History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 1

VIII.

ABÚ 'ABDU-LLAH MUHAMMAD was born at Ceuta, in Morocco, towards the end of the 11th century. He was member of a family which descended from an ancestor named Idrís, and so came to be known by the name of Al Idrísí. This family furnished a line of princes for Morocco in the 9th and 10th centuries, and the branch from which Idrísí sprung ruled over the city of Malaga. Idrísí travelled in Europe, and eventually settled in Sicily at the court of Roger II. It was at the instance of this prince that he wrote his book on geography. He cites in his preface the various authors whose works he had employed in the compilation of the book. Further information was derived from travellers, whose verbal statements he compared and tested; and M. Reinaud quotes the Biographical Dictionary of Khalílu-s Safadí to the effect that men of intelligence were specially commissioned to travel and collect information for his use. The full title of the work is, Nuzhatu-l Mushták fi Ikhtiráku-l Áfák, “The Delight of those who seek to wander through the regions of the world.” A full translation of the whole work into French was published at Paris in 1836 and 1840 by M. Jaubert, and from this the following Extracts have been done into English. Idrísí's work met with very early attention. An abridgment of the text was published at Rome in 1592, and a Latin translation was printed at Paris in 1619, entitled “Geographia Nubiensis, id est accuratissima totius orbis in septem climata divisi descriptio continens, prœsertim exactam universœ Asiœ et Africœ, in Latinum versa a Gabriele Sionita et Joanne Hesronita.” Hart-mann in 1796 published at Gottingen, from the abridgement, “Edrisii descriptio Africœ.” The description of Spain was translated into Spanish by Conde in 1799, and the portions relating to Africa and Spain have just been published with a translation by M.M. Dozy and de Goeje. Zenker, in his Bibliotheca Orientalis, mentions translations of other detached portions.

M. Reinaud, in his Introduction to Aboulfeda, has remarked that in M. Jaubert's translation, “Beaucoup de noms de lieux sont altérés,” and it is true that there are some variants, such as Túbarán for Túrán, and Bána for Tánna; but the old Latin translation presented generally the same differences; the variants therefore seemed to exist in the text, and not to be attributable to the translator. A cursory examination of the two MSS. in the Bodleian has confirmed this view, for Jaubert's translation was found to give a generally accurate reproduction of the names as they stand in these MSS. A careful comparison of the texts would, no doubt, lead to some corrections, and, indeed, a few will be noticed in the following pages; but the more important variants are fully supported by the Oxford MSS. The maps contained in Graves' MS. show some differences from the text; thus Túrán is found instead of Túbarán; but the maps are written in a more modern hand, quite different from the rest of the book. The text is continued on the backs of these maps in the ordinary hand, but it may nevertheless have been written long before the maps were filled in. At any rate the scribes were different men, and such differences as that noticed above leads to the conclusion that the maps were not derived from the text with which they are incorporated.

EXTRACTS.

FIRST CLIMATE. Section X.—The greatest king of India is the Balhará, which signifies “king of kings.” After him comes the Makamkam, whose country is Sáj. Next the king of Sáfan or Tában, then the king of Jába, then the king of Juzr, and then the king of Kámrún, whose states touch China.

⁷⁶ The Indians are divided into seven castes. The first is that of the Sákriya, These are the most noble; from among them kings are chosen, and from no others. All the other castes pay homage to them, but they render homage to no one. Next come the Brahmans, who are the religious class. They dress in the skins of tigers and other animals. Sometimes one of them, taking a staff in his hand, will assemble a crowd around him, and will stand from morn till eve speaking to his auditors of the glory and power of God, and explaining to them the events which brought destruction upon the ancient people, that is, upon the Brahmans. They never drink wine nor fermented liquors. They worship idols (whom they consider to be) able to intercede with the Most High. The third caste is that of the Kastariya, who may drink as much as three ratls^76a of wine, but not more, lest they should lose their reason. This caste may marry Brahman women, but Brahmans cannot take their women to wife. Next comes the Shardúya, who are labourers and agriculturists; then the Basya, who are artizans and mechanics; then the Sabdáliya (or Sandaliya), who are singers, and whose women are noted for their beauty; and, lastly, the Zakya, who are jugglers, tumblers, and players of various instruments. Among the principal nations of India there are forty-two sects. Some recognize the existence of a Creator, but not of prophets; while others deny the existence of both. Some acknowledge the intercessory powers of graven stones, and others worship holy stones, on which butter and oil is poured. Some pay adoration to fire, and cast themselves into the flames. Others adore the sun, and consider it the creator and director of the world. Some worship trees; others pay adoration to serpents, which they keep in stables, and feed as well as they can, deeming this to be a meritorious work. Lastly, there are some who give themselves no trouble about any kind of devotion, and deny everything.

