History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 1

CONTENTS.

APPENDIX.

PRELIMINARY NOTE.

[THESE are not the days when the public care to listen to the minor details of an author's life; but Sir H. M. Elliot's relations and the thinned number of his personal friends—while confidently leaving his posthumous works to speak for themselves—recognise the double duty of placing on record the more prominent events of his career, and of defining under what guarantee his writings are now submitted, so to say, to a new generation of readers. The former will be found in a separate note, but to explain the origin and progressive advance of the present publication, it may be stated that after Sir Henry Elliot's death, at the Cape of Good Hope, his fragmentary papers were brought to this country by his widow. And as the introductory volume of the original work had been issued under the auspices and at the cost of the Government of the North-Western Provinces of India, the MSS.—constituting the materials already prepared for the more comprehensive undertaking in thirteen volumes—were placed at the disposal of those ever liberal promoters of Oriental literature, the Directors of the East India Company, by whom they were submitted to a Committee consisting of the late Prof. H. H. Wilson, Mr. Edward Clive Bayley, of the Bengal Civil Service, and Mr. W. H. Morley, of the Inner Temple, a gentleman who had distinguished himself as an Arabic scholar, and who was reputed to be well versed in other branches of Oriental lore. On the recommendation of this Committee, the Court of Directors readily sanctioned a grant of £500 towards the purposes of the publication, and Mr. Morley was himself entrusted with the editorship. Mr. Morley's circumstances, at this critical time, are understood to have been subject to important changes, so that, although he entered upon his task with full alacrity and zeal, his devotion soon slackened, and when the MSS. were returned four years afterwards, they were found to be in such an imperfectly advanced state as effectually to discourage any hasty selection of a new editor. For which reserve, indeed, there were other and more obvious reasons in the paucity of scholars available in this country, who could alike appreciate the versatile knowledge of the author, and do justice to the critical examination of his leading Oriental authorities, or other abstruse texts, where references still remained imperfect.

As Lady Elliot's adviser in this matter, a once official colleague of her husband's, and alike a free participator in his literary tastes, I trust that I have secured the best interests of the projected undertaking in the nomination of Professor J. Dowson, of the Staff College of Sandhurst, who has so satisfactorily completed the first volume, under the revised distribution of the work, now submitted to the public.—EDWARD THOMAS.]

EDITOR'S PREFACE.

The foregoing note has described how, sixteen years after Sir Henry Elliot's first volume was given to the world, his papers were placed in my charge for revision and publication.

My first intention was to carry out the work on the original plan, but as progress was made in the examination of the voluminous materials, the necessity of some modification became more and more apparent. The work had long been advertised under the revised title which it now bears, as contemplated by the author himself; its bibliographical character having been made subordinate to the historical. It also seemed desirable, after the lapse of so many years, to begin with new matter rather than with a reprint of the old volume. Mature consideration ended with the conviction that the book might open with fresh matter, and that it might at the same time be rendered more available as an historical record.

In the old volume, Sir H. Elliot introduced a long note upon “India as known to the Arabs during the first four centuries of the Hijri Era,” and under this heading he collected nearly all the materials then within the reach of Europeans. Since that compilation was made, it has been to a great degree superseded by new and more satisfactory translations, and the work of Al Istakhrí has also become available. The translation of Al Idrísí by Jaubert was not quoted by Sir H. Elliot, but an English version of the part relating to India seemed desirable. The subject had thus outgrown the limits of an already lengthy note, and a remodelling of this portion of the book became necessary. The notices of India by the early Arab geographers form a suitable introduction to the History of the Muhammadan Empire in that country. They have accordingly been placed in chronological order at the opening of the work.

Next in date after the Geographers, and next also as regards the antiquity of the subjects dealt with, come the Mujmalu-t Tawáríkh and the Futúhu-l Buldán. In the latter work, Biládurí describes in one chapter the course of the Arab conquests in Sind. The Chach-náma deals more fully with the same subject, and the Arabic original of this work must have been written soon after the events its records, though the Persian version, which is alone known to us, is of later date. The Arab occupation of Sind was but temporary, it was the precursor, not the commencement, of Musulmán rule in India. On the retreat of the Arabs the government of the country reverted to native princes, and notwithstanding the successes of Mahmúd of Ghazní, the land remained practically independent until its absorption into the Empire during the reign of Akbar in 1592 A.D. Priority of date and of subject thus give the right of precedence to the Historians of Sind, while the isolation of the country and the individuality of its history require that all relating to it should be kept together. The “Early Arab Geographers,” and “The Historians of Sind,” have therefore been taken first in order, and they are comprised in the present volume.

So far as this volume is concerned, Sir H. Elliot's plan has been followed, and the special histories of Sind form a distinct book, but for the main portion of the work his plan will be changed. In classifying his materials as “General Histories” and “Particular Histories,” Sir H. Elliot adopted the example set by previous compilers of catalogues and other bibliographical works, but he sometimes found it convenient to depart from this division. Thus the Kámilu-t Tawáríkh of Ibn Asír and the Nizámu-t Tawáríkh of Baizáwí, are general histories, but they are classed among the particular histories, because they were written shortly after the fall of the Ghaznivides, and their notices of India are confined almost exclusively to that dynasty.

The great objection to this arrangement in an historical work is that it separates, more than necessary, materials relating to the same person and the same subject. Thus the Táríkh-i Badáúní of 'Abdu-l Kádir is particularly valuable for the details it gives of the reign and character of Akbar under whom the writer lived. But this is a general history, and so would be far removed from the Akbar-náma of Abú-l Fazl, which is a special history comprising only the reign of Akbar. A simple chronological succession, irrespective of the general or special character of the different works, seems with the single exception of the Sindian writers to be the most convenient historical arrangement, and it will therefore be adopted in the subsequent volumes. This plan will not entirely obviate the objection above noticed, but it will tend greatly to its diminution.

Upon examining the mass of materials left by Sir H. Elliot the bibliographical notices were found for the most part written or sketched out, but with many additional notes and references to be used in a final revision. The Extracts intended to be printed were, with some important exceptions, translated; and where translations had not been prepared, the passages required were generally, though not always, indicated. The translations are in many different hands. Some few are in Sir H. Elliot's own handwriting, others were made by different English officers, but the majority of them seem to have been the work of munshís. With the exception of those made by Sir H. Elliot himself, which will be noted whenever they occur, I have compared the whole of them with the original texts and the errors which I have had to correct have been innumerable and extensive. But with all my care it is to be feared that some misreadings may have escaped detection, for it is very difficult for a reviser to divest himself entirely of the colour given to a text by the original translator. In some cases it would have been easier to make entirely new translations, and many might have been made more readable; but, according to Sir H. Elliot's desire, “the versions are inelegant, as, in order to show the nature of the original, they keep as close to it as possible; and no freedom has been indulged in with the object of improving the style, sentiments, connection, or metaphors of the several passages which have been quoted:” the wide difference in the tastes of Europeans and Orientals has, however, induced me to frequently substitute plain language for the turgid metaphors and allusions of the texts.

The notes and remarks of the Editor are enclosed in brackets [], but the Introductory chapter on the Arab Geographers must be looked upon as being in the main his work. Where any of Sir H. Elliot's old materials have been used and throughout in the notes, the distinctive mark of the brackets has been maintained.

The reference made by Sir H. Elliot to the works of other authors are very numerous, especially in the articles which appeared in his printed volume. Some of these references have been checked, and the passages referred to have been found to be of very little importance. They would seem to have been made for the author's rather than for general use, but still it is difficult to determine beforehand what particular part of an article may attract attention or excite opposition. I have worked under the great disadvantage of living in the country, far away from public libraries, and have been confined in great measure to the limited resources of my own library. It has thus been impracticable for me to verify many of these references or to judge of their value. I have therefore deemed it more expedient to insert the whole than to omit any which might eventually prove serviceable.

With the advertisements published before the work came into my hands, there was put forth a scheme of spelling to be observed in the reprint of Sir H. Elliot's Glossary and in this work, by which Sanskritic and Semitic words were to be made distinguishable by diacritical marks attached to the Roman equivalent letters. Admitting the ingenuity of the scheme, I nevertheless declined to adopt it, and so a determination was come to, that the long vowels only should be marked. It seemed to me that this system of spelling, while it would have required a great deal of minute attention on the part of the Editor and Printer, would practically have been unheeded by the general reader, and useless to the scholar. In doubtful cases, the affiliation of a word without proofs or reasons, would have been valueless; but more than all this, the many Turanian words must have appeared with a Sanskritic or Semitic label upon them. Either too much or too little was attempted, and even if the design could be completely accomplished, a philological work like the Glossary would be a more fitting vehicle for its introduction than a book like the present.

To shorten the work as much as possible it has been determined to omit the Extracts of the original texts, but even then, it will be impossible to include the whole of the materials in the three volumes advertised.

I have throughout been anxious never to exceed my powers as Editor, but to place myself as far as possible in Sir H. Elliot's place. I have not attempted to controvert his opinions, or to advance theories of my own, but palpable errors have been corrected, and many alterations and additional notes have been introduced, which have been rendered necessary by the advance of knowledge. With the unrevised matter, I have used greater freedom, but it has been my constant aim to complete the work in a manner that its designer might have approved.

It only remains for me to express my obligations to Mr. E. Thomas for many valuable hints and suggestions. I am also indebted to General Cunningham for several important notes, which I have been careful to acknowledge in loco, and for placing at my disposal his valuable Archæological Reports, which are too little known in Europe, and some extracts of which appear in the Appendix.

SIR HENRY ELLIOT'S ORIGINAL PREFACE.

A FEW months since, the Compiler of this Catalogue was engaged in a correspondence with the Principal of the College at Delhi on the subject of lithographing an uniform edition of the Native Historians of India. On referring the matter to his Honour the Lieutenant-Governor, North Western Provinces, it was replied that the Education Funds at the disposal of the Government were not sufficient to warrant the outlay of so large a sum as the scheme required, and without which it would have been impossible to complete so expensive an undertaking. At the same time it was intimated, that, as few people were acquainted with the particular works which should be selected to form such a series, it would be very desirable that an Index of them should be drawn up, in order that the manuscripts might be sought for, and deposited in one of our College Libraries, to be printed or lithographed hereafter, should circumstances render it expedient, and should the public taste, at present lamentably indifferent, show any inclination for greater familiarity with the true sources of the Muhammadan History of India.

The author willingly undertook this task, as it did not appear one of much difficulty; but in endeavouring to accomplish it, the mere Nominal Index which he was invited to compile, has insensibly expanded into several volumes; for, encouraged not only by finding that no work had ever been written specially on this matter, but also by receiving from many distinguished Orientalists, both European and Native, their confessions of entire ignorance on the subject of his enquiries, he was persuaded that it would be useful to append, as far as his knowledge would permit, a few notes to each history as it came under consideration, illustrative of the matter it comprehends, the style, position, and prejudices of the several authors, and the merits or deficiencies of their execution.

Brief extracts from the several works have been given in the fourth volume, in order to show the style of each author. Some of these have been translated in the three first volumes; of some, where the text is of no interest, the translation has been omitted; but in most instances, the English translations exceed the Persian text. As the translation and the printing of the Persian text occurred at different periods, the translation will be found occasionally to vary from the text, having been executed probably from a different manuscript, and the preferable reading taken for the fourth volume. The versions are inelegant, as, in order to show the nature of the original, they keep as close to it as possible; and no freedom has been indulged in with the object of improving the style, sentiments, connexion, or metaphors of the several passages which have been quoted.

The author has been very particular in noticing every translation known to him, in order that students, into whose hands this Index may fall, may be saved the useless trouble, which he in his ignorance has more than once entailed upon himself, of undertaking a translation which had already been executed by others.

He had hoped to be able to append an account of the historians of the independent Muhammadan monarchies, such as of Guzerát, Bengál, Kashmír, and others; but the work, as it is, has already extended to a length beyond what either its name or the interest of the subject warrants, and sufficient information is given respecting their annals in many of the General Histories. For the same reason he must forego an intended notice of the various collections of private letters relating to the history of India, and the matters which chiefly interested the generation of the writers.

The historians of the Delhi Emperors have been noticed down to a period when new actors appear upon the stage; when a more stirring and eventful era of India's History commences; and when the full light of European truth and discernment begins to shed its beams upon the obscurity of the past, and to relieve us from the necessity of appealing to the Native Chroniclers of the time, who are, for the most part, dull, prejudiced, ignorant, and superficial.

If it be doubted whether it is worth while to trouble ourselves about collecting such works as are here noticed, it is sufficient to reply that other countries have benefited by similar labours—exemplified in the Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, the Auctores Veteres Historiæ Ecclesiasticæ, the Monumenta Boica, the Recueil des His-toriens des Gaules, and a hundred other collections of the same kind —but no objection is urged against them on the ground that each chronicler, taken individually, is not of any conspicuous merit. They are universally considered as useful depositories of knowledge, from which the labour and diligence of succeeding scholars may extract materials for the erection of a better and more solid structure. This country offers some peculiar facilities for such a collection, which it would be vain to look for elsewhere; since the number of available persons, sufficiently educated for the purpose of transcribing, collating, and indexing, is very large, and they would be content with a small remuneration. Another urgent reason for undertaking such a work in this country, is the incessant depredation which insects, moths, dust, moisture, and vermin are committing upon the small store of manuscripts which is now extant. Every day is of importance in rescuing the remnant from still further damage, as was too painfully evident a short time ago, from a report presented to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, respecting the injury which has already been sustained by their collection.

On the other hand, it must not be concealed, that in India, independent of the want of standard books of reference, great difficulties beset the enquirer in this path of literature, arising chiefly from one of the defects in the national character, viz.: the intense desire for parade and ostentation, which induces authors to quote works they have never seen, and to lay claim to an erudition which the limited extent of their knowlege does not justify. For instance, not many years ago there was published at Agra a useful set of chronological tables of the Moghal dynasty, said to be founded on the authority of several excellent works named by the author. Having been long in search of many of these works, I requested from the author a more particular account of them. He replied that some had been once in his possession and had been given away; some he had borrowed; and some were lost or mislaid; but the parties to whom he had given, and from whom he had borrowed, denied all knowledge of the works, or even of their titles. Indeed, most of them contained nothing on the subject which they were intended to illustrate, and they were evidently mentioned by the author for the mere object of acquiring credit for the accuracy and extent of his researches.

Again, a native gentleman furnished a catalogue of the manuscripts said to compose the historical collection of his Highness the Nizám; but on close examination I found that, from beginning to end, it was a complete fabrication, the names of the works being taken from the prefaces of standard histories, in which it is usual to quote the authorities,—the very identical sequence of names, and even the errors of the originals, being implicitly followed.

Against these impudent and interested frauds we must consequently be on our guard, not less than against the blunders arising from negligence and ignorance; the misquoting of titles, dates, and names; the ascriptions to wrong authors; the absence of beginnings and endings; the arbitrary substitution of new ones to complete a mutilated manuscript; the mistakes of copyists; the exercise of ingenuity in their corrections, and of fancy in their additions; all these, added to the ordinary sources of error attributable to the wellknown difficulty of deciphering Oriental manuscripts, present many obstacles sufficient to damp even the ardour of an enthusiast. Besides which, we have to lament the entire absence of literary history and biography, which in India is devoted only to saints and poets. Where fairy tales and fictions are included under the general name of history we cannot expect to learn much respecting the character, pursuits, motives, and actions of historians, unless they are pleased to reveal them to us themselves, and to entrust us with their familiar confidences; or unless they happen to have enacted a conspicuous part in the scenes which they describe. Even in Europe this deficiency has been complained of; how much more, then, is it likely to be a subject of regret, where despotism is triumphant; where the active elements of life are few; and where individual character, trammeled by so many restraining influences, has no opportunity of development.

