in all affairs, and I will entrust him with the duties of the Wazárat.” The minister Kaksa was a learned man and a philosopher of Hind. When he came to transact business, Muhammad Kásim used to make him sit before the throne and then consulted him, and Kaksa took precedence in the army before all the nobles and commanders. He collected the revenue of the country, and the treasure was placed under his seal. He assisted Muhammad Kásim in all his undertakings, and was called by the title of Mubárak Mushír, “prosperous counsellor.”
Conquest of Sikka Multán203
by Muhammad Kasim.
When he had settled affairs with Kaksa, he left the fort, crossed the Bíás, and reached the stronghold of Askalanda,203a the people of which, being informed of the arrival of the Arab army, came out to fight. Ráwa,203b son of 'Amíratu-t Táfí, and Kaksa headed the advanced army and commenced battle. Very obstinate engagements ensued, so that on both sides streams of blood flowed. The Arabs at the time of their prayers repeated “Glorious God” with a loud voice, and renewed the attack. The idolaters were defeated, and threw themselves into the fort. They began to shoot arrows and fling stones from the mangonels on the walls. The battle continued for seven days, and the nephew of the chief of Multán, who was in the fort of that city, made such attacks that the army began to be distressed for provisions; but at last the chief of Askalanda203c came out in the night time, and threw himself into the fort of Sikka, which is a large fort on the south bank of the Ráví. When their chief had gone away, all the people, the artizans, and merchants sent a message to say that they were subjects, and now that their chief had fled, they solicited protection from Muhammad Kásim. He granted this request of the merchants, artizans, and agriculturists; but he went into the fort, killed four thousand fighting men with his bloody sword, and sent their families into slavery, He appointed as governor of the fort 'Atbá son of Salma Tamímí and himself with the army proceeded towards Sikka Multán. It was a fort on the south bank of the Ráví, and Bajhrá Tákí, grandson of Bajhrá (daughter's son), was in it.204 When he received the intelligence he commenced operations. Every day, when the army of the Arabs advanced towards the fort, the enemy came out and fought, and for seventeen days they maintained a fierce conflict. From among the most distinguished officers (of Muhammad Kásim) twenty-five were killed, and two hundred and fifteen other warriors of Islám were slain. Bajhrá passed over the Ráví and went into Multán. In consequence of the death of his friends, Muhammad Kásim had sworn to destroy the fort, so he ordered his men to pillage204a the whole city. He then crossed over towards Multán, at the ferry below the city,204b and Bajhrá came out to take the field.
Muhammad Kásim fights with the ferry-men.
That day the battle raged from morning till sun-set, and when the world, like a day labourer, covered itself with the blanket of darkness, and the king of the heavenly host covered himself with the veil of concealment, all retired to their tents. The next day, when the morning dawned from the horizon, and the earth was illumined, fighting again commenced, and many men were slain on both sides; but the victory remained still undecided. For a space of two months mangonels and ghazraks204c were used, and stones and arrows were thrown from the walls of the fort. At last provisions became exceedingly scarce in the camp, and the price even of an ass's head was raised to five hundred dirams. When the chief Gúrsiya, son of Chandar, nephew of Dáhir, saw that the Arabs were noway disheartened, but on the contrary were confident, and that he had no prospect of relief, he went to wait on the king of Kashmír. The next day, when the Arabs reached the fort, and the fight commenced, no place was found suitable for digging a mine until a person came out of the fort, and sued for mercy. Muhammad Kásim gave him protection, and he pointed out a place towards the north on the banks of a river.205 A mine was dug, and in two or three days the walls fell down, and the fort was taken. Six thousand warriors were put to death, and all their relations and dependants were taken as slaves. Protection was given to the merchants, artizans, and the agriculturists. Muhammad Kásim said the booty ought to be sent to the treasury of the Khalífa; but as the soldiers have taken so much pains, have suffered so many hardships, have hazarded their lives, and have been so long a time employed in digging the mine and carrying on the war, and as the fort is now taken, it is proper that the booty should be divided, and their dues given to the soldiers.
Division of Plunder.
Then all the great and principal inhabitants of the city assembled together, and silver to the weight of sixty thousand dirams was distributed, and every horseman got a share of four hundred dirams weight. After this, Muhammad Kásim said that some plan should be devised for realizing the money to be sent to the Khalífa. He was pondering upon this, and was discoursing on the subject, when suddenly a Brahman came and said, “Heathenism is now at an end, the temples are thrown down, the world has received the light of Islám, and mosques are built instead of idol temples. I have heard from the elders of Multán that in ancient times there was a chief in this city whose name was Jíbawín,205a and who was a descendant of the Ráí of Kashmír. He was a Brahman and a monk, he strictly followed his religion, and always occupied his time in worshipping idols. When his treasure exceeded all limit and computation, he made a reservoir on the eastern side of Multán, which was a hundred yards square. In the middle of it he built a temple fifty yards square, and he made there a chamber in which he concealed forty copper jars each of which was filled with African gold dust. A treasure of three hundred and thirty mans of gold was buried there. Over it there is a temple in which there is an idol made of red gold, and trees are planted round the reservoir.” It is related by historians, on the authority of 'Alí bin Muhammad who had heard it from Abú Muhammad Hindúí that Muhammad Kásim arose and with his counsellors, guards and attendants, went to the temple. He saw there an idol made of gold, and its two eyes were bright red rubies.
Reflection of Muhammad Kásim.
Muhammad Kásim thought it might perhaps be a man, so he drew his sword to strike it; but the Brahman said, “O just commander, this is the image which was made by Jíbawín,206 king of Multán, who concealed the treasure here and departed. Muhammad Kásim ordered the idol to be taken up. Two hundred and thirty mans of gold were obtained, and forty jars filled with gold dust. They were weighed and the sum of thirteen thousand and two hundred mans weight of gold was taken out. This gold and the image were brought to the treasury together with the gems and pearls and treasure which were obtained from the plunder of the city of Multán.
It is said by Abú-l Hasan Hamadání, who had heard it from Kharím son of 'Umar, that the same day on which the temple was dug up and the treasure taken out, a letter came from Hajjáj Yúsuf to this effect:—“My nephew, I had agreed and pledged myself, at the time you marched with the army, to repay the whole expense incurred by the public treasury in fitting out the expedition, to the Khalífa Walíd bin 'Abdu-l Malik bin Marwán, and it is incumbent on me to do so. Now the accounts of the money due have been examined and checked, and it is found that sixty thousand dirams in pure silver have been expended for Muhammad Kásim, and up to this date there has been received in cash, goods, and stuffs, altogether one hundred and twenty thousand dirams weight.206a Wherever there is an ancient place or famous town or city, mosques and pulpits should be erected there; and the khutba should be read, and the coin struck in the name of this government. And as you have accomplished so much with this army by your good fortune, and by seizing fitting opportunities, so be assured that to whatever place of the infidels you proceed it shall be conquered.”
Muhammad Kásim makes terms with the people of Multán.
When Muhammad Kásim had settled terms with the principal inhabitants of the city of Multán he erected a Jama' masjid and minarets, and he appointed Amír Dáúd Nasr son of Walíd 'Ummání its governor. He left Kharím son of 'Abdu-l Malik Tamím in the fort of Bramhapúr, on the banks of the Jhailam, which was called Sobúr (Shore?).207 Akrama, son of Ríhán Shámí was appointed governor of the territory around Multán, and Ahmad son of Haríma son of 'Atba Madaní was appointed governor of the forts of Ajtahád and Karúr.207a He despatched the treasure in boats to be carried to Debál207b and paid into the treasury of the capital. He himself stayed in Multán, and about fifty thousand horsemen, with munitions of war, were under his command.
Kanauj.
He then sent Abú Hakím Shaibání at the head of ten thousand horse towards Kanauj, to convey a letter from the Khalífa, and with instructions to invite the Chief to embrace Muhammadanism, to send tribute, and make his submission. He himself went with the army to the boundary of Kashmír, which was called the five rivers,207c where Chach, son of Siláíj, the father of Dáhir, had planted the fir and the poplar trees, and had marked the boundary. When he arrived there he renewed the mark of the boundary.
The army and Abú Hakím arrive at Údháfar.208
At this time the chief of Kanauj was the son of Jahtal Ráí. When the army reached as far as Údháfar, Abú Hakím Shaibání ordered Zaid, son of 'Amrú Kallábí, to be brought before him. He said, “Zaid, you must go on a mission to Ráí Har Chandar, son of Jahtal, and deliver the mandate for his submission to Islám, and say that from the ocean to the boundary of Kashmír all kings and chiefs have acknowledged the power and authority of the Muhammadans, and have made their submission to Amír 'Imádu-d Dín, general of the Arab army, and persecutor of the infidels. That some have embraced Islám, and others have agreed to send tribute to the treasury of the Khalífa.”
Answer of Ráí Har Chandar of Kanauj.
Ráí Har Chandar replied, “This country for about one thousand six hundred years has been under our rule and governance. During our sovereignty no enemy has ever dared to encroach upon our boundary, nor has any one ventured to oppose us, or to lay hands upon our territory. What fear have I of you that you should revolve such propositions and absurdities in your mind. It is not proper to send an envoy to prison, otherwise, for this speech and for this impossible claim you would deserve such treatment. Other enemies and princes may listen to you, but not I.208a Now go back to your master, and tell him that we must fight against each other in order that our strength and might may be tried, and that either I may conquer or be conquered by you. When the superiority of one side or the other in warfare and courage shall be seen, then peace or war shall be determined on.” When the message and letter of Ráí Har Chandar was delivered to Muhammad Kásim, he took the advice of all the chiefs, nobles, commanders, and warriors, and said, “Up to this time, by the favour of God, and the assistance of the heavens, the Ráís of Hind have been defeated and frustrated, and victory has declared in favour of Islám. To day we have come to encounter this cursed infidel who is puffed up with his army and elephants With the power and assistance of God, it behoves you to exert yourselves that we may subdue him, and be victorious and successful over him.” All were ready to fight against Ráí Har Chandar,209 and united together, and urged Muhammad Kásim to declare war.
Orders from the Capital to Muhammad Kásim.
The next day, when the king of the heavenly host showed his face to the world from behind the veil of night, a dromedary rider with orders from the seat of government arrived. Muhammad, son of 'Alí Abú-l Hasan Hamadání says, that when Ráí Dáhir was killed, his two virgin daughters were seized in his palace, and Muhammad Kásim had sent them to Baghdád under the care of his negro slaves. The Khalífa of the time sent them into his harem to be taken care of for a few days till they were fit to be presented to him. After some time, the remembrance of them recurred to the noble mind of the Khalífa, and he ordered them both to be brought before him at night. Walíd 'Abdu-l Malik told the interpreter to inquire from them which of them was the eldest, that he might retain her by him, and call the other sister at another time. The interpreter first asked their names. The eldest said, “My name is Suryádeo,” and the youngest replied, “my name is Parmaldeo.” He called the eldest to him, and the youngest he sent back to be taken care of. When he had made the former sit down, and she uncovered her face, theKhalífa of the time looked at her, and was enamoured of her surpassing beauty and charms. Her powerful glances robbed his heart of patience. He laid his hand upon Suryádeo and drew her towards him. But Suryádeo stood up, and said, “Long live the king! I am not worthy the king's bed, because the just Commander 'Imádu-d-Dín Muhammad Kásim kept us three days near himself before he sent us to the royal residence. Perhaps it is a custom among you; but such ignominy should not be suffered by kings.” The Khalífa was overwhelmed with love, and the reins of patience had fallen from his hand. Through indignation he could not stop to scrutinize the matter. He asked for ink and paper, and commenced to write a letter with his own hand, commanding that at whatever place Muhammad Kásim had arrived, he should suffer himself to be sewed up in a hide and sent to the capital.
the Khalífa's capital.
When Muhammad Kásim received the letter at Údháfar, he gave the order to his people and they sewed him up in a hide, put him in a chest, and sent him back. Muhammad Kásim thus delivered his soul to God. The officers who were appointed to the different places remained at their stations, while he was taken in the chest to the Khalífa of the time. The private chamberlain reported to Walíd 'Abdu-l-Malik, son of Marwán, that Muhammad Kásim Sakifí had been brought to the capital. The Khalífa asked whether he was alive or dead. It was replied, “May the Khalífa's life, prosperity, and honour be prolonged to eternity. When the royal mandates were received in the city of Údhápúr,210 Muhammad Kásim immediately, according to the orders, had himself sewed up in a raw hide, and after two days delivered his soul to God and went to the eternal world. The authorities whom he had placed at different stations maintain the country in their possession, the Khutba continues to be read in the name of the Khalífa, and they use their best endeavours to establish their supremacy.”
The Khalífa opens the chest.
The Khalífa then opened the chest and called the girls into his presence. He had a green bunch of myrtle in his hand, and pointing with it towards the face of the corpse, said, “See, my daughters, how my commands which are sent to my agents are observed and obeyed by all. When these my orders reached Kanauj, he sacrificed his precious life at my command.”
The address of Jankí,210a
Malik, son of Marwán.
Then the virtuous Jankí put off the veil from her face, placed her head on the ground, and said, “May the king live long, may his prosperity and glory increase for many years; and may he be adorned with perfect wisdom. It is proper that a king should test with the touchstone of reason and weigh in his mind whatever he hears from friend or foe, and when it is found to be true and indubitable, then orders compatible with justice should be given. By so doing he will not fall under the wrath of God, nor be contemned by the tongue of man. Your orders have been obeyed, but your gracious mind is wanting in reason and judgment. Muhammad Kásim respected our honour, and behaved like a brother or son to us, and he never touched us, your slaves, with a licentious hand. But he had killed the king of Hind and Sind, he had destroyed the dominion of our forefathers, and he had degraded us from the dignity of royalty to a state of slavery, therefore, to retaliate and to revenge these injuries, we uttered a falsehood before the Khalífa, and our object has been fulfilled. Through this fabrication and deceit have we taken our revenge. Had the Khalífa not passed such peremptory orders; had he not lost his reason through the violence of his passion, and had he considered it proper to investigate the matter, he would not have subjected himself to this repentance and reproach; and had Muhammad Kásim, assisted by his wisdom, come to within one day's journey from this place, and then have put himself into a hide, he would have been liberated after inquiry, and not have died.” The Khalífa was very sorry at this explanation, and from excess of regret he bit the back of his hand.
Jankí again addresses the Khalífa.
Jankí again opened her lips and looked at the Khalífa. She perceived that his anger was much excited, and she said, “The king has committed a very grievous mistake, for he ought not, on account of two slave girls, to have destroyed a person who had taken captive a hundred thousand modest women like us, who had brought down seventy chiefs who ruled over Hind and Sind from their thrones to their coffins; and who instead of temples had erected mosques, pulpits, and minarets. If Muhammad Kásim had been guilty of any little neglect or impropriety, he ought not to have been destroyed on the mere word of a designing person.” The Khalífa ordered both the sisters to be enclosed between walls. From that time to this day the flags of Islám have been more and more exalted every day, and are still advancing.
IV.
BY
MÍR MUHAMMAD M'ASÚM, OF BHAKKAR.
THIS is the most copious history of Sind which we possess, inasmuch, as besides containing an account of the Arabian conquest, it brings the annals of this country down to the time of its incorporation into the Moghul empire in the time of Akbar.
The work, which is sometimes called Táríkh-i M'asúmí, is divided into four chapters.
The first chapter contains an account of the events which led to the conquest of Sind by the Arabs, and closes with the death of Rájá Dáhir, though it professes to carry the history down to the Khalífa Hárún.
The second chapter, after omitting all notice of the two centuries which elapsed between Hárún and Mahmúd of Ghazní, gives an account of Sind under the Emperors of Dehli, and of the Súmra and Samma dynasties, after the invasion of Tímúr. The author mentions at the close of the chapter that he was induced to give an account of the Súmras and Sammas in detail, because it was to be found nowhere else. But his own is much confused from his inattention to dates.
The third chapter is devoted to the history of the Arghúnia dynasty, including an account of Síwí, Kandahár, &c. of some celebrated holy men, judges, and Saiyids, and of the kings of Multán. It also contains an account, in more than usual detail, of the Emperor Humáyún's operations in Sind and the desert, after his flight from Ágra.
The fourth chapter contains a tedious relation of the mode in which Sind fell under the power of Akbar upon the capitulation of Mírzá Jání Beg of Thatta, in A.D. 1592. We have also occasional notices of the interference of the Firingís in the affairs of Thatta. As the author was contemporary with this event, he enters into very minute particulars, which are, however, for the most part, uninteresting. Amongst his own personal experiences, he describes an interview he had with the Emperor Akbar, who bestowed on him three villages in Jágír, in the district of Bhakkar.
Muhammad M'asúm, who gave himself the poetical title of Námí, was born at Bhakkar, in Sind, and was the son of Safáyí Husainí, an inhabitant of Kirmán. [He was a man of considerable attainments, and he rose to some distinction in the service of Akbar and Jahángír. His knowledge of history was highly esteemed in his own day. He was also a poet of some repute, and an excellent caligraphist.213] His history of Sind was written in A.D. 1600, for the instruction and improvement of his son, named Mír Buzurg, in order that, “by reading it he might learn what good men of old did; that he might discriminate between right and wrong; between that which is useful and the reverse, and might learn to follow the paths of virtuous men.”
The only work quoted by him as an authority is the Chach-náma, which he abridges in his first chapter, relating to the Arab conquest of Sind. He is credulous and delights in recounting miracles of saints, but he gives no legendary lore like the Tuhfatu-l Kirám. Mír M'asúm and his work have been noticed by several writers: by Badáúní (under article “Námí”) by Haidar Rází, the Ma-ásíru-l Umrá, the Tuhfatu-l Kírám, Bágh-Mání and Mirát-i Daulat 'Abbási.213a
[Copies of this history are common.214 There are two in the British Museum, one of which was transcribed from a copy made from the author's own autograph. There is another in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society, which has been fully described by Morley in his Catalogue; a fourth in the Library of the East India Office, and there is a copy in Sir H. Elliot's Library which was written for him in 1852. This copy and that of the R. As. Soc. have been used for the following translations, and are referred to as MSS. A. and B.]
[At the end of Sir H. Elliot's copy, there is a brief history of Sind in “three distinct chapters.” It is written in the same hand and bears the same date as the rest of the MS. Though occupying only nineteen pages, it gives a summary of the history of Sind, to the end of the last century—from Ráí Síharas, down to Ahmad Sháh Dúrání. The author's name is not given, but the contents are generally in accordance with the history of M'asúm.]