SECOND CLIMATE. Section VII.—The towns described in this seventh section⁷⁷ are Kia, Kír, Armáyíl, Kasr-band, Fírabúz, Khúr, Kambalí, Manhábarí,^77a Debal, Nírún, Mansúra,^77b Wándán, Asfaka, Darak, Másúrján, Fardán, Kírkáyán, Kadírá, Basmak, Túbarán [Túrán], Multán, Jandúr, Sandúr, Dúr, Atrí,^77c Kálarí, Nírá, Mas-wám, Sharúsán,^77d Bánía, Mámhal, Kambáya, Súbára, Sabdán, and Saimúr.^77e In that part of the sea which is comprised in the present section, there are the isle of Sára, the two rocks of Kasair and 'Awair, that of Dardúr, the island of Debal, in which the town of Kaskihár, is situated; the isles of Aubkín, Mind, Kúlam-mali, and Sindán. All these countries are inhabited by people of different religions, customs, and manners. We will state all that we have ascertained for certain on this subject, confiding in Divine help.

The beginning of this section comprises, starting from the east, the shores of the Persian Gulf, and towards the south the town of Debal. This is a populous place, but its soil is not fertile, and it produces scarcely any trees except the date-palm. The highlands are arid and the plains sterile. Houses are built of clay and wood, but the place is inhabited only because it is a station for the vessels of Sind and other countries. Trade is carried on in a great variety of articles, and is conducted with much intelligence. Ships laden with the productions of 'Umán, and the vessels of China and India come to Debal. They bring stuffs and other goods from China, and the perfumes and aromatics of India. The inhabitants of Debal, who are generally rich, buy these goods in the bulk, and store them until the vessels are gone and they become scarce. Then they begin to sell, and go trading into the country, putting their money out on interest, or employing it as may seem best. Going towards the west there are six miles between the mouth of the great Mihrán and Debal. From Debal to Nírún, on the west of the Mihrán, three days' journey. Nírún is half way between Debal and Mansúra, and people going from one town to the other here cross the river.

Nírún is a town of little importance, but it is fortified, and its inhabitants are rich. Trees are rare. From hence to Mansúra rather more than three days.

Mansúra, the city last mentioned, is surrounded by a branch of the Mihrán, although it is at a distance from the river. It is on the west of the principal branch of the river which flows from its source to Kálarí, a town situated one days' journey from Mansúra. At Kálarí it divides—the principal branch runs towards Mansúra, the other flows northward as far as Sharúsán [Sadúsán], it then turns westwards and rejoins the chief stream, forming henceforward only one river. The junction takes place twelve miles below Mansúra. The Mihrán passes on to Nírún, and then flows into the sea. Mansúra occupies a space of a mile square. The climate is hot. The country produces dates and sugar-canes in abundance. There are hardly any other fruits, if we except one, a sort of fruit called laimún, as big as an apple and of a very sour taste, and another which resembles the peach both in shape and taste. Mansúra was built at the beginning of the reign of Al Mansúr, of the 'Abbáside family, This prince gave his name (“the victorious”) to four different cities, as a good augury that they might stand for ever. The first was Baghdad in 'Irák; the second, Mansúra in Sind; the third, Al Masísa, on the Mediterranean; the fourth, that of Mesopotamia. That of which we are now speaking is great, populous, rich, and commercial. Its environs are fertile. The buildings are constructed of bricks, tiles, and plaster. It is a place of recreation and of pleasure. Trade flourishes. The bazars are filled with people, and well stocked with goods. The lower classes wear the Persian costume, but the princes wear tunics, and allow their hair to grow long like the princes of India. The money is silver and copper. The weight of the drachma (dínár) is five times that of the (ordinary) drachma. The Tátariya coins also are current here. Fish is plentiful, meat is cheap, and foreign and native fruits abound. The name of this city in Indian is Mírmán, It is considered one of the dependencies of Sind, like Debal, Nírún, Bánía, Kálarí, Atri, Sharúsán, Jandaur, Manhábarí [Manjábarí], Basmak and Multán.

Bánía is a little town. The inhabitants are of mixed blood and are rich. Living here is cheap and agreeable. From Bánía to Mansúra, three days, to Mámhal six, to Debal two. From hence to Mámhal and Kambáya the country is nothing but a marine strand, without habitations and almost without water; consequently, it is impassable for travellers.