It must be understood, then, that this Index has not been constructed on account of any intrinsic value in the histories themselves. Indeed, it is almost a misnomer to style them histories. They can scarcely claim to rank higher than Annals. “Erat enim historia nihil aliud, nisi annalium confectio. * * * * Hanc similitudinem scribendi multi secuti sunt, qui, sine ullis ornamentis, monimenta solum temporum, hominum, locorum, gestarumque rerum relique-runt. * * * Non exornatores rerum, sed tantummodo narratores fuerunt.”^0-19 They comprise, for the most part nothing but a mere dry narration of events, conducted with reference to chronological sequence, never grouped philosophically according to their relations. Without speculation on causes or effects; without a reflection or suggestion which is not of the most puerile and contemptible kind; and without any observations calculated to interrupt the monotony of successive conspiracies, revolts, intrigues, murders, and fratricides, so common in Asiatic monarchies, and to which India unhappily forms no exception. If we are somewhat relieved from the contemplation of such scenes when we come to the accounts of the earlier Moghal Emperors, we have what is little more inviting in the records of the stately magnificence and ceremonious observances of the Court, and the titles, jewels, swords, drums, standards, elephants, and horses bestowed upon the dignitaries of the Empire.

If the artificial definition of Dionysius be correct, that “History is Philosophy teaching by examples,” then there is no Native Indian Historian; and few have even approached to so high a standard. Of examples, and very bad ones, we have ample store, though even in them the radical truth is obscured by the hereditary, official, and sectarian prepossessions of the narrator; but of philosophy, which deduces conclusions calculated to benefit us by the lessons and experience of the past, which adverts on the springs and consequences of political transactions, and offers sage counsel for the future, we search in vain for any sign or symptom. Of domestic history also we have in our Indian Annalists absolutely nothing, and the same may be remarked of nearly all Muhammadan historians, except Ibn Khaldún. By them society is never contemplated, either in its conventional usages or recognized privileges; its constituent elements or mutual relations; in its established classes or popular institutions; in its private recesses or habitual intercourses. In notices of commerce, agriculture, internal police, and local judicature, they are equally deficient. A fact, an anecdote, a speech, a remark, which would illustrate the condition of the common people, or of any rank subordinate to the highest, is considered too insignificant to be suffered to intrude upon a relation which concerns only grandees and ministers, “thrones and imperial powers.”

Hence it is that these works may be said to be deficient in some of the most essential requisites of History, for “its great object,” says Dr. Arnold, “is that which most nearly touches the inner life of civilized man, namely, the vicissitudes of institutions, social, political, and religious. This is the of historical enquiry.”^0-20 In Indian Histories there is little which enables us to penetrate below the glittering surface, and observe the practical operation of a despotic Government and rigorous and sanguinary laws, and the effect upon the great body of the nation of these injurious influences and agencies.

If, however, we turn our eyes to the present Muhammadan kingdoms of India, and examine the character of the princes, and the condition of the people subject to their sway, we may fairly draw a parallel between ancient and modern times, under circumstances and relations nearly similar. We behold kings, even of our own creation, sunk in sloth and debauchery, and emulating the vices of a Caligula or a Commodus. Under such rulers, we cannot wonder that the fountains of justice are corrupted; that the state revenues are never collected without violence and outrage; that villages are burnt, and their inhabitants mutilated or sold into slavery; that the officials, so far from affording protection, are themselves the chief robbers and usurpers; that parasites and eunuchs revel in the spoil of plundered provinces; and that the poor find no redress against the oppressor's wrong and proud man's contumely. When we witness these scenes under our own eyes, where the supremacy of the British Government, the benefit of its example, and the dread of its interference, might be expected to operate as a check upon the progress of misrule, can we be surprised that former princes, when free from such restraints, should have studied even less to preserve the people committed to their charge, in wealth, peace, and prosperity? Had the authors whom we are compelled to consult, pourtrayed their Cæsars with the fidelity of Suetonius, instead of the more congenial sycophancy of Paterculus, we should not, as now, have to extort from unwilling witnesses, testimony to the truth of these assertions. From them, nevertheless, we can gather, that the common people must have been plunged into the lowest depths of wretchedness and despondency. The few glimpses we have, even among the short Extracts in this single volume, of Hindús slain for disputing with Muhammadans, of general prohibitions against processions, worship, and ablutions, and of other intolerant measures, of idols mutilated, of temples razed, of forcible conversions and marriages, of proscriptions and confiscations, of murders and massacres, and of the sensuality and drunkenness of the tyrants who enjoined them, show us that this picture is not overcharged, and it is much to be regretted that we are left to draw it for ourselves from out the mass of ordinary occurrences, recorded by writers who seem to sympathize with no virtues, and to abhor no vices. Other nations exhibit the same atrocities, but they are at least spoken of, by some, with indignation and disgust. Whenever, therefore, in the course of this Index, a work is characterized as excellent, admirable, or valuable, it must be remembered that these terms are used relatively to the narrative only; and it is but reasonable to expect that the force of these epithets will be qualified by constant advertence to the deficiencies just commented on.

These deficiencies are more to be lamented, where, as sometimes happens, a Hindú is the author. From one of that nation we might have expected to have learnt what were the feelings, hopes, faiths, fears, and yearnings, of his subject race; but, unfortunately, he rarely writes unless according to order or dictation, and every phrase is studiously and servilely turned to flatter the vanity of an imperious Muhammadan patron. There is nothing to betray his religion or his nation, except, perhaps, a certain stiffness and affectation of style, which show how ill the foreign garb befits him. With him, a Hindú is “an infidel,” and a Muhammadan “one of the true faith,’ and of the holy saints of the calendar, he writes with all the fervour of a bigot. With him, when Hindús are killed, “their souls are despatched to hell,” and when a Muhammadan suffers the same fate, “he drinks the cup of martyrdom.” He is so far wedded to the set phrases and inflated language of his conquerors, that he speaks of “the light of Islám shedding its refulgence on the world,” of “the blessed Muharram,” and of “the illustrious Book.” He usually opens with a “Bismillah,” and the ordinary profession of faith in the unity of the Godhead, followed by laudations of the holy prophet, his disciples and descendants, and indulges in all the most devout and orthodox attestations of Muhammadans. One of the Hindú authors here noticed, speaks of standing in his old age, “at the head of his bier and on the brink of his grave,” though he must have been fully aware that, before long, his remains would be burnt, and his ashes cast into the Ganges. Even at a later period, when no longer “Tiberii ac Neronís res ob metum falsæ,”^0-22 there is not one of this slavish crew who treats the history of his native country subjectively, or presents us with the thoughts, emotions, and raptures which a long oppressed race might be supposed to give vent to, when freed from the tyranny of its former masters, and allowed to express itself in the natural language of the heart, without constraint and without adulation.

But, though the intrinsic value of these works may be small, they will still yield much that is worth observation to any one who will attentively examine them. They will serve to dispel the mists of ignorance by which the knowledge of India is too much obscured, and show that the history of the Muhammadan period remains yet to be written. They will make our native subjects more sensible of the immense advantages accruing to them under the mildness and and equity of our rule. If instruction were sought for from them, we should be spared the rash declarations respecting Muhammadan India, which are frequently made by persons not otherwise ignorant. Characters now renowned only for the splendour of their achievements, and a succession of victories, would, when we withdraw the veil of flattery, and divest them of rhetorical flourishes, be set forth in a truer light, and probably be held up to the execration of mankind. We should no longer hear bombastic Bábús, enjoying under our Government the highest degree of personal liberty, and many more political privileges than were ever conceded to a conquered nation, rant about patriotism, and the degradation of their present position. If they would dive into any of the volumes mentioned herein, it would take these young Brutuses and Phocions a very short time to learn, that in the days of that dark period for whose return they sigh, even the bare utterance of their ridiculous fantasies would have been attended, not with silence and contempt, but with the severer discipline of molten lead or empalement. We should be compelled to listen no more to the clamours against resumption of rent-free tenures, when almost every page will show that there was no tenure, whatever its designation, which was not open to resumption in the theory of the law, and which was not repeatedly resumed in practice. Should any ambitious functionary entertain the desire of emulating the “exceedingly magnifical” structures of his Moghal predecessors,^0-23 it will check his aspirations to learn, that beyond palaces and porticos, temples, and tombs, there is little worthy of emulation. He will find that, if we omit only three names in the long line of Dehli Emperors, the comfort and happiness of the people were never contemplated by them; and with the exception of a few saráís^0-23a and bridges,—and these only on roads traversed by the imperial camps—he will see nothing in which purely selfish considerations did not prevail. The extreme beauty and elegance of many of their structures it is not attempted to deny; but personal vanity was the main cause of their erection, and with the small exception noted above, there is not one which subserves any purpose of general utility. His romantic sentiments may have been excited by the glowing imagery of Lalla Rookh, and he may have indulged himself with visions of Jahángír's broad highway from one distant capital to the other, shaded throughout the whole length by stately avenues of trees, and accommodated at short distance with saráís and tanks; but the scale of that Emperor's munificence will probably be reduced in his eyes, when he sees it written, that the same work had already been in great measure accomplished by Sher Sháh, and that the same merit is also ascribed to a still earlier predecessor; nor will it be an unreasonable reflection, when he finds, except a ruined milestone here and there, no vestige extant of this magnificent highway, and this “delectable alley of trees,” that, after all, that can have been no very stupendous work, which the resources of three successive Emperors have failed to render a more enduring monument.^0-24 When he reads of the canals of Fíroz Sháh and 'Alí Mardán Khán intersecting the country, he will find on further examination, that even if the former was ever open, it was used only for the palace and hunting park of that monarch; but when he ascertains that no mention is made of it by any of the historians of Tímúr, who are very minute in their topographical details, and that Bábar exclaims in his Memoirs, that in none of the Hindústání Provinces are there any canals (and both these conquerors must have passed over these canals, had they been flowing in their time), he may, perhaps, be disposed to doubt if anything was proceeded with beyond the mere excavation. With respect to 'Alí Mardán Khán, his merits will be less extolled, when it is learnt that his canals were made, not with any view to benefit the public, but for an ostentatious display of his profusion, in order that the hoards of his ill-gotten wealth might not be appropriated by the monarch to whom he betrayed his trust. When he reads that in some of the reigns of these kings, security of person and property was so great, that any traveller might go where he listed, and that a bag of gold might be exposed on the highways, and no one dare touch it,^0-24a he will learn to exercise a wise scepticism, on ascertaining that in one of the most vigorous reigns, in which internal tranquillity was more than ever secured, a caravan was obliged to remain six weeks at Muttra, before the parties who accompanied it thought themselves strong enough to proceed to Dehli;^0-25 that the walls of Agra were too weak too save the city from frequent attacks of marauders; that Kanauj was a favourite beat for tiger-shooting, and wild elephants plentiful at Karra and Kalpí;^0-25a that the depopulation of towns and cities, which many declamatory writers have ascribed to our measures of policy, had already commenced before we entered on possession; and that we found, to use the words of the Prophet, “the country desolate, the cities burnt, when the sons of strangers came to build up the walls, and their kings to minister.”

If we pay attention to more general considerations, and wish to compare the relative merits of European and Asiatic Monarchies, we shall find that a perusal of these books will convey many an useful lesson, calculated to foster in us a love and admiration of our country and its venerable institutions.

When we see the withering effects of the tyranny and capriciousness of a despot, we shall learn to estimate more fully the value of a balanced constitution. When we see the miseries which are entailed on present and future generations by disputed claims to the crown, we shall more than ever value the principle of a regulated succession, subject to no challenge or controversy. In no country have these miseries been greater than in India. In no country has the recurrence been more frequent, and the claimants more numerous. From the death of Akbar to the British conquest of Dehli—a period of two hundred years—there has been only one undisputed succession to the throne of the Moghal Empire, and even that exceptional instance arose from its not being worth a contest; at that calamitous time, when the memory of the ravages committed by Nádir Sháh was fresh in the minds of men, and the active hostility of the Abdálí seemed to threaten a new visitation. Even now, as experience has shown, we should not be without claimants to the pageant throne, were it not disposed of at the sovereign will and pleasure of the British Government, expressed before the question can give rise to dispute, or encourage those hopes and expectations, which on each occasion sacrificed the lives of so many members of the Royal Family at the shrine of a vain and reckless ambition.

It is this want of a fixed rule of succession to the throne, which has contributed to maintain the kingdom in a constant ferment, and retard the progress of improvement. It was not that the reigning monarch's choice of his successor was not promulgated; but in a pure despotism, though the will of a living autocrat carries with it the force of law, the injunctions of a dead one avail little against the “lang claymore” or the “persuasive gloss” of a gallant or an intriguing competitor. The very law of primogeniture, which seems to carry with it the strongest sanctions is only more calculated to excite and foment these disturbances, where regal descent is not avowedly based on that rule, and especially in a country where polygamy prevails; for the eldest prince is he who has been longest absent from the Court, whose sympathies have been earliest withdrawn from the influence of his own home, whose position in charge of an independent government inspires most alarm and mistrust in the reigning monarch, and whose interests are the first to be sacrificed, to please some young and favorite queen, ambitious of seeing the crown on the head of her own child. In such a state of society, the princes themselves are naturally brought up, always as rivals, sometimes as adventurers and robbers; the chiefs espouse the cause of one or the other pretender, not for the maintenance of any principle or right, but with the prospect of early advantage or to gratify a personal predilection; and probably end in themselves aspiring to be usurpers on their own account; the people, thoroughly indifferent to the success of either candidate, await with anxiety the issue, which shall enable them to pursue for a short time the path of industry and peace, till it shall again be interrupted by new contests; in short, all classes, interests, and institutions are more or less affected by the general want of stability, which is the necessary result of such unceasing turmoil and agitation.

These considerations, and many more which will offer themselves to any diligent and careful peruser of the volumes here noticed, will serve to dissipate the gorgeous illusions which are commonly entertained regarding the dynasties which have passed, and show him that, notwithstanding a civil policy and an ungenial climate, which forbid our making this country a permanent home, and deriving personal gratification or profit from its advancement, notwithstanding the many defects necessarily inherent in a system of foreign administration, in which language, colour, religion, customs, and laws preclude all natural sympathy between sovereign and subject, we have already, within the half-century of our dominion, done more for the substantial benefit of the people, than our predecessors, in the country of their own adoption, were able to accomplish in more than ten times that period;^0-27 and, drawing auguries from the past, he will derive hope for the future, that, inspired by the success which has hitherto attended our endeavours, we shall follow them up by continuous efforts to fulfil our high destiny as the rulers of India.

NOTICE OF SIR HENRY M. ELLIOT.