This work has been translated by Capt. G. Malet, late British Resident at Khairpúr, but so literally, as not to be fit for publication in its present shape. [There is a copy of this translation in Sir H. Elliot's library, which, on examination, is found to contain matter that is entirely absent from all the five MSS. above specified. One long passage quoted hereafter, relates to the Súmra dynasty, the history of which is involved in considerable obscurity. The additional names it supplies, receive some support from the “Tuhfatu-l Kirám,” but nothing corroborative has been found in the other Sindian histories. There is some apparent similarity between the general style of the history and that of the additional matter. Like Mír M'asúm, the writer always employs some figurative expression for the death of a prince, but this is a practice very common among historians, and the style may have been designedly imitated, so that the resemblance affords no evidence of authenticity. The general concurrence of the MSS. and the authority of the British Museum MS. is sufficient to stamp the passage as an interpolation—though there appears to be some authority for its statements. Morley, in his Catalogue, notices an interpolation in the MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society, which comes in abruptly within a few lines of the end of the history. He says, “After this, in the present MS. there is an account of Dúda, who was ruler of Thattha in the time of Násiru-d dín Mahmúd, King of Dehli, occupying six pages. In the East India House MS. (No. 43) this is omitted; the history ending immediately after the capitulation of Jání Beg, and stating in four lines that he died in A.H. 1011 (A.D. 1602), and was succeeded in his government by his son Mírza 'Ásí. The MS. in the British Museum (Addit. No. 16,700), agrees with that of the East India House in this respect,” and with Sir H. Elliot's. Dúda is the name of one of the princes given in Malet's additional passage, but the matter of these pages differs from his.]
Sir H. Elliot's copy contains 290 folios of fourteen lines each, and of these about forty-five have been translated.
BOOK II.
Account of the Samma dynasty.
IT has been already related how Sultán Mahmúd came from Ghazní, and after capturing the fort of Multán, brought the country of Sind under his authority, and sent his officers to govern it. After the death of Mahmúd, the sovereignty passed to his offspring, and the government (of Sind) devolved upon 'Abdu-r Rashíd Sultan Mas'úd. This prince gave himself up to the pursuit of pleasure, and heeded not the duties of government; so the people on the distant borders began to reject his authority and throw off the yoke of obedience. At that time the men of Súmra assembled in the vicinity of Tharí216 and raised a man named Súmra216a to the throne. He had passed a long time as the head of the tribe of Súmra, and he cleared the country of disaffection. This man formed a connection with Sád, a powerful Zamíndár in those parts, and married his daughter. She bore him a son named Bhúngar, who on the death of his father succeeded to the hereditary states, and died after an active reign.
His son named Dúdá then inherited the throne, and reigned for some years. He extended his authority to Nasrpúr, but died in the flower of his age. He left an infant son name Singhár and a daughter named Tárí, who for a time carried on the government and kept the people under her control. When Singhár came of age he himself assumed the government, and looked after the affairs of the revenue and the State, punishing all men who were disaffected and rebellious. He directed his efforts against the country of Kachh and extended his sway as far as Mánik Bai.216b Some years after this he died, leaving no son; but his wife, named Hamún, carried on the government in the fort of Dahak, and she deputed her brothers to govern Muhammad Túr and Tharí. A short time after this the brethren of Dúdá, who were hidden in that neighbourhood, came forth and opposed the brethren of Hamún. One of them, named Pitthú,216c a descendant of Dúdá, was supported by a body of followers. He overthrew all those who set up pretensions to the throne, and established himself in the sovereignty. After reigning some years, he died, when a man named Khairá carried on the business of the State, and made himself remarkable for his virtues. He reigned for some years to the time of his death.
[Malet's MS. translation proceeds as follows for seven pages, interpolating matter not to be found in any of the five MSS. examined, as previously stated in page 214.]
“With the occurrence of the Amírs, Khafíf succeeded him, and sat on the throne of the kingdom. Having made good arrangements for the country in his hands, he with heart at ease went and remained at Thatta. During his government the ryots and all the other people of Sind were relieved from thieves and disturbers of the peace; all were happy and contented. By chance it one day came into his mind that it was not proper for him to be always merely sitting on the throne, that it was better to spend some time in the shikárgáhs, the jungles, and plains, which had become green from rain, and where the animals were grazing happily. After this, having collected many men, he marched against the Bulúchís, the Sodhas, and the Jharejas. On reaching their borders, Ran Mal Sodha, Rám Ráí Jhareja, and Mihran Bulúch, being introduced by the Amírs and other men of weight, came and made great offerings. Khafíf, presenting them with handsome presents in return, made them very happy. He then gave them their dismissal.
“He proposed returning to Thatta the following morning, but at that time a Bulúch came complaining that the thieves of the tribe of Samma had plundered his tribe, taking everything they possessed. On hearing this Khafíf was much astonished, and at the instant mounting with those who were with him he started and quickly came against this tribe. He took all the property which had been robbed from the Bulúchís, and those men who had disobeyed orders and acted in this manner he punished with severity. His arrangements were such in all the country under him, from Kachh to Nasrpúr, that in the whole of that space no one during his reign disobeyed his orders; if they did so, he gave them to the sword. When he found that there were none to give trouble, he was at ease and came to Thatta. In his time all the people, the soldiers, the Amírs, the ryots, etc., were very happy. He lived a long while at Thatta, till from this world he journeyed to the next world.
“After the death of Khafíf, the people, the men of weight under government, and those out of employ, agreeing that it was proper, raised Dúdá, the son of Umar, and grandson of Pitthú, to the throne of the saltanat in his place. When all the affairs of the State were firm in his hands, Singhár, a zamíndár, came to pay his yearly taxes. He became acquainted with Dúdá. This had lasted some time, when one day he spoke of Kachh in the following terms, in his presence, saying that he had heard that the Samma tribe had determined to come to Thatta to take it, and that he should be prepared for this. On hearing this, Dúdá, collecting forces out of number, marched to Kachh, and he severely twisted the ears of those people. Then a man of the Samma tribe named Lákha came as ambassador, bringing presents, and a Kachhí horse, making offering of these, and asking pardon for their sins. Dúdá, with great kindness, gave him presents in money, a horse, and a khil'at, allowing him then to depart. From thence, with heart at rest, he came to Tharí, where he spent a long time. All the people and ryots were so completely under his hands, that without orders from him they did nothing. When at Tharí, Ran Mal Sodha came, and making his salám, urged as a petition, that in the time of Khafíf the Jat Bulúchís paid tribute, but that now it seemed that they, through ignorance, had taken their heads from out of the noose of submission. He added, that having heard of this he made him (Dúdá) acquainted with it, and that it seemed advisable that a force should be put under him, which he would take against them, and thus, making them pay up their arrears of tribute from the days of Khafíf to the present time, he would bring it to him. The reason of his speaking in this way was, that formerly a feud existed between him (Ran Mal) and the Jharejas, when a fight had taken place between the parties, in which great numbers of Ran Mal's men had been killed and wounded, so he told as above to Dúdá to enable him to have his revenge upon them. Dúdá being of a good heart, gave him encouragement, keeping him near him. He also sent to call the men of Jhareja. When his messengers got there, and told what Ran Mal had said, they came before them with their swords suspended from round their necks, making their salám, and declaring that they and all their families were the slaves of Dúdá, and if he ordered them all to be confined they would not ask the reason why. Then taking presents for Dúdá they came to him in one week. The messengers who accompanied them having received good treatment at their hands, spoke in their favour. Dúdá said to Ran Mal, ‘These men having great confidence, have sent only two of their tribe, and these have come to make their salám; you told me another story.’ Dúdá for some time detained Ran Mal on the plea of its being the rainy season; but in Ran Mal's breast that thorn pricked him, so one day with great earnestness he insisted upon being allowed to depart, when Dúdá gave him leave, and he went to his tribe. On getting there he became rebellious. Seeing this, Rám Ráí Jhareja and Mihrán Bulúch, quickly going to Dúdá, told him of this circumstance. It came into Dúdá's mind that probably these men were doing what Ran Mal had done; therefore he determined in the first place to send two men to Ran Mal, who, ascertaining all the facts, might come and tell him. He despatched two men, at the time of whose arrival at the tribe Ran Mal was absent, he having gone to the jungle, to collect troops. His brethren did not pay the messengers any attention, speaking improperly before them. Ran Mal hearing of the arrival of these, came and sat down with them in a friendly manner, but he shortly after spoke in an unbecoming way. When Dúdá's men said it was not right to talk in that way, that he had better cease collecting men, and go to Dúdá, when if he had anything to complain of he might do so to him. But however much they advised, it had no effect upon him; so Dúdá's people rising, left him, and returning told all the circumstances to Dúdá. He, hearing of this, collected many troops, and went against this people. Ran Mal, having also got together a large force, came out into the plain. The two parties met and fought for six hours, at which time the men of both sides stood resolute. Many had fallen in that time of either party. Being exhausted, and night coming on, all the men sat down where they stood, spending the time in planning operations for the morrow. In the morning the two forces recommenced fighting, when by chance an arrow struck Ran Mal in the throat, and his life went to hell. Great fear then took possession of his troops, because an army without a sardár is like a man without a head; so they turned their faces in the direction of flight, when Dúdá's men, pursuing them, slew great numbers, and plundered extensively. The force being put to flight, Ráí Sing and Jag Mal came as ambassadors, bringing presents to Dúdá, and they obtained forgiveness of their faults.
“Dúdá after this went to Nasrpúr, the Zamíndárs, chief men and kázís of which place brought him presents, and Dúdá, accepting these, remained there some time, during which period Sáhiba, the son of Ran Mal Sodha, brought two fine Kachhí horses as an offering and paid his respects to him. He declared that his brethren had induced Ran Mal to turn his heart from and become rebellious against him (Dúdá), so much so that these men were even now disobedient, and that if a force went from the Sarkár and punished them they would not do so again, but would always bring presents. Dúdá upon this left Nasrpúr and by forced marches came there, but after doing so he discovered that the brethren of Ran Mal and others would not agree to have Sáhiba as their sardár, so he understood that it was on this account that he had brought him there. Dúdá then summoned all the tribe, telling them to agree to have Sáhiba as their chief with all their hearts. By this order they agreed to do so when Sáhiba presented Rs.20,000 as nazráná. Dúdá marching thence came to Thatta, remaining there. From thence he travelled to that other world.
“On the death of Dúdá his son Umar220 with the aid of the nobles and other men of courage sat on the throne. When his father's country came into his hands he took to drinking wine, paying no attention to the country. On hearing this the Sammas, the Sodhas, the Jats and Bulúchís left off obeying his orders, becoming rebellious. When Mullá Hámid heard of this he told Umar of it, who collecting a large force went towards Kachh. On his approach the Sammas having collected many men, went out into the plain to meet him. There was fighting in which the men of Samma were the strongest. Seeing this, and that his affairs would be ruined, Mullá Hámid called the sardárs, to whom he gave presents, saying, “Thatta is far distant, money is scarce, if you fight well and defeat the enemy, much property will come into our possession, which will be enough to enable us to return to Thatta.” Hearing this the spirits of his force were raised, and making an attack on the enemy they defeated them, when much plunder of every kind came into their hands. After this the men of Samma bringing Rájá Jagannáth Sodha (who had quitted his brethren in anger and had come to Kachh), as their mediator, came to Umar, making their salám and bringing presents. Umar returning from thence quickly went against the Sodhas, Jats, and Bulúchis; all of whom fearing the consequences, made their salám. He then with confidence in his heart went to Tharí, where he died.
“At this time his son Dúdá was small; therefore the men of consequence put Chanar, the son of Umar's brother, in his place. Chanar went out to make his arrangements in his country. Having done this and placed the troublesome on the edge of the sword, his heart being at ease he sat down. At that time Dúdá attained puberty, so Chanar wished, by some stratagem, to get him into his hands and to confine him. But hearing of this Dúdá turned his face towards Ghazní, and crossing the river he came to a place Daryácha Nárí Sang, close under Fath-pur, where he saw a man coming along with a bundle of sticks for hukka snakes, on his head. As this man drew near all his entrails became visible to Dúdá. At this he was much astonished; so calling the man to him, he lifted the bundle of pipes off his head, when nothing of the kind was to be seen. So being greatly amazed he put the bundle on the man's head again, when he beheld as before. He then knew that there must be some device in these sticks, and he purchased them, giving the man some money for them. Then sitting down at the river's edge, he put the sticks one by one into the water. All went down with the stream; but one from amongst them went upwards against it. So taking this one, he divided it at all the knots; he then put each knot into the water. All of them went down the stream, except one, in which the device was, and this one went up against the current. So taking this one he kept it, and went to Ghazní. At that time the king of that place, Sultán Maudúd Sháh, was ill from severe sickness, which was without cure. So on his arrival there, Dúdá gave out that he was a doctor. Historians write that Sultán Maudúd's sickness was caused in this manner. One day he went to see a shikárgáh under some hills, when by chance an animal started from before him. It was then the custom that whoever an animal started in front of he alone pursued it. So in accordance with this custom, the Sultán rode after this animal alone for a long distance, but did not kill it. From this exertion great thirst and hunger came upon him; so searching about he found a stream of water near the foot of the hills. Having no cup or basin with him, being helpless, he put his mouth into the water and drank, when in doing so he swallowed two small young snakes, which went down into and remained in his stomach. In two years these had grown large, and began causing him much pain. All the doctors of the country had physicked him, but none of them could make him well. The Sultán was approaching to death, when at that time Dúdá arrived, saying, he was a doctor, and that he had come from Sind to cure the king with his physic. The royal physicians hearing this, laughed, saying, ‘What wisdom has this Sindian, that he should say he was able to give medicine to the king?’ One of the attendants told the king of the arrival of this Sindian, and how the royal doctors laughed at him. The Sultán hearing of this, called and received him with distinction, saying, he had suffered from this sickness for a long time, that many doctors had given him medicine, but all without effect: but now that he (the Sindian) had come, he was in hopes that he might get well by his physic. Then Dúdá, stripping the Sultán, placed that stick on his head, when he saw that two snakes were in his stomach. Then remoying the stick, he told the Sultán he understood what was the matter with him, and that it was a very bad disease. He added that if the Sultán would give him a written document to the effect that if he died while under his care no blame should attach to him, that he would give him medicine. The Sultán at once wrote such a document, and putting his seal to it, gave it to Dúdá. Then Dúdá did not give the Sultán anything to eat for two days. On the third day, tying up his eyes, he placed the stick on his head, and having got two small fine iron hooks he tied a silken line to them, and wrapping them up in bread, he gave one to the Sultán, who, having swallowed it, he (Dúdá) saw a snake take it. When he saw that it was well in the mouth of one of the snakes, he pulled it up and brought it out. Then again he did the same, and in like manner he took the other from out of the royal stomach. In about an hour the Sultán felt much relieved, so untying his eyes, Dúdá showed him the two snakes, when being very happy the Sultán said, ‘Ask from me what you wish.’ Then Dúdá said, ‘I am a chief, but by his superior strength Chanar has taken away my father's country, and on this account I have come here. If the king will give me a force, I will take my revenge on him.’ On hearing this the Sultán gave orders to collect a force, and when it was ready he gave it to him. When this army approached Thatta, being unable to meet it, Chanar sat down in the fort, which being surrounded on all sides by the royal troops, they took into their hands the implements for breaking down forts, and fighting commenced. For twelve days they fought together in this manner, after which the wind of victory struck the standards of the royal troops, and Chanar and many of his men were given to the sword. Those who escaped the sword ran away and dispersed. By taking this fort much wealth and property fell into the hands of those people.
“When Dúdá, the son of Umar, sat on the throne of his father, this force returned to Ghazní. He reigned many years with strength and wisdom. Afterwards, by this order, ‘Every life will drink the sherbet of death,’ Dúdá drank the sherbet of mortality at the hands of the cup-bearer of Death. He took the apparatus of his life to the living world.”
[End of the interpolated passages.]
After him a person named Armíl ascended the throne. He was a tyrant and an oppressor, and the people, disgusted with his violence, resolved to dethrone and slay him. Some men of the tribe of Samma had previously come from Kachh and had settled in Sind, where they formed alliances with the people of the country. In this tribe there was a man named Unar distinguished for intelligence. The chief men of the country brought him secretly into the city, and in the morning a party of them entered into the house of Armíl, slew him, and placed his head over the gate of the city. The assembled people then placed Unar on the throne.
Jám Unar,224
son of Bábiniya.
Jám Unar with the assent of the nobles thus became King, and the great body of the people supported him. He led an expedition against Siwistán, then governed by Malik, the representative of the Turk kings.224a Reaching the vicinity of Siwistán he drew up his army in battle array; Malik Ratan also came out of the fort with his force, and the battle began. In the first contest Jám Unar was defeated, but his brothers came up to his assistance, and he renewed the fight. Malik Ratan, in galloping his horse, was thrown to the ground, and Jám Unar cut off his head. The fort of Siwistán then fell into Unar's power. Malik Firoz and 'Ali Sháh Turk were at this time in the vicinity of Bhakkar, and they wrote a letter to Jám Unar to the following effect. “This boldness is unbecoming, so now prepare to meet the royal army, and make a brave stand.” These words took effect upon him, and he proceeded to Tharí.224b He then fell ill and died after reigning three years and six months. Some writers relate that after Jam Unar returned from the conquest of Siwistán, he was one night engaged drinking wine in a convivial party, when news was brought of a party of rebels having risen against him. He instantly sent against them Gáhar, son of Tamáchí, who was his vakíl. Gáhar was drunk when he encountered them and was made prisoner. The enemy held him captive, and Jám Unar kept up his carouse without heeding the captivity of his officer. This rankled in the breast of Gáhar, and when he escaped, by a well-contrived stratagem, from the clutches of his captors, he turned away from Jám Unar and went to the fort of Bhakkar. There he had an interview with 'Alí Sháh Turk, who in concert with Malik Fíroz, raised a force and slew Jám Unar in the fort of Bahrámpúr. Malik Fíroz was left in command of the fort, and 'Alí Sháh returned home. Three days afterwards Jám Unar's followers managed by craft and stratagem to kill both Gáhar son of Tamáchí and Malik Fíroz.
Jám Júna son of Bábiniya.