Mámhal is situated between Sind and India. Upon the confines of the desert just mentioned there dwells a hardy race called Mand [Med]. They graze their flocks to within a short distance of Mámhal. These people are numerous. They have many horses and camels, and they extend their incursions as far as Dur [Alor] upon the banks of the Mihrán, and sometimes they penetrate even as far as the frontiers of Makrán.

Dur [Alor] is situated on the banks of the Mihrán, which runs to the west of the town. It is a pleasant place, and worthy of comparison with Multán as regards size. From thence to Basmak, three days; to Atri [Annarí], four days; and from thence to Kálarí, two days.

Kálarí, upon the west bank of the Mihrán, is a pretty town, well fortified, and is a busy trading place. Near it the Mihrán separates into two branches; the largest runs towards the west as far as the vicinity of Mansúria, which is on the west bank; the other runs towards the north-west, then to the north, and then towards the west. Both again unite at the distance of about twelve miles below Mansúria. Although this town [Kálarí] is some distance out of the regular route, still it is much frequented in consequence of the profitable trade carried on with the inhabitants. From hence to Mansúra is a hard day's journey of forty miles. From Kálarí to Sharúsán, three days.

Sharúsán [Sadúsán] is remarkable for its size and for the number of its fountains and canals, for the abundance of its productions and for its rich commerce. It is much resorted to. From Sharúsán to Manhábarí [Manjábarí], a town placed in a hollow, well built, of a pleasant aspect, surrounded with gardens, fountains, and running waters, the distance is three days. From the latter place to Fírabúz,⁸⁰ six days. From Manhábarí to Debal, two days. In going from Debal to Fírabúz the road passes by Manhábarí, and between these two places it runs through Khúr, a small but populous town.

Fírabúz^80a is a town of which the inhabitants are rich. They carry on a good trade, they are men of their word and enemies of fraud, and they are generous and charitable. It belongs to the province of Makrán, as do the towns of Kír, Darak, Rásik (inhabited by schismatics), Bah, Band, Kasr-band, Asfaka, Fahlafahra, Maskan, Tíz, and Balbak.

Makrán is a vast country, but the greater part of it is desert and poor. The largest of its towns is Kírúsí, which is nearly as large as Multán. Palm-trees are plentiful there; the land is cultivated, and and a good deal of trade is carried on. On the west of it lies Tíz, a small sea-port much frequented by the vessels of Fárs, as well as by those which come from the country of 'Umán and the isle of Kísh, which is situated in the Persian Gulf at a long day's sail distance. From Tíz to Kír [Kíz], five days. From Kír to Fírabúz, two long days' journey.

Between Kír [Kíz] and Armaïl there are two districts which touch each other; one called Ráhún depends on Mansúria, and the other named Kalwán is a dependency of Makrán. These two districts are tolerably fertile, and they produce a few dates, but the inhabitants rely mainly on their flocks. Whoever wishes to go from Fírabúz to Makrán must pass by Kír. From thence to Armáïl, a dependency of Makrán, two days' journey.

Armáïl is nearly as large as Fírabúz. It is well peopled, and its environs are pleasant. The inhabitants are rich. From Armáïl to Kanbalí, two days' journey. Kanbalí competes with Armáïl in respect of size, wealth, and population. It is about a mile and a half from the sea. Both these places are situated between Debal and Makrán.

Darak is a populous trading town, three days' journey from Fírabúz. South-west of Darak there is a high mountain, which is called the mountain of salt, because nearly all the water which runs from it is saline. There are habitations here. From Darak to Rásak, three days' journey.

The inhabitants of Rásak are schismatics. Their territory is divided into two districts, one called Al Kharúj, the other Kír Káyán. The sugar-cane is much cultivated, and a considerable trade is carried on in a sweetmeat called fániz, which is made here. The cultivation of sugar and the manufacture of this sweetmeat are extensively pursued at Máskán and in the district of Kasrán. The people of Máskán, Jaurán, and Túbarán, are for the most part schismatics. The territory of Máskán joins that of Kirmán. The inhabitants have a great reputation for courage. They have date trees, camels, cereals, and the fruits of cold countries. The people of Makrán speak Persian and a dialect peculiar to the province. They wear the tunic, the gown with sleeves, the cloak, waistcloth, and the mantle embroidered with gold, like the inhabitants of 'Irák and Persia.