HENRY MIERS ELLIOT was one of fifteen children of the late John Elliot, Esq., of Pimlico Lodge, Westminster, and third son of that gentleman. He was born in the year 1808. Winchester was chosen as the place of his education, and he entered the venerable College of William of Wykeham at the age of ten years. He remained at Winchester eight years, and, ere he left, was one of the senior præfects. During his residence there he devoted himself assiduously to the studies of the institution, and shared in its distinctions, having gained both the silver medals for speaking. Eight years passed at Winchester prepared him worthily for admission into that further temple of learning, which may be regarded, in fact, as an outlying portion of the Wykhamist establishment, New College, Oxford. It happened that at the very time, when his future destination was to be determined an opportunity presented itself, which was then of rare occurrence. From a deficiency of civil servants, consequent upon the consolidation of the British power in India, it became necessary to seek reinforcements, not alone from Haileybury, which was designed merely to supply a fixed contingent, but from new recruiting fields, whence volunteers might be obtained whose varied acquirements might compete with the special training advocated at the East India College: under the pressure of necessity such an exceptional measure was sanctioned by Parliament. Mr. Elliot, having been nominated as a candidate by Campbell Marjoribanks, was the first of the since celebrated list of Competition Wallahs to pass an examination for a civil appointment direct to India. The exhibition of classical and mathematical knowledge might have been anticipated, but although a year had not elapsed since he left Winchester, where he had no opportunity for pursuing such studies, his proficiency in the Oriental languages proved so remarkable, that the examiners at the India House placed him alone in an honorary class. He had thus the good fortune to arrive in Calcutta with a reputation that his future career tended not only to maintain, but to exalt. After emerging from his noviciate as a writer (the term by which the younger civilians were then distinguished), he was appointed assistant to the magistrate, and collector of Bareilly, and successively assistant to the political agent and commissioner at Delhi, assistant to the collector and magistrate of Mooradabad, Secretary to the Sudder Board of Revenue for the North West Provinces, and in 1847 he became Secretary to the Government of India in the Foreign Department. While holding this office he accompanied the Governor-General, Lord Hardinge, to the Punjab, upon the resources of which he drew up a most elaborate and exhaustive memoir. Later in point of time, Sir Henry Elliot filled the same important post during the more effective portion of Lord Dalhousie's administration. His distinguished services were freely recognized by the Crown as well as by the Company. He received from the former the honour of a K.C.B.-ship; his reward from the latter was hoped for by the well-wishers of India, in the Lieutenant-Governorship of the North West Provinces, or the higher office of the Government of Madras. Sir Henry died at the early age of forty-five, while seeking to restore his broken health in the equable climate of the Cape of Good Hope.

In 1846 Sir Henry Elliot printed the first volume of his “Supplement to the Glossary of Indian Terms.” The Glossary itself was a pretentious work then meditated, and for which great preparation had been made by the various local governments, as it was intended to comprise the whole series of Indian terms in official use throughout the country, and if, in Professor Wilson's hands, it fell short of public expectation, this was less the fault of the Editor, than of the imperfection of the materials supplied to him; while Sir H. Elliot's “Glossary,” on the other hand, received too humble a title, aiming, as it did, at far higher and more important branches of research,—the history and ethnic affinities of the hereditary tribes, with whom he, an isolated Englishman, had lived so long, in intimate official association, settling in detail the state demand upon each member of the Patriarchal Village Communities of North-Western India.

In 1849, Sir Henry Elliot published the first volume of his “Bibliographical Index to the Historians of Mohammedan India,” of which the present publication is the more mature extension.

ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.

Page 33, in line 11, for “Khurásán,” read “Sind and Khurásán,” and in
line 13, insert “Vol. xxi.”
Page 129, line 11, for “sixty,” read “seventy.”
Page 158, line 3, after “Balhár,” insert “on the land of Barúzí.”
Page 214, line 20, add, “This translation has been published as No. xii.
New Series, Selections of the Records of the Govern-
ment of Bombay, 1855.”
Page 225, line 20, omit “the.”
Page 508, add as a note to the article on the Jats, “See Masson's Journey
to Kelat, pp. 351-3; also Zeitschrift f. d. Kunde des
Morgenlandes, Vol. III, p. 209.”

EARLY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS.

I.

THE earliest information which Europe derived from the writings of the Arabs upon India and the lands adjacent, was that which the Abbé Renaudot published, in the year 1718, under the title “Anciennes Relations des Indes et de la Chine de deux voyageurs Mahométans qui y allerent dans le ix^e siècle de notre ère.” By a curious coincidence the work so translated happened to be the earliest work extant of the Arab geographers relating to India. So novel and unexpected was the light thus thrown upon the farther East, that the translator was accused of all sorts of literary crimes. Some asserted his inaccuracy, and pointed out the discrepancies between the statements of his work and the accounts of the Jesuit missionaries in China. He had given no precise account of his manuscripts, hence some did not hesitate to accuse him of downright forgery. Time has shown the emptiness of most of these charges. From error he certainly was not exempt, but his faults and mistakes were those of a man who had to deal with a difficult subject, one which, even a century later, long deterred M. Reinaud from grappling with it.

The MS. from which Renaudot made his translation was found by him in the library formed by the minister Colbert. This collection descended to the Comte de Seignelay; and subsequently merged into the Bibliothéque Royale. Here in 1764 the celebrated scholar Deguignes found the MS., and wrote more than one article upon it.²

In the year 1811 M. Langlès printed the text, and promised a translation; but he had made no progress with the latter at the time of his death in 1824. The text so printed remained in the stores of the Imprimerie Royale until the year 1844, when M. Reinaud published it with a translation and notes, prefacing the whole with a Preliminary Discourse on the early Geography of the East, full of valuable information and criticism. The following observations upon the work are condensed from M. Reinaud's; the translation is also taken from his.^2a

The title which Renaudot gave to his book is not quite accurate. He speaks of two travellers, while there was only one who wrote an account of his own travels. The basis of the work and that which bears in the text the title of Book I, is the account written by a merchant named Sulaimán, who embarked on the Persian Gulf, and made several voyages to India and China. This bears the date 237 A.H. (851 A.D.). The second part of the work was written by Abú Zaidu-l Hasan, of Síráf, a connoisseur, who, although he never travelled in India and China, as he himself expressly states, made it his business to modify and complete the work of Sulaimán, by reading, and by questioning travellers to those countries. Mas'údí met this Abú Zaid at Basra, in 303 A.H. (916 A.D.), and acknowledges to have derived information from him, some of which he reproduced in his “Meadows of Gold,”³ as a comparison of the following extracts will show. On the other hand, Abú Zaid was indebted to Mas'údí for some of his statements. He never mentions him by name, but refers to him as a “trustworthy person.” The two works have much in common, but Mas'údí is generally more detailed. Abú Zaid finishes his work with these words: “Such is the most interesting matter that I have heard, among the many accounts to which maritime adventure has given birth. I have refrained from recording the false stories which sailors tell, and which the narrators themselves do not believe. A faithful account although short, is preferable to all. It is God who guides us in the right way.”

EXTRACTS.

Observations on the Countries of India and China, and their Sovereigns.

The inhabitants of India and China agree that there are four great or principal kings in the world. They place the king of the Arabs (Khalif of Baghdád) at the head of these, for it is admitted without dispute that he is the greatest of kings. First in wealth, and in the splendour of his Court; but above all, as chief of that sublime religion which nothing excels. The king of China reckons himself next after the king of the Arabs. After him comes the king of the Greeks,^3a and lastly the Balhará, prince of the men who have their ears pierced.

The Balhará^3b is the most eminent of the princes of India, and the Indians acknowledge his superiority. Every prince in India is master in his own state, but all pay homage to the supremacy of the Balhará. The representatives sent by the Balhará to other princes are received with most profound respect in order to show him honour. He gives regular pay to his troops, as the practice is among the Arabs. He has many horses and elephants, and immense wealth. The coins which pass in his country are the Tátariya dirhams^3c, each of which weighs a dirham and a half of the coinage of the king. They are dated from the year in which the dynasty acquired the throne. They do not, like the Arabs, use the Hijra of the prophet, but date their eras from the beginning of their kings' reigns; and their kings live long, frequently reigning for fifty years. The inhabitants of the Balhará's country say that if their kings reign and live for a long time, it is solely in consequence of the favour shown to the Arabs. In fact, among all the kings there is no one to be found who is so partial to the Arabs as the Balhará; and his subjects follow his example.

Balhará is the title borne by all the kings of this dynasty. It is similar to the Cosroes (of the Persians), and is not a proper name.⁴ The kingdom of the Balhará commences on the sea side, at the country of Komkam [Konkan], on the tongue of land which stretches to China. The Balhará has around him several kings with whom he is at war, but whom he greatly excels. Among them is the king of Jurz.^4a This king maintains numerous forces, and no other Indian prince has so fine a cavalry. He is unfriendly to the Arabs, still he acknowledges that the king of the Arabs is the greatest of kings. Among the princes of India there is no greater foe of the Muhammadan faith than he. His territories form a tongue of land. He has great riches, and his camels and horses are numerous. Exchanges are carried on in his states with silver (and gold) in dust, and there are said to be mines (of these metals) in the country. There is no country in India more safe from robbers.

By the side of this kingdom lies that of Táfak, which is but a small state. The women are white, and the most beautiful in India. The king lives at peace with his neighbours, because his soldiers are so few. He esteems the Arabs as highly as the Balhará does.

These three states border on a kingdom called Ruhmi,⁵ which is at war with that of Jurz. The king is not held in very high estimation. He is at war with the Balhará as he is with the king of Jurz. His troops are more numerous than those of the Balhará, the king of Jurz, or the king of Táfak. It is said that when he goes out to battle he is followed by about 50,000 elephants. He takes the field only in winter, because elephants cannot endure thirst, and can only go out in the cold season. It is stated that there are from ten to fifteen thousand men in his army who are employed in fulling and washing cloths. There is a stuff made in his country which is not to be found elsewhere; so fine and delicate is this material that a dress made of it may be passed through a signet-ring. It is made of cotton, and we have seen a piece of it. Trade is carried on by means of kauris, which are the current money of the country. They have gold and silver in the country, aloes, and the stuff called samara, of which madabs are made. The striped bushán or karkaddan is found in this country. It is an animal which has a single horn in the middle of its forehead, and in this horn there is a figure like unto that of a man.^5a * * * * *

After this kingdom there is another situated in the interior of the country, away from the sea. It is called Káshbín. The people are white, and pierce their ears. They are handsome, and dwell in the wilds and mountains.

Afterwards comes a sea, on the shores of which there is a kingdom called Kíranj.^5b Its king is poor and proud. He collects large quantities of amber, and is equally well provided with elephants' teeth. They eat pepper green in this country because it is scarce.

* * * *

When the king of Sarandíb dies, his corpse is carried on a low carriage very near the ground, with the head so attached to the back of the vehicle that the occiput touches the ground, and the hair drags in the dust. A woman follows with a broom, who sweeps the dust on to the face of the corpse, and cries out, “O men, behold! This man yesterday was your king; he reigned over you and you obeyed his orders. See now to what he is brought; he has bid farewell to the world, and the angel of death has carried off his soul. Do not allow yourselves to be led astray by the pleasures of this life,” and such like words. The ceremony lasts for three days, after which the body is burnt with sandal, camphor and saffron, and the ashes scattered to the winds.⁶ All the Indians burn their dead. Sarandíb is the last of the islands dependent on India. Sometimes when the corpse of a king is burnt, his wives cast themselves upon the pile and burn with it; but it is for them to choose whether they will do do so or not.

In India there are persons who, in accordance with their profession, wander in the woods and mountains, and rarely communicate with the rest of mankind. Sometimes they have nothing to eat but herbs and the fruits of the forest. * * * * * Some of them go about naked. Others stand naked with the face turned to the sun, having nothing on but a panther's skin. In my travels I saw a man in the position I have described; sixteen years afterwards I returned to that country and found him in the same posture. What astonished me was that he was not melted by the heat of the sun.

In all these kingdoms the nobility is considered to form but one family. Power resides in it alone. The princes name their own successors. It is the same with learned men and physicians. They form a distinct caste, and the profession never goes out of the caste.

The princes of India do not recognise the supremacy of any one sovereign. Each one is his own master. Still the Balhará has the title of “king of kings.”

The Chinese are men of pleasure; but the Indians condemn pleasure, and abstain from it. They do not take wine, nor do they take vinegar which is made of wine. This does not arise from religious scruples, but from their disdain of it. They say “The prince who drinks wine is no true king.” The Indians are surrounded by enemies, who war against them, and they say “How can a man who inebriates himself conduct the business of a kingdom?”

The Indians sometimes go to war for conquest, but the occasions are rare. I have never seen the people of one country submit to the authority of another, except in the case of that country which comes next to the country of pepper.⁷ When a king subdues a neighbouring state, he places over it a man belonging to the family of the fallen prince, who carries on the government in the name of the conqueror. The inhabitants would not suffer it to be otherwise.

The principles of the religion of China were derived from India. The Chinese say that the Indians brought buddhas into the country, and that they have been the real masters in matters of religion. In both countries they believe in the metempsychosis, but there are some differences upon matters of detail.

The troops of the kings of India are numerous, but they do not receive pay. The king assembles them only in case of a religious war. They then come out, and maintain themselves without receiving anything from the king.^7a

BOOK II.—The words of Abú Zaidu-l Hasan, of Síráf.—I have carefully read this book, that is to say the first book, having resolved to examine it and to add to it such observations as I have gathered in the course of my reading about voyages and the kings of the maritime countries, and their peculiarities, collecting all the information I could upon those matters about which the author has not spoken.

* * * *

Among the stories^7b which are current in the country (of Zábaj) about ancient times, there is one concerning a king of Kumár,⁸ the country which produces the aloes called kumárí. This country is not an island, but is situated (on the continent of India) on that side which faces the country of the Arabs. There is no kingdom which has a more dense population than Kumár. Here every one walks on foot. The inhabitants abstain from licentiousness, and from all sorts of wine. Nothing indecent is to be seen in this country. Kumár is in the direction of the kingdom of the Mahárája, of the island of Zábaj. There is about ten days' sailing between the two kingdoms, * * * * but when the wind is light the journey takes as much as twenty days. It is said that in years gone by the country of Kumár came into the hands of a young prince of very hasty temper. This prince was one day seated in his palace, situated on the banks of a river, the water of which was sweet like that of the Tigris of 'Irák. There was the distance of a day's journey between the palace and the sea. The wazír was near the king, and the conversation turned upon the empire of the Mahárája, of its splendour, the number of its subjects, and of the islands subordinate to it. All at once the king said to the wazír, “I have taken a fancy into my head which I should much like to gratify. * * * I should like to see before me the head of the king of Zábaj in a dish.” * * * * These words passed from mouth to mouth, and so spread that they at length reached the ears of the Mahárája. * * * * That king ordered his wazír to have a thousand vessels of medium size prepared, with their engines of war, and to put on board of each vessel as many arms and soldiers as it could carry. * * * * When the preparations were ended, and everything was ready, the king went on board his fleet, and proceeded with his troops to Kumár. The king and his warriors all carried toothbrushes, and every man cleaned his teeth several times a day. Each one carried his own brush on his person, and never parted from it, unless he entrusted it to his servant. The king of Kumár knew nothing of the impending danger until the fleet had entered the river which led to his capital, and the troops of the Mahárája had landed. The Mahárája thus took the king of Kumár unawares, and seized upon his palace, for the officers had taken flight. He then made a proclamation assuring safety to every one, and seated himself on the throne of Kumár. He had the king brought forth, * * * and had his head cut off. The Mahárája then addressed the wazír, “I know that you have borne yourself like a true minister; receive now the recompense of your conduct. I know that you have given good advice to your master if he would but have heeded it. Seek out a man fit to occupy the throne, and seat him thereon instead of this foolish fellow.” The Mahárája returned immediately to his country, and neither he nor any of his men touched anything belonging to the king of Kumár. * * * * Afterwards the Mahárája had the head washed and embalmed, then putting it in a vase, he sent it to the prince who then occupied the throne of Kumár, with a letter. * * * * When the news of these events spread among the kings of India and China the Mahárája rose greatly in their estimation. From this time the kings of Kumár, when they rise in the morning, always turn towards the country of Zábaj, and bow themselves to the ground as a mark of respect to the Mahárája.

In the states of the Balhará, and in other provinces of India, one may see men burn themselves on a pile. This arises from the faith of the Indians in the metempsychosis, a faith which is rooted in their hearts, and about which they have not the slightest doubt.