After the death of Jám Unar, Júna, of the tribe of Samma, received the title of Jám. He conceived the design of subduing all Sind. Showing great kindness and attention to his brethren and other relatives, he appointed them to further his designs upon the country. These men crossed (the river) at the village of Talahtí, and began to kill the people and lay waste the villages and towns of Bhakkar. Two or three desperate fights ensued between the Sammas and the chiefs of Bhakkar, but as the Turks were unable to withstand the Sammas they withdrew from the fort of Bhakkar and retired to Úch. When Jám Júna heard of their retreat, he proceeded to Bhakkar, and for some years reigned supreme over Sind. But at length Sultán 'Aláu-d dín appointed his brother, Ulugh Khán to the district of Multán. Ulugh Khán then sent Táj Káfúri and Tátár Khán to oppose Jám Júna in Sind, but before their arrival the Jám died of quinsey. He had reigned thirteen years. The forces of 'Aláu-d dín took possession of the Bhakkar and then directed their efforts against Siwistán.
Jám Tamáchí (and Jám Khairu-d dín).
This prince ascended his hereditary throne with the assent of the nobles. The army of 'Aláu-d din after some fighting, took him prisoner, and carried him with his family prisoners to Dehli. There he had children.225 But the Samma tribe brought them to Tharí, and keeping them prisoners took the business of government into their own hands, and exerted themselves in carrying on the affairs of the State. After the lapse of some time and the death of Jám Tamáchí, his son Malik Khairu-d dín, who, in infancy, had gone to Dehli with his father, returned to Sind and assumed the government. Shortly afterwards, Sultán Muhammad Sháh proceeded to Guzerát by way of Sind, and summoned Jám Khairu-d dín to his presence. But the Jám had endured the hardships of prison, and resolutely refused to comply. Sultán Muhammad Sháh, son of Tughlik Sháh, died in the neighbourhood of Bhakkar. After his death, Sultán Fíroz Sháh succeeded under the will of the late king, and by hereditary right.226 He departed from Sin, a dependency of Siwistán, for his capital, Dehli; and Jám Khairu-d dín, after following him some stages from that place, turned back. The Sultán kept this fact in mind. After the departure of the Sultán, Khairu-d dín exerted himself in administering justice and in improving the condition of the people. The following story is told of one of the remarkable incidents in the life of this benevolent prince. One day he went out for exercise with a party of attendants and servants, and by chance discovered a quantity of human bones in a hole. He drew rein, and looking at those decaying relics, asked his followers if they knew what the bones told him. On their hanging their heads and keeping silence, he said, “These are the remains of injured men, and they cry for justice.” He immediately directed his attention to an investigation of the facts. So he called to his presence an old man to whom the land belonged, and questioned him about the bones. The old man said, “Seven years ago, a caravan which had come from Guzerát, was plundered and the travellers killed by such and such a tribe, who still hold a good deal of the spoil.” As soon as he heard this the Jám directed the property to be gathered together; and when this was done he sent it to the ruler of Guzerát requesting that it might be distributed among the heirs of the slain. He then inflicted punishment on the murderers. Some years after this he died.
Jám Bábaniya.
Jám Bábaniya succeeded after the death of his father, and ascended the throne with the assent of the nobles and chiefs. At this time Sultán Fíroz Sháh having set his mind at rest about Hindustán and Guzerát, turned his attention to the conquest of Sind. Jám Bábaniya drew up his forces to resist him, but when the Sultán had been in the country three months, inundation, adverse winds, and swarms of mosquitos, compelled him, at the beginning of the rains, to retire to Pattan in Guzerát. After the rains he returned to Sind with a numerous army. A battle ensued, in which Jám Bábaniya was taken prisoner, and the whole country of Sind became subject to Sultán Fíroz. The Jám was carried off in the retinue of the Sultán, and after remaining for some time in attendance, he became the object of the royal favour, a royal robe was given to him and he was reinstated in the government of Sind. There he reigned in peace for fifteen years and then departed this life.
Jám Tamáchí
Succeeded to the throne on the death of his brother,227 and carried on the government. He was fond of ease and enjoyment, and passed his days in indulgence and pleasure. After reigning thirteen years he died of the plague.
Jám Saláhu-d dín.
After the death of Jám Tamáchí, Saláhu-d dín carried on the business of government. His first act was a rectification of the frontier, which had been encroached upon by refractory subjects. He accordingly sent a force to punish them, and after inflicting salutary chastisement, he marched against Kachh. Some obstinate fighting ensued, but in every encounter he was victorious, and he returned home in triumph with the spoils, to look after the affairs of his army and people. He died after reigning eleven years and some months.
Jám Nizámu-d dín.
Nizámu-d dín succeeded his father Saláhu-d dín, with the concurrence of the nobles. He released his uncles227a Malik Sikandar, Karan, Baháu-d dín, and Amar, who were in confinement for reasons of State policy, and sent each one to his district. He then left the affairs of the kingdom in the hands of the officials, and gave himself up night and day to pleasure and enjoyment. This neglect of his duty induced his uncles to raise a force, and to enter the city with the intention of seizing him. But he received information of this design, and left the city at midnight with some troops, and went off towards Guzerát. In the morning, when the fact became known, the uncles started in pursuit; but at this juncture, the chief men of the city, seeing the strife and commotion, brought forth Jám 'Alí Sher from his concealment, and raised him to the throne. Jám Nizámu-d dín died about this time, and his uncles turned back with shame and loss, and passed into the desert.
Jám 'Alí Sher.
Jám 'Alí Sher mounted the throne with the consent of the great men and nobles, and opened wide the gates of justice and kindness. He was wise and brave, and he immediately devoted himself to the duties of government. The country of Sind was brought into a due state of order, all the people passed their days in security and ease under his rule. After a time he devoted himself more to pleasure, and he used to roam about in moonlight nights. Sikandar, Karan, and Fath Khán, sons of Tamáchí, who were living in sorry plight in the desert, became acquainted with Jám 'Alí Sher's mode of recreation. So they set forth, and travelling by night and hiding themselves by day, they reached the outskirts of the city. Here they won over a party of the people of the city. On the night of Friday, the 13th day of the month, 'Alí Sher, according to his custom, went out with a party of companions and followers, and embarked in a boat for an excursion on the river. At midnight he was about to return into his house, when a party of men with drawn swords made an attack on him. The people who were with him strove without avail to divert them from their purpose, and the Jám was instantly despatched. The murderers then entered the palace, when a noise and outcry arose, and the fact became known. The people assembled, but they perceived that matters were beyond their control, and accordingly they submitted. Jám 'Alí Sher had reigned seven years.
Jám Karan.
After the murder of Jám 'Alí Sher, the brethren assented to the elevation of Jám Karan. He was displeased with the nobles and great men of the city, and in his aversion to them he sought to take them prisoners, and then to slay some and confine the rest. On the very day that he ascended the throne, or the day after, he held a public court, and summoned all men great and small to attend. He addressed them in conciliatory terms. Dinner was served, and after its conclusion he arose to retire to his chamber, when a party of men, who had been employed for the purpose, met him at the door of his room and cut him in pieces. Fath Khán, son of Sikandar, had been the prime mover in this murder, and so, with the assent of the soldiers and people, he ascended the throne.
Jám Fath Khán.
Jám Fath Khán, on his accession to the throne, confirmed all the rules and orders of government, and was very attentive and watchful over all affairs of State. At that time Mírzá Pír Muhammad, grandson of Sáhib-kirán Amír Tímúr Gurgán, had been sent to Multán and had taken that town and the town of Úch also. He stayed there for awhile and many of his horses died. The Mírzá's soldiers were thus dismounted and in distress. When Tímúr heard of this, he sent 3000 horses from the royal stables for the service of the Mírzá. Being thus reinforced, he made an attack upon the people of Bhattí and Ahan,229 who had rebelled, and gave them and their families to the winds of destruction. He then sent a person to Bhakkar and summoned all the chief men to his presence. The officers of the king of Dehli being unable to withstand him, fled by way of Jesalmír. One of the inhabitants of Bhakkar, Saiyid Abú-l L'aís by name, a man of piety and purity, hastened to meet the Mírzá, and offering his devotions to the Chief of the prophets, he besought his intercession in his midnight prayers. It is said that one night the Chief of the prophets appeared to Mírzá Pír Muhammad in a dream and spoke to him of Saiyid Abú-l L'aís, saying, “This is my son, show him honour and respect, and abstain from molesting him.” The Mírzá awoke, and remained for eleven days in expectation of seeing the friend of his dream. The Saiyid then arrived while the Mírzá was seated in his court with the nobles around him. When his eye fell upon the Saiyid he recognized him, and arose to give him a proper reception. He embraced him and seated him by his side with great honour and reverence. The nobles then made enquiry about the Saiyid, and the Mírzá related to them his dream. On that day he gave the Saiyid a horse and some presents, and allowed him to depart. He also conferred upon him the pargana of Alor in ín'ám. After Tímúr had captured Dehli, Mírzá Pír Muhammad departed thither. In the days of the succeeding kings of Dehli, Multán came under the authority of the Langáhs and the whole of Sind remained subject to its own kings. Jám Fath Khán was celebrated for his courage and generosity. He reigned for fifteen years and some months up to the time of his death.
Jám Tughlik, son of Sikandar.
When Jám Fath Khán was on the bed of sickness, and saw his end approaching, three days before his decease he placed his brother Tughlik Sháh upon the throne, delivering over to him the reins of government, and giving to him the title of Jám Tughlik. Soon afterwards Tughlik appointed his brothers governors of Siwistán and the fort of Bhakkar. He spent most of his time in hunting and exercise. When the Bulúchís raised disturbances in the neighbourhood of Bhakkar, he led an army there and inflicted punishment on their chiefs. He reigned twenty-eight years.
Jám Sikandar.
Jám Sikandar succeeded his father, but he was young in years; and the rulers of Siwistán and Bhakkar, attending only to their own interests, refused obedience to him, and quarrelled with each other. Jám Sikandar left Thatta and proceeded towards Bhakkar; but when he reached Nasrpúr, a person named Mubárak, who had been chamberlain in the time of Jám Tughlik, suddenly came into Thatta, and calling himself Jám Mubárak, seized upon the throne. But the people did not support him, and his authority lasted only three days; for the nobles drove him out of the city, and sent for Sikandar. When the news reached Sikandar he made terms with his opponents, and returned to Thatta. After a year and a-half he died.
Jám Ráí Dan.230
On the sixth of Jumáda-l awwal, in the year 858 A.H., (May 1454 A.D.), Jám Ráí Dan came forth. During the reign of the Jám Tughlik he had lived in Kachh, and had formed connections with the people of that country. He had maintained a considerable body of tried men, to whom he paid great attention, and to whom he used to give fine horses and other suitable presents. These men looked upon him as a wise and superior man, and devoted themselves to him with great sincerity. When he heard of the death of Sikandar, he proceeded with his entire force to Thatta, and there assembling the people, he addressed them to the effect, that he had not come to take the kingdom, but that he wanted to secure the property of the Musulmáns, and to accomplish their wishes. He did not consider himself worthy of the throne, but they should raise some fitting person to that dignity, when he would be the first to give him support. As they could find no one among them who had ability for the high office, they unanimously chose him and raised him to the throne. In the course of one year and a-half he brought the whole of Sind under his rule from the sea to the village of Kájaríkí and Kandharak,231 which are on the boundaries of Máthíla and Ubáwar. When he had reigned eight years and a half the idea of sovereignty entered the head of Jám Sanjar, one of his attendants. He induced other of the attend-dants and followers to join him in his plot; and one day when Jám Ráí Dan was drinking wine in private, poison was put into the bottle which a servant handed to him. Three days after drinking thereof he died.231a
Jám Sanjar.
Jám Sanjar was a handsome young man, and many persons being fascinated by his beauty, served him without stipend. It is related that before he came to the throne he was on friendly terms with an excellent darwesh. One night Sanjar went to visit the darwesh, and after the usual greeting told him that he wished to become ruler of Thatta, even if it were for only eight days. The darwesh replied, “Thou shalt be king for eight years.” When Jám Ráí Dan died, the nobles agreed in raising Jám Sanjar to the throne, and in delivering over to him the reins of government. Through the prayers of the darwesh he thus became king without any strife or opposition, and the people on every side submitted to his authority with willing obedience. In his reign Sind rose to a greater pitch of prosperity and splendour than it had ever attained before, and the soldiers and the people lived in great comfort and satisfaction. He was a great patron of learned and pious men and of darweshes. Every Friday he dispensed large sums in charity among the poor and needy, and settled pensions and stipends upon meritorious persons. It is related that before his time the rulers of Sind used to pay their judicial officers badly. When Sanjar became ruler, there was a kází in Bhakkar, who had been appointed to the office by a former king, upon an insufficient salary. Finding himself underpaid, he used to exact something from the suitors in his courts. When this reached the ears of Jám Sanjar he summoned the kází to his presence, and told him that he had heard of his taking money by force, both from plaintiffs and defendants. He acknowledged it, and said he should like to get something from the witnesses also, but that they always went away before he had an opportunity. The Jám could not help smiling at this, so the kází went on to say that he sat all day in his court while his children at home went without breakfast and supper. The Jám made the kází some handsome presents, and settled a suitable stipend upon him. He further directed that proper salaries should be appointed for all officers throughout the country, so that they might be able to maintain themselves in comfort. When he had reigned eight years he departed from this world of trouble.
Jám Nizámu-d dín, also called Jám Nanda.
Nizámu-d dín succeeded Jám Sanjar on the 25th Rabíu-l awwal, in the year 866 (December, 1461 A.D.). All men—the learned and the good, the soldiers and the peasants—agreed in his elevation, so that he raised firmly the standard of sovereignty. It is recorded that at the outset of his career he was a student, and spent much of his time in colleges and monasteries. He was modest and gentle, and had many excellent and pleasing qualities. His life was pure and religious to a high degree. It is impossible to enumerate all his virtues. In the early part of his reign, he proceeded with a force to Bhakkar and staid there for a year engaged in suppressing the highway robbers. He stored the fort of Bhakkar with all kinds of provisions, and appointed as governor one of his dependants, Dilshád by name, who had served him while at college. The frontiers were so well secured that travellers could pass along the roads in perfect safety. Having satisfied himself in respect of Bhakkar, at the end of a year he returned to Thatta. There he reigned supreme for forty-eight years, and during this period, learned men and pious men and fakírs passed a happy time, and the soldiery and the peasantry were in easy circumstances. Jám Nizámu-d dín was cotemporary with Sultán Husain Langáh, the ruler of Multán. They were on the most friendly terms, and were in the constant habit of sending presents to each other. Jám Nizámu-d dín used to visit his stables every week, and used to stroke the heads of his horses, and say to them, “My dear and happy steeds, I have no desire to ride you, for within my four boundaries all the rulers are Musulmáns—do you also pray that I may not go out against any one without a lawful cause, and that no one may come up against me, lest the blood of innocent Musulmáns should be spilled, and I should stand abashed in the presence of God.” In his days Musulmán discipline was widely spread. Large congregations used to assemble in the mosques, for small and great used to resort thither to say their prayers, and were not satisfied with saying them in private. If a person omitted to attend a service, he was very sorry for it afterwards, and would occupy himself two or three days in prayer for forgiveness. Towards the end of the reign of Jám Nizámu-d dín, the army of Sháh Beg came from Kandahár and attacked the villages of Lakrí, Chandúka and Sindícha. The Jám sent a large force to repel this attack of the Moghals, and it advanced as far as Dara-karíb, commonly known by the name of Jalúgar. A battle ensued in which the brother of Sháh Beg was slain, and his army defeated. The remnant fled towards Kandahár, and no further attack was made upon Sind during the life of Nizámu-d dín. The Jám spent much of his time in discoursing and arguing upon matters of science with the learned men of the day. Mauláná Jalálu-d dín Muhammad Díwání formed the project of leaving Shíráz and going to Sind; so he sent Shamshu-d dín and Mír Mu'ín, two of his disciples, to Thatta, in order to get permission for taking up his residence there. The Jám accordingly allotted some suitable houses, and provided the means for his maintenance; he further supplied the messengers with money to pay the expences of the journey, but the Mauláná died before they returned. Mír Shamshu-d dín and Mír Mu'ín were so well satisfied with the attention they had received, that they came back to Thatta and settled there. Some time after this Jám Ni'zámu-d dín died, and after his death all the affairs of Sind fell into disorder.
Jam Fíroz.
Upon the death of Nizámu-d dín, his son Jám Fíroz was of tender age. So Jám Saláhu-d dín, one of the late Jám's relatives and the son of Jám Sanjár's daughter, advanced pretensions to the crown; but Darya Khán and Sárang Khán, the confidential slaves of Nizámu-d dín who were high in dignity and power, refused to support him, and with the consent of the nobles and head men of Thatta they placed Jám Fíroz on the throne in succession to his father. Saláhu-d dín finding that he could only succeed by fighting, lost heart, and went to Guzerát to lay his case before Sultán Muzaffar. The Sultán had married a daughter of Saláhu-d dín's uncle, and was consequently well inclined towards him. Jám Fíroz gave way to the impulses of youth, and devoted himself to the pursuit of pleasure. He spent most of his time in the harem, but went out from time to time accompanied by slaves and jesters, who practised all sorts of tricks and buffoonery. The people of the Samma tribe, and the associates of the Jám treated the people of the city with violence, and when Daryá Khán forbade them they treated him with scorn. The Khán, therefore, retired to his jagír in the village of Káhán. In those days Makhdúm 'Abdu-l'Azíz Abharí and his two sons, Mauláná Asílu-d dín and Mauláná Muhammad, all of them learned men, came to that village of Káhán and spent some years there teaching and diffusing knowledge. The cause of their coming from Hirát was the rebellion of Shah Isma'íl in the year 918 A.H. (1512 A.D.). The above-named Mauláná was well read in all the sciences, and he had excellent books upon every branch of learning. He compiled a commentary on the Mishkát (traditions) but did not complete it. Some portions are still extant in the library of Masúd235 and passages are commonly written as marginal notes in books. He died in this village of Káhán, and his tomb there is still a place of pilgrimage. Jám Fíroz continued to give himself up to pleasure and dissipation, and the nobles being on the verge of ruin, a messenger was sent to Jám Saláhu-d dín to inform him how matters stood; that Fíroz was generally drunk; that Daryá Khán, the great supporter of the government, had retired to Káhán, and that the moment was opportune for his returning immediately. Saláhu-d dín showed the letter of the men of Thatta to Sultán Muzaffar, and he sent him off with an army to that place. Making forced marches he soon arrived there, and crossing the river entered the city. Jám Fíroz's followers were dismayed, and led him out of the city on the other side. Saláhu-d dín then ascended the throne. He fined and punished the associates of Jám Fíroz, and demanded their wealth. The mother of Jám Fíroz235a took him to Daryá Khán, at Káhán, where he asked forgiveness for his errors; and the Khán remembering only old obligations, began to collect forces, and when the armies of Bhakkar and Siwistán were assembled, they met under the banners of Jám Fíroz. The Bulúchís and other tribes also mustered. Daryá Khán placed himself at the head of these forces, and marched against Saláhu-d dín. This prince wished to go out himself to the sanguinary meeting, but his wazír Hájí deemed it advisable that the Jám should stay in the city while he led the war-elephants against the enemy; so the Jám stayed at home and the wazír went to the fray. When the armies met, the fire of battle raged furiously, and many were slain on both sides, but at length the troops of Daryá Khán were defeated and put to flight. Hájí wazír then sat down to write a despatch to Saláhu-d dín informing him that victory had favoured his colours, and that he might deem himself secure. Night came on and the wazír was unable to pursue the routed army, so it happened that his messenger fell into the hands of some of Daryá Khán's men. As soon as Darya Khán had read the letter he destroyed it, and substituted another in the name of Háji wazír, to this effect: —“Your army has been defeated, and the enemy is overpowering; you must leave Thatta with your family, and make no delay,—we will meet again in the village of Cháchgán.” As soon as this letter arrived, on the night of the 9th Ramzán, Saláhu-d dín departed without breaking his fast, and crossed the river. Defeat had indeed reached him. He had reigned eight months. When he met his wazir, the latter reproached him for running away, and asked him why he had come there. The false despatch was then produced, upon which the Hájí exclaimed that he had not written it. At length they discovered that it was the crafty work of Daryá Khán, and were sorely annoyed,—but when a matter is completed repentance is useless. Daryá Khán pursued them some stages. He then brought back Jám Fíroz and entered Thatta on the day of the 'Idu-l fitr (at the close of the Ramzán) and going to the 'ídgáh they offered up their prayers. After this, Jám Fíroz reigned securely for some years, until the end of the year 916236 A.H. (1511 A.D.), when Sháh Beg Arghún invaded Sind.
