of this campaign, Mirzá Sháh Husain was attacked by a fatal sickness.

Sultán Mahmúd Khán, of Bhakkar, the greatest noble under Sháh Husain, was commander-in-chief of his forces. He was the son of Mír Fázil Kokaltásh, son of 'Ákil Khwája, son of Ahmad Khwája, one of the greatest chiefs of Ispahán. At the time when Sáhib-Kirán Amír Tímúr Gúrgán marched for the conquest of I'rák, the chiefs of Ispahán having revolted, threw off their allegiance to him. The Sáhib-Kirán on this gave orders that they should be plundered and destroyed, and sent a formidable army to enforce his commands. During this invasion, Ahmad Khwája father of 'Ákil Khwája fell into the hands of Mír Hasan Basrí, father of Mirzá Zú-n Nún, and he having adopted him as his son, bestowed great pains on his education. Ahmad Khwája flourished three generations before Malik Mah-múd Khán, a man famous for his generosity, and nineteen generations after 'Iddí, son of Hatim Táí. Sultán Mahmúd Khán, of Bhakkar, was chiefly characterized by his liberality and courage, in which latter he was unequalled. During his service with Mirzá Sháh Husain, he had given repeated proofs of his valour. On seeing that the Mirzá's days were numbered, and that he had but a short time to live, he reflected that daily Musulmáns were losing their lives in the strife, and that shortly he would be involved in inextricable difficulties. He therefore sent privately a message to Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, to the effect that Mirzá Sháh Husain was on the point of death, that when that occurred, there would be no one to interfere between them, and that it would be advisable to enter into a mutual engagement. He refused to revolt against his master during his lifetime, but on his death he proposed an equal division of the country,—from the Lakkí hills down to the sea should belong to Mirzá 'Ísá, and from the same hills to Bhakkar should belong to himself. The next morning, at the suggestion of Sultán Mahmúd, the great Shaikh 'Abdu-l Waháb Púrání, and Mirzá Kásim Beg-Lár brought the apologies of Mirzá 'Ísa, expressing his sorrow and shame for the disrespectful conduct of the Arghúns towards the Mirzá. He sent word that if the Mirzá would pardon him, and release such of the Arghúns and Tarkháns as were imprisoned, he would himself come in the hope of getting forgiveness for the past. Mirzá Sháh Husain, actuated by merciful motives, liberated the prisoners, and sent them to Mirzá 'Ísá, who in return ordered that Máh Begam and all the other captive concubines should be taken to the camp of the Mirzá. Next day, Mirzá Kásím Beg brought a letter to Mirza 'Ísá to this effect:—“You should not have chosen this line of conduct, which can only tend to bring a bad name on both parties. Well! let bygones be bygones. In expectation of my mercy, you must either come yourself or send your son, that I may, through my own spontaneous kindness, confer on him the governorship of Thatta, while I myself return to Bhakkar.” As the Arghúns, Tarkháns, and soldiers, in their foresight, advised Mirzá 'Ísa not to go himself, he turned to his eldest son, Mirzá Bákí, and told him that he should go. The son refused, and said, “If you are anxious for my death, kill me with your own hand, but do not deliver me over to the hand of the enemy.” On this, the Mirzá looked at his second son, Mirzá Sálih, who, having arisen, rose and said, “Be satisfied; I will go. Either he will keep his word, or he will not. If he does, it will fulfil our hopes; if he does not, your safety must be secured. I am prepared to sacrifice myself, and obtain the honour of martyrdom!” Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, seeing his spirit, embraced him with paternal affection, and gave him permission to proceed on the mission. Mirzá Sálih with a few brave men went on the fourth of Rabi'u-l Awwal, A.H. 961 (Feb. 1554), accompanied by Mirzá Muhammad Kásím Beg-Lár, to meet Mirzá Sháh Husain, and offer his presents. The Mirzá with great kindness praised his fidelity and courage, and calling him his dear son, invested him with a rich robe, a girdle, and sword adorned with precious stones, together with a horse, and saddle and bridle set with gems, a necklace, and a kettledrum. He furthermore conferred on him the governorship of Thatta, and then gave him permission to retire. Returning in safety to Thatta, he caused the kettledrum to be sounded before him, and presenting to his father all he had received, he remained under his protection, obedient to his orders.

About the same time Mirzá Sháh Husain marched back towards Bhakkar, and on the 12th of the same month, died at the village of 'Alípútra, twenty kos from Thatta, after a reign of thirty-two years. Máh Begam and Shaikh 'Abdu-l Waháb carried his remains to Thatta, where they were temporarily deposited in the Makalí Hills. After two years, they were sent in charge of Saiyíd 'Alí Shirází and Máh Begam to the holy city of Mecca, and were reinterred there by the side of the tomb of his father, Sháh Beg.

Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán.

Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, son of Mirzá 'Abdu-l 'Alí, son of Mirzá 'Abdu-l Khálik, son³²³ of Arghún Khán, son of Abaká Khán, son of Hulákú Khán, son of Changíz Khán, succeeded to the throne of Thatta, after the death of Mirzá Husain Arghún. Mirza 'Ísá made Mirzá Sálih Tar-khán his heir apparent, and placed the reins of government in his hands, reserving to himself only the name of king.^323a When Mirzá Sálih had made himself secure of Thatta and its dependencies, he left his brother, Mirzá Ján Bábá, who was greatly attached to him, to attend upon his father while he himself marched against Si-wistán. He commenced his march on the 14th of Shawwál, A.H. 961 (Sep. 1554), and on the 21st of the same month he wrested the fort of Siwistán from the the hands Mahmúd Khán Bhakkarí. When Sultán Mahmúd heard of this loss, he collected an army to oppose Mirzá Sálih. This was reported to Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, and he thereupon led a large force from Thatta to attempt the conquest of Bhakkar. He reached Bhakkar in the month of Muharram, A.H. 962 (Nov. 1554), where Sultan Mahmúd had drawn up his army to resist him. Two or three engagements followed, and many were killed on both sides. Sultán Mahmúd was at length compelled to take refuge in the fort, where he was so hardly pressed that he sent Saiyid Mír Kalán, grandfather of Mír M'asúm Bhak-karí, to treat with Mirzá 'Ísá, making professions of friendship, and offering to give up Siwistán and its appurtenances, if Bhakkar were secured to him; urging also that Bhakkar was on the frontier of Hindustan, and acted as a barrier on that side. At this juncture, intelligence arrived that the Firingís, who were coming from Lahori-bandar to the assistance of Mirzá 'Ísá Tar-khán, finding the city of Thatta unprotected, had plundered it, set fire to it, and made the inhabitants prisoners. The Mirzá therefore accepted the proposal of Sultán Mahmúd, and peace being concluded, he hastened back to Thatta, and resumed the government.

In the beginning of the year 964 H. (November, 1556), Mirzá Muhammad Bákí rebelled against his father, asserting his rights as eldest son, and objecting to the selection of Mirzá Muhammad Sálih as heir to the throne. In the fighting which ensued, Muhammad Bákí was worsted, and he fled to Wanka, which was the abode of the Súmras. There he formed a connection with sundry Arghúns, and returned with them by way of 'Umarkot and Jesalmír to Bhakkar. On his arriving there, Sultan Mahmúd Khán laudably exerted himself to effect a reconciliation between him and his father; but Mirzá 'Ísa Tarkhán, out of regard for Mirzá Sálih, exiled Muhammad Bákí from Thatta, and sent him to Bhakkar. Here he endeavoured to procure assistance from Hindustan,³²⁴ but Sultán Mahmúd opposed him. The Sultán foresaw that if an army came from Hindustan it must necessarily pass by Bhakkar, which would be the first place to suffer. So he kindly but firmly opposed the project.

In the year 970 H. (1562 A.D.) the brave Muhammad Sálih, who had won so many victories, drank the sherbet of martyrdom from the hands of a Bulúch named Muríd. The family and tribe of this man had been put to death by Muhammad Sálih in punishment of their robberies; so holding a petition in his hand he placed himself in the way of the Mirzá. The prince called him to his side and stooped down to receive the petition, when the caitiff plunged a dagger into his breast, and killed him.

After the death of his favourite son, Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán nominated Mírzá Ján Bábá as heir apparent. After some time Sultán Mahmúd begged Mírzá 'Ísa to forgive his son Muhammad Bákí, but failed in his object. Several nobles who inclined to the side of that prince then interested themselves on his behalf, and roused the father's pride by urging that the prince ought not to be a dependant on Sultán Mahmúd. Being thus induced to pardon his son, Mirzá 'Ísa sent Shaikh 'Abdu-l Waháb Purání and Mír Yár Muhammad, his nephew, to bring him home. When Muhammad Bákí arrived, he waited on his father, and, receiving the town of Siwistán as his jagír, departed thither.