Some of the kings of India, when they ascend the throne, have a quantity of rice cooked and served on banana leaves. Attached to the king's person are three or four hundred companions, who have joined him of their own free will without compulsion. When the king has eaten some of the rice, he gives it to his companions. Each in his turn approaches, takes a small quantity and eats it. All those who so eat the rice are obliged, when the king dies, or is slain, to burn themselves to the very last man on the very day of the king's decease. This is a duty which admits of no delay, and not a vestige of these men ought to be left.⁹

* * * *

When a person, either woman or man, becomes old, and the senses are enfeebled, he begs some one of his family to throw him into the fire, or to drown him in the water; so firmly are the Indians persuaded that they shall return to (life upon) the earth. In India they burn the dead.

The island of Sarandíb contains the mountain of precious stones, the pearl fisheries, etc, * * * * Precious stones, red, green, and yellow, are obtained from the mountain which rises over the island of Sarandíb. The greater part of the stones that are found are brought up by the tide. The water carries them into caverns and grottoes, and into the places where torrents descend. There are men appointed to watch the gathering of these stones on behalf of the king. Sometimes precious stones are dug from the depths of the earth, as in mines; these stones are accompanied by earthy matter, which has to be separated from them.

The kingdom of Sarandíb has a law, and its doctors assemble from time to time like as among us the men assemble who collect the traditions of the Prophet. The Indians go to the doctors, and write from their dictation the lives of the prophets, and the precepts of the law. There is in the island a great idol of pure gold, the size of which has been exaggerated by travellers. There are also temples which must have cost considerable sums of money. There is a numerous colony of Jews in Sarandíb, and people of other religions, especially Manicheans. The king allows each sect to follow its own religion.¹⁰ Great licentiousness prevails in this country among the women as well as the men. Sometimes a newly arrived merchant will make advances to the daughter of a king, and she, with the knowledge of her father, will go to meet him in some woody place. The more serious of the merchants of Síráf avoid sending their ships here, especially if there are young men on board.

Among the Indians there are men who are devoted to religion and men of science, whom they call Brahmans. They have also their poets who live at the courts of their kings, astronomers, philosophers, diviners, and those who draw omens from the flight of crows, etc. Among them are diviners and jugglers, who perform most astonishing feats. These observations are especially applicable to Kanauj, a large country forming the empire of Jurz.

The idol called Multán is situated in the environs of Mansúra, and people come on pilgrimages to it from many months distance. They bring thither the Indian aloes called al kámrúní, from Kámrún, the name of the country in which it grows. These aloes are of the finest quality. They are given to the ministers of the temple for use as incense. These aloes are sometimes worth as much as two hundred dinars a mana. The aloes are so soft that they will receive the impression of a seal. Merchants buy them of the ministers of the temple.

* * * *

The kings of India are accustomed to wear earrings of precious stones, mounted in gold. They also wear necklaces of great value, formed of the most precious red and green stones. Pearls, however, are held in the highest esteem, and are greatly sought after. * * *

Formerly the dinars of Sind, each of which is worth three and a fraction of the ordinary dinars, were brought into India. Emeralds also were imported from Egypt, mounted as seals, and enclosed in boxes. Coral and the stone dahnaj¹¹ were also imported. This trade has now ceased.

Most of the princes of India, when they hold a court, allow their women to be seen by the men who attend it, whether they be natives or foreigners. No veil conceals them from the eyes of the visitors.

II.

Abú-l Kásim 'Ubaidu-llah bin 'Abdu-llah bin Khurdádba is better known as Ibn Khurdádba, a name derived from his grandfather, who was a fire worshipper, as the name shows, but who subsequently became a convert to the Muhammadan faith. Ibn Khurdádba attained high office under the Khalifs, and employed his leisure in topographical and geographical researches, the result of which was his “Book of Roads and Kingdoms.” He died in 300 A H., or 912 A.D.¹² Up to a recent date the separate individuality of Ibn Khurdádba was disputed, and it was argued by some that he was the same person as Abú Is,hák Istakhrí, and the real author of the “Oriental Geography” translated by Sir W. Ouseley. This question was set at rest by the publication of Istakhrí's work, and by the extracts from Ibn Khurdádba, which appeared in Sir H. Elliot's first volume.

The text of Ibn Khurdádba has lately been published with a translation by M. Barbier de Meynard, in the Journal Asiatique (1865) from a copy of the MS. in the Bodleian Library, collated with another from Constantinople. Advantage has been taken of this publication to amend the translation which originally appeared in the original specimen of this work. The texts differ occasionally, and the leaves of one or both of the MSS. must have been misplaced. The notes marked P give the Paris readings, where the differences are such as to preclude an alteration of the Indian version. The passages in brackets have been taken from the Paris translation in addition to those published in the first edition.

EXTRACTS.

[The greatest king of India is the Balhará, or “king of kings.” The other sovereigns of this country are those of Jába, Táfan, Juzr [Guzerat], Ghánah, Rahmí, and Kámrún. The king of Zábaj is called Alfíkat,¹³ * * * and the king of the isle of the eastern sea Mahárája * * * *].

The kings and people of Hind regard fornication as lawful, and wine as unlawful. This opinion prevails throughout Hind, but the king of Kumár^13a holds both fornication and the use of wine as unlawful. The king of Sarandíp conveys wine from 'Irák for his consumption.

The kings of Hind take great delight in maintaining elephants, and pay largely for them in gold. The elephants are, generally, about nine cubits high, except those of 'Anáb,^13b which are ten and eleven cubits.

The greatest king of India is the Balhará, whose name imports “king of kings.” He wears a ring in which is inscribed the following sentence: “What is begun with resolution ends with success.”

The next eminent king is he of Táfan; the third is king of Jába; the fourth is he of Juzr: the Tátariya dirhams are in use in his dominions. The fifth is king of 'Ana;^13c the sixth is the Rahmí,^13d and between him and the other kings a communication is kept up by ships.¹⁴ It is stated that he has in his possession five thousand^14a elephants; that his country produces cotton cloths and aloe wood. The seventh is the king of Kámrún, which is contiguous to China. There is plenty of gold in this country.

[From the frontier of Kirmán to Mansúra, eighty parasangs; this route passes through the country of the Zats [Jats], who keep watch over it. From Záranj, capital of Sijistán, to Multán, two months' journey. Multán is called “the farj of the house of gold,” because Muhammad, son of Kásim, lieutenant of Al Hajjáj, found forty bahárs of gold in one house of that city, which was henceforth called “House of Gold.” Farj (split) has here the sense of “frontier,” A bahár is worth 333 mans, and each man two ritls.]^14b

[COUNTRIES OF SIND.—Al Kaírúnya [Kírbún?^14c], Makrán, Al Mand (or rather, country of the Meds), Kandahár, Kasrán,^14d Núkán,^14e Kandábil, Kinnazbún, Armábíl, Kanbalí, Sahbán, Sadúsán, Debal, Rásak, Al Daur [Alor], Vandán, Multán, Sindán, Mandal, Salmán, Saïrasb, Karaj, Rúmla, Kúli, Kanauj, Barúh [Broach].^14f]

There is a road through the city of Karkúz, leading to the eastern countries from Persia.^14g

The island of Khárak lies fifty parasangs from Obolla. It is a parasang in length and breadth, and produces wheat, palm trees, and vines. The island of Láfat^14h is at a distance of eighty parasangs from that of Khárak, and has cultivated lands and trees. It is two parasangs in length and breadth. From Láfat to the island of Abrún are seven parasangs; it produces palm trees and wheat, and is a parasang in length and breadth. From Abrún to the island of Khín¹⁵ are seven parasangs; this island is only half a parasang in extent, and is uninhabited. From Khín to the island of Kís,^15a seven parasangs; the island is four parasangs in extent. In it are produced wheat, palm trees, and the like; the inhabitants dive for pearls, which are here of excellent quality. From Kís to Ibn Káwán^15b are eighteen parasangs. It is three parasangs in extent. The inhabitants are heretics, of the sect of the Ibázites. From Ibn Káwán to Armún,^15c seven parasangs. From Armún to Nármasírá^15d is seven days' journey, and the latter is the boundary between Persia and Sind. From Nármasírá to Debal is eight days' journey, and from Debal to the junction of the river Mihrán with the sea is two parasangs.

From Sind are brought the costus, canes, and bamboos. From the Mihrán to Bakar,^15e which is the first place on the borders of Hind, is four days' journey. The country abounds with canes in the hilly tracts, but in the plains wheat is cultivated. The people are wanderers and robbers. From this place to the Meds are two parasangs; they also are robbers. From the Meds to Kol^15f are two parasangs, and from Kol to Sindán is eighteen parasangs. In the latter grow the teak tree and canes. From Sindán to Mali [Malabar] is five days' journey; in the latter pepper is to be found, also the bamboo. From Mali to Balbun,^15g is two days' journey, and from Balbun to the great sea,^15h is two days' journey. At Balbun the route divides; following the shore it takes two days to reach Bás, which is a large place where you can take passage to Sarandíp. From Bás to Sají¹⁶ and 'Askán, is two days' journey, in which latter place rice is cultivated. From 'Askán to Kúra three and a half parasangs, where several rivers discharge. From Kúra to Kilakán, Lúár and Kanja,^16a is two days' journey, in all which wheat and rice are cultivated, and into which the wood of aloes is imported from Kámúl and other neighbouring places, by the fresh-water route^16b in fifteen days. From Samundar to Úrasír^16c is twelve parasangs; this is a great country, where are elephants, buffaloes, and other cattle, and various merchantable commodities. The king of this country is very powerful. From Úrasír to Ainá is four days' journey, where also elephants and asses are met with. [From Hubalin(?) to Sarandíp, two days.]

[After this follows the description of Pic d' Adam. In another place the author continues his account of India in these words:—]

There are seven classes of Hindus, viz., 1st, Sábkufría,^16d among whom are men of high caste, and from among whom kings are chosen. The people of the other six classes do the men of this class homage, and them only. 2nd, Brahma, who totally abstain from wine and fermented liquors. 3rd, Kataría, who drink not more than three cups of wine; the daughters of the class of Brahma are not given in marriage to the sons of this class, but the Brahmas take their daughters. 4th, Súdariá, who are by profession husbandmen. The 5th, Baisurá, are artificers and domestics. The 6th, Sandália, who perform menial offices. 7th, Lahúd;^16e their women are fond of adorning themselves, and the men are fond of amusements and games of skill.¹⁷ In Hind there are forty-two religious sects;^17a part of them believe in a Creator and Prophet (the blessing of God be upon them!); part deny the mission of a Prophet, and part are atheists.

III.

ABÚ-l Hasan 'Abí, son of Husain, was a native of Baghdád, and received the surname of Al Mas'údí after an ancestor named Mas'úd, whose eldest son accompanied the prophet in his flight from Mecca to Medina.¹⁸ The greater part of Mas'údí's life was spent in travelling, and his wanderings extended over nearly all the countries subject to Muhammadan sway, and others besides. He says of himself that he travelled so far to the west (Morocco and Spain) that he forgot the east, and so far to the east (China) that he forgot the west. He was an acute observer, and deservedly continues to be one of the most admired writers in the Arabic language. The fruits of his travels and observations were embodied in his work called “Murúju-l Zahab” (Meadows of Gold), of which Ibn Khaldún, as quoted by Sprenger, says, “Al Mas'údí in his book describes the state of the nations and countries of the east and west, as they were in his age—that is to say, in 330 (332) A.H. He gives an account of the genius and usages of the nations; a description of the countries, mountains, seas, kingdoms and dynasties; and he distinguishes the Arabian race from the barbarians. Al Mas'údí became, through this work, the prototype of all historians: to whom they refer, and on whose authority they rely in the critical estimate of many facts which form the subject of their labours.”¹⁹ The date of his birth is not known, but he died in Egypt in 345 A.H. (956 A.D.)

The first part of the “Meadows of Gold” was translated into English by Dr. Sprenger (London, 1841), and the complete text, with a translation into French, has since been published by MM. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille (Paris, 1851). Both these works have been used in the preparation of the following extracts:—

EXTRACTS.

CHAPTER VII.—Mas'údí begins this chapter by stating it to be the general opinion that India was the portion of the earth in which order and wisdom prevailed in distant ages. The Indians gave themselves a king, Brahma the Great, who reigned 366 years, and in whose times the book Sindhind [Siddhánta] and Arjabahad [Áryabhatta] were composed. His descendants have retained to our days the name of Brahmans. They are honoured by Indians as forming the most noble and illustrious caste. They do not eat the flesh of any animal, and both men and women wear yellow threads suspended round their necks, like a baldrick, to distinguish them from the other castes of India. He was succeeded by his eldest son Bahbúd, who reigned 100 years. After him came Zámán [Ráma?], who reigned nearly 50 years. He was succeeded by Por [Porus], who gave battle to Alexander, and was killed by that prince in single combat, after reigning 140 years. After him came Dabshalim, the author of “Kalila wa Dimna,” who reigned 110 years. Balhit, the next king, reigned 80 years, but according to other manuscripts, 130 years. He was succeeded by Koresh [Harsha?], who abandoned the doctrines of the past, and introduced into India new religious ideas more suited to the requirements of the time, and more in consonance with the tendencies of his cotemporaries * * * He died after a reign of 120 years. At his death discord arose among the Indians, and they broke up into divers nations and tribes, each country having a chief of its own. Thus were formed the kingdoms of Sind, Kanauj, and Kashmír. The city of Mánkír, which was the great centre of India, submitted to a king called the Balhará, and the name of this prince continues to his successors who reign in that capital until the present time (332 A.H.)

India is a vast country, extending over sea, and land, and mountains; it borders on the country of Zábaj [Java], which is the kingdom of the Maharáj, the king of the islands, whose dominions separate India and China, but are considered as part of India. India extends on the side of the mountains to Khurásán and Sind, as far as Tibet. There prevails a great difference of language and religion in these kingdoms, and they are frequently at war with each other. The most of them believe in the metempsychosis, or the transmigration of the soul. The Hindús are distinct from all other black people, as the Zanjis, the Damádams, and others, in point of intellect, government, philosophy, strength of constitution, and purity of colour.

* * * * *

No king can succeed to the throne in India before he is forty years of age; nor does their sovereign ever appear before the public, except at certain distant intervals, and then only for the inspection of state affairs. In their opinion, the kings lose their dignity and bring contempt on their privileges if the public gazes at them frequently. Government is only maintained by good feeling and by respect for the various dignities of the state.²⁰ * * * * * Royalty is limited to the descendants of one family, and never goes to another. The same is the case with the families of the wazírs, kázís, and other high officers. They are all (hereditary and) never changed or altered.

The Hindús abstain from drinking wine, and censure those who consume it; not because their religion forbids it, but in the dread of its clouding their reason and depriving them of its powers. If it can be proved of one of their kings, that he has drunk (wine), he forfeits the crown; for he is (not considered to be) able to rule and govern (the empire) if his mind is affected.

* * * * * *

The greatest of the kings of India in our time is the Balhará, sovereign of the city of Mánkír. Many of the kings of India turn their faces towards him in their prayers, and they make supplications to his ambassadors, who come to visit them. The kingdom of Balhará is bordered by many other countries of India. Some kings have their territory in the mountains away from the sea, like the Ráí, King of Kashmír, the King of Táfan, and others. There are other kings who possess both land and sea. The capital of the Balhará is eighty Sindí parasangs from the sea, and the parasang is equal to eight miles. His troops and elephants are innumerable, but his troops are mostly infantry, because the seat of his government is among the mountains. One of the neighbouring kings of India, who is far from the sea, is the Bauüra, who is lord of the city of Kanauj. This is the title given to all the sovereigns of that kingdom. He has large armies in garrisons on the north and on the south, on the east and on the west, for he is surrounded on all sides by warlike kings.