The battles which followed are described in their proper places. I have never met with any written account of the history of the Súmras and Sammas, so I have composed this summary. If any one is better acquainted with the subject, he should make additions to this.
BOOK III.
The Wonders of Síwí.
* * * * * * *
The fort of Síwí, which is situated on a small hill, is built of round stones, of a kind which is found wherever the earth is dug in that neighbourhood.
In Kor-zamín and Chhatur, which are districts of Síwí, cotton plants grow as large as trees, insomuch that men pick the cotton mounted. On each cotton plant there are one or two hundred snakes, of a span long, so that men are obliged to brush them off with sticks and drive them away before they can pluck the boles. If any one is bitten by a snake, they immediately open the wound with a razor and suck out the poison, otherwise death would supervene.
The little river which runs by Síwí rises apparently from a sulphureous source, and any one who drinks the water of it falls sick. Many men have died from that cause, but it does not affect the inhabitants who are accustomed to it. Notwithstanding that the garrison was changed every year by Sultán Mahmúd, most of the soldiers died from its bad effects, and only a few escaped. In the time of Akbar, a flood came and purged the sources of the river from the sulphur, since which time the sickness has been less. This river runs fifty kos beyond Síwí, collecting at Sarwáh, where it is used in irrigation, and the water which is not expended for that purpose flows into the lake of Manchhúr, which is near Síwistán.
On that lake also there are many snakes237, very long and thin, the bites of which few survive. The men in that neighbourhood wear long drawers to protect themselves against their bites. I myself, when I was there looking at the men irrigating their fields, saw several at every step my horse took. As it was hot, I wished to dismount on the shore of the lake, but for fear of the snakes, I was compelled to do so at a distance on the plain beyond.
In the plain of Síwí there were formerly many forts and much cultivation, but all is now waste; the hot wind (simoom) blows there. Between Síwí, Dehra, and Kasmúr,238 there is a tract of land called Bárgán, which breeds horses not inferior to those of 'Irák. The young colts are made to walk upon gravel for a year, by which their hoofs become as hard as a stone, and there is no occasion to shoe them, for they can go unshod even amongst the hills.
At Chhatur there is a tribe called Kaharí, so called from the tree named Kahar, on which one of their ancestors mounted, and when struck with a whip, it moved on like a horse.
Near Ganjáva, which is a district of Síwí, water springs from a hill, and covers a large extent of ground. Fishes are found in it. Amongst the hills of Ganjáva there is a lofty one from which hangs an iron cage, in which they say there is something placed, but it cannot be got at. If any one descends to it from above, by a rope, it moves away, and if they attempt to reach it from beneath, the summit rises to the stars, and the earth recedes.
The hills of Sitúr and the river Ábkashída run in a sort of semicircle from Síwí to Ganjáva.238a Between these places there is a waste, through which the road to Kandahár runs. Its length from the river to Síwí is a hundred kos, and its breadth sixty. In summer the hot wind blows over this track for four months.
The Wonders of Kandahár.
* * * * *
At the hill called Síbúda238b the rock was scarped, and a lofty arched recess called Peshták was cut by order of the Emperor Bábar. Eighty stone-masons were employed nine years in its completion. It is indeed a very pleasant place, overlooking the waters of the Arghand, gardens and cultivated fields. In spring many people resort there, but it is difficult to reach on account of its steep ascent. Within this recess are inscribed the names of Bábar Bádsháh, and of his trusty adherents, Mírzá Kámrán, Mírzá 'Askarí, and Mírzá Hindál. As his majesty Humáyún had never visited the spot, his name was not included in that inscription. Of all his dominions Kandahár was the only place mentioned.239 When I visited the spot it came into my head that I would inscribe his name there, as well as that of his august son (Akbar) with their thousands of tributary cities and kingdoms, like Kandahár and Kábul. I therefore sent for some stone-cutters and engravers from Bhakkar, and had the names of these kings engraved, with those of their dependent cities and provinces, from Bengal to Bandar Láharí, from Kábul and Ghazní to the Dekhin, without any omission. It took nearly four years to complete this work, which indeed excited great admiration. Below the hills there is a cavern not far off. It was from the other extremity of this, that Bábá Hasan Abdál brought out the golden brick. The distance between these two ends is seven or eight kós.
On the same hill near Kandahár, mukhlisa is found, which is an antidote against snake bites and other poisons, and it is found nowhere else in that country. On that hill also there is a fire temple of a very ancient date. It is built of unburnt bricks, each two yards long and broad, and one span thick. The temple exists to this day, and has sustained no injury.
In Kandahár there used to be plague239a and sickness every year, till Sháh Tahmásp directed Sultán Husain Mírzá, governor of that province, to plant canes on the stream which flows near the town, and the water of which the people use for drinking. Since that, the sickness has abated, but even now in some seasons plague and disease break out with great intensity; blood being passed from the belly, nostrils, ears, and mouth. When I went there, in the reign of his late majesty, Akbar, to render assistance, it was at its height, and in the year 1007 H. (1598 A.D.) nearly two hundred soldiers died of this disease.
With the Hazára tribes near Kandahár, it is not the practice to wear coloured clothes such as white, red and black, * * * * nor is there any trade in clothes and shoes of this kind. Among the saints buried near Kandahár may be mentioned * * * * Bábá Hasan Abdál, a descendant of the Saiyids of Sabzawár. After a pilgrimage to the holy cities, he accompanied Mírzá Sháh Rukh, son of Sáhib-Kirán (Tímúr) to Hindústán. On his return he spent some years in Langar Kandahár, and died there. His tomb is on an elevated spot surrounded by villages, and overlooking the Arghandáb, and to it, as to a place of pilgrimage, men and women, little and big, low and high-born, resort on Fridays in great crowds, so that the city is sometimes empty. It is certainly a charming retreat, and travellers say they have seen few spots to compare with it.
BOOK IV.
Account of the country of Sind passing into the hands of the officers of the Emperor Akbar after the death of Sultán Mahmúd Khán.
I have before related how Kísú Khán came to Bhakkar on the 12th Jumáda-l awwal 982 Hijrí (August 1574) bringing with him an imperial farmán, in which he was directed to divide Bhakkar equally between Muhib 'Alí Khán and Mujáhid Khán, and then to proceed to Thatta and make Muhammad Bákí Tarkhán prisoner.
At that time Mujáhid Khán was in the country of Ganjáva, but when he heard of Kísú Khán's arrival at Bhakkar, he hastened to meet him there. But before he arrived Kísú Khán sought to clear out the fort of Sakhar.240 Mujáhid Khán's men procrastinated, but Kísú Khán disapproving of this, sent off a force to Sakhar. Wakíl Khán who was the representative of Mujáhid Khán, fought upon the wall which Mujáhid Khán had built round Sakhar, and several persons on both sides were killed, and more were wounded. Three days after the fight, Mujáhid Khán arrived and took away his men to Loharí. Sakhar then reverted entirely into the power of Kísú Khán, but towards Loharí the pargana of Bhakkar was in the possession of Muhib 'Ali Khán and Mujáhid Khán.240a The men who had assembled (to support them) were broken-hearted. At this juncture, some of the Arghún people deserted them and came to Bhakkar, where Kísú Khán had them put to death upon the malevolent suggestion of Sháh Bábá, son of Ján Bábá Turkhán. Kísú Khán was a severe harsh-tempered man, and one day Barjí Tawají having been guilty of some fault, he had irons placed upon his feet in the presence of his court.
Two months afterwards, Mujáhid Khán went up against Thatta, leaving Muhib 'Alí Khán in charge of their families. He halted for a few days at the town of Ránípúr in order to outfit his force. Kísú Khán, at the instigation of the men of Bhakkar, sent an army against Loharí. On Friday, the 2nd of Ramzán 982 A.H. (December 1574), having divided his army into two parts he crossed over the river. One division he directed by way of the gardens of the city towards Loharí, and the other he embarked in ghrábs and boats and sent them firing and fighting towards the shrine of Khwája Khizr. Muhib 'Alí Khán's men mounted and went towards the 'íd-gah. Kísú Khán's followers arrived in their ghrábs and set fire to Mujáhid Khán's boats, and when the flames rose high, the horsemen fell back and went towards their homes. At this time Kísú Khán's horsemen came up and threw rockets241 into the city and set it on fire in several places. Muhib 'Alí Khán then mounted his horse and fled. The men of Bhakkar now entered the city and pillaged until evening, capturing the standard and kettle drum of Muhib 'Alí Khán which they bore off with them to the fort. When the intelligence reached Mujáhid 'Alí Khan he returned by forced marches to Loharí, but he was greatly dispirited, and in consideration of the royal power he refrained from molesting Kísú Khán.241a The latter established himself in the fort of Bhakkar and practiced great injustice. When the Emperor Akbar became acquainted with these facts he placed the country under the charge of Tarsún Khán, and in the beginning of Muharram 983 A.H. (April 1575) Muhammad Táhir Khán, son of Sháh Muhammad Saifu-l Mulk, and Muhammad Kásim Khán and Mírza Muhammad Sultán arrived at the town of Loharí, and sent to Kísú Khán a copy of the farmán conferring the jágír of Bhakkar (on Tarsún Khán). Kísu Khán was at first inclined to resist and to set these men at defiance, but when the matter came to be talked over, he went to the chief of the saiyids, who sent some priests and a party of men to the three sardárs to give them counsel. The sardárs detained them all, and desired them to write a true statement of affairs and send it to the Emperor. The priests begged to be excused, but said they would write if both parties were present. The sardárs replied that Kísú Khán's agents were present, and that if the priests would write the truth in their presence, no further trouble would be given them. The priests then entered upon the business. As soon as Kísú Khán heard this he was alarmed, for he saw that matters were going wrong, and that the forthcoming memorial would be ruinous to him. He therefore sent to say that he would give up the fort, and that they need not write. The Kháns sent word back that the memorial was written, and that they would keep it ready. If he did not surrender the fort the letter should be sent to the Emperor —so Kísú Khán having no other remedy, conducted the Kháns into the fort.
An order had been issued by the Emperor that Kísú Khán, in concert with the brethren of Tarsún Muhammad Khán, the saiyids, and the chief men, should make enquiry about the treasure, houses, and effects of Sultán Mahmúd Khán, and send a detailed account thereof to the Court, In obedience to the Royal orders, the people of Sultán Mahmúd's harem were sent to the presence, and his chief wife, sister of Jahán Khán, was sent to Lahore. At the same time, Khwájá Saráí, Rai Singh Darbárí, and Banwálí Das Navísinda arrived for the purpose of settling the affairs of the treasure and of the people of the harem of Sultán Mahmúd. Having afterwards looked into the matter of the treasure at Loharí, they proposed to return by way of Nágor in the beginning of Rajab of the year above-named.
When Tarsún Muhammad Khán received permission to depart from the Court, some of the nobles objected that it was impolitic to place the children of Saifu-l Mulk on the borders of the country, so he was appointed governor of Ágra and a change was made in respect of Bhakkar, for Banwálí Dás was sent there to take charge of the revenues and general affairs. Afterwards, for better security, Mír Saiyid Muhammad was dignified with the office of Mír-i 'adl (Chief Justice), with a mansab of 1000, and appointed governor of Bhakkar. On the 11th of Ramzán of the year above-mentioned, he arrived at Bhakkar, and the ministers of religion and the chief men waited upon him to show due honour and respect. He then gave 50,000 bighas of land to the saiyids, learned men and others in portions suited to the position of each one. The ministers of religion enjoyed a happy time during his administration. In the early part of his rule he sent a force against the Mankínjas of the district of Gágri who were rebellious, and had opposed his officers. He acted oppressively towards the ryots in revenue matters, for he fixed by measurement a payment of five mans per bigha upon all lands alike, and the revenue officers, whom he appointed, dealt harshly with the cultivators. The troops of the Mír-i 'adl arrived at a small fort between Gambaz and Bajrán. The Mankínjas showing no respect, shot arrows at them, and several of the soldiers were killed. There was a well in the fort into which the graceless wretches threw the bodies both of Musulmans and infidels, and filled it up with earth. The Mír-i 'adl was enraged at this, and sent for reinforcements from Síwí, to take vengeance. After a short opposition, the Mankínjas left their home and took to flight. Saiyid Abú-l Fazl, the Mír-i 'adl's son, who commanded the troops, pursued them for some distance, and then returned to Bhakkar. Some time after this the Mír-i 'adl fell ill, he lost much blood and his weakness increased till he died on the 8th of Sh'abán, 984 A.H. (October 1576).
After his death, the Emperor appointed his son, Abú-l Fazl, to succeed him in the government of Bhakkar. In the following year Abú-l Fazl seized and confined the head men of Gágrí, and afterwards caused two or three of them to be trampled to death by elephants. On the 9th of Zí'-l hijja 985 A.H. (Feb. 1578) I'timád Khán, an eunuch, and one of the emperor's trusty servants, came as governor to Bhakkar. He was a man of passionate temper and did not deal kindly with the soldiers, peasants, or nobles. Some of the ministers of religion were troubled by his conduct, and resolved to carry their complaints to the Emperor. The governor thereupon sent a person to them with excuses, but they would not be satisfied, and resolutely determined to proceed. When they reached the royal presence they stated their grievances against that cruel man. The Emperor replied that if he had oppressed the people in the way represented, he would be killed. And it turned out exactly as the royal tongue predicted, after this manner. He was an habitual jester and scoffer, and would utter vile and filthy expressions before good men; he also dealt niggardly with the troops; so on the 10th Rabí'u-l awwal 986 A.H. (May, 1578) a party of soldiers conspired and slew him in his hall of audience.
After the death of I'timád Khán the Emperor granted the country of Bhakkar in jágir to Fath Khán Bahadúr, Raja Parmánand and Rája Todar Mal.244 In the month of Rajab of the same year, the Khán and the other two grantees came to Bhakkar and took possession of their respective portions. Two years afterwards Parmánand proceeded to the Court in obedience to orders. The Dáríjas afterwards quarrelled with his brother Mádhu Dás, and assembled in the town of Alor with hostile intent. Two or three fights followed, and men were slain on both sides. At length some turbulent fellows joined in the attack, so Fath Khán sent his own men to put them down. The insurgents were then beaten and dispersed. Fath Khan then went to Court, where he was received with great favour. His mansab was increased, and the jágír of Parmánand was assigned to him. Fath Khán was a simple-minded man, fond of money, who paid his thanks with his tongue, but he dealt kindly with the people and provided for their subsistence. He had a vakíl named Shaháb Khán, a zamíndár of Samána, an inexperienced man, who knew nothing of business. At the instigation of one Faríd he attacked the people of Khán Náhar, and led a force against the fort of Kin-kot, which was in the hands of Ibráhim Náhar. A great battle followed, in which Fath Khán's fine men were slain. Shaháb Khán also fell with all his brothers. When intelligence of this reached the Emperor, he instantly resumed Fath Khán's jágir and assigned it to Nawwáb Muhammad Sádik Khán together with the duty of capturing Thatta. He arrived at Bhakkar on Tuesday the 12th Rabí'u-l awwal 994 A.H. (Feb. 1586). The priests and others went out to meet him, and he received them all with honour and respect. For some time he stayed in Bhakkar setting its affairs in order, but in Zí-l hijja of the same year, he marched against Siwistán. Before going on this expedition he fought with the men of Mírzá Jání Beg, many of whom were killed. The breeze of victory thus began to blow on the banners of Muhammad Sádik. He then proceeded on his expedition. Meanwhile Subhán 'Alí Arghún, who was in command of the enemy, had constructed a fort on the banks of the river, and had furnished it with munitions of war. He had also collected many ghrábs and boats there. When Muhammad Sádik advanced, the Arghún came out in his ghrábs and gave battle; but he was defeated and taken prisoner alive, and many of his men were killed and wounded. Twelve ghrábs also fell into the hands of the victors. Greatly elated with these victories he laid siege to Síwistán. His operations occupied some time, but he at length sunk a large mine which carried away the gate in front of the fort. Instructions had been given that no man was to enter the fort without orders, so when the smoke and dust cleared off, the besieged set to work, closing up the breach, and maintaining a fire from their cannons and guns (top o tufang). The party on the top of the gateway which had been blown into the air fell to the ground uninjured. Mírzá Jání Beg had now advanced with a force as far as Mihrán, which is six kos from Síwán. In consequence of this, Muhammad Sádik raised the siege and went to oppose his progress. When he came opposite the Lakki hills, the ghrábs of Mírzá Jání opened fire upon him. They continued fighting for several days, till an imperial fárman arrived stating that Mírzá Jání Beg had sent suitable tribute to the Court, and had made humble and dutiful submission. Muhammad Sádik therefore returned to Bhakkar, and after a short interval he repaired to Court. One year afterward his jágír was taken from him. In the two kharíf harvests that passed while Muhammad Sádik held Bhakkar, locusts attacked the crops and famine ensued. Many men emigrated in various directions. The Samíjas and Bulúchis plundered both sides of the river and left nothing standing.