Mirzá 'Ísa was of a gentle and patient disposition, and showed great kindness to the people of his tribe (ulús); but the Arghúns were disaffected, and breaking out in open rebellion crossed the river. The guns³²⁵ of Mirzá 'Ísa opened upon them. Many were killed, and the remnant fled for succour to Sultán Mahmúd at Bhakkar. This prince gave a horse and a robe to each of them, and uniting them with a party of his own dependents sent them against Siwistán. They besieged the fort, and once or twice succeeded in scaling the ramparts, but could accomplish nothing more. Mirzá 'Ísá marched from Thatta with a numerous force, and sent a detachment on in advance to raise the siege and pursue the assailants. The opposing forces met at the village of Rakbán, when victory declared in favour of Mirzá 'Ísá, and many of Sultán Mahmúd's men were slain. The Mirzá advanced as far as the town of Durbela. The Sultán also, coming out of Bhakkar, arrived near the same place, and throwing up a fort, prepared for the conflict. In the end peace was made through the medium of Máh Begam and Shaikh 'Abdu-l Waháb Purání, and the rivals retired to Thatta and Bhakkar respectively.

In the year A.H. 974 (1566 A.D.) Mírzá 'Ísá Tarkhán was seized with mortal sickness, so he called together the Arghúns and the Tarkháns, the ministers and nobles, and all the chief men of the country, in order once more to name Mirzá Ján Bábá as his successor. But Máh Begam strenuously opposed this, maintaining the right of Muhammad Bákí, the eldest son. The dying monarch declared that Muhammad Bákí was tyrannical and cruel, that the people would suffer under his rule, and that she herself would perish by his hand. The end of it all was that Máh Begam sent to hasten the coming of Muhammad Bákí, and kept the death of his father secret until his arrival. Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, who had reigned fourteen years, was then buried in a tomb, which he had constructed in his garden, and Muhammad Bákí ascended the throne.

VIII.

TUHFATU-L KIRÁM.

[THIS is a work in three volumes by 'Alí Sher Káni'. The first two volumes are of considerable length, but all the matter of special historical interest is comprised in the third. A succinct synopsis of the contents of the work is prefixed to the first volume. According to this the work commences with—

Vol. I. A Preface in two parts and three books. Book I. contains three sections,—On the (1) Prophets; (2) Kings; (3) Philosophers, saints, poets, and great men before the time of Muhammad. Book II. is divided into five sections, (1) Ancestors of the Prophet; (2) Memoirs of the Prophet; (3) the Four Khalifs; (4) the Four Imáms; (5) Celebrated Descendants of the Four Imáms. Book III., in three sections, (1) The Um-mayide Khalifs and their representatives in 'Irák and Khurásán, with notices of the chiefs and great men of the times; (2) The 'Abbáside Khalifs, including those who set up the Khalifat in Egypt, and also the great men and warriors of the period; (3) Kings cotemporary with the 'Abbásides.

Vol. II. General History, with notices of philosophers, nobles, ministers, and other great men.

Vol. III. Special History of Sind, including descriptions of its cities and villages, histories of its rulers, and memoirs of its great, learned, and distinguished men.]

This third volume, as it is the latest, so it is the most comprehensive and consistent of all the histories of Sind. In the portion relating to the early history of the province, it is not quite so copious as the Tárikh-i Sind of Mír M'asúm; but even in that part it presents us with more miscellaneous information, and introduces subjects not treated of in that work, such as the legendary tales which are familiar in the country, the origin of some of the tribes, and the separate biographies of the principal officers and nobles who acquired distinction under the later dynasties. The authors are both equally credulous in recording the miracles of saints, but the extent to which the hagiography runs in the Tuhfatu-l Kirám is much greater than in the Tárikh-i Sind; there being scarcely a village in that priest-ridden country which has not its tombs of holy men, whose lives and powers are here recorded with implicit faith.

The work opens with the dynasties of the Ráís and Brahmans, followed by the history of the Arab conquest, well abridged from the Chach-náma. This comprises twenty pages. In thirty more we have the legends, the governors appointed by the kings of Dehlí, the Súmras and Sammas; then the history of the Arghúns and Tarkháns, with their nobles, in thirty-six pages; the imperial governors under the Tímúrians in twenty-four pages, and an account of the Kalhora dynasty to the time of Míán Sár-faraz, Khán in twelve pages. All this is comprised in a little less than half the volume. The rest is entirely devoted to the saints, seers, saiyids, shaikhs, and devotees, with a notice of the poets and caligraphists of Sind.

There are two chronograms at the end of the volume, representing that it was completed in A.H. 1181 (1767-8 A.D.); but near the middle, at the close of the account of the Kalhoras, we have later dates several times mentioned, extending to the year A.H. 1188.

The author quotes as his authorities all the native histories noticed in the preceding articles; and in the accounts of the saints we find incidentally mentioned the Jawáhiru-l Aulyá, the Hadíkatu-l Aulyá, the Ma'lámátu-l Áfák, and the Taghíratu-l Murád. Some other authors quoted in the body of the work are obtained at second hand.

Extracts from the Tuhfatu-l Kirám have been given by Lt. Postans in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Numbers lxxiv., 1838, and clviii., 1845. In the latter we have the portion relating to the Arab conquest of Sind, which, as before mentioned, is abstracted from the Chach-náma.

The Tuhfatu-l Kirám is the title of one of the works of the celebrated Jalálu-d din Soyútí, according to the Parisian catalogue of his writings given in G. Fluegel's edition of Hájí Khalfa's Lexicon Bibliographicum, Vol. vi. pp. 665-679.

[Sir H. Elliot's copy consists of three volumes quarto. Vol. I., measuring 11 in. by 8 in., contains 746 pages. Vol. II., 889 pages, of 17 lines each. Vol. III. is a little larger (12 in. by 8 1/2 in.), and contains 242 pages, of 25 lines each, in a much smaller hand There is also a new copy of Vol. III.]

EXTRACTS.

The Sindian Ordeal of Fire.

Some customs have obtained from of old among the inhabitants of Sind,³²⁹ which, although they spring from ignorance, their practice is specially observed by them.

When a person is suspected of any grave offence, and desires to purge himself of the charge, he offers to pass through the flames of a large fire, like a salamander, and come out of it unharmed, like Khalíl. In the story of Sassí and Márúí we shall have an instance of this ordeal.

Another ordeal, still practiced among the most ignorant, is that of taking up a red-hot spade, and this will also be noticed in the story of Márúí. Green leaves of a tree are tied on to the hand of the suspected person with raw thread, and an iron spade, heated to redness, being then placed on his palm, he must carry it for several paces quickly; and it has often been seen that neither the thread nor the leaves have been in the slightest degree affected by the heat of the red-hot iron, although when cast to the ground it scorched it like the sand in the oven of a parcher of grain. Verily this is by the virtue of Truth, for if otherwise, how is it that such fire does not burn the hand?

A modern story runs thus:—A woman stole a pair of shoes belonging to the wife of a certain horseman, but denied the theft. When the time approached for undergoing the ordeal of the hot iron, she artfully concealed the shoes in a basket filled with cotton; and making it seem as if the carrying that were her business at the moment, entered the assembly, and handing it to the horseman's wife, asked her to take charge of it during the ordeal. She then said, “The truth is, I did find a pair of shoes belonging to so and so, and I have made them over to the owner! By the same token I now take up this red-hot spade.” She took it up unharmed, and was then purged of the charge. The complainant then angrily threw the basket on the ground, and, as Truth is sure to prevail, the trick of this artful woman was exposed.

The Ordeal of Water.

A stout post is fixed in deep water, the accused is then told to dive to the bottom, and stay by the post. One of the company shoots an arrow to a long distance, and another person goes and brings this arrow back. The post is then shaken; if the accused be innocent, he will, up to that time, by holding his breath, have been able to remain at the bottom, and on this signal he will come up to the surface. But if guilty, he cannot any how stay so long under water.

Incantations.

Furthermore, several of the people of this country practise magic and incantations. For instance, they can roguishly transfer their neighbour's curds to their own stock, as the following instance will show. A respectable man relates that he was the guest of a woman residing in a village, and that she had but the curds of the milk of one cow. However, about the time she was going to make the butter, she stepped over to a neighbour's house on pretence of fetching fire, and there the woman of the house had a large dish of curds before her, which she was preparing to make into butter; the witch wrought her spells, and retraced her steps, and from the curds of the milk of her one cow she made about ten times the usual quantity of butter!

Osteomancy.

The science called Shána³³¹ is known to some of the hill-people, who are called “Mánsing.” From certain indications on a fresh shoulder-blade, they learn what they wish to know, and it comes to pass accordingly. A party of hill men, driven from their homes by fear of their enemy, were pursuing their way. Having yet gone but a little distance, the Mánsing said that he saw from his Shána that they were hotly pursued by troops, and that there was no escape except by artifice. The party were ordered to empty all the leathern water-bags on the ground, and then to pass over the spot. It so chanced that a Mánsing was also among the enemy's forces; he, too, consulted his Shána for intelligence of the fugitives. It showed him that they had crossed over a stream. This disheartened the pursuers, who turned back, and thus the former were saved. This is but a slight illustration of what this tribe can do by the use of the Shána.

Another Custom.—Several ropes, confusedly entangled, are thrown on to the ground, and their unravelment reveals secret things.

Other Sindian Customs:—Liver-eaters—Trackers—Ornithocritics.

There are also women who feed on liver,^331a and foretell things to come, as will be shown in the history of Mirzá Muhammad Bákí.^331b

Again, there is the science of Jogní; this is chiefly in vogue with women. An example of it will be shown in the history of Ráí Dáhir.