CHAPTER IX.—Al-Jáhiz supposes that the river Mihrán in Sind comes from the Nile, alleging as a proof that crocodiles live in it. I cannot understand how he advanced this as a proof, He states it in his book, “Kitábu-l' Amsár wa 'ajaibu-l buldán” (“On great cities and the wonders of the countries.”) It is an excellent work, but as the author has never made a voyage and but few journeys and travels through kingdoms and cities, he did not know that the Mihrán of Sind comes from well-known sources in the highlands of Sind, from the country belonging to Kanauj in the kingdom of Bauüra, and from Kashmír, Kandahár, and Táfan; and at length, running into Múltán, it receives the name of the Mihrán of gold, just as Múltán means boundary of gold. The king of Múltán is a Kuraishite, and of the children of Usámah bin Lawí bin Ghálib. The caravans for Khurásán assemble here. The lord who rules over the kingdom of Mansúra is a Kuraishite, who is descended from Habbár bin al-Aswad. The crown of Múltán has been hereditary in the family which rules at present, since ancient times, from the beginning of Islám.

The river Mihrán takes its course through the country of Mansúra, and falls near Debal into the Indian ocean. In the bays of this sea there are many crocodiles, as in the bay of Sindábúr in the kingdom of Bághara,²² in India; the bay of Zábaj, in the dominions of the Maharáj, and the gulfs of the aghyáb [aghbáb], which extend towards the island of Sarandíb [Ceylon]. Crocodiles live more particularly in sweet water, and, as we have said, in the estuaries of India, the water of which is for the most part sweet, because the streams which form them are derived from the rains.

CHAPTER XVI.—The king of India is the Balhará; the king of Kanauj, who is one of the kings of Sind, is Bauüra;^22a this is a title common to all kings of Kanauj. There is also a city called Bauüra, after its princes, which is now in the territories of Islám, and is one of the dependencies of Múltán. Through this town passes one of the (five) rivers, which form together the river Mihrán in Sind, which is considered by al-Jáhiz as derived from the Nile, and by others from the Jaihún of Khurásán. This Bauüra, who is the king of Kanauj, is an enemy of the Balhará, the king of India. The king of Kan-dahár, who is one of the kings of Sind and its mountains, is called Hahaj; this name is common to all sovereigns of that country. From his dominions comes the river Raíd, one of the five rivers which form the Mihrán of Sind. Kandahár is called the country of the Rahbút [Rájput?]. Another river of the five is called Bahátil, it comes also from the mountains of Sind, and runs through the country of the Rahbút, which is the country of Kandahár: the fourth river comes from the country of Kábul, and its mountains on the frontier of Sind towards Bust, Ghaznin, Zara'ún, ar-Rukhaj, and the country of Dáwar, which is the frontier of Sijistán. The last of the five rivers comes from the country of Kashmír. The king of Kashmír has the name of Ráí, which is a general title for all the kings. Kashmír forms part of Sind.

* * * * *

The kingdom of the Bauüra, king of Kanauj, extends about one hundred and twenty square parasangs of Sind, each parasang being equal to eight miles of this country. This king has four armies, according to the four quarters of the wind. Each of them numbers 700,000 or 900,000 men. The army of the north wars against the prince of Múltán, and with the Musulmans, his subjects, on the frontier. The army of the south fights against the Balhará, king of Mánkir. The other two armies march to meet enemies in every direction.

* * * * *

Múltán is one of the strongest frontier places of the Musalmans, and around it there are one hundred and twenty thousand towns and villages. In it is the idol also known by the name of Múltán. The inhabitants of Sind and India perform pilgrimages to it from the most distant places: they carry money, precious stones, aloe-wood, and all sorts of perfumes there to fulfil their vows. The greatest part of the revenue of the king of Múltán is derived from the rich presents brought to the idol of the pure aloe-wood of Kumár, which is of the finest quality, and one man of which is worth 200 dinárs * * * * When the unbelievers march against Múltán, and the faithful do not feel themselves strong enough to oppose them, they threaten to break their idol, and their enemies immediately withdraw.

When all the rivers which we have enumerated have passed the “boundary of the house of gold,” which is the meaning of the name of Múltán, they unite at about three days' journey below this city and above Mansúra, at a place called Dúsháb,²³ into one stream, which proceeds to the town of Al Rúr [Alor], which lies on its western bank and belongs to Mansúra, where it receives the name of Mihrán. There it divides into two branches, both of which fall at the town of Shákira,²⁴ which belongs also to one of the districts of Mansúra, into the Indian sea, under the name of Mihrán of Sind, about two days' journey from the town of Debal.

Múltán is seventy-five Sindian parasangs from Mansúra. Each parasang is eight miles, as stated above. The estates and villages dependent on Mansúra amount to three hundred thousand. The whole country is well cultivated, and covered with trees and fields. It is constantly at war with a nation called the Meds, who are a race of Sind, and also with other races on the frontiers of Sind. Like Múltán it is on the frontier of Sind, and so are the towns and villages belonging to it. Mansúra has its name from Mansúr bin Jamhúr, governor of the 'Ummayides. The king of Mansúra has eighty war elephants, every one of which is supported by five hundred infantry in battle, as we have already remarked; and these elephants oppose thousands of horses.

* * * * *

Let us now resume our short account of the kings of Sind and India. The language of Sind is different from that of India. Sind is the country which is nearer the dominions of the Moslims, India is farther from them. The inhabitants of Mánkír, which is the capital of the Balhará, speak the Kíríya language, which has this name from Kira, the place where it is spoken. On the coast, as in Saimúr, Súbára, Tána, and other towns, a language called Láriya^24a is spoken which has its name from the sea which washes these countries; and this is the Lárawí sea, which has been described above. On this coast there are great rivers, which run from the south, whilst all other rivers of the world flow from north to south, excepting the Nile of Egypt, and the Mihrán of Sind, and a few others. * * * Of all the kings of Sind and India, there is no one who pays greater respect to the Musulmans than the Balhará. In his kingdom Islám is honoured and protected * * * The money consists of dirhams, called Táhiriya,^24b each weighing a dirham and a half. They are impressed with the date of the reign. The Balhará possesses many war elephants. This country is also called Kamkar. On one side it is exposed to the attacks of the king of Juzr [Guzerat]; a king who is rich in horses and camels, and has a large army.

* * * * *

Next comes the country of Táfan. The king is on friendly terms with the neighbouring sovereigns and with the Moslims; his military forces are less considerable than those of the kings whom we have named.

* * * * *

Beyond this kingdom is that of Rahma, which is the title for their kings, and generally at the same time their name. His dominions border on those of the king of Juzr [Guzerat], and, on one side, on those of the Balhará, with both of whom he is frequently at war. The Rahma has more troops, elephants, and horses, than the Balhará, the king of Juzr and of Táfan. When he takes the field, he has no less than fifty thousand elephants. He never goes to war but in winter, because elephants cannot bear thirst. His forces are generally exaggerated; some assert that the number of fullers and washers in his camp is from ten to fifteen thousand * * * * * The kingdom of Rahma extends both along the sea and the continent. It is bounded by an inland state called the kingdom of Káman. The inhabitants are fair, and have their ears pierced. They have elephants, camels, and horses. Both sexes are generally handsome.

Afterwards comes the kingdom of Firanj,²⁵ which has power both on land and sea, It is situated on a tongue of land which stretches into the sea, from whence large quantities of amber are obtained. The country produces only little pepper, but large numbers of elephants are found here. The king is brave, haughty, and proud, but to tell the truth he has more haughtiness than power, and more pride than courage.

IV.

SHAIKH ABÚ IS,HAK received the cognomen of Istakhrí from his native city of Istakhr or Persepolis, and he is also called Al Fársí, from the province of Fárs in which that city is situated. His travels extended through all the Muhammadan countries, from India to the Atlantic ocean, from the Persian Gulf to the Caspian Sea. The time of his journies and the date of his work have not been precisely determined, but it is certain that he wrote about the middle of the tenth century (340 A.H., 951 A.D.). He was a little anterior in point of time to Ibn Haukal, but these two travellers met in the valley of the Indus, and exchanged observations. A comparison of the following extracts will show how Ibn Haukal availed himself of his cotemporary's writings, and made them the basis of his own work. The text of Istakhrí's “Book of Climates” was published in lithography by Dr. Moeller, at Gotha, in 1839, under the title “Liber Climatum. It is a facsimile of the MS. in the Gotha Library, which is the only one in Europe; but, although the lithography has evidently been executed with great care, the work is unsatisfactory, for the MS. is very faulty in the spelling of proper names. A translation from the same into German was printed at Hamburg in 1845, by Dr. Mordtmann, as “Das Buch der Länder.” The portion relating to Sijistán was translated into Italian by Signor Madini, and published at Milan in 1842.²⁷

EXTRACTS.

The country of Sind and the bordering lands are inserted in one map, which thus contains the country of Sind and portions of Hind, Kirmán, Túrán, and Budha.

CITIES OF SIND.—Mansúra, Debal, Nírúr^27a [Nírún], Kálwi [Kal-larí], Annarí, Balwí [Ballarí], Maswáhí, Nahraj, Bániya, Manhá-narí [Manjábari], Sadúsán, and Al Rúz [Alor].

CITIES OF HIND.—Amhal,^27b Kambáya, Súbára, Sindán, Saimúr, Multán, Jandrúd, and Basmand.

From Kambáya to Saimúr is the land of the Balhará, and in it there are several Indian kings. It is a land of infidels, but there are Musalmáns in its cities, and none but Musalmáns rule over them on the part of the Balhará. There are Jama' masjids in them. The city in which the Balhará dwells is Mánkír, which has an extensive territory.

Mansúra is about a mile long and a mile broad, and is surrounded by a branch of the Mihrán. The inhabitants are Musalmáns. The date tree and the sugar cane grow here. The land of Mansúra also produces a fruit of the size of the apple, which is called Laimún, and is exceedingly sour. The land also produces a fruit called Ambaj (mango), which is like the peach. The price of them is low, and they are plentiful. The dress of the people is like that of the people of 'Irák, but the dress of their kings resembles that of the kings of India in respect of the hair^27c and the tunic.

Multán is a city about half the size of Mansúra. There is an idol there held in great veneration by the Hindus, and every year people from the most distant parts undertake pilgrimages to it, and bring to it vast sums of money, which they expend upon the temple and on those who lead there a life of devotion. The temple of the idol is a strong edifice, situated in the most populous part of the city, in the market of Multán, between the bazar of the ivory dealers and the shops of the coppersmiths. The idol is placed under a cupola in the midst of the building, and the ministers of the idol and those devoted to its service dwell around the cupola. In Multán there are no men either of Hind or Sind who worship idols except those who worship this idol and in this temple. The idol has a human shape, and is seated with its legs bent in a quadrangular posture on a throne made of brick and mortar. Its whole body is covered with a red skin like morocco leather, and nothing but its eyes are visible. Some believe that the body is made of wood, some deny this; but the body is not allowed to be uncovered to decide the point. The eyes of the idol are precious gems, and its head is covered with a crown of gold, It sits in a quadrangular position on the throne, its hands resting upon its knees, with the fingers closed, so that only four can be counted. When the Indians make war upon them and endeavour to seize the idol, the inhabitants bring it out, pretending that they will break it and burn it. Upon this the Indians retire, otherwise they would destroy Multán. Mansúra is more fertile. At half a parasang from Multán there is a large cantonment,²⁸ which is the abode of the chief, who never enters Multán except on Fridays, when he goes on the back of an elephant, in order to join in the prayers of that day. The governor is of the tribe of Kuraish, and is not subject to the ruler of Mansúra, but reads the khutba in the name of the khalífa.

Samand^28a is a small city situated like Multán, on the east of the river Mihrán; between each of these places and the river the distance is two parasangs. The water is obtained from wells.

The city of Al Rúr approaches Multán in size. It has two walls, is situated near the Mihrán, and is on the borders of Mansúra.

Nírúr^28b is half way between Debal and Mansúra.

From Saimúr to Fámhal, in Hind, and from Fámhal to Makrán and Budha, and beyond that as far as the boundaries of Multán, all belong to Sind. Budha is there a desert.

The people of Multán wear trousers, and most of them speak Persian and Sindí, as in Mansúra.

Makrán is a large territory, for the most part desert and barren. The largest city in Makrán is Kannazbún.²⁹

Kandábíl is a great city, The palm tree does not grow there. It is in the desert, and within the confines of Budha. The cultivated fields are mostly irrigated. Vines grow there, and cattle are pastured. The vicinity is fruitful. Abíl is the name of the man who subdued this town, which is named after him.

DISTANCES.—From Tíz^29a to Tír [Kíz] about five days. From Kíz^29b to Kannazbún two days. Going from Kannazbún to Tíz, in Makrán, the road passes by Kíz. From Kannazbún to Darak three days. From Rásak to Fahalfahúh^29c three days. From thence to Asghafa^29d two days. From thence to Band one day. From Band to Bah^29e one day. From thence to Kasrkand^29f one day. From Kíz to Armábíl^29g six days. From Armábíl to Kambalí^29h two days. From thence to Debal four days. From Mansúra to Debal six days. From Mansúra to Multán twelve days. From Mansúra to Túrán fifteen days. From Mansúra to the nearest frontier of Budha five days. From Budha to Tíz about fifteen days. The length of Makrán from Tíz to Kasdán is about fifteen days. From Multán to the nearest border of the tongue (of land) known as Biyálas²⁹ⁱ about ten days. Here the Mihrán must be crossed to get into the land of Budha. From Kandábíl to Mansúra eight days. From Kandábíl to Multán, by the desert, about ten days. Between Mansúra and Kámhal³⁰ eight days. From Kámhal to Kambáya four days. From Kambáya to the sea about two parasangs. From Kambáya to Súrabáya about four days, and Súrabáya is about half a parasang from the sea. Between Súrabáya and Sindán about five days. From Sindán to Saimúr five days. Between Saimúr and Sarandíb fifteen days. Between Multán and Basmand about two days. From Basmand to Al Rúz three days. From Al Rúz to Annarí four days. From Annarí to Kallarí two days. From thence to Mansúra one day. From Debal to Tíz four days. From thence to Manjábarí two days. From Kálwí^30a [Kállarí] to Maldán [Multán?] about four days. Baband^30b lies between Mansúra and Kámhal at one day's journey from Mansúra.

There is a river in Sind called the Mihrán.^30c It is said that it springs from the summit of a mountain from which many affluents of the Jíhún rise.^30d The Mihrán passes by the borders of Samand^30e and Al Rúr (Alor) to the neighbourhood of Multán; from thence to Mansúra, and onwards until it joins the sea to the east of Debal. Its water is very sweet. It is said that there are crocodiles in it as large as those of the Nile. It rises like as the Nile rises, and inundates the land, which on the subsidence of the water is sown in the manner we have described in the land of Egypt. The Sind Rúd is about three stages from Multán. Its water is very sweet, even before it joins the Mihrán. Makrán is mostly desert, and has very few rivers. Their waters flow into the Mihrán on both sides of Mansúra.

V.