At the end of Rabí'u-s sání, 996 A.H. (Feb. 1588), the jágir of Bhakkar was granted to Isma'íl Khán, and his son Rahmán Kulí Beg came to the place. This young nobleman was wise, and treated the people with great kindness and consideration, so that through his gentle management they betook themselves once more to cultivation, and by their efforts the wasted land again became fruitful.
When Isma'íl Kulí Khán left Multán and went to the Court, the jágír was taken from him and granted to Shiroya Sultán. In the beginning of Muharram 997 A.H. (Nov. 1588), he came to Bhakkar. He was addicted to wine, and left the management of his affairs in the hands of his purchased slaves. Night and day he was engaged in riot and debauchery, and but seldom sat in public court, or allowed any one to have access to him. The pensions and allowances to the fakírs were stopped. At one period Shaikh Sángí received charge of the revenue and State business, and for a time he visited the shops and took possession of their money and business.246 He sent his son Muhammad Husain Beg to subdue Síwí, but the Afghans assembled and fiercely opposed him. His advanced guard was composed of Bulúchís246a who fled at the first attack. The main body was then assaulted. Many were slain and many taken prisoners. The rest were broken and put to flight, but the weather was hot, and large numbers died of thirst in the mirage. Those who escaped alive were a long time before they recovered. The wails occasioned by the violence and tyranny of Shiroya at length ascended to heaven, from whence the glad tidings of his removal came to the people of Bhakkar. They escaped from his malignity and once more lived in peace, for Muhammad Sádik Khán again received the jágír.
On the second of Rabí'u-l awwal 998 A.H. (December, 1589) Mírzá Muhammad Záhid, son of Muhammad Sádik, came to Bhakkar. He treated the people with kindness and poured the balm of justice upon hearts wounded by tyranny. He was good-looking and good-natured, and he associated with learned and excellent men. He restored the pensions and allowances in accordance with the grants made by his father, and put a stop to oppression. Khwája Muhammad Ma'súm was Muhammad Sádik's vakíl. He was a man of excellent qualities, and competent in all business. The people were re-assured and went about their cultivation and building. But a heavenly visitation fell upon the spring crop of that year; notwithstanding the care of the government, evil days ensued, and it was impossible to collect the taxes. A scarcity of food again occurred. About this time His Majesty the Emperor had to make a public example. When the Royal Court was removed to Lahore, Mírza Jání Beg, in imitation of Mírzá Sháh Husain, renounced his obedience, and pretended to independence. The Khán-i Khánán was accordingly sent to take Thatta and bring the Bulúchís under control. He reached the place in the month of Shawwál of the year aforesaid, between the autumnal and vernal harvests, and proceeded to set all things in order. At that time, I, the author of this history, proceeded from Ahmadábád in Guzerát to the Imperial Court. By good fortune my mother had sent some little curiosities, which I presented to his Majesty. Thereupon he enquired with great condescension how many years I had been absent from my mother. I replied that it was twenty years. He was graciously pleased to direct that I should go to visit my mother, and afterwards return to my duty. He further ordered the grant of a jágír to me. Thereupon, Muhammad Sádik came to my aid, and said that as I was going to Bhakkar, it would be very pleasant to have my jágír there. His Majesty said that Bhakkar had been granted in jágír to the Nawwáb Khán-i Khánán. The latter was present at the time and said that if His Majesty pleased to make me a grant in Bhakkar he would assign it over to me, but if so he hoped to receive an equivalent elsewhere. The Royal command was then given for a grant in Bhakkar, and the officials assigned to me the parganas of Durbela, Gágrí and Chandúka. After this was arranged, His Majesty in his great kindness and consideration gave me a boat and one of his own fur coats, and as he dismissed me he quoted the line—
“Sit not down, but travel, for it is very sweet.”
On the 14th247 Safar, 999 A.H. (Nov., 1590), I reached Bhakkar, where the Khán-i Khánán had arrived before me. The weather was hot and the river high, so he stayed some days there; but when the star Canopus appeared he dismissed me with Bahádur Khán, Mulla Mahmúdí, and some others. We went to Sihwán, and the Khán-i Khánán followed and overtook us there. The people of Sihwán closed the gates of their fort. The Khán-i Khánán then consulted with his nobles as to whether it was better to march against Mírza Jání Beg in Thatta at once, or to stop and take Sihwán before proceeding. They all agreed that as Sihwán was in the direct road, and their men and boats must pass that way, it was desirable to secure it before going further. Having so determined, the river was crossed, batteries (morcha) were raised, and we began to take measures for securing a passage over the river.248 But intelligence came that Nawwáb Jání Beg had left Thatta with a powerful force and was advancing against us. So the siege was raised and our forces turned to oppose him. Jání Beg then threw up a sort of fort248a on the bank of the river at the village of Loharí above Nasrpúr, and there strengthened his position. When the Khán-i Khánán came within about six kos from this fortified post Jání Beg sent 120 armed ghrábs and many boats under the command of Khusrú Khán and other officers, and also two armies, one on each bank of the river, to make a simultaneous attack on the camp of the Khán-i Khánán. To meet them our forces advanced a little on the bank of the river, where we raised some sand-works covering five or six jaríbs of ground. Muhammad Mukím Khán Bakhshí, 'Alí Mardán Khán, Muríd Khán Sarmadí, and the writer of this history, with several other noblemen, were appointed to that humble fortification.248b Our instructions were, that when the ghrábs came up they must necessarily pass in front of our fortified position, because just in front of it there was a large sand-bank from which they must cross over to reach our camp,248c In fact, when Muhammad Mukím was sent there he was told that his business was to prevent any danger to the camp on that side. In the afternoon the ghrábs came up, when they perceived that on one side there was water with a sandbank, and on the other side water with a fort, so they arrested their progress, and guns from both sides announced the opening of the fight. In the course of the night the Khán-i Khánán sent a party over to the opposite side. The force which Jání Beg had appointed for the purpose assaulted our gate, but it had been well secured, and their efforts were vain. In the morning, the ghrábs came up in front of the camp. The guns in our fortification were pointed too high, so that the balls passed over the ghrábs and fell among our friends on the other side, killing several of them. The muzzles of the guns were then depressed, so that the balls passed through the ghrábs on our side of the river, and then touching the water rose again and crushed eight or nine boats (kishtí) killing a number of men.249 But they were prepared for this—for in each ghráb there were carpenters who quickly repaired the damages. The fight was carried on and the firing continued in this way for that day. On one side was the fort and army of the Khán-i Khánán, on the other the sandbank, and the ghrábs must pass between them against a strong current. The battle continued till after mid-day, and the enemy had many men killed by the guns. They then saw that they could not pass the fort, and that they were losing many men, so they were compelled to retreat. The Khán-i Khánan's boats followed in pursuit and the army harassed them from the shore. Khusrú Khán acted judiciously: keeping his own ghrábs in the rear he sent others in pursuit, and several of the enemy's vessels with soldiers and Firingí fighting men on board fell into his hands. The royal ghráb had accompanied the ghráb of Khusrú Khán and unfortunately some fire from the latter reached the magazine of the royal vessel, and all it contained was burnt. Some of the crew escaped into other vessels which happened to be near, but a large proportion was killed. Still a great victory was won.
Next day we marched against the fort of Jání Beg in which he had fortified himself. There were some little sand-hills (chihla249a) around, and the place seemed difficult to take. When we tried to invest the place, the Khán-i Khánán and his officers found the work impracticable. One night we made a general assault upon the place on every side, but it was too strong and we gained nothing. It was then determined by the Khán-i Khánán that he would proceed with a force to Síhwán and take possession of the country of Thatta,—that another force should go to Badín and Fath-bágh, and that Sháh Beg Khán should march to besiege Sháh-garh, a place that had been built by Sháh Kásim Arghún. The Khán-i Khánán accordingly proceeded to Thatta, another force went against Badín, Fath Khán and Jún, and Sháh Beg besieged Sháh-garh. Saiyid Baháu-d dín, the author, and several other attendants of the Khán-i Khánán, went to Síwán, where many of the defenders were killed. When the garrison found that matters were going hard with them they wrote to Jání Beg that unless he came to their aid, the place must be lost. Upon learning this the Mírzá marched with great alacrity to Síwán. When he had reached a point about twenty kos from us, we received intelligence of his advance. We held a council, and determined to fight him; so we raised the siege and marched to oppose his advance. When the Khán-i Khánán heard this he sent Muhammad Khán Niyází and some other of his officers with reinforcements for us. We were near the Lakkí hills when they joined us, and our united force then amounted to 1200 horse. Jání Beg was advancing through the hills with 10,000 horse, together with a numerous body of infantry and archers, and he had ghrábs and cannon coming up the river. When he was six or seven kos distant, our leaders perceived that if we remained where we were, we might be attacked on every side. Jání Beg might attack us from the hills, the ghrábs from the river, and the men of Síhwán from the rear, so that we should be in a critical position. We therefore resolved to march on and meet him, and our forces were accordingly set in motion. Jání Beg received intelligence of our movement through his spies, but could not credit it, for he asked what our numbers could be, and what must be our presumption to venture on such a step. But the dust of our march then became visible to him, and he instantly proceeded to set his army in array. It was noon when the contending forces met. When our van-guard became engaged, some of the men took flight and fled. The enemy pursued, and coming up with our main body the battle became general. Three or four fierce charges were made, but at length the enemy were defeated. Jání Beg stood his ground and fought desperately, but seeing that all was over, he also fled. The enemy lost many men in killed and prisoners. Jání Beg retreated to Unarpur,251 twenty kos from the battle-field, where he raised a small fort and strengthened his position. We besieged the place, and after some days the Khán-i Khánán arrived in person. The batteries were pushed forward, and fighting went on every day, in which many on both sides were killed. Digging approaches to the fort, we reached the edge of the ditch, and raised there a mound of earth. Jání Beg was then reduced to despair, and offered terms. His proposal was to give over to us thirty ghrábs and the fort of Sihwán. He himself would return to Thatta but would meet us again afterwards. The Khán-i Khánán consulted with his officers, and they all agreed that Jání Beg was reduced to extremities, and that no terms should be made with him—it was a mere question of a day or two—and if he were allowed to return to Thatta he would probably change his mind. The Khán-i Khánán observed that if we assaulted the fort, many men on both sides would be slain, and that the wives and families of the garrison would fall into our hands and might be treated with indignity, for these reasons he would accept the terms, and would further obtain a mansab of 5000 from the Emperor for Jání Beg-No doubt his decision was sound. The representatives of Jání Beg then came into our lines, the terms were settled, the ghrábs were given up, a person was sent to Síhwán to secure the surrender of the fort, and Jání Beg himself set out for Thatta. The Khán-i Khánán stayed in the village of Sann during the inundations, but in the winter he departed for Thatta. When we approached Fath-bágh Jání Beg came forward to meet us, and there was an interview and friendly intercourse between the two chíefs. Leaving Jání Beg at this place the Khán-i Khánán proceeded to Thatta, and there he distributed among his officers and soldiers all the effects (basát) he had with hím. He next went to Láhorí-bandar, where he gazed upon the sea (dáryáe shor). When he departed from this place he left Daulat Khán and Khwája Mukím in charge. A royal mandate had arrived directing him to bring Jání Beg to Court,—in consequence of this he started off, taking Jání Beg with him, and hastened by forced marches to the Imperial presence. Every kindness and consideration was bestowed upon Jání Beg through the friendly statements of the Khán-i Khánán. The country of Thatta was graciously restored to him, and he was received into the royal service with a mansab of 5000. Still further favour was shown him, and Khusrú Khán was named to be his son-in-law.
When His Majesty set out for the Dekhin,252 intent upon the conquest of Ahmadnagar and the fort of Kásim, on the 25th Rajab Mírzá Jání Beg died of brain fever, and upon the solicitation of Nawwáb Allání, the country of Thatta was granted to Mírzá Ghází Beg, son of the deceased Mírzá.
V.
TÁRÍKH-I TÁHIRÍ.
THIS work is named after the author, Mír Táhir Muhammad Nasyání, son of Saiyid Hasan, of Thatta. The author, his father, and grandfather, were intimately acquainted with the affairs of the Arghúns and Tarkháns, and were dependants of the members of the former family. Táhir Muhammad, indeed, dedicates his work to, and writes it at the instigation of, Sháh Muhammad Bég 'Ádil Khán, son of Sháh Bég 'Ádil Khán Arghún, governor of Kandahár. The Tuhfatu-l kirám (p. 74), styles Sháh Bég a Tarkhán, not an Arghún, and states that it was to him that the Táríkh-i Táhirí was dedicated.
The author, independent of what he says in his rambling preface of twenty pages, which is replete with the most fulsome adulation, gives us several incidental notices of himself and family in the course of his work.253 We learn that in 1015 H. (1606 A.D.), when Kandahár was beleaguered by the Persians, he went to Thatta to complete his education, and that he was then twenty-five years old. He placed himself under Maulána Ishák, a celebrated teacher, who was well instructed in Sufyism by an attentive perusal of Shaikh Sa'dí, Jámí, Khákání, and Anwarí.
His maternal grandfather, 'Umar Sháh, and his son Dáúd Sehta, Chief of the Pargana of Durbela, afforded such effective aid to Humáyún, in his flight from Shír Sháh, that the Emperor wrote a document expressive of his satisfaction, and of his determination to reward their fidelity with a grant of their native district of Durbela, should he succeed in his enterprises and be restored to his throne. At the instigation of Mahmúd Khán, the governor of Bhakkar, they were both put to death for this injudicious zeal; one being sewn up in a hide and thrown into the river from the battlements of Bhakkar; the other flayed alive, and his skin sent, stuffed with straw, to Mirzá Sháh Hasan Arghún. The family fled to Ahmadábád in Guzerát. The document above alluded to was unfortunately destroyed, when Mírzá Jání Bég ordered Thatta to be fired on the approach of the imperial army. The author, nevertheless, hoped to meet with his reward, should it ever be his good fortune to be presented to the reigning Emperor Jahángír. In one part of his work he calls 'Umar Sháh by the title of Jám, from which we may presume that he was a Samma. Dáúd, 'Umar's son, is also styled Sehta, and, from a passage in the Extracts, it will be seen that Jám Sehta, one of the descendants of the Samma refugees, is spoken of as one of the Chiefs of Kach.
Táhir Muhammad informs us that, notwithstanding all the enquiries he made, he was not able to procure any work which dealt with the periods of history which he had undertaken to write. There might, perhaps, have been some written in the Hindí character, but on that point he was ignorant. This is disingenuous, for his early history must be derived from some written source, though he does not choose to declare what it was. He quotes a poem by Mír Ma'súm Bhakkarí, and is, perhaps, indebted to his prose also, but to no great extent, for in describing the same events, our author is fuller, and his credulity induces him to indulge in strange anecdotes, which the other rejects. His later history, in which he is very copious, is derived not only from his father, who was himself an actor in some of the scenes which he describes, but from other eye-witnesses, as well as his own observations. His residence seems to have been chiefly at Durbela, but we hear of his being, not only at Kanda-hár and Thatta, as previously mentioned, but at Multán and Lahore; so that, for a Sindian, we may consider him what Froissart calls a “well-travelled knight.”
The Táríkh-i Táhirí was completed in 1030 H. (1621 A.D.), in the fortieth year of the author's age. Its style is bad and confused, and occasionally ambitious. We are told that it is divided into ten chapters (tabka), but they are not numbered beyond the fourth, and only seven can be traced altogether. The first, consisting of sixteen pages, is devoted to the Súmra dynasty. The second, of ten pages, to the Samma dynasty. The third, of 30 pages, to the Arghúns. The fourth and all the others, comprising 172 pages, to the Tarkháns—so that it is evident that to them he directs his chief attention, bringing their affairs down to the latest period, when Mirzá Ghází Bég was poisoned at Kandahár, in 1021 H. (1612 A.D.), and the power of the Tarkháns was brought to a close even as Jágírdars—a title they were suffered to retain after their entire loss of independance under Mirzá Jání Bég. We have nothing on the subject of the Arab dominion in Sind, and the chapters upon the Súmras and Samma form no continuous narrative of their transactions. Even the later chapters are very deficient in dates, though there is no break in the history of the Arghúns and Tarkháns. Where dates are inserted they are not always correct.
Besides the present history, it would appear from one of the Extracts given below, that the author composed another work upon some of the Legends of Sind. The name of “Nasyání255” is not a patronymic, but, as we are informed in the Tuhfatu-l kirám (p. 192), a mere poetical designation, assumed by the author. The same passage gives us also some information respecting his descendants.
This work is rare out of Sind, where it is procurable without much difficulty. The Amír of Khairpur and the Saiyids of Thatta have a copy. I have not met with it anywhere else in India, and I believe there is no copy in Europe. Size, quarto (12 × 9 inches) containing 254 pages, each of 17 lines.
EXTRACTS.
The Destruction of Alor.