There is a tribe entitled Bawaratiya, who go about in the guise of beggars, professing to explain mysteries and past events, and thereby deceive men. They also make predictions of the future, which seldom come true.

Some men are so skilful in the art of tracking footprints, that they can tell whether they belong to men or women, strangers or acquaintances, old or young; so also they can distinguish the prints of horses, camels, oxen, and buffaloes. They can pursue the tracks of thieves over hills and through deserts, and possibly they can even follow them through water.

Again, there is a tribe in the Kach district, who can prognosticate good or evil from the call of the partridge, and they can likewise predict the good or bad fortune of travellers from the cries and calls of other birds and beasts. A person relates—“I was journeying with a party, one of whom said, ‘I must hurry on; do you follow at your convenience, for I find, from the cry of a bird, that guests have arrived at my house, and also that such and such a friend has just died’—and, indeed, so it proved.”

Some of the marvels of this country will be found described under their proper heads; and the wonders of the hills will be mentioned towards the end of the narrative.

* * * * * * *

The story of Sassí and Pannún.

A Brahman named Náníya, and his wife Mundhar, people of consideration, who dwelt at Bhámbaráwáh, subject to the authority of Dalú Ráí, were desirous of having a child born to them. After a while they were blessed with a daughter, the envy of the full moon. It was revealed to her parents that she was destined to be married to a Musulmán. Dreading this family disgrace, the parents, with wounded hearts, enclosed that unique pearl in a box—her shell, as it were—and cast it into the river. The current chanced to carry it to the city of Bhambúr, where there lived a washerman named Nahiya, who was also styled Lála; he had 500 apprentices, but not one child. When the box came into some of the apprentices' possession, they took it to their master, who opened it, and this moon³³² of God's power shone out therefrom. He called her Sassí,^332a which signifies “moon,” and adopted her as his own. As she grew up, the lancet of her love pierced the hearts of beauty's flower-cullers. Every one who saw her wished she was his own, and all people surrendered their hearts to her; wherever she seated herself men crowded round her like the cluster of the Pleiades, and hovered around her like the constellation of the Eagle. At that time the caravans of Kích and Makrán arrived in those parts with a variety of merchandize, and the praises of this “piece of the moon” were conveyed to the ears of Pannún, son of the Chief of Kích. He lost his heart, and repaired to Bhambúr in the guise of a merchant, where he saw Sassí, and was much enamoured. By good fortune the seeker found a place in the heart of the sought; then in the hope of meeting her, he became one of her father's apprentices, and dressed himself as a washerman. I leave out many incidents to avoid prolixity; but the short of it is, that Sassí returned his love with more than equal ardour.

A goldsmith's wife, who longed to gratify her amorous inclinations, sought to bring about the separation of these two lovers, by exciting Pannún's jealousy. The devoted Sassí came out of it unsullied, like gold from the raging fire, and became an example to the world. After a while these two lovers were married. Pannún's father on learning this, desired his other sons to bring back the infatuated one by some means or other. They went and had an interview with Pannún, and became his guests. At night-fall, without his waking, they bound him on a camel, and set off towards their own country. Towards morning Sassí awoke, and found that she had been robbed of her living treasure. No longer mistress of herself she tore her garments in despair, and set off alone in quest of her lost one. With the feet of affection she traversed the rugged hills, and after accomplishing a distance of about forty kos, she fell exhausted from thirst, and was convulsed, striking her feet on the ground in the agony of death. By the power of God a pool full of water was produced, of which she drank, and found fresh strength. Persons say that the pool remains full of water to this day, and is never dry, even though no rain should fall for years. It is said, that Sassí had seen these things in a dream, on the night on which she was presented with henna, (at her marriage). The branch of henna which she had slept with in her hand according to custom, and which she retained after she awoke, and which she carried with her, she now planted on this hill; by the power of God the branch grew to be a tree, and still remains a monument of that bleeding heart.

Not to be tedious, after being thus refreshed, Sassí hurried forward, and accomplished six or seven kos further through the same hills, when she was again distressed by thirst. A shepherd accidentally espied her from a distance, and cast longing eyes on her, and approaching, desired to carry her off. Thereupon she upbraided him with injustice, and requested that he would, at least, procure some refreshment for her, thirsty and tired as she then was, before taking her off. The shepherd hastened to his flock to get some milk. While this was going on, Sassí, who despaired of finding any trace of her lover, and finding herself thus fallen into evil, vented the anguish of her heart before the Almighty (who is the comforter of the helpless), and put up a petition for protection against that demon of the desert. Instantly, by the divine power, the hill was rent asunder, and gave a place to that half dead and stricken lover, like a ruby lying in the matrix; and, as a warning and memorial, a corner of her scarf was left visible. When the shepherd returned with the milk, and saw this instance of Divine power, he repented himself, and raised a tomb of stones over her, according to custom.

The tellers of love stories, which cut the heart like sharp diamonds, relate that when Pannún, all in chains, was carried before his father, his restlessness began to shew itself to such a degree that his father was alarmed for his life, and, there being no help for it, he desired his brothers to go with him, and in any way that could be managed, restore his beloved to him. As they were travelling back, Pannún arrived at the place where Sassí was entombed, and seeing the fresh traces, stood amazed. The mutual attraction of hearts revealed this to him. For outward evidence he set about inquiring into the circumstances. The shepherd before spoken of happened to arrive just then, and related everything as it had occurred. Pannún instantly dismounted from his camel, and begged his brothers to wait one moment, as he wished to pay a pilgrim's visit to this tomb. Then, having thrown himself upon it, he cried aloud to the Almighty, beseeching that he might be joined to his love. As no petitioner before God is ever left without hope, so by His power the hill at once opened and admitted Pannún. He and his mistress were thus encased, as it were, like twin almonds in one shell. The loves of these two, both lovers and both beloved, are still chanted in verses by the Sindians, at a place called Husainí, and people thus seek and find a mode by which they may soar from wordly affection to spiritual love.³³⁵ In truth, this narrative has a wonderful effect on the hearers and narrators, and Mír M'asúm, of Bhakkar, has wrought it into a poem, entitled “Husn o Náz” (or beauty and blandishment); and Kází Murtazá Sorthí, a resident of the village of Katiána, composed a poem, of a peculiar rhythm, on it in the reign of Muhammad Sháh Bádsháh. He relates this story:—A Darwesh named Ism'aíl, an inhabitant of Multán, came on a pilgrimage to see these two wonderful persons of the world of love and affection, and having left his camel at a distance, sat down and fasted three days, in the hope of seeing the two lovers. At the end of that time an old woman appeared to him, bringing some bread and water, but he flatly refused to eat or drink till he had seen Sassí and Pannún. She replied that she was Sassí, and desired him not to expect to see Pannún, for there was no dependance to be placed on things of this world, and that she was harassed by her kindred, who had reduced her to that condition. The Darwesh said—“How can I believe this, for Sassí was young and beautiful, and thou art an old crone.” On these words, she was transfigured to her pristine beauty and youth, and she bade him eat something. The Darwesh said, “I will rather die of hunger than eat before I have seen both of you: thus have I vowed.” After repeated adjurations, Sassí descended into the grave, and showed Pannún as far as his waist, but she herself encircled him all the while with both arms, for fear some one should carry him off. In short, many elders of pure heart have thus seen them. That road is not passable for any one riding a camel; but whosoever keeps awake by night at the tomb, is feasted by an unseen hand, notwithstanding that the place is an utter desert.

* * * * * * *

The Genealogy of the Jats and Bulúchis.

Muhammad, son of Hárún Makrání, who will be noticed in the series of governors of Makrán, and who, at the time of the conquest of Sind, accompanied Muhammad Kásim as far as Armanbela, where he died and was buried, was, as appears from the genealogical table of the family, a grandson of Muhammad, son of Abán, son of 'Abdu-r Rahím, son of Hamza, son of 'Abdu-l Matlab. Once on a time, the pursuit of some beast of the chase, carried the Amír Hamza (may the favour of God restore him!) a long distance into a desert, where he found himself in solitude. As the Almighty watches with a special providence over his chosen ones, a fairy appeared in that desert for Hamza's company, and by the divine permission, he consorted with her, and this dissipated his sense of loneliness and dreariness. The fairy afterwards, by the divine power, became invisible, and the Amír reached his own country. The fairy bore a son by him, viz., 'Abdu-r Rahím. To be brief, Muhammad, son of Hárún, had fifty sons born to him from seven women, as follows:—I. The first wife, Hamírí, bore—1. Ísá; 2. Mihrán; 3. Hajjáz; 4. Sahtak; 5. Bahrám; 6. Rustam; 7. Jalál. II. His second wife bore—1. Mazíd; 2. Jamál; 3. Ráda; 4. Buhlol; 5. Shaháb; 6. Nizám; 7. Jalál; 8. Muríd. III. Miriam bore—1. Rodín; 2. Músá; 3. Notí; 4. Núh; 5. Mandah; 6. Razíu-d dín. IV. 'Aísha bore Jalál. V. Muddí bore—1. Ádam; 2. Kamál; 3. Ahmad; 4. Humád; 5. Hámid; 6. Sa'íd; 7. Mas'úd. VI. Fátima bore—1. Sher; 2. Koh; 3. Buland; 4. Gurg; 5. Núru-d dín; 6. Hasan; 7. Husain; 8. Sulaimán; 9. Ibráhím. VII. Eve bore—1. 'Álam; 2. 'Alí; 3. Sarkash; 4. Bahádur; 5. Teghzan; 6. Mubárak; 7. Turk; 8. Zalha; 9. 'Arabí; 10. Shíráz; 11. Táju-d dín; 12. Gulistán-Barg.