IN one of the Royal Libraries of Lucknow there is a very old Arabic manuscript, written A.H. 589 (1193 A.D.). The title, “Ash-kálu-l Bilád,” Diagrams of the countries (of Islam), is given in the Postscript. It contains maps and a geographical description of several countries. The first leaf is wanting. It contained in folio recto in all probability the beginning of the preface, and in folio verso the map of the world; apparently the greater portion of the preface is preserved. The plan of the work is thus stated— “Then (after having given a map of the world) I have devoted a separate diagram to every country of Islám, in which I show its frontiers, the shape of the country, the principal towns, and in fact everything necessary to know. The diagrams are accompanied by a text. I have divided the dominions of Islám into twenty countries. I begin with Arabia, for this peninsula contains the Kábah and Mecca, which is unquestionably the most important city and the centre of the peninsula. After Mecca I describe the country of the Bedouins; then I proceed to the description of—2. the Persian Gulf, which surrounds the greater part of Arabia; 3. the Maghrib; 4. Egypt; 5. Syria; 6. The Mediterranean; 7. Mesopotamia; 8. 'Irák; 9. Khúzistán; 10. Fárs; 11. Kirmán; 12. Mansúra, and the adjacent countries,³² which are Sind, India, and part of the Muhammadan territory; 13. Ázarbaiján; 14. the district of the Jibál; 15. Dailam: 16. the sea of the Khazar (i.e. the Caspian); 17. the steppes between Fárs and Khurásán; 18. Sijistán and the adjacent countries; 19. Khurásán; 20. Má wáráu-n nahr.” Of every one of the above countries there seems to have been originally a map, but two have been lost (viz., Nos. 6 and 10), and some have been transposed (as well as several leaves of the text) by the bookbinder. It was copied in A.H. 589, as it is stated in the postscript, from a very correct copy, and with great care. The copyist has added in a few instances marginal notes, which prove that he took an interest in what he wrote, and that he was acquainted with the subject. On comparing this work with the “Book of Roads and Kingdoms” of Ibn Haukal, I find it almost verbatim the same, so much so, as to leave no doubt that it is a copy of Ibn Haukal's work under an unusual name. As there are only two copies in Europe, one of which is very bad, this MS. is of considerable value.^32a The following extract is translated from the Ashkálu-l Bilád, followed by a passage from Ibn Haukal, in the part where the Lucknow manuscript was deficient, or which probably the transcriber neglected to copy. [The map is from the Ashkálu-l Bilád, and is very similar to that of Istakhrí, as published by Moeller.]

[The real name of Ibn Haukal was Muhammad Abú-l Kásim, and he was a native of Baghdád. When he was a child the power of the Khalifs had greatly declined, and Baghdád itself had fallen into the hands of the Turks. On attaining manhood he found himself despoiled of his inheritance, so he resolved to gratify a natural taste, and to seek to mend his fortunes by travelling and trading in foreign countries. He left Baghdád in 331

>graphic<

A.H. (943 A.D.), and after passing through the various lands under Musulmán rule, he returned to that city in 358 A.H. (968 A.D.). The following year he was in Africa, and he seems to have finished his work in 366 A.H. (976 A.D.). His book received the same title as that of Ibn Khúrdádba, or “Book of Roads and Kingdoms,” and he says that his predecessor's work was his constant companion.³³ His obligations to Istakhrí have been already mentioned. M. Uylenbroek translated part of the work in his “Iracæ persicæ descriptio,” and Gildemeister has given the “Descriptio Sindiæ” in his “Scriptorum Arabum de Rebus Indicis,” etc. Part of the Ashkálu-l Bilád relating to Khurásán has been translated by Col. Anderson, and was published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. xxii.]

EXTRACTS.

From the sea to Tibet is four months' journey, and from the sea of Fárs to the country of Kanauj is three months' journey.

* * * *

I have placed the country of Sind and its dependencies in one map, which exhibits the entire country of Sind, part of Hind, and Túrán and Budha.^33a On the entire east of this tract there lies the sea of Fárs, and on the west, Kirmán and the desert of Sijistán, and the countries subject to it. To the north are the countries of Hind, and to the south is the desert lying between Makrán and Kufs,^33b beyond which is the sea of Fárs. This sea is to the east of the above-mentioned territories, and to the south of the said desert, for it extends from Saimúr on the east to Tiz,^33c of Makrán; it then bends round the desert, and encircles Kirmán and Fárs.

The chief cities of this tract are the following: In Makrán,— Tiz,³⁴ Kabar [Kíz], Kabryún [Kannazbún], Darak, Rásak the city of schismatics, Bih, Nand [Band], Kasrkand, Asfaka, Fahalfahara, Musli, Yusli [Kambali], Armáil [Armábíl]. In Túrán,—Ma-háli Kaníkánán, Súra and Kasdár. In Budha,—Kandábíl. In Sind,—Mansúra, which, in the Sind language, is called Bámíwán,^34a Debal, Nirun,^34b Fálid [Kallari], Abri [Annari], Balzi [Ballari], Mas-wáhí, Harúj, Bánia, Manjábari, Sadúsán, Aldúr. In Hind,— Fámhal, Kambáya, Súrbárah, Sindán, Saimúr, Multán, Hadrawur [Jadráwar, or Jandrúd], and Basmat. These are the cities of these countries which are known to me.^34c From Kambáya to Saimúr is the land of the Balhará, and in it there are several Indian kings.^34d It is a land of infidels, but there are Musulmáns in its cities, and none but Musulmáns rule over them on the part of the Balhará. There are many mosques in these places, where Muhammadans assemble to pray. The city in which the Balhará resides is Mánkír, which has an extensive territory.^34e

Mansúra is about a mile long and a mile broad, and is surrounded by a branch of the Mihrán. It is like an island, and the inhabitants are Musulmáns. The king of the country is one of the tribe of Kuraish, and is said to be a descendant of Hubád, the son of Aswad. He and his ancestors ruled over this country, but the Khutba is read in the name of the Khalífa. The climate is hot, and the date tree grows here; but there is neither grape, nor apple, nor ripe date (tamr), nor walnut in it. The sugar cane grows here. The land also produces a fruit of the size of the apple, which is called Laimún, and is exceedingly acid. The place also yields a fruit called Ambaj (mangoe), resembling the peach in appearance and flavour. It is plentiful and cheap.³⁵ Prices are low and there is an abundance of food.

The current coin of the country is stamped at Kandahár; one of the pieces is equivalent to five dirhams. The Tátarí coin also is current, each being in weight equal to a dirham and a third.^35a They likewise use dínárs. The dress of the people of the place is the same as that worn by the inhabitants of 'Irák, except that the dress of the sovereigns of the country resembles in the trousers^35b and tunic that worn by the kings of Hind.

Multán is about half the size of Mansúra, and is called “the boundary^35c of the house of gold.” There is an idol there held in great veneration by the Hindús, and every year people from the most distant parts undertake pilgrimages to it, and bring vast sums of money, which they expend upon the temple and on those who lead there a life of devotion. Multán derives its name from this idol. The temple of the idol is a strong edifice, situated in the most populous part of the city, in the market of Multán, between the bazar of the ivory dealers and the shops of the coppersmiths. The idol is placed under a cupola in the centre of the building, and the ministers of the idol and those devoted to its service dwell around the cupola. In Multán there are no men, either of Hind or of Sind, who worship idols, except those who worship this idol and in this temple. The idol has a human shape, and is seated with its legs bent in a quadrangular posture,³⁶ on a throne made of brick and mortar. Its whole body is covered with a red skin like morocco leather, and nothing but its eyes are visible. Some believe that the body of the idol is made of wood; some deny this; but the body is not allowed to be uncovered to decide this point. The eyes of the idol are precious gems, and its head is covered with a crown of gold. The hands rest upon the knees, with the fingers all closed,^36a so that only four can be counted.^36b The sums collected from the offerings of the pilgrims at the shrine are taken by the Amír of Multán, and distributed amongst the servants of the temple. As often as the Indians make war upon them and endeavour to seize the idol, they^36c bring it out, pretending that they will break it and burn it. Upon which the assailants retire, otherwise they would destroy Multán. There is a strong fort in Multán. Prices are low, but Mansúra is more fertile and populous. The reason why Multán is designated “the boundary of the house of gold” is, that the Muhammadans, though poor at the time they conquered the place, enriched themselves by the gold which they found in it. About half a parasang from Multán are several edifices called Chandráwár,^36d the cantonment of the chief, who never enters Multán, except on Fridays, and then on the back of an elephant, in order to join in the prayers of that day. The Governor is of the tribe of Kuraish, of the sons of Samáh, the son of Lawí, who first occupied the place. He owes no allegiance to the chief of Mansúra. He, however, always reads the Khutba in the name of the Khalífa.

Basmad is a small city, situated like Multán and Chandráwár, on the east of the river Mihrán. This river is at the distance of a parasang from each of the places mentioned. The inhabitants use well water for drink. Basmad has a fort.

The country [city] of Alrúr³⁷ is as extensive as Multán. It has two walls, is situated near the Mihrán, and is on the borders of Mansúra.

The city of Debal is to the west^37a of the Mihrán, towards the sea. It is a large mart, and the port not only of this but neighbouring regions. Debal is remarkable for the richness of its grain cultivation, but it is not over-abundant in large trees or the date tree. It is famous for the manufacture of swords.^37b The inhabitants generally maintain themselves by their commerce.

The country of Nírún is between Debal and Mansúra, but rather nearer to the latter. Manjábarí is to the west of the Mihrán, and there any one who proceeds from Debal to Mansúra will have to pass the river, the latter place being opposite to Manjábarí.

Maswáhí, Harj, and Sadúsán,^37c are also situated to the west of the Mihrán.^37d

On the road between Mansúra and Multán, and on the east of the Mihrán, but distant from it, are two places called Ibrí and Labí [Annarí and Kállarí].^37e

Máíldí [Ballarí] is also near the Mihrán, and on the western bank, near the branch which issues from the river and encircles Mansúra.

Bilha [Bánia] is a small city, the residence of 'Umar, the son of 'Abdu-l 'Aziz Habbári, of the tribe of Kuraish, and the ancestor of those who reduced Mansúra.

The city of Fámhal³⁸ is on the borders of Hind, towards Saimúr, and the country between those two places belongs to Hind. The countries between Fámhal and Makrán, and Budha, and beyond it as far as the borders of Multán, are all dependencies of Sind. The infidels who inhabit Sind are called Budha^38a and Mand. They reside in the tract between Túrán, Multán, and Mansúra, to the west of the Mihrán. They breed camels, which are sought after in Khurásán and elsewhere, for the purpose of having crosses from those of Bactria.

Tht city where the Budhites carry on their trade is Kandábíl, and they resemble men of the desert. They live in houses made of reeds and grass. The Mands dwell on the banks of the Mihrán, from the boundary of Multán to the sea, and in the desert between Makrán and Fámhal. They have many cattle sheds and pasturages, and form a large population.

There are Jám'a Masjids at Fámhal, Sindán, Saimúr, and Kam-báya, all which are strong and great cities, and the Muhammadan precepts are openly observed. They produce mangoes, cocoa-nuts, lemons, and rice in great abundance, also great quantities of honey, but there are no date trees to be found in them.

The villages of Dahúk^38b and Kalwán are contiguous to each other, situated between Labí^38c and Armábíl. Kalwán is a dependency of Makrán, and Dahúk that of Mansúra. In these last mentioned places fruit is scarce, but crops grow without irrigation, and cattle are abundant.

Túrán^38d is a town.

Kasdár is a city with dependent towns and villages. The governor is Muín bin Ahmad, but the Khutba is read in the name of the Khalífa only, and the place of his residence is at the city of Kabá-Kánán.³⁹ This is a cheap place, where pomegranates, grapes' and other pleasant fruits are met with in abundance; but there are no date trees in this district.

There is a desert between Bánia, Kámuhul, and Kambáya. From Kambáya to Saimúr the villages lie close to one another, and there is much land under cultivation. The Moslims and infidels in this tract wear the same dresses, and let their beards grow in the same fashion. They use fine muslin garments on account of the extreme heat. The men of Multán dress in the same way. The language of Mansúra, Multán, and those parts is Arabic and Sindian. In Makrán they use Persian and Makránic. All wear short tunics except the merchants, who wear shirts and cloaks of cotton, like the men of 'Irák and Persia.

* * * * * *

From Mansúra to Debal is six days' journey; from Mansúra to Multán, twelve; from Mansúra to Túrán, about fifteen; from Kasdár, the chief city of Túrán, to Multán, twenty; from Mansúra to the nearest boundary of Budha, fifteen. The whole length of the jurisdiction of Makrán, from Taiz to Kasdár, is about fifteen. From Multán to the nearest border of Túrán is about ten. He who travels from Mansúra to Budha must go along the banks of the Mihrán, as far as the city of Sadústán. From Kandábíl to Mansúra is about eight days' journey; from Kandábíl to Multán, by the desert, ten; from Mansúra to Kámuhul, eight; from Kámuhul to Kambáya, four. Kambáya is one parasang distant from the sea, and about four from Súbára, which is about half a parasang from the sea. From Súbára to Sindán, which is the same distance from the sea, is about ten^39a days' journey; from Sindán to Saimúr about five; from Saimúr to Sarandíp, about fifteen; from Multán to Basmad, two; from Basmad to Alrúz [Alor], three; from Alrúz to Ayara [Annarí], four; from Ayara [Annarí] to Valara [Ballarí], two; from Valara to Mansúra, one; from Debal to Kannazbúr, fourteen: from Debal to Manhátara [Manjábarí] two, and that is on the road from Debal to Kannazbúr; from Vallara [Ballarí] to Ayara [Annarí], four parasangs; Kámuhul from Mansúra is two days' journey,⁴⁰ and Bánia intervenes at one stage distance. The Mihrán is the chief river of those parts. Its source is in a mountain, from which also some of the feeders of the Jíhún flow. Many great rivers increase its volume, and it appears like the sea in the neighbourhood of Multán. It then flows by Basmad, Alrúz, and Mansúra, and falls into the sea, to the east of Debal. Its water is very sweet, and there are said to be crocodiles in it it like those of Egypt. It equals the Nile in volume and strength of current. It inundates the land during the summer rains, and on its subsidence the seed is sown, as in Egypt.

The river Sandarúz [Sind-rúd] is about three days' distant from Multán. Its waters are abundant and sweet. I was told that its confluence with the Mihrán is above Basmad, but below Multán.

Jandarúz [Jand-rúd] is also a great and sweet river, on whose bank is the city of Jandarúz.^40a It falls into the Mihrán below the Sandarúz [Sind-rúd] towards the country of Mansúra.

Makrán contains chiefly pasturages and fields, which cannot be irrigated on account of the deficiency of water. Between Mansúra and Makrán the waters from the Mihrán form lakes, and the inhabitants of the country are the Indian races called Zat. Those who are near the river dwell in houses formed of reeds, like the Berbers, and eat fish and aquatic birds. * * * * Another clan of them, who live remote from the banks, are like the Kurds, and feed on milk, cheese, and bread made of millet.

We have now reached the extreme eastern border of the dominions of Islám. The revenue of the kings and governors is small, and not more than to satisfy their actual needs. Some, no doubt, have less than they wish.

VI.

SÚRU-L BULDÁN.

THE “Oriental Geography” of Sir W. Ouseley is a translation of a Persian work called Súru-l Buldán, “Pictures of Countries,” compiled from the works of Istakhrí and Ibn Haukal. It contains little or nothing that is not to be found in these writers. Ouseley's MS., moreover, was very faulty. The work is of small value now that its original sources are available, and it seems quite unnecessary to quote it here. The authorship of this work was at one time a subject of great dispute, but a passing allusion to the disscusion is all that is needed now that the question is set at rest.

VII.

THE extract which follows is taken from the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh of Rashídu-d Dín, which was completed in A.H. 710, or A.D. 1310. This date, but for another more cogent reason, would require the insertion of the extract in a later part of the book, or the entire omission of it, as beyond the scope of the present work. But though appearing in the history of Rashídu-d Dín, the passage is not his own; it is really and confessedly the work of the celebrated Abú Ríhán al Bírúní, who wrote about four centuries earlier, his life having extended from A.H. 360 to 430, or A.D. 970 to 1039. This chapter of Al Bírúní's work has been translated and published by M. Reinaud, in his “Fragments;” and a comparison of the two will show how very little has been added by Rashídu-d Dín. For all practical purposes it may be considered as presenting a picture of the Musulman knowledge of India at the end of the 10th century.