From the year of the Hijrí 700 (1300 A.D.), until 843 (1439 A.D.), that is to say, for a period of 143 years, the Hindu tribe of Súmra were the rulers of Sind; and that portion which is now flourishing was then a mere waste, owing to the scarcity of water in the Sind or Panjáb river, which is known by the above name below Bhakkar.256 No water flowed towards those regions, and water is the very foundation of all prosperity. The capital of this people was the city of Muhammad Túr, which is now depopulated and ís included in the pargana of Dirak. Not I alone but many others have beheld these ruins with astonishment. Numbers of the natives of that city, after its destruction, settled in the pargana of Sákúra, which was peopled in the time of the Jáms of Samma, and there they founded a village to which they also gave the name of Muhammad Túr.256a In this village resided many great men and zamíndárs, disciples of the Shaikh of Shaikhs and defender of the world, Makhdúm Shaikh Baháu-d dín (Zaka-ríya) Mullá Khalífa Sindí, so well known in Hind, who sprang from them and that village. The cause of the ruin of the above-named city, and of its dependencies, which had flourished between nine hundred and a thousand years, was as follows:—Below the town of Alor flowed the river of the Panjáb, which was indefinitely called by the three names of Hákra, Wáhind, and Dáhan, and by others— for its name changes at every village by which it flows. After fertilizing the land, the river pours its waters into the ocean. Dalú Ráí governed the country between the two above-mentioned cities (Muhammad Túr and Alor). He was a tyrant and an adulterer: every night he possessed himself of a maiden. From the merchants who brought their goods that way in boats from Hind to the port of Déwal,256b he levied a toll of half their property; traders thus suffered incalculable injury. At length, a certain merchant256c reached the place with a vast amount of goods, and was much astonished at this tyrant's proceedings. When the customs' officers perceived the valuable nature of his merchandise, and found him to be a traveller from distant parts, they resolved to exceed their usual demands. The merchant had also with him a handmaiden, young, and beautiful as the full-moon. When the impious tyrant was informed of this, he determined, according to his odious habit, to get her into his possession. The traveller, who was a wise and God-fearing man, said to himself that it was impossible to escape from the tyrant with honour and without distress, and hence it would be better to make some bold effort; in which, by God's help, he might succeed, and which would stand recorded on the page of destiny until the day of judgment. He prayed for and obtained three day's grace to forward the amount of duties along with his beautiful damsel. During this time he collected a number of skilful and expert artizans, men who excelled Farhád in piercing mountains, and could close a breach with a rampart like Alexander's. To these men he gave whatever they desired, and rewarded their labour with gold, jewels, and stuffs. His intention was to erect a strong embankment above257 the town of Alor, and turn the course of the waters towards Bhakkar. Night after night these strong and able workmen laboured to dig a new channel and erect an embankment. The river was thus turned from its old course and flowed towards Síwán and the Lakkí Hills, with such force that the merchant was, by God's mercy, quickly carried with his ships and goods far away beyond the oppressor's reach. When the people of the tyrant's country awoke in the morning, instead of several fathoms of water, they found nothing but mud and muddy water. All were amazed, and informed their master of the mode of the merchant's escape, and of the ruin that had come on the country. He ordered them to turn the river into its old channel, but they all replied that it could not be done now the water had flowed elsewhere. The Rájá's regret and repentance were all too late. “When the evil is done, oh fool! what avails your regret? Stuff not cotton in your ears, but be alert—sleep not at the hour of action.” In short the scarcity of water soon caused the grass and the fields to wither, and death laid its grasp on men and cattle, but the tyrant paused not in his evil career, until his crimes destroyed both himself and his people.
Destruction of Bráhmanábád.
It is related by old historians that this Dalú Rái had a brother called Chhata258 Amraní, whom it had pleased God to dispose, from his youth upwards, to virtue. Amrání often remonstrated with his brother against his evil ways, but without success; he, therefore, left his country and applied himself to the study of the Kurán. When, having learned the holy book by heart, he returned to his home, his friends urged him much to marry; but he was displeased with their wicked ways, and therefore refused. His relatives repudiated and derided him, exclaiming that he had turned Turk, that is to say, Musulmán, and would next be going to Mecca to marry the daughter of some great man there. Amrání's star was in the ascendant, and his heart inclined to God, so their taunts took effect on him, and he resolved to proceed to the Kaa'ba. When he reached the place of his destination, he beheld a woman standing with a loaf in her hand. After he had looked at her several times the maiden perceived him and asked him what he sought in that town. He replied that by her means, he hoped to be able to read the Kurán. She told him that the daughter of a certain venerable man was much better acquainted than herself with the holy book, and was in the habit of teaching many young girls, and that if he changed his dress and attended upon her with the girls, he might obtain the wish of his heart. Amrání answered that all would be accomplished through her kindness. He made her a small present, and joined the scholars. After a time he became again perfect in the Kurán, when, one day, a woman came to see the teacher, who was also skilled in astrology. The visitor said: “I have a young daughter whom I wish to marry to a certain person; pray see if the match will prove a happy one; for if not, I will wed my daughter elsewhere.” The fates were consulted, a favourable answer was returned, and the woman departed. Chhata who, in woman's disguise, had been taught by the fair sage, without her knowing his sex, now said that, as she could ascertain other people's destiny, he begged she would also consult the stars on her own account, and find out who should be her husband. “This enquiry,” she replied, “will be very pleasing to me; up to this moment I have never thought of what concerns myself.” The fates were again consulted, and the answer which she delivered was: “a person called Chhata will come from Sind, and I shall be given unto him.” Amrání asked if the person had as yet left Sind, and proceeded towards Mecca or not. She answered, that he had arrived in the city. “Where is he?” “In this house,” was the reply, “and you are he.” Chhata left off questioning and began to read.
The girl informed her mother of these events. The relatives gave their consent, and the two were united. Amrání dwelt there some time, after which he returned to his own country to Páín-wáh where his brother ruled.259 Between Chhata and his wife Fátima, in their devotion to God, nothing was concealed, and they looked upon each other with fond affection. One day Chhata's brother sent him away on some business, with the intention of getting a look at his wife in his absence. This virtuous woman was in her bath, and there the wicked man saw her. At the same moment, Fátima and Chhata, who was far away, became cognizant of this fact. Chhata immediately returned, and, abandoning his relatives, left the country with his wife, and proclaimed that whoever remained in the city would ignominiously perish. The very night they left, destruction hovered over the city, but was kept off by the watching of an old widow, who was spinning. The second night they were saved by the watching of Gunígír,259a but on the third night, which was the time appointed for the destruction of those wicked people, the whole place was swallowed up by the earth,—men, buildings and all,— the only sign of them left was a minaret, which stands there to this day. Chhata Amrání and his wife Fátima reached in safety the town of Síwistán, which is now known as Síwán. There he passed his days in prayer and worship. When he left this transitory dwelling-place to seek a wished-for and eternal home beyond the chambers of death, as during his life-time, he had performed miracles, and his prayers had been granted, so was it still after his decease. Whoever approached his shrine obtained the wish of his heart. His tomb is to be found in the city of Síwán; many people flock to it on Fridays, and place full belief in its powers.
The Dynasty of Súmra.
Be it known to wise and intelligent men who can solve knotty points, that the history of this ignorant Hindu tribe has been related by old chroniclers as follows:—“Every man of them considered himself a chief and leader, but 'Umar Súmra was their ruler. It is not known over how long a period his reign extended, but in all his years this chieftain, unworthy of his sacred name,260 practiced unworthy acts. He was in the habit of laying violent hands on the females of his subjects. Among other married women he seized a beautiful woman named Márúí, who belonged to the tribe of the Márúis,260a who resided near the forts of 'Umar-kot. She had been betrothed to a person named Phog,260b but was, by her parents, when her beauty had developed itself, united to another of her relatives. Phog laid a complaint before 'Umar,—“I have given up all hope,” said he, “of obtaining her, but she is well fitted for your own harem. If you could but once see her, you would never wish to part from her again.” This speech of that dweller in the desert induced the chieftain to change his dress, and to mount an active camel,260c fleet as the wind, on which he repaired to the woman's residence. He was captivated at first sight, and remained there some days. At length, finding an opportunity, he placed the woman on his own camel, and returned to the seat of his government. But all praise to the virtue and chastity of Márúí, for though gold and jewels, robes and apparel were offered her, and though she was made to taste of severity and anger, nothing could induce her to listen to his proposals. “In what creed,” said she, “is it considered lawful that we should, for the sake of a little brief authority and worldly riches, which avail us not when all is over, put aside the duty owing to a husband, and thus at last, heap infamy on our heads. The tenderness of her language took effect on the abductor; for a year he detained her and beheld her fidelity. He then sent for her husband and returned her to him, with as much gold and jewels as he could give, and told him of his wife's chastity. Doubt, however, remained in the husband's mind; he kept aloof from her, and constantly addressed reproaches to her. 'Umar was one day informed of this conduct, of the doubts which the husband retained of Márúí's chastity, and the disgrace which was thus reflected on himself. An army was ordered to attack and plunder the tribe, but they fled on receipt of the news. When the fact became known, he ('Umar) said “Why does the husband of this chaste woman seek to distress her, and in suspicion of a wrong which has not been committed, why does he injure both her and his ruler, causing a personal and general scandal—instigating all this disturbance.” That paragon of fidelity, comforted the women of her family, and, strong in her own virtue, went to 'Umar and spoke as follows: “You are the Iord of this country. If before this you had not conceived such designs, you would not have entailed such disgrace on yourself and on me; but, you have kept a man's wife confined for a twelvemonth in your own house, and after exposing her to suspicion, have sent her away. What wonder is there then that people, who know not right from wrong, should entertain doubts, and what wonder if her husband kill her through jealousy. The redress were worse than the fault itself, should you punish the oppressed family. Consider your own errors, be just, and say at whose door lies the blame.” This was said with so much earnestness that it took effect. 'Umar, ashamed of his misdeeds, recalled his army, and caused the husband to be brought to his presence, when he sought by an oath, according to the Hindu custom, to remove all doubt from his mind. But that pattern of excellence anticipated him, and urged that she was the proper person to take the oath, for thus the foul stain would be washed away from herself and from her whole family. So it was settled that a fire should be kindled and an iron heated therein. As soon as the fire burned and flames like lightning issued from the iron, the woman raised it, and came out pure from the trial, and in the eyes of the Hindus all stain on her honour was removed. The thought now entered 'Umar's mind that it was not easy to clear himself of the guilt of the abduction. God is just; injustice pleaseth him not, and never has he, nor will he ever, disgrace any but the guilty. This cruel obstinate husband, thought he, has abased me in the eyes of the world; is it not better that I should pass through the fiery ordeal and truth be brought to the light of day! He did as resolved. Glory to God who maketh truth to triumph! Not a hair of his head or a thread of his garments was singed, and he issued scathless from the raging flames—which consume alike friend and foe. 'Umar and the relatives of the virtuous wife, whom idle talkers had calumniated and reviled, were now raised in public opinion; the doubts, which day and night had tormented the husband, vanished, and his unkind treatment ceased.262
Akbar.
When the powerful Nawab Mirzá Khán-i Khánán had made himself master of Tatta, he summoned to his presence the great men of the country, and amongst others selected the most noble of them, Mirzá Jání Beg Tarkhán, 'Áriz of the Tarkhanía, to be presented at tbe court of his majesty, and he proceeded thither with a party of Sindí friends. At an interview the conversation happened to turn upon Márúí, which induced the Emperor to enquire of Jání Beg the particulars of this story. The latter replied that he had with him a poet named Mukím, conversant with both Persian and Sindí, who was well acquainted with the whole story, and whom he would send for if permitted to do so. Mirzá Jání Beg himself was perfectly informed of all the circumstances, but he wished to bring the poet to the notice of his majesty. The bard was introduced, but he knew so little of the case, that, contrary to the fact, he said the heroine had a child by that tyrant, misnamed 'Umar.263 His Highness was much displeased at this misrepresentation, and the bard withdrew crestfallen. Jání Beg then related the story correctly, and some of the auditors repeated verses in the Sindí language in praise of the Márúí. The late Mír Saiyid Ma'súm Bhakkarí, of blessed memory, has recorded in verse the story of Sassaí and Pannú and called his work “Husn o Náz,” (beauty and coquetry); Mír Abú-l Kásim, (son of Sháh Abú-l Kásim, son of Sháh Kásim Arghún) has likewise versified the story of Chanesar and Lílá and called it “Chanesar;”263a I also have written (these legends) in prose and named my work “Náz o Niyáz” (coquetry and supplication). May men of genius view it favourably!263b
History of Gangá and 'Umar Súmra.
I write for the information of men of enlightened minds,—friends to literature, and delighting in the sweets of learning. A maiden named Gangá, of the tribe of Tamím, had been betrothed to 'Umar. The latter happened to see her at a time when the spring of youth had not filled the cup of her beauty, and the unopened bud of her cheeks was as yet without fragrance. She did not please him, and his heart was averse to her, so he relinquished all thought of making her his wife, and gave permission that she should be united to any one they chose. 'Umar Tamím, a relative of the girl's, and a companion of 'Umar Súmra, without whom the latter never drank (or eat), became her husband. After a few years, this unopened bud, fanned by the zephyr of youth, became a very stem of blooming roses. She imported such fragrance to the breeze, that fascination penetrated the core of every heart.
One day, when the washerman had put out her clothes to dry near the road, the chief happened to pass by the scented garments. Such perfume hung in the breeze that for miles it entered the brains of the wayfarers. The scent of the musk caused blood to flow from his nostrils, and he wondered whose garments these could be. He enquired of the washerman, and ascertained, after a good deal of trouble, as the man had been ordered not to mention the owner's name, that they belonged to a certain woman married to 'Umar Tamím, and whom his highness had formerly rejected. Longing and regret now took possession of his soul, and so great was his fascination that he proceeded to the woman's house, intending, if the master should not be within, to delight his eyes and heart with a glimpse of that heart-enthralling creature. The husband was not at home. Deceivers employ many stratagems, so 'Umar found nothing better than to pretend that he had discharged an arrow at some pigeons, and only entered the house to pick one up. The fair lady, who knew nothing of all this, being suddenly disturbed, rose to screen herself from view, and enquired what the intruder sought, but the latter obtained what he had come for and departed. A dart of love from the bow of her eyebrows had pierced his heart and he writhed like a wounded snake. The love which had suddenly been implanted in the innermost recesses of his heart disturbed him so much that he threw himself madly on his couch, abandoned food, drink, and sleep, and spoke to no one. His ministers were much astonished at this conduct, but having learned the cause of it, they respectfully informed him that the difficulty could very easily be overcome; that he should be of good cheer and not grieve. The ministers agreed that it was necessary, by some means, to separate the woman from her husband, and bring her to their master's palace. To further this scheme, it was settled by these godless men that 'Umar should make a show of more than usual cordiality and affection to that young man. The husband was astonished at these unwonted demonstrations, and one day asked his confidential friends what could be the object of them. Being all in the plot, they answered that a wish seemed to have entered the chieftain's mind to give him his sister in marriage, and by this connection, bind him more closely to himself in the bonds of fraternity and love, for he was highly pleased with his services, and placed great reliance on him. 'Umar Tamím heedlessly believed this falsehood; he was transported with delight by these tidings, which ought to have saddened him, and he expanded like a rose, so that his robe could scarcely contain him. The simpleton dreamed not that his friends were foully conspiring to deprive him of his wife. One day the friends met. Wine, that source of so much evil, was administered in such quantities to the unhappy husband, who had not strength to bear it, that he quite lost all mastery over himself. The associates perceived that they would never find an opportunity more favourable for the execution of their designs, so in furtherance of their scheme, they spoke to this foolish and helpless being of that impossible marriage. At length, he agreed that he would divorce his present wife, in order to obtain that higher object of his wishes; and he did so. The plotters having so far succeeded, now told him that this divorce alone was not sufficient, that he must offer the woman as tribute to 'Umar. The drunkard hesitated not to give away his cast-off wife. Then, as a finish to the business, he himself was turned out of the assembly, and his wife conveyed to the house of him who had instigated this vile proceeding. On the morrow, when the husband shook off the sleep of intoxication, he thought of his spouse, and remembered the sad events of the past day. Then, uttering cries of grief, he rent his garments, and proceeded to Dehli to lay a complaint before 'Aláu-d dín Sultán.
The people of this country relate, that when the husband laid his complaint before the Sultán, this guardian of justice sent that very night an order to 'Umar to appear before him, stating that if he came and satisfied the complainant, he might escape punishment, otherwise, an avenging force should be sent to plunder and overrun the country, and his wives and children should fall a prey to the soldiery. 'Umar prepared to depart the moment the messenger arrived. After a journey of some days, he reached the royal presence, and made numerous offerings. When the complainant and defendant were confronted, the Sultán's anger rose to such a pitch that he caused the guilty man to be thrown into a prison to end his days, in order that his fate might be a salutary warning to all wicked doers. For a long time he suffered in prison, but at length obtained his liberty through the intercession of his friends, on the payment of a heavy fine, and by binding himself to pay an annual tribute. He now returned to Sind, and from that time the rulers of this country have been tributary to the kings of Hind. 'Umar soon forgot his imprisonment and sufferings, and stretched forth the hand of tyranny over the people of Samma, the ancient tenants of the soil. Many families were driven by his exactions to abandon the land of their birth and seek refuge in Kach,266 which lies between Guzerát and Sind, and this land by God's mercy they have occupied to the present day.
The dynasty of Samma.
Old story tellers relate that when God resolved to destroy the people of Súmra (who occupied the city of Muhammad Túr and its vicinity, where ruin had followed the erection of the band of Alor) so utterly that not a sign of them should be left in the land, he decreed that their lives should be passed in the commission of unworthy acts and of crimes. Young and old became intent on violence and mischief. They belonged to the Hindú faith, yet they ate the flesh of buffalos, although eating the flesh of the cow is held in abhorrence according to that religion. The labouring classes and landholders of the Sammas also held the same belief, yet never drank wine without partaking of a young buffalo calf. One of these animals was taken openly and forcibly by the Súmras from the house of a Samma at a time when the latter had gone out, and the wine cup passed freely. When the owner returned, his wife taunted him with what had occurred; “To-day,” said she, “they have seized a young buffalo to roast, and to-morrow they will take away your women in the same disgraceful way. Either give us, your wives, freely to these men or quit the place.” This person was a man of rank and honour; so collecting his friends and relatives, he raised a great cry and sallied forth. A number of the people of Súmra were assembled at the time; he fell on this body and killed several of them; then, packing up all his valuables, he set out for Kach with as many of his relatives as could accompany him.
They had hardly reached the Rann, or desert, which extends from the ocean between the countries of Sind and Guzerát, when a powerful army of Súmras overtook them and tried to pacify them, but the fugitives dreaded them too much to have any wish to return. Fighting commenced, and many fell on both sides. The fugitives nevertheless reached the land of Kach, which was occupied by the tribe of Cháwara, and they settled there in the desert with their property. After a time, when they had ascertained who were the chiefs in those parts, they represented to them that they were numerous and had come there for protection, that they craved a portion of land to cultivate, the produce of which would suffice for their wants, and free the community from all expense on their account. A small tract of uncultivated land was given to them by the Cháwaras under the conditions that whatever grain they grew thereon should be theirs, but that all the grass should be sent into the government forts, as the former would suffice for them. The agreement was entered into, and the land was brought into cultivation.