After Hajjáj had subdued all opposition in Makrán, as is recorded, he died, and that principality was divided between the children of Jalál, who took one-half, and the other half was shared by all his brothers. After a short time contentions sprang up among the brothers; the greater part of their descendants mixed with the people of the country and dwelt there, but the descendants of Jalálu-d dín, having been worsted, repaired to Sind and Kach, and their descendants are spread in numberless divisions throughout that country.

The Tribe of Lodh, also called Lolí.

Their origin is this, that king Sulaimán (the prophet, peace be to him!) sent a party of Genii to Rúm to purchase female slaves. On their return back, one of the Genii formed a connection with a girl named Loliá, who became pregnant by him. On king Sulai-mán hearing of this, he gave him the girl. The child was named Lodh, and his descendants, generation after generation, intermingled with the Arabs; and at the time of the conquest of Sind, came to dwell there,—or perhaps they may have come there before that period.

Genealogy of the Samma Tribe.

Sám, as some affirm, was the son of 'Umar, son of Hashám, son of Abí Lahib; and according to others, he was the son of 'Umar, son of 'Akarma, son of Abí Jahl. The title of Jám renders it probable that he was descended from Jamshíd. He is commonly considered to be the son of Núh. Jám, the son of Núh (peace be to him!), had four sons:—1. Budhá, who had sixteen sons, among whom were Budh, Súra, Sahta, Akhíl, Autár, Ámra, Handír, and others, they were styled Ráthor; 2. Sanká; 3. Hamhar; 4. Bhágirat, who had one son named Dera, whose son was Ajípár, whose son was Dasrat.

Dasrat had three wives, viz.,—Kasila, Kailiyá, and Simiyá; by the first of these he had two sons, Rám and Lakhman; the second bore Barat, and Símíá had Chatargun. Sanká, son of Sám, also left descendants; and Hamhar, son of Sám, had a son named Todar, and Barat, son of Dasrat, had four sons, named Parihár, Jánsupá, Kúrícha, and Náhiya. Chatargun, son of Dasrat, also had a son named Cháírá. Lakhman, son of Dasrat, left no posterity. Rám, son of Dasrat, left a son named Tawákas; he had a son named Átat, whose son was named Tattat; he had a son named Narkant,—his son was Kan, and the city of Kan was so called from him; and the son of Kan was styled Sambút Rájá, who had four sons—1. Sám; 2. Barkarara, also called Sháh; 3. Hanrat, also called Dakan; 4. Máda.

Sám, the son of Sambút Rájá, had a son namad Jádam. Jádam had four sons:—1. Haibat, whose son was Sind Samma; 2. Gajpat, whose son was Chughda; 3. Bhúpat, from whom the tribe of Bhattís sprung; 4. Chúrá Samma. His son was Ráí Daiyách, who became chief of Girnál, a fort in the district of Sorath, and famous for the pomp of his retinue. He sacrificed his head as a religious offering. His wife Sorath was devotedly attached to him. The strong affection of this couple, together with the story of the sacrifice, is the subject of a most affecting tale, still sung at Sorath. Haibat, son of Jádam, son of Sám, son of Sambút, had a son named Rídarí, whose son was Nít, who had a son Nútiar, whose son was Audhár, whose son was Audh, whose son was Lákhiya, whose son was Lákha.

Lákha founded a kingdom, and having allied himself in marriage to Pothí Cháda, she brought him four sons. Of these one was Audh, who died without issue, and whose place of residence was called Audh; another was Mahir, he had four sons, viz.,—1. Satya; 2. Dítar Páthárí; 3. Darhá, who had no children; 4. Sánd, he also had no issue. Lákha took to himself another wife in his old age, by whom he had also four sons, viz.,—1. Unar; 2. Chhatta, who had three sons, Babra, Dankara, and Kalla; 3. Fahal, the father of the celebrated Lákha Fasláni; 4. Manáhia. Unar, son of Lákha, had a son also called Lákha, whose son was called Samma. This Samma had two sons,—1. Káka; 2. Jhakra. The former became a ruler, and the district of Káka takes its name from him. He had two sons—1. Pallí; 2. Ráídan. Masrak Samma one of Pallí's sons, became a chief.

Ráídan had nine sons—1. Samma, from whom all the Samejas descend; 2. Nútiar, from whom sprang all the Núts; 3. Lákha, father of Lanjár; 4. Abra, who had a son called Dáhir; 5. Ná-híya; 6. Chanesar, who was a noted man of his time; 7. Manáhia; 8. Koría—the descendants of these three form the tribe of Mindra; 9. Pallí, who became a chief. Pallí had two sons—1. Audh, whose sons were Bahría and Adeja, who was called Gudaria Pútra (or the son of a shepherd); 2. Sánd, who became the head of a tribe of that name. Sánd had seven sons—1. Káka, whose descendants are called Kakeja Pútra; 2. Jára; 3. Dera; 4. Janeja; 5. Hankúra, who had sons, Audheja, Jakia, Dúrhá, and Hankújá; 6. Dera, whose descendants are the Dera Samma, of Kach; 7. Jam Hothí, who had five sons:—1. Hála, whose descendants are well known; 2. Hankúra, whose descendants are búmiyas of Dhúrí, Hankúra, Chár Hankúra, and Rám Deh, which places were founded by them; 3. Sáhir, whose descendants founded Sáhir Samma, and live there; 4. Chílária, whose descendants are the tribe of Nahria; 5. Jám Hápar, who had two sons, viz., Rahúja and Jám Júna; the latter had a son named Kar Ráhú, who had three sons—1. Sánd, whose sons Rúhúma, Lákháita, and Jhakra; 2. Súmra, who left no issue; 3. Lákha Jám, who had a son called Káha, whose son was called Lákha. Káha had also a posthumous son, who was also called Káha, after his father.

Lákha, son of Káha, brother of Káha before mentioned (sic) had twelve sons—1. Jám Júna, whose descendants are the Samma kings of Sind, who dwelt at Sámúí, and who will be mentioned in their proper places; 2. Unar, who ruled in Bahria, and died without issue; 3. Pallí, from whom the Pallí Sammas descend; 4. Káha, from him are the Súdiári Sammas: 5. Auth,—the Auth Sammas, Sáhil Sammas, and Síkháwat Sammas, spring from him; 6. Jaisur, whose son was Bahia Piriá; 7. Mankar, who had no son; 8. Abra, the tribe of Abreja, are his descendants; 9. Hankúrá Kunwar; 10. Sultán Aut; 11. Ráídan; 12. Lákha. Hankúra Kunwar had three sons—1. Dísar; 2. Manáhia; 3. Murádia. Dísar had five sons—1. Káha; 2. Mála; 3. Rakan; 4. Hankúra; 5. Júna, who had also five sons— 1. Khoria; 2. Tájiá; 3. Abra; 4. Bulúch; 5. Pámbiya.³³⁹ Such of the descendants of the latter as rested in Sind, will be mentioned in the history of the Samma kings.

Be it observed, that the Sammas are the owners of the land throughout Sind, as far as Guzerát, including also the greater part of Rájpú-tána, and they form the majority of the population of Sind. The tribes of Bulúch and Jat, and some others already spoken of, are also the ancient inhabitants of the land. Other tribes might be mentioned who succeeeded, or even preceded these, but for the sake of brevity, the writer of this book contents himself with specifying only what is actually necessary. Should any one desire a more minute narrative, let him pursue the investigation himself.

The Governors of Sind under the Ghaznivides and their Successors.

The officers of Sultán Mas'úd possessed themselves of the country of Sind, in succession to those of Mahmúd. Then followed the officers of Maudúd, then the officers of Majdúd; next the officers of Sultán Kutbu-d Dín, and lastly, the officers of Árám Sháh, who are all severally described in the first and second volumes. During the reign of the latter king, his dominions were parcelled into four divisions: one of which comprising Multán, the whole of Sind, and Úch, became subject to Násiru-d dín Kabácha. At that time the following seven Ránás in Sind were tributary to Multán:—1. Ráná Buhnar Sa'ta Ráthor, of Dabra, in the district of Durbela; 2. Ráná Sanír, son of Dhamáj, of the tribe of Kureja Samma, residing in Túng, lying within the district of Rúpáh; 3. Jaisar, son of Jajji Máchhi Solankí, of Mániktara;³⁴⁰ 4. Wakía, son of Pannún Channún, who was established in the valley of Síwí; 5. Channún, son of Díta, of the tribe of Channa, resident of Bhág-nai; 6. Jíya, son of Waríáh, of Jham, or Hemakot; 7. Jasodhan Ákra, of Mín-nagar district of Bámbarwá.