Copies of the work of Al Bírúní are exceedingly rare, for two only are known to be extant, and the portions published were translated from the single copy in the Imperial Library in Paris. The reproductions by Rashídu-d Dín are therefore of high value, and the importance of the following extract for a correct appreciation of the progress of the Muhammadan knowledge of India cannot be over-rated.

Extended notices of these two authors—Abú Ríhán and Rashídu-d Dín—with other extracts from their works, appeared in the volume published by Sir H. Elliot, and will again appear in the second volume of this work. It is here only necessary to state that the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh was written in Persian, and is a rare work. There is a copy in the Library of the East India Office and another in the British Museum. Two distinct portions of the work have been found in India, and of these there are copies among Sir H. Elliot's MSS.⁴³ There is also in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society an incomplete Arabic translation.

The following translation differs considerably from that published in Sir H. Elliot's first edition, but every care has been taken to make it as accurate as possible. The MS. of the East India Library has been mainly relied upon; this will be referred to as MS. A. Occasional reference for doubtful passages and proper names has been made to the British Museum MS., referred to as MS. B. The Arabic version will be called MS. C.; and Sir H. Elliot's new copy of the Lucknow MS. D. MSS. A. and B. are not good copies. The scribes were careless and ignorant, and the texts abound with errors, particularly in the spelling of the names of persons and places. Nor are the errors confined to obscure and doubtful names. MS. A. almost always represents the name of the Ganges by , with no dot to the second letter. The Arabic version C is well and boldly written. The dots are more frequently, though by no means invariably, supplied, and the proper names are generally more distinct. It differs occasionally from the Persian MSS., and has often been of service. Still it is not reliable authority for the proper names, as these occasionally present some curious proofs of the work having been translated from the Persian. Prepositions like tá and ba, and the Persian words of number, as sih (3) and nuh (9), have sometimes been taken as part of the names, and incorporated with them. Some instances will be pointed out in the Notes.

EXTRACTS.

Philosophers and Geometricians have divided the land of Hind into nine unequal⁴⁴ parts, giving to each part a separate name, as appears from the book called Bátankal.^44a Its shape resembles the back of a crab on the surface of the water.^44b The mountains and plains in these nine parts of India are extensive, and occur one after the other in successive order. The mountains appear to stand near each other, like the joints of the spine, and extend through the inhabited world from the east to the midst of the west, i.e., from the beginning of China through Tibet, and the country of the Turks, to Kábul, Badakhshán, Tukháristán, Bámián, Ghúr, Khurásán, Gílán, Ázarbáíján, Armenia, Rúm, to the country of the Franks and Galicia on the west. In their course they spread out widely from the deserts and inhabited places of that part. Rivers flow at their base. One which comes from the south from India is very large and broad.⁴⁵ But in other places they have their sources to the north in the lofty mountains and in the deserts. Hind is surrounded on the east by Chín and Máchín,^45a on the west by Sind and Kábul, and on the south by the sea.^45b On the north lie Kashmír, the country of the Turks, and the mountain of Meru, which is extremely high, and stands opposite to the southern pole. The heavenly bodies perform their revolutions round it, rising and setting on each side of it. A day and a night of this place is each equal to six of our months.^45c

Opposite to this mountain stands another, not round in shape, and which is said to be composed of gold and silver. The Hima mountains lie on the north of Kanauj, and on account of snow and cold form the extreme point of the habitation of man. This range has Kashmír in its centre, and runs by Tibet, Turk, Khazar,^45d and Sakáliba,^45e to the sea of Jurján and Khwárasm. The rivers of the entire country of Hind, which flow from the northern mountains, amount to eleven. Those which flow from the eastern mountains amount to the same number. These run far to the east and the south till they fall into the ocean. Those, however, which rise in the south do not discharge themselves into the sea.

The northern mountains have connection with Mount Meru, which lies south of them. Besides this there is another lofty ridge of mountains intervening between Turkistán and Tibet and India, which is not exceeded in height by any of the mountains of Hindú-stán. Its ascent is eighty parasangs. From its summit India looks black through the mists beneath, and the mountains and rugged declivities below look like hillocks. Tibet and China appear red. The descent from its summit to Tibet is one parasang. This mountain is so high that Firdausí probably meant the following verse to apply to it:—“It is so low and so high, so soft and so hard, that you may see its belly from the fish (on which the earth rests), its back from the moon.”

Some other mountains are called Harmakút,⁴⁶ in which the Ganges has its source. These are impassable from the side of the cold regions, and beyond them lies Máchín. To these mountains most of the rivers which lave the cities of India owe their origin. Besides these mountains there are others called Kalárchal.^46a They resemble crystal domes, and are always covered with snow, like those of Damáwand. They can be seen from Tákas and Laháwar.^46b Then there are the mountains of Bíllúr, in the direction of Turkistán, which are denominated Shamílán.^46c In two days' journey you arrive at Turkistán, where the Bhutáwariyas^46d dwell. Their king is called Bhut Sháh, and their countries (bilád) are Gilgit, Asúra, Salsás,^46e etc., and their language⁴⁷ is Turkí. The inhabitants of Kashmír suffer greatly from their encroachments and depredations. The mountains here mentioned are those described in the translation of Abú Ríhán and they are as manifest as a tortoise displaying (itself) from the midst of the waters.

^47a There are rivers and large streams which have their sources in and issue from the mountains surrounding the kingdom of Kápish^47b or Kábul. One, called the Gharwarand,^47c mixes with the stream from the mountain of Ghúrak, and passes through the country of Barwán.^47d The waters of the Sharúhat and the Shála pass by Lamankán,^47e which is Lamghán, and uniting near the fort of Dirúna,^47f fall into the Núrokírát. The aggregate of these waters forms a large river opposite the city of Parsháwar,^47g which is called “al ma'bar,” or “the ferry.” This town is situated on the eastern side of these rivers.^47h All these rivers fall into the Sind near to the fort of Bítúrashít,⁴⁸ at the city of Kandahár,^48a which is Waihind.^48b After that, there comes from the west the river of Tibet, called the Jhailam. It and the waters of the Chandrá all combine about fifty miles above Jharáwar,^48c and the stream flows to the west of Múltán. The Bíah joins it from the east. It also receives the waters of the Iráwa (Ráví). Then the river Kaj falls into it after separating from the river Kúj, which flows from the hills of Bhátal.^48d They all combine with the Satlader (Sutlej) below Múltán, at a place called Panjnad, or “the junction of the five rivers.” They form a very wide stream, which, at the time it attains its extreme breadth, extends ten parasangs, submerging trees of the forest, and leaving its spoils upon the trees like nests of birds. This stream, after passing Audar,^48e in the middle of Sind bears the name of Mihrán, and flows with a slower current, and widens, forming several islands, till it reaches Mansúra, which city is situated in the midst of the waters of this river. At this place the river divides into two streams, one empties itself into the sea in the neighbourhood of the city of Lúhá-ráni, ⁴⁹ and the other branches off to the east to the borders of Kach, and is known by the name of Sind Ságar, i.e., Sea of Sind. In the same way as at this place they call the collected rivers Panj-nad, “five rivers,” so the rivers flowing from the northern side of these same mountains, when they unite near Turmuz and form the river of Balkh,^49a are called “the seven rivers,” and the fire-worshippers (majás) of Soghd make no distinction, but call them all the “Seven rivers.”

The river Sarsut [Sarsutí] falls into the sea to the east of Somnát.

The Jumna falls into the Gangá below Kanauj, which city is situated on the west of the river. After uniting, they fall into the sea near Gangá Sáyar [Ságar.] There is a river which lies between the Sarsut and Ganges. It comes from the city of Turmuz^49b and the eastern hills; it has a south-westerly course, till it falls into the sea near Bahrúch,^49c about sixty yojanas to the east of Somnát. Afterwards the waters of the Gangá,^49d the Rahab, the Kúhí, and the Sarjú unite^49e near the city of Bári. The Hindús believe that the Gangá has its source in paradise, and, descending to the earth, is divided into seven streams, the centre one being denominated the Gangá. The three eastern streams are the Balan, the Ládafí, and Nalin.⁵⁰ The three western streams are the Sít, the Jakash, and Sind.^50a When the Sít leaves the snowy mountains it flows through the countries^50b of Silk, Karsíb, Hír, Barbar, Híra, Sakarkalt, Mankalakúr, and Sakrít, and falls into the western ocean. On the south of it is the river Jakash, which flows by the countries of Marw, Kálik, Dhúlak, Nijár,

Barbarkáj, Bakrúbár, and Anjat, and waters the farms and fields of those places.⁵²

The river of Sind crosses that country^52a in many places of its length and breadth, and bounds it in many others. Its well-known towns are Dard, Randanand, Kándahar, Rúras, Karúr, Siyúr, Indar, Marw, Siyát, Sind, Kand, Bahímrúr, Marmún, and Sakúrad.

The river Ganges passes over the central pillar of the moon to Barkandharat, Rásakín, Baládar,^52b Aurkán, and many other cities and towns; it then touches the defiles of Band, where there are many elephants, and passes on to the southern ocean.

Among the eastern streams is the Ládan which flows through seven kingdoms, whose inhabitants have lips like inverted ears. Thence it flows to three other countries, of which the people are exceedingly black, and have no colour or complexion. Then it runs through several other countries to Hast Áín, where it falls into the eastern sea.

The river Máran⁵³ waters the land of Kit^53a and flows through deserts. It passes through several countries where the people wear the bark of trees and grass instead of clothes, and are friendly to the brahmans. Then it passes through the desert and flows into the sea of Ajáj.^53b

The river Bakan passes through Námrán,^53c and through several countries where the people have their habitations in the hills,—then it flows on to the Karans and the Barbarans,^53d i.e., people whose ears hang down to their shoulders. Next it touches the country of the Ashmuks,^53e whose faces are like the faces of animals. Then it falls into the sea.

The Lashan-barán is a river with a wide bed. It falls into the sea.

It has been mentioned in the beginning of this work that the country of Hind is divided into nine^53f parts. The Indians are of opinion that each part⁵⁴ is nine times larger than Írán. It is situated in three Iklíms (climes), the western portion is in the third clime, and the eastern in the first, but the chief portion of Hind is included in the second climate. Its central territory is called Madades, which means “the middle land.” The Persians call it Kanauj. It is called the Madades, because it lies between the seas and mountains, between the hot and cold countries, and between the two extremities of west and east. It was the capital of the great, haughty, and proud despots of India. Sind lies on the west of this territory. If any one wishes to come from Nímroz, i.e. the country of Sijistán, or Írán to this country, he will have to pass through Kábul. The city of Kanauj stands on the western bank of the Ganges.^54a It was formerly a most magnificent city, but in consequence of its being deserted by its ruler, it has now fallen into neglect and ruin, and Bárí, which is three days' journey from it on the eastern side of the Ganges is now the capital. Kanauj is as celebrated for the descendants of the Pándavas as Máhúra (Mattra) is on account of Básdeo (Krishna.) The river Jumna lies to the east of this city, and there is a distance of twenty-seven parasangs between the two rivers. The city of Thánesar is situated between the rivers, nearly seventy parasangs north of Kanauj, and fifty parasangs from Máhúra (Mattra). The Ganges issues from its source, called Gang-dwár, and waters many of the cities of India.

Those who have not personally ascertained the relative distances of the cities of Hind from each other, must be dependent on the information derived from travellers.

In stating these distances we will begin from Kanauj. In going towards the south, between the rivers Jumna and Ganges, you arrive at a place called Jájmau,^54b at a distance of twelve parasangs, each parasang being equal to four miles; eight parasangs from that is Karwa; from Karwa to Brahmashk, eight; thence to Ábhábúdi,⁵⁵ eight; thence to the tree^55a of Barágí (Prág,) twelve. This is at the confluence of the Jumna and Ganges. From the confluence to the embouchure of the Ganges, is twelve^55b parasangs. From the above-mentioned tree, in directing your course towards the south, a road leads along the bank of the river to Arak Tírat,^55c which is distant twelve parasangs; to the country of Úríhár,^55d forty; to Urda-bishak, ^55e on the borders of the sea, fifty; from thence, still on the shore of the sea, on the east, there is a kingdom which is at present near Chún, and the beginning (mabda') of that is Dar (or Dúr,)^55f forty. From thence to Kánjí,⁵⁶ thirty; to Malia, forty; to Kúnak,^56a thirty; which is the remotest point.

If you go from Bárí, on the banks of the Ganges, in an easterly direction, you come to Ajodh, at the distance of twenty-five parasangs; thence to the great Benares,^56b about twenty. Then, turning, and taking a south-easterly course from that, you come, at the distance of thirty-five parasangs, to Sharúár;^56c thence to Pátaliputra,^56d twenty; thence to Mangírí, fifteen; thence to Champa,^56e thirty; thence to Dúkampúr, fifty; thence to the confluence of the Ganges with the sea at Gangá Ságar, thirty.

In going from Kanauj to the east you come to Málí Bárí,^56f at the distance of ten parasangs; thence to Dúkam, forty-five; thence to the kingdom of Silhet,⁵⁷ ten; thence to the city of Bhut,^57a twelve; thence for two hundred parasangs it is called Tilút, where the men are very black, and flat-nosed like the Turks. It extends to the mountains of Kámrú,^57b to the sea and to Nípál. Travellers in this direction report that going to the left hand towards the east, which is the country of Tibet, one arrives at Nípál at twenty parasangs distance, all on the ascent.^57c

From Nípál to Bhútesar^57d is thirty days' journey. which implies a distance of about eighty parasangs. There are many ascents and descents. There, on account of the steep and rugged roads, they carry burdens on the shoulders. Bridges are built in several places, and the rivers run in deep channels a hundred yards below the surface of the hills. They say that in those places there are stags with four eyes, and very beautiful.

Bhútesar is the first city on the borders of Tibet. There the language, costume, and appearance of the people are different. Thence to the top of the highest mountain, of which we spoke at the beginning, is a distance of twenty parasangs. From the top of it Tibet looks red and Hind black.

From Kanauj, in travelling south-east, on the western side of the Ganges, you come to Jajáhotí, at a distance of thirty parasangs, of which the capital is Kajuráha.^57e In that country are the two forts of Gwáliár and Kálinjar.⁵⁸ Thence to Dhál,^58a of which the capital is Bitúri to the kingdom of Kankyú^58b and Kankara is twenty parasangs. Thence to Asúr; thence to Banawás^58c on the shore of the sea.

From Kanauj, in travelling south-west, you come to Ásí,^58d at the distance of eighteen parasangs; to Sahína,^58e seventeen; to Chandrá,^58f eighteen; to Rajauri,^58g fifteen; to Narána^58h the capital of Guzerát,⁵⁹ eighteen. When the capital of Guzerát was destroyed, the inhabitants removed to a town on the frontier.^59a The distance between Narána and Máhúra is the same as between Máhúra and Kanauj, that is twenty-eight parasangs.

In going from Máhúra to Újain, you pass through several neighbouring villages, at no greater distances from one another than five parasangs.^59b From Máhúra, at the distance of thirty-five parasangs, you come to a large town called Dúdhí; thence to Bás,húr,^59c seven; thence to Mahábalastán,^59d five. This is the name of the idol of that place. Thence to Újain^59e nine, the idol of which place is Mahákál. Thence to Dhár,^59f six parasangs.