It appears that finally the settlers became masters of the soil by the following stratagem, For some years after their immigration, they went on settling and cultivating the land faithfully, according to treaty; they sending the grass grown on their lands to the forts of the chiefs of this country of desert and hills.267 When they had got a firm footing and become thoroughly acquainted with the state of the country and the resources of its chiefs, it appeared to them that, if, with one accord, they managed their affairs with discretion, they might succeed in getting the upper hand. They therefore resolved to put into execution some carefully matured stratagem for this purpose. This was the plan: that in every cart-load of hay two armed men should be concealed and sent into the fortress. Five hundred loads formed the yearly contribution. This hay was now conveyed in that number of carts; in each were concealed two armed men, and a third sat on the top; so that about fifteen hundred men were all sent off together, and those who remained outside held themselves in readiness and listened for the shouts of the others. At the fort gate was always kept a learned astrologer, whose duty it was, from time to time, to warn the guards of coming events. As soon as the leading carts reached the entrance, the astrologer discovered that raw meat was concealed in them and proclaimed it with loud cries. The guardians of the gate jumped up and drove their spears into the hay in such a manner that the points entered the breasts of the enterprising youths within. But, oh, the heroism they displayed! As the spears were withdrawn they wiped the bloody points with their clothes, so that not a speck of blood appeared upon them; and all the day that truthful soothsayer was disbelieved, no further search was made, and all the carts entered the fort. When night came on, these resolute men, both within and without the walls prepared for action as had been previously concerted. Sword in hand, those who were inside fell upon the commandant of the fort and slew him. They then beat the drums to announce their triumph. Their friends without, hearing the signal, and knowing all was right, rushed at the gate and smote every one of its defenders who had the bravery to resist them. So great was the carnage, that words cannot describe it.268
Thus the country which lies along the sea became subject to the people of the Samma,268a and their descendants are dominant there to this day. Ráí Bhára and Jám Sihta, the Rájás of both Great and Little Kach, are descended from the Samma tribe. Among these people the tíka is conferred upon the Ráí. When one of the Jáms of Little Kach dies, another is appointed in his place, but the sovereignty and the tíka are not bestowed upon him until such times as the Ráí of Great Kach dies. When a successor has been appointed he is obeyed by all; and all those who assemble to appoint the Ráí present to him horses, honorary dresses, and many other things, according to ancient custom. Whenever a well or a tank is dug in either of the divisions of Kach, the Cháwáras—formerly the masters of the soil, now the ryots—are consulted and brought to approve of the project before it is carried into execution.
Strange customs of the Tribes.
Be it known to men of enlightened minds that these people had many strange customs, such as the strong branding the stamp of slavery upon the shoulders of the weak. As an instance of this, a man named Dúda Súmra attempted to enslave his own brothers, and when any one of them resisted, sought means to kill him. Such was the prevailing stupidity of these people, that whenever they placed themselves in the barber's hands, they had the nails of their hands and feet extracted by the roots, and this violent process caused such distress, that they lost all recollection for a time. A sensible man one day enquired why they inflicted such tortures on themselves. They replied, that there was this wide difference between them and other people, that they did what others could not.269 The clothes which they had once worn were never again put on. To wear them a second time would have been held highly improper. A woman who had brought forth a child was no longer allowed to share her husband's bed. At length, one of them, a fond and clever wife, becoming pregnant, revolved in her mind that, after the birth of the child, she would lose the society of her husband, and that she must therefore think of some means to convince him that childbirth did not render a female impure, and to banish all such ideas from his mind. This was her plan: whatever clothes her husband took off she gave to the washerman, with orders to wash them most carefully. One day the husband took a bath, and asked for cloths wherewith to dry his limbs. He was supplied with some of those which had been washed and put aside. These appeared to him so unusually soft, that he enquired what kind of fresh cloth it was. His wife told him, and he so much approved of what she had done, that he declared his intention of wearing washed clothes for the future. The wife, on hearing this, exclaimed that such also was the condition of women; why, then, should men cast them off? The husband abandoned both of these foolish practices, and all the tribe followed his example.
All that remain of them at the present day are good Muham-madans and God-fearing men; so much so, that Darwésh Dáúd, Míán Hamúl and Míán Ismáíl Súmra, who were among the chief men of the town of Akham, in the Pargana of Samáwátí, entertained five hundred students of the Kurán, in the college, feeding and clothing them all, for the love of God, at their own expense. The late Mírzá Muhammad Bákí Tarkhán, notwithstanding his parsimony and economy,270 which will be described when I speak of him, gave away, in charity, the produce of his husbandry. His collectors once complained to him, that a certain darwesh, not content with having tilled every bit of land in the district, sought to appropriate all their lord's possessions to his own use. Find therefore, said they, some other employment for the present cultivators. The Mírzá replied: “that he should till my lands is but little, were he to drive a plough over my head, I should deem it a favour.” Fakírs, widows, and the poor were the recipients of his bounty. A well-provided table was at all hours spread for his guests,—but he himself constantly fasted. When the hour came to break the fast, a barley-loaf, without salt, constituted his only food. A guest coming to him one day, a sumptuous meal was ordered for him, but the guest did not partake of it. “Why,” asked the Mírzá, “do you not like the food?” “I wish,” replied the stranger, “to eat off the same plate with your majesty.” “Oh, what happiness,” exclaimed the latter. When evening came, he bid his guest to come and share with him the barley-loaf—that being all his meal. “Oh,” said the man, “I thought your own meal would have been better than what you gave your guests; this was the cause of my indiscretion, but pray pardon me; I am satisfied to partake of the former repast.” The host replied: “Yes, the dainty repast is best suited to your taste, the mere loaf is plenty for mine; for it is no light task to conquer the flesh and abjure the world—the world, that faithless creature, that slays her husband and devours her sons-in-law. No true man will give her a place in his heart. To do so is the act of the mean-spirited. Renounce the faithless harlot in the four extremities of the universe, and cleanse the skirt of your robe from all desire of her.”
Religious men love not the world,
For they seek not women.
If you are bound in the chains of a woman,
Boast not again of your manliness.
Have you not read in the ancient book,
What befel Husain and Hasan, owing to a woman?
A woman, be she good or bad, should be thus treated:
Press your foot upon her neck.
Depopulation of the country of the Súmras.
When through the tyranny of Dalu Ráí, the river of the town of Alor became dry, the passage of the river of the Panjáb came to be made near Síwán, and that town, which is still flourishing, became populated. The want of water ruined the lands of the tribe of Súmra, and the tyranny of Dúdá Súmra drove many complaining to the Sultán 'Aláú-d dín, at Delhi. This monarch sent back with them a powerful army, under the command of the royal general named Sálár. The men of Súmra prepared themselves to die, and sent off their children in charge of a minstrel, to be placed under the protection of Ibra Ibrání-This Ibra was one of the very Sammas who had fled from the persecutions of the men of Súmra, and had made themselves masters of Kach in the manner which has been related above. It is a custom of these people to hold in high respect their minstrels, such as the Katriyas, the Chárans, the Dóms and the Márats (?). After the departure of their families, numerous engagements took place between the men of Súmra and the Sultán's army. Sahar Sultání, the Súmra commander, was slain in the field of battle, and the remainder sought safety in flight. The royal army advanced in pursuit of the women and children. From the capital, Muhammad Túr, to Kach they proceeded march by march, digging every night a deep trench round their camp, through fear of their foes.271 Such was the extent of these trenches, that, to this day, great pools still remain. When they reached the confines of Kach, Ibra Samma, the ruler of the country, fought stoutly in defence of the children and fugitives, but fell at last in the field. The women, whose countenances no stranger had ever beheld, were now surrounded on all sides. These virtuous women saw that the royal army had come to carry them into captivity, and that there was no refuge for them but in God's mercy; then, raising their hands in supplication, they exclaimed: “We have no other help, oh God! but in thee. Cause this mountain to protect us, poor helpless creatures, and save us from the hands of our cruel enemies.” The prayer of these women was heard by Him, the nearest and dearest friend: the rock burst asunder, and showed openings, through which they all entered, and before the enemy could reach the spot they were all hidden; but fragments of their garments remained without, showing where they had passed. The pursuers were struck with awe, and retraced their steps. That mountain, and traces (of this event) may be seen to this day, in the land of Kach. In short, as no man was left in Sind, among the Súmras, of sufficient power to govern the country, the Samma people set to work to cultivate new territories on another part of the river.
the town of Sámúí-ábád.
After the destruction of the power of the above-named tribe the dynasty of the Samma ruled from the beginning of the year 843 H. (1439 A.D.) until the date of the total ruin of Sind.272 The Samma people, who had been subject to the Súmras in the days of their rule, founded a town and fort below the Makalí mountain. The former they called Sámúí,272a and the latter Taghurábád, of which Jám Taghur had laid the foundation, but had left unfinished.272b Other towns and villages, still flourishing, were also built by them,—but the spots cultivated during the dominion of the former masters of the soil soon ran to waste for want of water. Lands hitherto barren, were now carefully cultivated; there was hardly a span of ground untilled. The divisions into súbas and parganas, which are maintained to the present day in the province of Tatta, were made by these people. When the labour and skill of each individual had brought the land to this state of prosperity, Jám Nanda bin Bábiniya was acknowledged by all, great and small, as their chief, and received the title of Jám, which is the name of honour among these people. Such splendour spread over what had been but dreary solitudes, that it seemed as if a new world had sprung into existence. Before his time, there was nothing worthy of being recorded, but his reign was remarkable for its justice and an increase of Muhammadanism. I have omitted none of the events which occurred in his reign and in after years, as they have been related to me by old residents of those parts. This chieftain passed his days and nights in devotion. He permitted no one man to tyrannise over another; the poor were so happy that all the day long his name was on their lips. Peace and security prevailed to such an extent, that never was this prince called upon to ride forth to battle, and never did a foe take the field against him. When, in the morning, he went, as was his custom, to his stables to look at his horses, he would caress them, kiss their feet, and exclaim: “Heaven forbid that an invader approach my dominions, or that it ever be my fate to saddle these animals, and engage in war! May God keep every one happy in his place!”
The foundation of Tatta.
After he had dwelt some time in the city of Sáí, the thought entered his mind to build, at some auspicious moment, a new town, where happiness might remain for ever. Brahmans and astrologers having settled a lucky day, and having sought a spot in the neighbourhood of Sámúí, they selected an eligible place, where now stands the city of Tatta, and there, with the assent of the Jám, the foundation was laid. A division of the land having been made, mansions and houses were constructed. In truth, at such a fortunate moment was the foundation of this place laid, that trouble and affliction have never visited its inhabitants. Contented with what they possess, they carry on their affairs in luxury and ease. The cheerfulness and happiness which reigns among these people has never yet been, nor ever will be found elsewhere. Each month has several 'Íds for them; the first Friday after the new moon, they call in their Sindí language, Máh-pahra Jum'a. Such a crowd of men and women flock, on this day, to the Makalí monntain, that there is scarce room to stand. It has become a custom, among many classes, to consider the similar festival of Máh-pahra Somár—or the first Monday in each month—a great day for making pilgrimages. The pleasure of visiting each other, induces them to go in large parties, taking with them abundance of sweet river water and food such as they can afford. The day is spent in amusements, and visits to the shrines. The reason why they take water with them is, that the rain-water found in the tanks contiguous to the tombs is brackish, owing to the nitrous nature of the soil, and consequently, though fit for oblations, is not fit to drink. When evening puts a close to these pleasures, they seek their own abode. Besides the shrine of the Shaikh of Shaikhs, Shaikh Patta, there are some ten or twelve other places, where darweshes perform their dance. These excitable men often work themselves into such a state of holy ecstacy, that they cast themselves on the rocks of the mountain of Makalí; but by the blessing of their learned doctors and teachers, no harm befalls them. This custom, however much opposed to the laws of Islam, has been transmitted from generation to generation, and all the attempts of wise teachers and just governors have never succeeded in putting a stop to it More wonderful still, is the fact that, during the rainy months, only a few showers fall on the mountain. At its summit is a pond, which they call “Kíra tal,” or sweet tank; so long as the water of the heavens fills it, men and women of all classes, Hindús and Musul-máns, crowd there from morning till night; there they cook their meals, and feast, What 'íd, what wedding can ever boast of so numerous an attendance? He alone, who has seen and tasted of these pleasures, can understand this! The custom has long prevailed among these people, and what time has sanctioned they never relinquish. Other nations possess greater wealth, and greater skill; but such light-heartedness and contentment, as to labour for one day and repose for the rest of the week, to have but moderate desires and enjoy boundless ease, this has been reserved for the people of Tatta alone.
from Lakzhír.
When Jám Nanda, son of Bábiniya had to the gratification of his friends, become the occupant of the throne of Tatta, he embellished the new city and ruled with so much justice and moderation that every citizen found happiness at his own hearth.
“That spot is Elysium where oppression comes not
Where no one interferes with another.”
One day he went out to hunt, taking with him his minister Lakzhír.275 The latter had with him a young slave named Kabúla, to whom was entrusted the care of his master's drinking-water. This boy was in reality the son of a Saiyid, but having fallen into captivity, he had been purchased by the minister. The Jám, becoming thirsty during the chase, called for water. His own water-carrier not being on the spot, the minister ordered his boy to fill a cup for the king. The lad, young in years but old in wisdom, filled the cup and threw in it some small blades of grass. The Jám put down the cup, and asked him what grass had to do in drinking water. The slave replied: “I saw your highness was very thirsty, and I feared lest you should drink too large a quantity and suffer from it in riding; I therefore put in the water these small obstacles, that you might drink in moderation.” There was nothing so wonderful in this, but the boy's destiny befriended him, and the Jám was much pleased. He took Kabúla from the minister and made him one of his personal attendants. Day by day his affection for the youth increased, and finding him possessed of sufficient abilities to administer the affairs of the kingdom, or even to govern one, he soon conferred upon him the title of Mubárak Khán and employed him in all difficult matters. He loved him better than his own children and relatives. The Jám had many good men around him, such as Wazír Dilshád, who in the year 912 H. (1506 A.D.) carried his victorious arms from Tatta as far as the city of Úch, yet Mubárak carried off from all of them the ball of good fortune, and was honoured by the king with the management of the affairs of the State in preference to his own son, Jám Fíroz. He brought the country, from Multán to the borders of Kandahár and from Kach to Makrán, into such subjection, that if at midnight one of his officers carried an order to any of the Zamíndárs and Búmiyas of these territories, it was instantly and gratefully obeyed. Such was the terror of his name in these turbulent provinces, that a pregnant woman miscarried if she heard of his approach. So far had spread the fame and dread of his incursions, that the words— “Silence, the terrible chieftain is coming,” were enough to stop the crying of a wayward child.276
When at length, after a reign of seventy-three years, Jám Nanda passed from this perishable world to the abodes of immortality, he confided the care of the kingdom, of his treasures, his family, and his son Jám Fíroz, to Daryá Khán. “The management of the affairs of this kingdom,” said the dying ruler, “devolves on thee. Discharge thy duty to Jám Fíroz with zeal and self devotion.”276a
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Sack and burning of Thatta276b
by the Firingís.
In the year 973 H. (1565 A.D.,) near the end of his life, Mirzá 'Isa Tarkhán, proceeded with his son, Mirzá Muhammad Bákí, in the direction of Bhakkar. As they drew near the town of Durbela, a dependency of Bhakkar, Mahmúd Khán, having strengthened his stronghold, sent forth his army to meet them, for, thought he, what breach of contract is this? They bring an army into my territory! What can be their object? It was the intention of Muhammad Bákí, to detach the Parganah of Durbela, from the province of Bhakkar, and to incorporate it in that of Síwán; but he was frustrated in this design by the army of Mahmúd Khán, which was powerful, and was everywhere prepared for fight. Blood had not yet been spilled, when, suddenly, news came from Thatta, that the Firingís had passed Láhorí Bandar, and attacked the city, The gates were closed, said the despatch; if the army returned without delay, the place would be delivered; otherwise, the enemy was strong, and would effect his object. This intelligence caused the Mirzá to desist from prosecuting the quarrel any further. Leaving the country under the rule of the Khán, he speedily embarked in his boats, and departed. Before he could arrive, the Firingís had sacked the city, and filled it with fire and slaughter. Many of the inhabitants had found an asylum in the Jáma' Masjid of Mír Farrukh Arghún, which they quitted, on hearing of the Mirzá's approach. The mode of the Firingís coming was as follows:—Between the town of Thatta and Láhorí Bandar is a distance of two days journey—both by land and by water; beyond this, it is another day's march to the sea. There is a small channel, (called nár in the language of Thatta), communicating with the port; it is in some places about ten tanábs wide, in others, something more. It is unfordable. Between the port and the ocean there is but one inhabited spot, called Súí Miání. Here a guard belonging to the Mír Bandar, or port-master, with a loaded piece of ordnance, is always stationed. Whenever a ship enters the creek, it intimates its approach by firing a gun, which is responded to by the guard-house, in order, by that signal, to inform the people at the port, of the arrival of a strange vessel. These, again, instantly send word of its arrival to the merchants of Thatta, and then embarking on boats, repair to the place where the guard is posted. Ere they reach it, those on the look-out have already enquired into the nature of the ship. Every vessel and trader must undergo this questioning. All concerned in the business, now go in their boats, (ghrábs) to the mouth of the creek. If the ship belong to the port it is allowed to move up and anchor under Láhorí Bandar; if it belong to some other port, it can go no further, its cargo is transferred into boats, and forwarded to the city. To be brief, when these Firingí traders had got so far, and learned that the king of the country was away on a distant expedition, they felt that no serious obstacle could be made to their advance. The Mír Bandar wished to enforce the regulations, but he was plainly told by the foreigners that they had no intention of staying at the Bandar, but that they intended to proceed on to Thatta, in the small boats (ghrábs) in which they had come. There they would take some relaxation, sell their goods, buy others, and then return. The ill-provided governor, unable to resist them by force, for their plans had been well laid, was fain to give in; so, passing beyond the Bandar, the Firingís moved in boats, up the river Sind towards Thatta, plundering as they went all the habitations on the banks. The ruler of the country being away, no one had sufficient power to arrest the progress of the invaders. They reached the city unmolested; but here the garrison, left by the Mirzá, defended the place with the greatest gallantry. A spirited contest with artillery took place on the banks of the river. In the end the defenders were overpowered; the enemy penetrated the city, and had made themselves fully masters of it, when the Mirzá arrived in all haste. As soon as they heard of his being near, with a powerful army, they loaded their boats with as much spoil as they could contain, and withdrew.278
The Mirzá, who had previously laid the foundation of a citadel for protection against the Arghúns, now deemed it necessary to encircle his palace and the whole city, with fortifications.