Further, when Láhore was taken by the officers of Táju-d dín Yaldúz, Malik Násiru-d dín Kabácha took refuge in the city of Multán; and towards the end of the year 626 H. (1229 A.D.) Malik Khán Khiljí and his people, became masters of the country of Síwistán. Sultán Shamsu-d dín Íltamsh, having deputed his minister Nizámu-l Mulk Muhammad, son of Asa'd, to besiege Úch, set out for Dehli. Úch surrendered quietly to Nizámu-l Mulk in A.H. 625 (1228 A.D.), and he then hastened to Bhakkar. Násiru-d dín fled, and the vessel of his life was swallowed in up the whirlpool of death. Sultán Shamsu-d dín became lord of Sind. Núru-d dín Muhammad succeeded to the government in A.H. 630 (1233 A.D.) The Sultán Íltamsh died in A.H. 633 (1236 A.D.), and was succeeded by Sultán Mas'úd Sháh. During the disturbed state of the country in his reign the army of the Moghals passed the Indus, and laid siege to Úch, but owing to the vigilance of Sultán Mas'úd they were repulsed and retired on Khurásán. Sultán Mas'úd left Malik Jalálu-d dín Muhammad as governor of Sind, in the room of Núru-d dín Muhammad. During his government, Násiru-d din Mahmúd, uncle of Sultán Mas'úd, inherited the throne and crown.

In A.H. 662 (1264 A.D.), Sultán Ghiásu-d dín ascended the throne of Dehlí, and gave over the provinces of Láhore, Multán and Sind to his son, Sultán Muhammad, who used to go every third year to pay his respects to his father, and stay one year. In A.H. 682 (1283 A.D), Sultán Muhammad was slain in battle against the army of Changíz Khán, and his son Kai Khusrú was confirmed as successor to his father. Sultán Jalálu-d dín Khiljí on his arrival at Láhore in A.H. 692 (1293 A.D.), assigned the government of Multán aud Úch to his son Arkalí Khán, and he appointed Nasrat Khan to the government of Sind. In A.H. 695 (1296 A.D.), Sultán 'Alaú-d dín, despatched his brother Ulugh Khán to expel Arkalí Khán from his government, but, as usual, Nasrat Khán with 10,000 men retained possession of Multán, Úch, Bhakkar, Síwistán, and Thatta. In the beginning of 697 A.D. (1297 A.H.), the Saldáí Moghals from Sístán, arrived and possessed themselves of Síwistán, but Nasrat Khán vigorously attacked them and freed it. Towards the close of his reign, Sultán 'Alaú-d dín despatched Ghází Malik at the head of 10,000 horse to expel Changíz Khán's Moghals from Debálpúr and gave him Multán, Uch, and Sind in jágír.

Khusrú Khán, having watched his opportunity, deposed 'Alaú-d dín, and became master of the throne.³⁴¹ Ghází Malik, marching up at the head of the Sind and Multán forces, expelled Khusrú Khán and seated himself in his place under the style and title of Sultán Ghiásu-d dín. At this interval, a number of the tribe of Súmra rose and possessed themselves of Thatta. Sultán Ghiásu-d dín deputed Malik Táju-d dín to Multán, and Khwája Khatír to Bhak-kar, and Malik 'Ali Sher to Síwistán. Sometime after, when Kashkú Khan revolted in Multán, Sultan Muhammad Sháh, son of Sultán Ghiásu-d dín, arrived at Multán in A.H. 728 (1328 A.D.) and put him down. Then having deputed trusty persons to Bhakkar and Siwistán, he returned. In A.H. 751 (1350 A.D.), while in pursuit of the slave Taghí,³⁴² having traversed Guzerát and Kach, he arrived in the district of Thatta, and encamped at the village of Tharí on the banks of a river. From thence he removed in consequence of an attack of fever, to Gandal,^342a where he got well. He then returned and encamped about four kos from Thatta, where he had a relapse of fever and died.

Sultán Fíroz Sháh succeeded him. Taghí, who was at Thatta, on learning this, hastened to give battle at the head of the tribes of Súmra, Járeja, and Samma, but was defeated. The Sultán quitted the environs of Thatta on the first day of the month of Safar of the above year, and ordered a fort to be built on the river Sánkra; and Amír Nasr was left there with 1000 horse. He founded a city called Nasrpúr, and Malik Bahrám was made ruler of it, and the surrounding districts. Bahrámpúr was named after him. Malik 'Alí Sher, and Malik Táj Káfúrí were left in Siwistán, and the Sultán went to Bhakkar. He appointed Malik Ruknu-d dín his vicegerent, and Malik 'Abdu-l Azíz as minister of finance, and garrisoned the fort with a body of chosen troops. He conferred the title of Ikhlás Khán on Malik Ruknu-d dín, and entrusted him with the affairs of all Sind. He then went to Dehli. In A.H. 772 (1370 A.D.), after the conquest of Nagarkot he proceeded to Thatta, whose chief, Jám Khairu-d dín retired to a fort upon the water, and there collected troops. Scarcity of provisions, and superabundance of mosquitos, forced the Sultán to return to Thatta. Jám Khairu-d dín submitted, came in, and paid his respects. The Sultán carried him towards Dehlí with all the other Zamíndárs, and when near Sihwán, upon learning that the Jám intended to flee, he had him put in chains. Sometime after this, he invested Jám Júna, son of Khairu-d dín with a khil'at, and appointed him to his father's post.

In A.H. 790 (1388 A.D.), Fíroz Sháh died, and was succeeded on the throne of Dehli by Sultán Tughlik Sháh. Then followed Sultán Abú Bakr, Sultán Muhammad Sháh, Sultán Sikandar Sháh, and then Sultán Násiru-d dín, who sent Sárang Khan to take possession of Debálpúr, Multán, and Sind.³⁴³

In A.H. 800 (1397 A.D.), Mirza Pír Muhammad, grandson of Amír Tímúr, crossed the river (Indus) and laid siege to the fort of Úch. Malik 'Alí, who was there on behalf of Sárang Khán, kept him in check for a month, and Sárang Khán despatched Málik Táju-d dín to his aid with 4000 men. Mirzá Pír Muhammad then raised the siege, marched from Úch, and defeated him. He then commenced the siege of Multán. After a siege of six months, Sárang Khán yielded and surrendered Multán. About this time, A.H. 801 (1398 A.D.), Tímúr himself arrived at Multán. From this time dates the downfall and cessation of the authority of the Sultáns of Dehli over the governors of Sind, who raised the standard of independence, as will be now related.

The Tribe of Súmra.

A portion of this tribe had got possession of parts of Sind before the time above-mentioned, so that the whole term of their authority may be reckoned at 550 years. Historians—observing their first appearance after the Ál-i Tamím, who were the last governors on the part of the 'Abbásides—date the rule of the tribe from that time. When, as we have related, the administration of the greater part of Sind was held by the officers of the Ghaznivide and Ghorí kings, this tribe enjoyed full and undivided power. They sprang from the Arabs of Sámra, as has been mentioned before, who arrived in Sind in the fourth century of the Hijra.

It is said that Chhota Amrání, brother of Dalú Ráí Amrání, was so much grieved at his brother's injustice which occasioned the ruin of the city of Alor, and clouded the prosperity of the city of Bhám-bará, that he repaired to Baghdád and obtained from the Khalif 100 Arabs of Sámra whom, with the 'Ulamáí Músawí, he brought to Sind, of whom more hereafter. At last, Dalú Ráí submitted to the Saiyid and gave him his daughter in marriage. The Saiyid settled in Sind, and left descendants, and the town of Mut'alwí is their abiding place.

In short, as we have before said, in A.H. 720 (1320 A.D.) Ghází Malik march on Dehli, with an army collected from Multán and Sind, and overthrew Khusrú Khán. Then, ascending the throne, he assumed the style and title of Ghiásu-d din Tughlik Sháh, and devoted himself to the government of his new dominions.