South from Narána at fifteen parasangs distance lies Mewar,⁶⁰ which has the lofty fortress of Chitor.^60a From the fortress to Dhár, the capital of Málwá, twenty. Újain is to the east of Dhár, at the distance of nine parasangs. From Újain to Mahábalastán,^60b which is in Málwá,^60c ten. From Dhár, going south, you come to Mahúmahra,^60d at the distance of twenty parasangs; thence to Kundakí,^60e twenty; thence to Namáwar on the banks of the Nerbadda,^60f ten; thence to Biswar,^60g twenty; thence to Matdakar,^60h on the banks of the Go-davery, sixty parasangs.

From Dhár southwards to the river Nerbadda,⁶⁰ⁱ nine; thence to Mahrat-des (the country of the Mahrattas), eighteen; thence to Konkan, of which the capital is Tána, on the sea shore, twenty-five parasangs.

[Here follows the description of the Rhinoceros and Sarabha, which agrees with the original Arabic of Al Bírúní, and need not be translated in this place. The Rhinoceros is called Karkadan in the original, and appears to be the same as the of Ælian, Hist. An. XVI. 20, 21. The Sarabha is called Shardawát iu the Persian, and Sharaudát in the Arabic MS.]

Abú Ríhán states that from Narána, in a south-west direction, lies Anhalwára⁶¹, at a distance of sixty parasangs; thence to Somnát, on the sea, fifty. From Anhalwára, towards the south, to Lárdes,^61a of which the capitals are Bahrúj and Dhanjúr,^61b forty-two. These are on the shore of the sea, to the east of Tána.

West from Narána^61c is Múltán, at the distance of fifty parasangs; thence to Bhátí,^61d fifteen. South-east from Bhátí is Arúr,^61e at a distance of fifteen parasangs. Bhátí is situated between two arms of the Indus. Thence to Bahmanú Mansúra, twenty; thence to Loha-rání, the embouchure of the river, thirty parasangs.

From Kanauj, going north, and turning a little to the west, you come to Sharasháraha,^61f fifty parasangs. Thence to Pinjor, eighteen parasangs. That place is on a lofty hill,^61g and opposite to it, in the plains, is the city Thánesar;⁶² thence to Dahmála,^62a the capital of Jálandhar, and at the base of a mountain, eighteen; thence to Baláwarda, one hundred;^62b thence towards the west, to Lidda, thirteen; thence to the fort of Rájgirí, eight; thence, towards the north, to Kashmír, twenty-five parasangs.

From Kanauj, towards the west, to Dyamau, is ten parasangs; thence to Gati,^62c ten; thence to Ahár,^62d ten; thence to Mírat, ten; thence, across the Jumna, to Pánípat, ten; thence to Kaithal,^62e ten; thence to Sanám, ten.

In going north-west from the latter place to Arat-húr,^62f nine parasangs; thence to Hajnír,^62g six; thence to Mandhúkúr,^62h the capital of Loháwar,⁶²ⁱ on the east of the river Íráwa, eight; thence to the river Chandráha (Chináb), twelve; thence to the Jailam, on the west of the Báyat,⁶³ eighteen; thence to Waihind, capital of Kandahár, west of the Sind, which the Moghals call Karájáng, twenty; thence to Parsháwar, fourteen; thence to Dambúr,^63a fifteen; thence to Kábul, twelve; thence to Ghaznin, seventeen.

Kashmír^63b is a valley surrounded by lofty inaccessible hills and broad deserts; on the east and south it is bordered by Hind; on the west by kings, of whom the nearest are Takúr Shah, then Shak-nan Sháh, and Wakhán^63c Sháh, extending to the frontiers of Badakh-shán; on the north, and partly on the east, by the Turks of Chín and Tibet.

From the mountain of Bhútesar to Kashmír, across the country of Tibet, is nearly 300 parasangs. The people of Kashmír do not ride on quadrupeds, but are carried on men's shoulders in a Katút, which resembles a throne. The servants of the Government are always on the alert, and watch the passes and strongholds of the country. They do not allow strangers to enter the country, except by ones and twos. This prohibition extends even to Jews and Hindús, how then can any one else gain admittance? The principal entrance is at Bíráhán,^63d half way between the Sind and Jailam. From that place to the bridge, at the confluence with the Jailam of the Kusárí and Mámharí,⁶⁴ which flow from the mountains of Shamílán,^64a is eight parasangs. Thence you arrive, at a distance of five days' journey, at a defile through which the Jailam runs.

At the end of the defile lies Dawáru-l Marsad, on both sides of the river. There the Jailam enters the plains, and turns towards Adashtán,^64b the capital of Kashmír, which it reaches at a distance of two days' journey. The city of Kashmír is four parasangs from Adashtán. It is built on both banks of the Jailam, on which there are many bridges and boats. The source of the Jailam is in the mountains of Harmakut,^64c near the source of the Ganges. This mountain is impassable on account of the exceeding cold, for the snow never melts, even when the sun is in Cancer or Leo. On the other side of it lies Máhá Chín, i.e., great Chín. After the Jailam has left the mountains, it reaches Adashtán in two days. Four parasangs from that, it expands into a lake, a parasang square, on the borders of which there is much cultivation, and a dense population. It then leaves the lake, and enters another defile near the city of Úshkárá.^64d

The Sind rises in the mountains of Ámak,^64e on the borders of the Turkish country. Passing by the mountains of Bilúr⁶⁵ and Shamílán, it reaches in two days' journey the country of the Bhútawárí^65a Turks, from whose encroachments and depredations the Kashmírians suffer great distress. Whoever travels along the left bank of the river will find villages and towns which are close to one another on the south of the capital and as far as the mountain Lárjal,^65b which resembles Damáwand, between which and Kashmír^65c there is a distance of two parasangs. It can always be seen from the boundaries of Kashmír and Loháwar. The fort of Rájgirí is to the south of it, and Lahúr, than which there is no stronger fort, is to the west. At a distance of three parasangs^65d is Rájáwarí, where merchants carry on much traffic, and it forms one of the boundaries of Hind on the north. On the hills to the west of it is the tribe of Afgháns, who extend to the land of Sind.

On the south of that tribe is the sea, on the shore of which the first city is Tíz, the capital of Makrán. The coast trends to the south-east, till it reaches Debal, at the distance of forty parasangs. Between these two cities lies the gulf of Túrán.

* * * * * * *

After traversing the gulf you come to the small and big mouths of the Indus; then to the Bawárij, who are pirates, and are so called because they commit their depredations in boats called Baira.^65e Their cities are Kach and Somnát. From Debal to Túlíshar^65f is fifty parasangs; to Loharání, twelve; to Baka, twelve; to Kach, the country producing gum, and bárdrúd⁶⁶ (river Bhader), six; to Somnát, fourteen; to Kambáya, thirty; to Asáwal,^66a two days' journey; to Bahrúj, thirty; to Sindán, fifty: to Súfára, six; to Tána, five. There you enter the country of Lárán, where is Jaimúr,^66b then Malia,^66c then Kánjí, then Darúd,^66d where there is a great gulf, in which is Sin-kaldíp, or the island of Sarandíp. In its neighbourhood is Tanjáwar, which is in ruins, and the king of that conntry has built another city on the shore, called Padmár;^66e then to Úmalná,^66f ten; then to Rameshar, opposite to Sarandíp, from which it is distant by water twelve parasangs. From Tanjáwar to Rameshar is forty parasangs; from Rameshar to Set Bandháí, which means the bridge of the sea, is two parasangs—and that band, or embankment, was made by Rám, son of Dasrat, as a passage to the fort of Lank.^66g It consists of detached rock separated by the sea.

Twelve parasangs from that place, in an eastern direction, lies Kahkand, which is the mountain of monkeys.⁶⁷

[Here follows an account of these monkeys, of some of the eastern islands, and of the rainy season.]

Múltán^67a and Úch are subject to Dehli, and the son of the Súltán of Dehli is the governor. There is a road from hence by land as well as by the shore of the sea to Guzerát, which is a large country, within which are Kambáya, Somnát, Kankan, Tána, and several other cities and towns. It is said that Guzerát comprises 80,000 flourishing cities, villages, and hamlets. The inhabitants are rich and happy, and during the four seasons no less than seventy different sorts of roses blow in this country. The crops which grow in the cold season derive their vigour from the dew. When that dries, the hot season commences, and that is succeeded by the rainy season, which makes the earth moist and verdant. Grapes are produced twice during the year, and the strength of the soil is such, that cotton plants grow like willows and plane-trees, and yield produce ten years running. The people are idolaters, and have a king of their own. Somnát, which is the name of the idol of that place, is a temple and place of worship for the people of all parts of Hind, and Hindu idolaters come to it from great distances. Many of the more deluded devotees, in performance of their vows, pass the last stage crawling along the ground upon their sides, some approach walking upon their ancles and never touch the ground with the soles of their feet,^67b others go before the idol upon their heads. The men of Kambáya bring tribute from the chiefs of the island of Kís. Sugar from Malwa, bádru (balm),^67c and baladí are exported in ships from the coasts of Guzerát to all countries and cities. Beyond Guzerát are Kankan and Tána; beyond them the country of Malíbár, which from the boundary of Karoha⁶⁸ to Kúlam,^68a is 300 parasangs in length. The whole country produces the pán, in consequence of which Indians find it easy to live there, for they are ready to spend their whole wealth upon that leaf. There is much coined gold and silver there, which is not exported to any other place. Part of the territory is inland, and part on the sea shore. They speak a mixed language, like the men of Khabálik,^68b in the direction of Rúm, whom they resemble in many respects. The people are all Samanís (Buddhists), and worship idols. Of the cities on the shore the first is Sindábúr, then Faknúr, then the country of Manjarúr,^68c then the country of Hílí,^68d then the country of Sadarsá,^68e then Janglí, then Kúlam. The men of all these countries are Samanís. After these comes the country of Sawálak, which comprises 125,000 cities and villages. After that comes Málwála,^68f which means 1,893,000 in number. About forty years ago the king of Málwála died, and between his son and the minister a contest arose, and after several battles they ended with dividing the territory between them. The consequence is that their enemies obtained a footing, and are always making their incursions from different parts of Hind, and carrying off goods and viands, sugar, wine, cotton cloths, captives, and great booty.⁶⁹ But through the great wealth of that country, no serious injury is done.

M'abar,^69a from Kúlam to the country of Siláwar,^69b extends 300 parasangs along the shore. Its length is the same. It possesses many cities and villages, of which little is known. The king is called Dewar which means in the M'abar language, the “lord of wealth.” Large ships, called in the language of China, “Junks,” bring various sorts of choice merchandize and clothes from Chín and Máchín, and the countries of Hind and Sind. The merchants export from M'abar silken stuffs, aromatic roots; large pearls are brought up from the sea. The productions of this country are carried to 'Irák, Khurásán, Syria, Rum, and Europe. The country produces rubies, and aromatic grasses, and in the sea are plenty of pearls. M'abar is, as it were, the key of Hind. Within the few last years Sundar Bandi was Dewar, who, with his three brothers, obtained power in different directions, and Malik Takíu-d din bin 'Abdu-r rahmán bin Muhammadu-t Tíbí, brother of Shaikh Jamálu-d dín, was his minister and adviser, to whom he assigned the government of Fatan, Malí Fatan, and Báwal;^69c and because there are no horses in M'abar, or rather those which are there are weak, it was agreed that every year Jamálu-d dín Ibráhím should send to the Dewar 1400 strong Arab horses obtained from the island of Kís, and 10,000 horses from all the islands of Fárs, such as Katíf, Lahsa, Bahrein, Hurmúz, Kilahát, etc. Each horse is reckoned worth 220 dínárs of red gold current.

* * * * * * *

In the year 692 A.H. (1293 A.D.) the Dewar died, and his wealth and possessions fell into the hands of his adversaries and opponents, and Shaikh Jamálu-d-dín who succeeded him, obtained, it is said, an accession of 7,000 bullock loads of jewels, gold, etc., and Takíu-d dín, according to previous agreement, became his lieutenant. * * *

The people of the country are very black by reason of their being near the equator. There is a large temple called Lútar.⁷⁰

* * * * * * *

There are two courses, or roads, from this place: one leads by sea to Chín and Máchín, passing by the island of Sílán.^70a It is four parasangs long, and four wide. It is parallel to the equator.

Sarandíp is at the foot of the Júdí^70b mountain, and is called in the language of Hind Samkáda-díp (Sinhaladíp), i.e. the sleeping-place of the lion, because its appearance is like a lion in repose,^70c and as that etymology is not known to the common people, they call it Sarandíp. The whole of the country is exactly under the Line. Rubies and other precious stones are found there. In the forests there are wolves and elephants, and even the Rukh is said to be there. The men are all Buddhists, and bow to, and worship images.

The Island of Lámúrí,^70d which lies beyond it, is very large. It has a separate king.

Beyond it lies the country of Súmútra [Sumatra],^70e and beyond that Darband Nias,⁷¹ which is a dependency of Jáva. In the mountains of Jáva scented woods grow. In those islands are several cities, of which the chief are Arú, Barlak, Dalmían, Jáva, and Barkúdoz. ^71a The mountains of Jáva are very high. It is the custom of the people to puncture their hands and entire body with needles, and then rub in some black substance to colour it.

Opposite Lámúrí is the island of Lákwáram,^71b which produces plenty of red amber. Men and women go naked, except that the latter cover the pudenda with cocoanut leaves. They are all subject to the Ká-án [Emperor of China.]

Passing on from this you come to a continent called Jampa, also subject to the Ká-án. The people are red and white.

Beyond that is Haitam,^71c subject also to the Ká-án.

Beyond that is Máhá Chín,^71d then the harbour of Zaitún,^71e on the shore of China sea,^71f and an officer of the Ká-án, entitled Shak,⁷² resides there. Beyond that is Khansáí, in which the marketplace ^72a is six parasangs broad, from which ít may be judged how large the place is. It is subject to the deputies of the Ká-án, who are Moghals, Musulmáns, Khitáyans, and Ghuris. Khansáí^72b is the capital.

Forty days journey from it lies Khánbálik,^72c the capital of the Phœnix of the west—Káán, King of the earth.^72d

With respect to the other road which leads from M'abar by way of Khitáí, it commences at the city of Kábal, then proceeds to the city of Kúnjú and Sunjú, then to Kín, then to Mali Fatan,^72e then to Kardaráyá, then to Hawáríún,^72f then to Daklí,^72g then to Bijalár,^72h which, from of old, is subject to Dehli, and at this time one of the cousins of the Sultán of Dehli has conquered it, and established himself, having revolted against the Sultán. His army consists of Turks. Beyond that is the country of Ratbán, then Arman,⁷²ⁱ then Zar-dandán,^72j so called because the people cover their teeth with gold. They puncture their hands, and colour them with indigo. They eradicate their beards, so that they have not a sign of hair on their faces. They are all subject to the Ká-án. This country is bounded on one side by the sea, afterwards comes the country of Ráhán, the people of which eat carrion and the flesh of men,—they likewise are subject to the Ká-án.⁷³ Thence you arrive at the borders of Tibet, where they eat raw meat and worship images, and have no shame respecting their wives. The air is so impure that if they eat their dinner after noon they would all die. They boil tea and eat winnowed barley.

There is another country called Deogir, adjoining M'abar inland, the king of which is at constant enmity with the Dewar of M'abar. Its capital is Dúrú Samundúr [Dwára Samudra.]

Another large country is called Kandahár, which the Moghals call Karájáng. These people spring from Khitai and Hind. In the time^73a of Kúbilá Ká-án,^73b it was subdued by the Moghals. One of its borders adjoins Tibet, another adjoins Khitá, and another adjoins Hind.

Philosophers have said that there are three countries celebrated for certain peculiarities; Hind is celebrated for its armies, Kandahár for its elephants, and the Turks for their horses.