His reign ended with his life in the year 984 H. (1576 A.D.) His wealth and kingdom passed into the hands of his son—Muhammad Bákí.
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Extermination of the principal Inhabitants of Thatta.
Mirzá Muhammad Bákí ruled with a strong hand, and ruin fell upon the houses and property of the people. No one dared to oppose his improper proceedings. He did not consider it expedient, that any one with pretensions to eminence, learning, or genius, should be left in undisturbed tranquillity. Nobles and plebeians, men of rank, and men without rank, Saiyids, Shaikhs, Kázís and Judges, were all driven from their time-honoured abodes, and ordered to dwell without the city, as the Mirzá was of opinion that they were disaffected. To the eldest son of Míyan Saiyid 'Alí, although married to the daughter of Muhammad's brother, Mirzá Sálih, no more leniency was shown; he experienced the same treatment as the rest. Tyranny became the rule. Of the travellers from all parts who passed through the country, those whom he deemed worthy of notice were summoned to his presence. So affably were they received, and such the apparent kindness shown to them, that it served as a balm to the weariness of travel. The beguiled stranger was deluded into the belief, that, in the wide world, there could not exist so benevolent a patron to travellers. When the visitors were preparing to depart, the Mirzá would say to his Mír Bahr, or superintendent of his Boat Department, that, as the breezes of his kingdom were soft and balmy, and river-excursions tended to cheerfulness, he must place a handsome boat at their disposal. As soon as they had been thus politely enticed into the middle of the stream, a plank was taken out of the bottom of the boat, and the unhappy travellers were drowned. This was done to provent the chance of anyone talking of this favoured land elsewhere, so that the country, which had required such labour and pains to subdue, should find another conqueror. Any poor traveller, not considered fit to appear in the presence, was simply put to death.279 Such was the meanness of this prince, that, only once a week, on Thursdays, was a meal prepared in the Díwán -khána; beyond this, he gave away nothing. If he heard of any person living generously in his own house, it mattered not whether he were a relative or otherwise, a citizen or a soldier, he laid the hand of tyranny on his possessions, nor withdrew it so long as a thing was left to take. Cunning showed itself in every word he spoke. Seated in the audience-tent, hardly a moment passed, but he said to his nobles: “Bring me gold, bring me grain; let this be your sole occupation, for these form the basis of power.” The privations which he had formerly endured led him to heap treasure upon treasure, and grain upon grain. Not a corner of the citadel of Thatta but was filled with rice. Often the grain got clotted, and the heat arising therefrom occasioned spontaneous combustion, but the Mirzá would not have it removed from the fort, nor allow it to be given away. At harvest-time he held a revenue audit, and collecting all his dependents, he paid them, according to their dues, by assignments, partly in grain and partly in money. At length, one day his officers respectfully informed him that the fort was so full of old and new grain, that no room could be found for the produce of the coming harvest. The grain was getting clotted and burnt, so that it was best to assist the people with it, for, by this means, something would be saved at all events. The Mirzá replied, that they should have his answer on the morrow. During the night, he ordered some loaves to be made of clay. When the nobles came in the morning to pay their respects, the Mirzá ordered the cloth to be spread, and, contrary to custom, invited them to eat. They screwed up their courage, and wondered what evil was impending. For any officer of the state who incurred the ruler's displeasure was usually cut into pieces, which were placed in dishes, and carefully sent to his officers' houses, as a warning, to keep up a perpetual dread of his punishment. As the wondering and terrified nobles removed the dish covers, and beheld the strange-looking loaves laid out for the woeful meal, they cast glances from one to another, as if to say, what can this mean? Their host asked why they did not partake of the food before them. “You have all I can give you,” said he; “perchance you are wealthy men, and do not like my simple fare.” Impelled by fear, some of the ministers took the burnt rice-loaves. The Mirzá angrily enquired why they did not also partake of the other loaves. They replied: “Sire, your prosperity and wisdom are great: but to eat clay is difficult. In his fierce anger he became abusive, and exclaimed, “Oh! ye simpletons, how long will your wisdom ensure the welfare of my kingdom? Useless grain may at times render good service, for is it not better than clay? It may serve as food for the maintenance of life. Of what good are you, since the mere sight of clay-bread has half killed you! and you give me unsuitable advice! Have you not heard, how, when Humáyún came into this country, and Mirzá Sháh Husain Arghún laid waste the whole land, and gave orders for the sowing of grain,280 what hunger and misery were endured; how raw hides and old skins were cooked in hot water and eaten?280a”
These are facts:—It is indeed related that, at the time of the Emperor's flight and the devastation of the country by the Mirzá, extreme misery drove the men of Sind to eat their own kind. A man, having lost a cow, went with some friends to seek for it. They reached a plain where some youths, who had just come there, had placed a pot on a fire and were cooking meat. The owner of the cow and his friends took these people for thieves, and felt convinced that they were cooking some portion of the lost animal, which they had stolen. So they seized and bound them, asking what meat they were preparing, and whence they had procured it. These youths could not answer for fear, but, when the whip was applied, they found power to say that they were brothers and once had a mother. They had been dreadfully pinched with hunger. The mother, in her love, said that death was preferable to such an existence. She could not bear to see her children perish before her eyes, and besought them to kill her and satisfy the cravings of their hunger. They refrained as long as they could from such a cruel expedient, but at length, unable to contain themselves, they killed their mother, and this was her flesh in the pot. The story was not believed. The villagers said, that before they would credit it, their own eyes must have some proof. The unhappy brothers took their captors to the spot where the entrails had been thrown; this sight caused them to be more firmly bound, for the villagers maintained that some other person must have been sacrificed to their cravings, and that this was not their mother. The wretched lads supplicated and swore in vain; their punishment began; and the blows they received drew forth screams and lamentations. Then suddenly those entrails moved rapidly from the spot where they lay, and curled themselves around the feet of their tormentors. This was a warning. Suspicion at once fled before this miracle. What could it portend? An old man of the party spoke:—“These youths told us the truth. How great is the tender love of a mother, since even after death her remains come and cling to your feet pleading for the deliverance of her offspring!”
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The Mirzá sends his daughter, Sindí Begam, to the Emperor.
When the possession of the province of Bhakkar had been secured to the Emperor, by the valour of Mujáhid Ghází, the relatives of Mahmúd Khán became favourites with him. Mirzá Muhammad Bákí—who had, even before this event, entertained most extravagant fears for his own dominions—resolved to strengthen the alliance by giving his daughter in marriage to the monarch. The Mullá, whom I have previonsly mentioned, related to me, that he was one day secretly sent for by the Mirzá, who addressed him as follows:—“I have often thought, and still think, that Hazrat Jalálu-d dín Akbar Sháh is a mighty monarch. The pettiest of his officers—Mujáhid— with only fifty horsemen, has overcome Mahmúd Khán Kokaltásh, a man who can boast of an iron frame, and of strength equal to that of Isfandyár, who possesses, moreover, a strong fortress, situate between two wide rivers. What if the Emperor should send an army in this direction? desolation would spread over this peaceful land! The province of Bhakkar has been, to this time, a solid barrier against his encroachments, but it is so no longer. It will be wise, ere an army march hither, to send the Begam, accompanied by some of the chief men of this country, to wait upon the Emperor. Such an union may perhaps preserve us from the grasp of these fierce fire-eating warriors. What think you of this plan?” Being entirely and sincerely devoted to the Mirzá, the Mullá replied, that this vain proposal would certainly be attributed to want of courage and manliness. This speech proving anything but agreeable, the chieftain drew his sword, and advanced angrily towards the speaker, asking, how he dared to use such disrespectful language to him? The Mullá replied, with sincere feeling, that the Mirzá was at liberty to kill him, but that he had spoken advisedly. “Did his lord suppose the Emperor had any thought of him? What if the maiden were so little liked, as to be excluded from the royal harem, and sent back again! What shame, what dishonour would be the result! Would the prince, for the sake of a kingdom, bring disgrace upon his whole family.” At these words, the Mirzá's anger flashed like lightning; he grew restless as quicksilver, and foaming at the mouth, he exclaimed: Remove this wretch from before my eyes, lest I shed his blood this very day.” As the Mullá withdrew from his presence, he unburdened his mind of what still remained there. “To represent the true state of a case was,” he said, “the duty of a loyal servant. He had incurred his master's anger by so doing, but, even in this he felt himself happy and honoured. What imported it to him, if the Emperor sent back the princess! What recked he, if he gave her away to one of his favourites, better men than the Mirzá himself! You, he exclaimed, are a prince. You know no law but your own will: do that which shall be most pleasing to you.” This advice, bitter withal, was heard, but not heeded. The opinion of other friends, and his own prevailed. That light of the eyes was sent to the Imperial court, escorted by Saiyíd Jalál, son of 'Alí Shírází, and son-in-law of Mirzá Sálíh, Muhammad Bákí's own brother, and by Khwájá Mír Beg Diwán, provided with rich presents, and a suitable dowry. Having reached the Emperor's presence, the messengers kissed his feet, and displayed to view what they had brought. The valuables were then made over to the treasurer, but that most precious gem of all, that paragon of virtue, was introduced into the seraglio. There, the powerful monarch, prince of all things, cast but once a momentary glance on the countenance of this fair and nobly-born maiden, after which he would not see her again. He said to himself, that the daughter of Muhammad Bákí was not283 of a good disposition, and that he would send her to some other person's harem. Some Arghúns, of the same descent as the Begam, and who had sought to escape from death at the emperor's court, endeavoured, notwithstanding her father and brothers' enmity, to avert an event which would, they thought, lower the dignity of their family. In defence of the honour and good name of their kinswoman, they represented to the Emperor, that never, to that day, had any member of their house experienced such unkind treatment from former rulers. Let the monarch of the world honour them with his universal benevolence, and send back the maiden to that wretch athirst for the blood of his brethren—who, if the monarch acceded to their wishes, would be under an obligation to them. The order of the Emperor, irresistible as the decree of fate, went forth, that Sindí Begam should be sent back to her father at Thatta.
Father's.
At the time the Emperor was taking leave of the Begam, he ordered an elephant for her use, and bid her return to her father, whose ancestors, from father to son, had been vassals of the crown. He also added, that a small tract of land had been assigned to the princess; who, he hoped, would, at the appointed hour of prayer, pray for his welfare and the increase of his prosperity. The party left. A despatch had already been forwarded to the Mirzá, in which all these events had been detailed. He might, it was said, consider them as arrived. They had been placed in most critical circumstances, but providence had vouchsafed to preserve his name from disgrace. The Mullá relates that he was sent for by the Mirzá, who threw him the document itself, saying: “Read this sad news; what you foretold has come true.” He perused the despatch of the nobles escorting the Begam, and found it was even so. He said, “Peace be with you, oh mighty lord! bow down your head humbly before the One incomparable Being; render thanks unto God, who has vouchsafed to maintain your honour, and be grateful to your blood-thirsty brethren, the Arghúns, as long as you live. Be kind to those of them still left here, and thus dispel the old enmity subsisting between you. The Mirzá, rendered wise and devout at length, was pleased with this speech, and said a few words which he deemed appropriate in thanksgiving. He also sent epistles to the Arghúns, wherever they could be heard of, calling upon them to lose no time in returning; and promising that compensation for their former sufferings should be afforded them to the utmost of their wishes. Some of them were slow to return, being doubtful of the chief's intentions; others, in whose hearts still lived the recollections of their fatherland, were content to brave even death. The excessive kindness they experienced proved a balm to the wounds of past persecutions, and surpassed their expectations.
About this time the Jágírdárs of the province of Bhakkar, owing to the Emperor's approach, resolved to send their army into the province of Síwán. This territory often suffered from their depredations, but they now sought to take it from the Mirzá. Fat'h Khán, a slave, ruled that province, but he had made a Hindú called Júna his agent; and to any person wishing to address him on affairs of the state, he stupidly said: “I know nothing of this: go to Júna.” His son Abú-l Fat'h led a most dissipated life. He clothed his companions in female apparel, with bracelets on their arms, and kept them hidden in his own abode. He would not eat of food on which a fly had lighted. His associates were usually made to bring many kinds of dishes, and by this means, he plundered them. From the 13th to the 16th of every month his friends were called together, and the time was spent in debauchery. Whole nights passed in the enjoyment of sweetmeats, fruit, and wine; he gave presents to his guests and attendants. But of all his absurdities this was the greatest: if a flight of birds happened to be pointed out to him, he commenced counting them, throwing in the air either a larí285 or a Firingí gold coin as each passed by. In short, as this miserable state of things prevailed, the Mirzá resolved, in order to put a stop to it, to remain himself at the head of affairs in the capital, and send away his children to the frontier and the provinces.
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Lakkí mountain.
When the illustrious Khán, leaving Bhakkar behind him, arrived in Síwán, his first though was to invest and capture the fort before proceeding any further; but, after-consideration showed him that no substantial benefit could accrue from the possession of a few mud walls, until both the capital Thatta and the ruler of the country were in his hands. The root is the support, not the branches. The Nawwáb thought it best to leave a detachment behind and move onwards in person with the remainder. This plan was carried into execution. Leaving under his officers some ships which he considered equal to the destruction of the fort, the Khán marched against Mirzá Jání Beg.
When he drew near the Lakkí mountain, which wise men hold to be the key of the country, what a sight opened upon him. From the river Sind, stretching away towards the setting sun, rose the above-named mountain, its summits high as the star Aiyúk, and along the face of it ran a path narrower than a hair. Those who pass over climb like a string of ants. If ten resolute men defended this passage, not the world combined could dislodge them, without suffering severely from the stones they could throw down. Adjoining these mountains are many others, on which dwell the tribes of the Bulúch and Nahmrúí, of the Jokiya and Jat, extending as far as Kích (Kíz?) and Makrán. To the eastward of the river are the Mawás and the Samíja tribes, spread as far as the sand-hills of Amarkot; and these are men who have never acknowledged a master. For an army to pass in either of these directions is impracticable. The Nawwáb made enquiries about the country and was greatly troubled with what he heard, for if an ambuscade were laid in the valley it would be exceedingly difficult for him to proceed, this being the key of the whole country. Just as orders had been issued for this post to be fortified (as by this means, and by well-laid plans, a secure advance might be made) it was discovered that the enemy had taken no measures to defend the pass. The Khán was delighted, and exclaimed that the star of the monarch of the world had indeed outshone that of these people, since they neglected to make a stand in so formidable a position; of a certainty now the country had passed away from their hands. When this saying reached the ears of the Mirzá (Jání Beg), keen indeed was his regret for the neglect he and his counsellors had been guilty of. “Truly,” said he, “have we committed a great fault of generalship. In short, the Khán advanced without meeting with any obstacle, and, in presence of the Mirzá, threw up an intrenchment and constructed batteries. Morning and evening, valiant, lion-hearted youths, worthy descendants of Mars, came forth from both sides. With such activity did destiny send forth death to do its work in the field, that no symptom of backwardness appeared there; energy filled every breast, as the warriors strove their utmost. The happy star of the Emperor, and his own genius, inspired the Nawwáb to send detachments against various places in the same way that he had encompassed Mirzá Jání Beg and the fort of Síwán. Sháh Beg Khán was selected to act against the fort of Sháhgar, in the province of Nasrpúr, where resided Abú-l Kásim. Another party of veterans was told off to march into the Jágir country, against the fort of Nírankot. In this war, for every province of the country a force was appointed, although it was not despatched.
Mirzá Jání Beg Sultán made this agreement with his soldiers, that every one of them who should bring in an enemy's head should receive 500 gabars, every one of them worth twelve mírí's, called in the Mirzá's time, postanís, of which seventy-two went to one tanka. The poor people of Sind, already prepared to give their lives for their lord, were pleased with this show of kindness, and went out daily to bring in heads or lose their own. This style of warfare continued for several months. Giriya, the Hindú, who well knew how matters stood, and the state of the treasury, and had a regard to future exigencies, gradually reduced the reward from 500 to fifty gabars. Even for this small sum, the starving people were content to throw themselves without hesitation against the scimitars of the foe. The greater number fell in these contests, and the treasury became empty, so that day by day, the state of the people and of the country grew worse. Mirzá Jání Beg found his only safety in protracting the struggle, and sent forth his young men on all sides to distract the enemy. Hearing that treasure was on its way by land to the Nawwáb Khán's camp, he sent Abú-l Kásim, son of Sháh Kásim Arghún, with a body of spirited youths, Moghals and Sindís, to attack it. This chieftain, when he drew near the convoy, about the middle of the night, hid himself with his men, and sent a small party to fall upon the enemy's rear with a great clamour. The enemy all turned against these men, but Abú-l Kásim, with the remainder, entered their camp, carried off the treasure, and slew the foremost of the foe. Sultán Khusrú Charkas likewise attacked them with his boats, according to a previously concocted scheme, by which a body of picked men was to remain on board, whilst another advanced by land, The Nawwáb also had made suitable dispositions. The Mirzá's chieftains, who were anxious for Khusrú's defeat, sent the armed force in the boats, but kept back the party which had been selected for the land attack. The hostile fleets drew up in the opposite lines, and a discharge of cannons and muskets, shells, and rockets, wheels, and every kind of fire missiles commenced on both sides. The scattering flames and sparks shone on the water like a fiery mountain, and such clouds of smoke ascended, that the vaulted heavens became as it were the roof of a furnace. The sun sheltered itself in the smoke from the fierceness of the heat, and was eclipsed. Sight could not pierce the thick clouds, and breath failed from the density of the atmosphere. At length the boats ran foul of each other. The rings and grapnels, which were made in order to drag away the enemy's boats, now began to be used. So violent a struggle ensued, that the waves were crimsoned with the blood of those whom the guns had destroyed. By the help of their friends on shore the Khán's party triumphed, and their adversaries fled. Khusrú Charkas was taken in his boat along with several other vessels, when, at that moment, Charkas Daftír, the chief of the merchants of Firang, who repaired yearly to Thatta from Hurmúz, came fluttering like a moth around this furnace, and running his boat into the midst of the fray, succeeded in rescuing Khusrú from his captors; but the attempt cost both of them their lives. When both sides were satiated with blood they withdrew to their tents, and applied balm to their wounds. It was at length resolved to abandon stratagem and fight in the open plain, where victory would fall to the brave.288
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