The Súmras then collected a force from the neighbourhood of Tharí, and placed a man named Súmra on the throne. He settled the frontier of his country, and married the daughter of a zamíndár named Sád, who had set up a claim to independence. To him was born a son named Bhúngar, who on his death succeeded him in the government. After him, his son Dúdá brought the country as far as Nasrpúr into his possession. Dúdá died, leaving a son of tender age, named Singhár, so Tárí, daughter of Dúdá, took the government into her hands, but made it over to her brother when he arrived at years of discretion. Singhár pushed his way in the direction of Kach, and subjected the country as far as Báng-nai. He left no son, so his wife Hemú appointed her brothers to the government of the cities of Túr and Tharí. After a brief interval, a Súmra named Dúdá, who was ruling in the fort of Dhak, assembled his brethren from all sides, and extirpated the brethren of Hemú. At this juncture Dádu Phatú, a descendant of Dúdá, rebelled, and collecting a foreign force, he for some time carried on the government. After him, Khairá became ruler. Then Armíl became the master of the state. So the Sammas rebelled and slew him. This happened in the year 752 Hijra (1351 A.D.). The history of this family, from its rise to its fall, the number of its princes, and the causes of its decline, are very discordantly narrated. Thus the Muntakhabu-t Tawáríkh says that when the sovereignty was inherited by 'Abdu-r Rashíd, son of Mahmúd, of Ghazní, it was soon perceived that he was lethargic and weak-minded. The men of Sind were therefore refractory and rebellious, and in the year 445 Hijra (1053 A.D.), the men of Súmra collected in the vicinity of Tharí, and raised a man named Súmra to the seat of government. This man reigned independently for a long period, and, marrying the daughter of a zamíndár named Sád, he died leaving a son named Bhúngar as his successor. Bhúngar, son of Súmra, reigned fifteen years, and died in the year 461 Hijra (1069 A.D.) His son Dúdá succeeded, and reigned twenty-four years, dying in 485 Hijra (1092 A.D). After him Singhár reigned fifteen years; Khafif, thirty-six years; 'Umar, forty years; Dúdá, the second, fourteen years; Phatú, thirty-three years; Genhra,³⁴⁵ sixteen years; Muhammad Túr, fifteen years; Genhra,^345a several years; Dúdá,^345b fourteen years; Táí,^345c twenty-four years; Chanesar, eighteen years; Bhúngar, fifteen years; Khafíf, eighteen years; Dúdá, twenty-five years; 'Umar Súmra, thirty-five years; Bhúngar, ten years. Hamír then succeeded, but he was a tyrant, and the Samma tribe overthrew him. The rise of this family is related in various ways, and several rulers are mentioned beside those above enumerated; their fall, also, is described in many incongruous ways. 'Umar Súmra gave his name to the fort of 'Umarkot.

The Story of Múmal and Mendra.

One of the most remarkable events of his (Hamír Súmra's) time is the story of Múmal and Mendra, which is told thus:—A woman named Múmal, of the family of the Gújar chiefs, on the death of her father, ruled over his lands, and built a lofty palace on the outskirts of the city, outside which she, by magic art, conducted a stone canal like a river across the entrance of the palace; and she planted two life-like lions of terrible aspect, cut in stone, at the doorway, and within the ordinary sitting-room seven sofas were placed, covered with stuff of one design, six of which coverings were made of unspun thread, and underneath each sofa a deep well was dug. She then caused it to be given out that she would choose for her husband him who should pass the river and the lions, and sagaciously seat himself on the right seat. Many men were tempted to a trial, but none attained their object; nay, they stepped into the well of annihilation.

One day, Hámir Súmra went out hunting with three of his suite, one of whom was Ráná Mendra, his minister's wife's brother. He happened to meet a travelling Jogí, who so extolled the beauty of Múmal, that Hámir Súmra felt a great desire to see her. Taking his attendants with him, they turned their heads to the direction indicated, and on reaching its vicinity put up within view of the palace. Múmal, on learning of their arrival, despatched a sharp slave girl to ascertain their quality, and bring the most important person of the party to be hospitably entertained.

First Hamír went with the girl, but she outstripped him; and he, on beholding that deep imaginary river, returned without attaining his object, and for very shame said nothing. The next night the girl came again, and bade one of the other strangers accompany her, but he also returned as Hamír had done. On the third night, the same thing happened to the third man. On the fourth night, Ráná Mendra set out with the girl, and when she wished to precede him, according to her custom, he seized the skirt of her garment, and put her behind, saying that it was not proper for slave girls to precede their masters. When he reached the visionary river he was puzzled for a moment. On sounding the depth of the water with the lance which he had in his hand, he found it had no real existence. He at once passed over, and saw the lions at the gate, but throwing his spear at them, he found they were not really alive.

He then pursued his object, entered the palace, and went into the sofa room; there he saw seven sofas or thrones, all of the same kind, and thought to himself that one of them must be especially intended to sit on, and that perhaps there was some deception about them. He then probed each with his spear, found out the substantial one, and sat down cross-legged upon it. The girl informed Múmal of the circumstances, and of his sagacity. She instantly came out, they were mutually pleased with each other, and the marriage knot was firmly tied. Mendra passed the night in rapturous enjoyment, and repaired early in the morning to the presence of Hamír and his friends, to whom he related his adventures. Hamír said, “As the woman has now become your own, you must be pleased to let me see her once.” Accordingly, at night, Mendra took Hamír with him, dressed as a shepherd. Hamír bore the Ráná some ill-will for having set aside the respect due to him; he therefore carried him off to his own city, and placed him under arrest. As Mendra had given his heart to Múmal, he, with the privity of his guards, every night secretly mounted a very swift she-dromedary, who could perform five ordinary day's journey and back again in a single night, and having seen his beloved, and enjoyed the charms of her company, returned to his prison.

It chanced that one night Múmal had gone to see her sister. Mendra returned, and suspecting something wrong, became displeased, and gave up going any more. The innocent Múmal was greatly distressed at Mendra's displeasure, and quitted her own residence and country. Having arrived at the city where Mendra dwelt, she built a palace adjoining his, and had windows placed opposite to his windows that she might sometimes see him. Mendra, shrouded in displeasure, closed his windows on that side, and Múmal then built a palace opposite another face of Mendra's, and so on, opposite to each of its four faces, but did not succeed in seeing her beloved. At last, when Múmal saw that Mendra had entirely averted the face of regard from her, she breathed a sigh of anguish, and, wounded by despair, gave up her life. Intelligence of this was conveyed to Mendra, and since a lover powerfully affects the heart of the beloved, and as the attraction of hearts in the world of unity tends to one and the same object, he instantly, on hearing these lamentable tidings, sighed and expired. This story is sung in Sindí verse at certain established places, and religious devotees are transported to raptures and heavenly visions of Divine love, on hearing it. A certain Mullá Mukím has written this story in Persian verse, and called it “Tarannum-i 'Ishk,” or the song of love.³⁴⁷

Story of Chanesar and Lailá.

A girl named Kaunrú, daughter of the powerful and renowned Raná Khangár was betrothed to her cousin. Being incomparably beautiful, the young lady gave herself great airs among her associates. At that time no one could be compared to Chanesar, of Dewal, for beauty of person, store of wealth, extent of territory, or force of authority, and an alliance with him was earnestly desired by many beauties. One day a girl named Jamní, one of Kaunrú's companions, said to her, tauntingly, “Perhaps you entertain thoughts of being married to Chanesar, since you practice so many fine airs, and are so affected.” This taunt pierced Kaunrú's heart, and without even having seen Chanesar's face, she became desperately in love with him, and almost beside herself. When Marghín, her mother, found this out, she apprised Ráná Khangár of it. As a matrimonial alliance with Chanesar was the greatest honour of the day, and there seemed no way of accomplishing that except by stratagem, the Ráná advised Marghín to take their daughter in the garb of a merchant to Chanesar's town, without letting any one know of her so doing, and before Kaunrú should become the victim of despair, and thus perhaps Chanesar himself might become ensnared in the net of good contrivance. Agreeably to this recommendation, Marghín set out with her daughter and some merchandize, crossed the river Parpat, and leaving her own country of Dhat, soon entered the Dewal territory, and arrived at the city where Chanesar lived. She sent a message through a gardener's wife, to Jhakra, Chanesar's Wazír, intimating her desire for a union. Chanesar—devoted to Lailá, whose beauty and charms might excite the jealousy of the celebrated Lailá—returned for answer that he wished for none but Lailá, bade the gardener's wife beware of bringing more such messages to him, and directed the new comers to be sent away, lest Lailá should hear of them, and be annoyed. On being informed of this, Marghín sold her merchandise, and went one day into the presence of Lailá, in the garb of a poor stranger beggar woman, saying:—“Adverse circumstances have driven me and my daughter far from our own country; in spinning thread we have no equals, if you will kindly take us as your slaves, we will so serve you as to merit general approval.” Lailá took them both, and was pleased with their work. After some time, the arrangements of Chanesar's bedchamber became Kaunrú's special charge. Kaunrú one night thought of her own country, and of her splendid position there, and her eyes filled with tears. Chanesar, seeing this, asked her what was the matter. She answered that she had raised the wick of the lamp, and then scratched her eye with the hand with which she did it, which brought the tears into her eye. On hearing this, Lailá was very pressing to learn the truth, and Kaunrú, after much pressing, said, “The truth is, I am the daughter of a sovereign, of such wealth, that the lustre of his jewels serves him for night-lights; hence the smoke of the lamp confused my brain, and the recollection of past days entered my head, and I wept that they were no more.” Lailá asked her for proof of the truth of this pretension; she instantly produced a most delicate dress, such as Lailá had never seen, with a necklace worth nine lakhs of rupees. Lailá was charmed with such precious rareties, and desired to have them. Kaunrú and Marghín said, “We will give them on condition that you give us Chanesar for one night.” As most women are wanting in understanding, she agreed to the terms, and one night, when Chanesar was drunk, she made him over to Kaunrú. Chane-sar passed the entire night in unconsciousness, and when he awoke in the morning, was astonished at finding who it was he had in his bosom. Kaunrú's mother was all night on the alert as to what should happen. Finding in the morning that her daughter's object was not accomplished, she began muttering from behind the curtain, “how strange it is that Lailá should sell such a husband as Chane-sar for a mere necklace! and that he should be ignorant of this; it is not fitting that a man should again consort with such a wife.” Chanesar hearing this, looked lovingly on Kaunrú; she told him the whole particulars of her story from beginning to end. He then said:—“Since the case is thus, be of good heart, for I am no more Lailá's, and I will love you with my whole heart.”

On Lailá hearing of what had taken place, all her stratagems were futile, her constant union was changed to utter separation After the lapse of a long time, she returned to her paternal village, and passed her time in solitude. Before this affair, a girl from the family of Lailá had been betrothed to the minister Jhakra; but after what had happened to Lailá her relations would not give the girl to him. As he was bent on the match, he tried many devices to bring about the marriage, but all in vain. Lailá sent word to him that if he could by any means contrive to bring Chanesar with him, she would pledge herself his desired marriage should take place.

On receiving this message, Jhakra, with much ado, persuaded Chanesar to accompany him to Lailá's village. Lailá changed her dress, and putting on the garb of a woman who bears the message of assignation, veiled her face, and entered the presence of Chanesar, when she spoke reproachfully of the relation in which he stood to Lailá. During the conversation, she played off some coquettish airs, and captivated Chanesar without his knowing who she was. As all Chanesar's abandonment of Lailá, and unkindness too, arose from jealousy, and he was in reality as much attached to her as ever, on the remembrance of the joys of the time of his union with her he became beside himself, and said, “O sweet-tongued girl! thou thyself art the rarest of beauties! How long wilt thou talk of Lailá? Speak to me of thyself, for my heart yearns to thee!” She replied: “How can the heart love one faithless as thou?” On hearing her speech, Chanesar wished to tear her veil off; but Lailá, who was herself her own messenger, at the very height of his ardour, unveiled herself with her own hand. When Chanesar saw that she was indeed Lailá, he suddenly drew a cold sigh from his sorrowful heart and expired. On seeing this, Lailá, too, uttered one groan and fell down lifeless. The pair were burned according to custom, and their strange story is well remembered by the people, and is the theme of a popular and moving song in the Sindí tongue. Idra'ki Beg-Lár composed a Persian poem on this story; the present writer, for fear of prolixity, has satisfied himself with relating thus much of it.

* * * * * * *

Nawwáb Muríd Khán.

He was by birth the son of a Rája, and newly converted to the Muhammadan faith. In the year 1099 H. (1688 A.D.) corresponding with the 31st of the reign, he was appointed to the government of Thatta. It is said, that several thousand Rájpúts accompanied him. When he arrived at the ferry, he learnt that it was necessary to pass through the butcher's shambles where cows were slaughtered, before he could reach the citadel. So he despatched a message to Kází Muhammad Husain, the Kází of the city, saying that he had with him a large body of Hindú Rájpúts, and requesting him to remove the shops of the cow-slaying butchers from the passage of the bazar, lest they should give offence to his followers, and some disturbance should arise. As the institutions of the king, the defender of the law, were not tolerant of the threats and menaces of such persons, the most worshipful Kází, that very night, directed the butchers to double the number of their usual stalls, and place them on both sides of the roads. When the governor heard of this, seeing it would be useless to act in opposition to His Majesty, the defender of the faith, he was compelled to pass according to the fashion observed by his predecessors. He remained two years in Thatta, during which his army gave much trouble to the Musulmáns. Upon a representation made by the chief residents, a royal order was received directing him to abandon his ridiculous crotchets and consider himself removed from the government of Musulmáns. When he was dismissed, he remained for some time at the fort of Tughlikábád, better known as Kalánkot, as he found the air suited to the complaint under which he was suffering, of weakness of sight. The king, out of regard to him, did not oppose this arrangement, but when his successor arrived at Thatta, he was summoned to the court. Some of the present defences and buildings of the fort of Tughlikábád are of his construction.

APPENDIX.

NOTE (A).—GEOGRAPHICAL.

[Sir H. ELLIOT in his introductory remarks on Al Bírúní's geographical chapter, observed that before the time of that writer “the whole of Upper India was a perfect terra incognita, and the Arabians knew much less of it than Pliny and Ptolemy.” The geographical extracts at the beginning of this volume, fully prove the justice of this observation. Multán, Mansúra, Alor, and other places of note in the valley of the Indus, were visited by their early travellers, and the ports upon the coast, especially those about the Gulf of Cambay, were also known from the reports of their mariners. All beyond this was vague, and evidently drawn from hearsay information. Their scanty knowledge is farther shown by the identity of much that was written on the subject. Sulaimán and Ma'súdi drew their information from the same or very similar sources; and a great part of Istakhrí's and Ibn Haukal's description is verbatim the same, so that there can be no doubt that one copied from the other. In Bírúní we have ample evidence of a much wider knowledge, not always accurate, not always intelligible at the present time, but still showing that he had acquired, either by personal travel or by diligent investigation, a fair general knowledge of the topography of Hindustan, and even of parts beyond.³⁵³ Idrísí gives a full compilation from the works of his predecessors, with some additional matter from sources now lost to us, but he does not appear to have used the writings of Bírúní, and his work is blemished by many false spellings.]

[Sir H. Elliot endeavoured to identify and fix the position of several of the most important and interesting of the places mentioned by the early geographers and historians, and some additions have since been made, chiefly from sources unpublished at the time when his original volume appeared. The following is an index of the notes:—

Balhará.

[The early Arab Geographers are unanimous in their spelling of the title “Balhará.” The merchant Sulaimán says it is a title similar to the Chosroes of the Persians, and not a proper name. Ibn Khurdádba says that it signifies “King of Kings.” According to Mas'údí it is a title borne by all the kings of the country, while Ibu Haukal states that it is a name derived from that of the country. Idrísí follows Ibn Khurdádba in giving to it the signification of “King of Kings,” but, he adds, that the title was hereditary. Thus it seems clear that it was the general title of a dynasty, and that it must have borne some such signification as that assigned to it by Ibn Khurdádba.]

[Taking the accounts of the Arab writers, and comparing them with the Indian annals, there can be no great hesitation in identifying the “Balhará” with the dynasty settled at Ballabhi-pura, the princes of which were the founders of the Ballabhi era, and were probably known as the Ballabhi or Ballabh Ráís. This identification, originally proposed by Colonel Tod, has met with tacit acquiescence, except from M. Reinaud, who considered the term “Balhará” to represent Málwá Ráí or “King of Málwá.”]³⁵⁵

[Ballabhi-pura was, according to Tod, “destroyed in the fifth century, by an irruption of the Parthians, Getes, Huns or Catti, or a mixture of these tribes,”^355a In another place he gives the date of this event from Jain records as A.D. 524.^355b And in a further passage he says, that after the destruction of Ballabhi-pura, its princes “fled eastward, eventually obtaining Chitor, when the Islands of Deo and Somnath-pattan, in the division termed Larika, became the seat of government. On its destruction, in the middle of the eighth century, Anhalwára became the metropolis, and this, as recorded, endured until the fourteenth century.”^355c Hwen Tsang visited Balabhi in the seventh century, and Thomas gives the date of its destruction as 802 Samvat (745 A.D.)^355d The ruins of the city are well known, being situate about twenty miles west of Bhownuggur, in Kattiwar; and the name survives in that of the modern town of Wallay, which stands near them.^355e]

[Hindu authorities thus record the removal of the seat of government to the country of Lárike or Láta, which country Mas'údí names as being subject to the Balhará, and which the other writers describe as forming part of his dominions.]

[The capital of the Balhará is stated by Mas'údí to be “Mánkír (or Manákír) the great centre of India,” and to be situated “eighty Sindí parasangs (640 miles) from the sea,” a palpable exaggeration. Istakhrí and Ibn Haukal say that “Mánkír is the city in which the Balhará dwells, but they do not name it in their lists of the cities of Hind. Bírúní and Idrísí make no mention of it. The unavoidable inference is that the place had fallen to decay, and was known only by tradition in the days of these Arab writers.]

[The name Mánkír or Manákír bears a suggestive resemblance to “Minagara,” a city which Ptolemy places on the Nerbadda, among the cities of Larike. Both are probably representatives of the Sanskrit mahá-nagara, “great city.” Mánkír is said to mean “great centre,” so that the word mahá (great) must be represented by the first syllable má; and the other syllables nakír or nákír are by no means a bad Arabic transcription of “Nagara,” for the alphabet would not allow of a closer version than nakar. In Minagara, the word nagara, “city” is unquestionable. Ptolemy mentions another Minagara on the East coast, somewhere near the Mahánadí river, and Arrian, in the Periplus, has another Minagara in the valley of the Indus. The syllable mi would therefore seem to be a common appellative, having no local or ethnological import, but corresponding with mahá or some similar word.]

[The bearings of Minagara and of some of the neighbouring places are thus stated by Ptolemy:—

There is a palpable error in these statements of Ptolemy, for he places Ujjain to the south of Nerbadda, and two degrees south of the bend of the river near Siripalla. But Ujjain lies to the north of the Nerbadda, and the river has no noticeable bend in this quarter. The river Mahí, however, has a very great bend; Ujjain lies to the south of it, and the respective bearings are more in agreement, so that the two rivers would here seem to have been confounded.]

[Tiatura may be Talner, and Xeragere may be Dhar, as Lassen supposes, for these are situated on well-known roads, and as General Cunningham forcibly observes, Ptolemy's geography must have been compiled from routes of merchants. Comparing the bearings of the various places, Minagara would seem to have been situated somewhere between Dhar and Broach. Lassens identifies Minagara with Balabhi-pura, but this city was situated too far west.]

[The neighbourhood of Dhar is exactly the locality in which Idrísí would at first sight seem to place Nahrwárá or Nahlwárá, which he leads us to infer was the capital of the Balhará in his time. This city, he tells us, was situated eight days' journey inland from Broach through a flat country. The towns of Hanáwal (or Janáwal) and Dulka lie between them, and Dulka is situated on the river (Nerbadda) which forms the estuary on which Broach stands, and at the foot of a chain of mountains called Undaran, lying to the north. Near Hanáwal there is another town called Asáwal. This description is inconsistent, for Asáwal is an old name of Ahmadábád, and that city lies to the north far away from the Nerbadda. Abú-l Fidá seems to rectify this, for he declares Cambay to be the port of Nahrwárá, which city he says is three days' journey from a port. He refers to Abú Ríhán as spelling the name Nahlwára, and on turning back to page 61, it will be seen that this is his orthography. The city described by Abú Ríhán and Abú-l Fidá is undoubtedly Anhalwára Pattan, and if Cambay be substituted for Broach in Idrísí's description, the account, so far as we understand it, will be consistent with itself and with the other writers. Cambay stands at the head of the bay which bears its name, between the mouths of the Sábarmatí on the west, and the Mahí on the east. Asáwal or Ahmadábád is on the left bank of the former, and the Arávallí chain of mountains lies to the north of Anhalwára. Idrísí specially mentions the bullock carriages of Nahrwára, and those of Guzerát are still famous. Lastly, no Nahrwára is known near the river Nerbadda. Thus Ptolemy and Idrísí would both seem to have confounded the river of Broach (the Nerbadda) with those of Cambay (Sábarmatí and Mahí).]

[Hwen Tsang, who travelled in India between 629 and 645 A.D., visited the kingdom of “Fa-la-pi” (Vallabhi), but his account does not help to settle the locality of the capital, for he only says that it was a journey of 1000 li (166 1/2 miles) north from Málwá. The kings were of Kshatriya race, and were connected with the sovereigns of Kanya-kubja, the reigning monarch, Dhruva Bhatta, being son-in-law either of King Siláditya or of that king's son.]

[The “Balhará” would thus seem to represent, as Tod affirmed, the Ballabh Ráís of Ballabhi-pura who were succeeded by the Bala Ráís of Anhalwára Pattan. Their territories included the ports in the country of Láta (Lárike) on the gulf of Cambay. These ports were frequented by Arab trading vessels, and so the accounts given of the Balhará by their geographers, vague and meagre as they are, exceed all that is recorded by them of the other cotemporary kingdoms. The extent of the Balhará's territory can only be surmised, and no doubt it underwent continual change. Mas'údí, by implication, places Tanna within his dominions, but this is farther south than would seem to be warranted. The Táptí on the south, and the Arávallí mountains on the north may perhaps represent an approximation to the real extent of the kingdom. This may appear a limited dominion for a monarch of such renown as the Arabs represent the Balhará to have been; but it must be remembered that these writers were accustomed to a simple patriarchal form of government, free from the pomp and splendour of the further east.]

[There are copper records extant showing that in the first half of the fourth century grants of land in the neighbourhood of Jambúsír were made by the Gurjjara rájas and by the Chálukyas. The latter were of a Rajput tribe, and would then appear to have been making their way southwards to the scene of their subsequent power. In 812 A.D., just before the time of the merchant Sulaimán, a grant was made by the “Láteswara,” that is, “King of Láta,” but the names therein recorded have not been identified with those in any of the dynastic lists. Allowing for the omissions not unusual in such grants, there is a Dhruva who may correspond with the Dhruva Bhatta of Hwen Tsang.]

Juzr or Jurz.

[Sulaimán and Ibn Khurdádba write the name “Jurz” but the Paris edition of Mas'údí has Juzr, which the editors understand as signifying Guzerat. Abú Zaid says incidentally that Kanauj is “a large country forming the empire of Jurz;”³⁵⁸ and relying upon this statement M. Reinaud identifies Jurz with Kanauj.^358a But Mas'údí locates the Bauüra at Kanauj, and speaks of Juzr as quite a distinct kingdom. Sulaimán and Mas'údí concur in making the country border on the kingdoms of the Rahma and the Balhará, and the former says that the country is situated on a tongue of land, and is rich in camels and horses. “Juzr” closely resembles the name “Guzerát,” especially in its Arabic form “Juzarát” and the other known conditions are satisfied by this identification. Guzerát is a peninsula, it bordered on the dominions of the Balhará, and the horses of Kattiwár are still famous.]

[Hwen Tsang visited the “kingdoms of Su-la-cha or Suráshtra, and Kiu-che-lo or Gurjjara, after that of Vallabhi, but, according to his expositor, M. Vivien de St. Martin, Su-la-cha (Suráshtra) represents the modern Guzerát, and Kiu-che-lo (Gurjjara) “the country of the Gujars” between Anhalwára and the Indus. This location of the two territorial names differs from the generally received acceptation of their meaning, and rests entirely upon the expositor's interpretation of Hwen Tsang's confused statements—the only arguments adduced in its favour, being a proposed identification of Pi-lo-mo-lo, which Hwen Tsang gives as the name of the capital of Kiu-che-lo, with the modern Bálmer; and an ethnological theory that the Gujars might have given their name to this country in the course of their migrations. But no example of such an application of the name is adduced, and Hwen Tsang himself in another passage (p. 169) accurately describes this very country as being north of Kiu-che-lo, and stretching “1900 li (316 1/2 miles), a travers des plaines sauvages et des déserts dangereux” to the river Indus. The Sanskrit Suráshtra and Gurjjara survive in the modern names Surat and Guzerát, and, however the territories embraced by the old terms may have varied, it is hard to conceive that Surat was not in Suráshtra nor Guzerát in Gurjjara. All evidence goes to prove that the old and modern names applied to the same places. Thus, Ptolemy's Surastrene comprises Surat, and the grants of the “Rajas of Gurjjara” dated in the early part of the fourth century, conveyed land in the vicinity of Jambusara or “Jumbooseer.”— Bírúní (supra p. 67), shows what the Muhammadans understood by Guzerát in his day, and while Guzerát answers to the “Juzr,” of his predecessors, the supposed “country of the Gujars” does not, for that cannot be said to be “a tongue of land.”]

[The fact is that there is great confusion in this part of Hwen Tsang's itinerary, and his bearings are altogether untrustworthy. In the first volume he says, “Du cote de l' ouest ce royaume (Suráshtra) touche à la rivière Mahí;” but in vol. ii. p. 165, he says “La capitale touche du côté de l'ouest à la rivière Mo-hi (Mahí).” A very material difference. The first statement is quite in agreement with the true position of Suráshtra. Hwen Tsang represents his route to have proceeded north from Kach to Vallabhi. This error, M. Vivien de Saint-Martin observes, renders it necessary to reverse the direction, and he adds, “Ceci est une correction capitale qui affecte et rectifie toute la suite de l'itinéraire.” If it is thus necessary to reverse the north and south, may it not be also necessary to do the same with the east and west? No such general correction, however, will set matters right; for Hwen Tsang says correctly that he proceeded south-east from Gurjjara to Ujjain. It is curious, moreover, that M. V. de Saint-Martin does not adhere to his “correction capitale,” for Hwen Tsang states that he went north from Vallabhi to Gurjjara and his expositor, places Gurjjara to the north, while according to his own canon it ought to be south.³⁶⁰]

Táfan.

[Sulaimán writes the name “Táfak;” Ibn Khurdádba and Mas'údí have “Táfan.” Reinaud cites also the variations “Tákan” and “Tában.” Founding his opinion on the statement as to the beauty of the women, whom he supposes to be Mahrattas, Reinaud places this country in the neighbourhood of Aurangábád.^360a His argument is amusing, but is untenable, for it is inconsistent with the account given of the country by the Arab writers. Mas'údí says, “Some kings have their territory in the mountains away from the sea, like the king of Kashmír, the king of Táfan, and others;” and again, “the Míhrán (Indus) comes from well-known sources in the highlands of Sind, from the country belonging to Kanauj in the kingdom of Bauüra, and from Kashmír, Kandahár and Táfan.” Sulaiman says that “Táfak” lies by the side of the kingdom of Juzr, and this is inconsistent with Reinaud's view of Juzr being Kanauj and Táfak being Aurangábád; for if Juzr be Guzerát, Táfak must be placed to the north of it, as the dominions of the Balhará were on the south-east. The mountains in this direction are, first, the Árávalí mountains; next, the Salt-range, and lastly, the Himalayas. In Kazwíní there is a notice of the fort of “Taifand,” subdued by Mahmúd of Ghazní, in the year 1023 A.D.^360b This fort he represents as being on the summit of a mountain, to which there was only one way of access, and when taken, there were 500 elephants in the place. The names are sufficiently similar, and the descriptions point to the same locality. In the absence of more definite information, the Salt-range seems to comply most closely with what we are told about the position of Táfand.]