Fahlafahra, Asfaka, Band, and Kasri-band are dependencies of Makrán, which resemble each other very much in point of size, the nature and extent of their trade, and the state of their population. From Fahlafahra to Rasak, two days. From Fahlafahra to Asfaka, two days. From Asfaka to Band, one day towards the west. From Asfaka to Darak, three days. From Band to Kasri-band, one day. From Kasri-band to Kia, four days. From Mansúria to Túbarán, about fifteen days.

Túbaran [Túrán] is near Fahraj, which belongs to Kirmán. It is a well fortified town, and is situated on the banks of a river of the same name (Túbarán), which are cultivated and fertile. From hence to Fardán, a commercial town, the environs of which are well populated, four days. Kírkáyán lies to the west of Fardán, on the road to Túbarán. The country is well populated and is very fertile. The vine grows here and divers sorts of fruit trees, but palms are not to be found. From Túbarán to Mustah,⁸¹ a town in the midst of the desert, where many camels and sheep are bred, three days. From Túbarán to Multán, on the borders of Sind, ten days.

Multán is close upon India; some authors, indeed, place it in that country. It equals Mansúra in size, and is called “the house of gold.” There is an idol here, which is highly venerated by the Indians, who come on pilgrimages to visit it from the most distant parts of the country, and make offerings of valuables, ornaments, and immense quantities of perfumes. This idol is surrounded by its servants and slaves, who feed and dress upon the produce of these rich offerings. It is in the human form with four sides,⁸² and is sitting upon a seat made of bricks and plaster. It is entirely covered with a skin like red morocco, so that the eyes only are visible. Some maintain that the interior is made of wood, but others deny this. However it may be, the body is entirely covered. The eyes are formed of precious stones, and upon its head there is a golden crown set with jewels. It is, as we have said, square, and its arms, below the elbows, seem to be four in number. The temple of this idol is situated in the middle of Multán, in the most frequented bazar. It is a dome-shaped building. The upper part of the dome is gilded, and the dome and the gates are of great solidity. The columns are very lofty and the walls coloured. Around the dome are the dwellings of the attendants of the idol, and of those who live upon the produce of that worship of which it is the object. There is no idol in India or in Sind which is more highly venerated. The people make it the object of a pious pilgrimage, and to obey it is a law. So far is this carried, that, when neighbouring princes make war against the country of Multán, either for the purpose of plunder or for carrying off the idol, the priests have only to meet, threaten the aggressors with its anger and predict their destruction, and the assailants at once renounce their design. Without this fear the town of Multán would be destroyed. It is not surprising, then, that the inhabitants adore the idol, exalt its power, and maintain that its presence secures divine protection. Being ignorant of the name of the man who set it up, they content themselves with saying that it is a wonder. Multán is a large city commanded by a citadel which has four gates and is surrounded by a moat. Provisions are abundant, and the taxes are light, so that the people are in easy circumstances. It bears the name of “the house of gold Farkh,” because Muhammad bin Yúsuf, brother of Hajjáj, found forty bahárs of gold (a bahár weighs 333 minas⁸³) concealed there in a house. Farkh and Bahár have the same signification. The environs of this city are watered by a little river which falls into the Mihrán of Sind.

At one mile from Multán is Jandúr [Jand-rúd]—a collection of forts strongly built, very high, and well supplied with fresh water. The governor passes the spring time and his holidays here. Ibn Haukal states that in his time the governor used to go every Friday from these castles to Multán mounted upon an elephant, according to an ancient usage. The greater part of the population is Musul-mán, so also is the judicial authority and the civil administration.

Sandúr is situated three days' journey south of Multán. It is famous for its trade, wealth, sumptuous apparel, and the abundance which prevails on the tables of the inhabitants. It is considered to form part of India, and is situated on the banks of a river which falls into the Mihrán above Samand. Going from Multán towards the north there is a desert which extends as far as the eastern boundary of Túbarán. From Multán to the vicinity of Mansúra the country is occupied by a warlike race, called Nadha. It consists of a number of tribes scattered about between Túbarán Makrán, Multán, and Mansúra, like the Berber nomads. The Nadhas have peculiar dwellings, and marshes in which they take refuge, on the west of the Mihrán. They possess excellent camels, and, particularly, a sort which they breed, called Karah. This is held in high esteem in Khúrasán and the rest of Persia. It resembles the camel of Balkh and the female camel of Samar-kand, for it is of good temper and has two humps; not like the camels of our countries, which have only one. From Mansúra to the confines of Nadha six days. From the confines of Nadha to the city of Kír [Kíz] about ten days. From Nadha to Tíz, at the extremity of Makrán, sixteen days. The town which the Nadhas most frequent for buying, selling, and other matters, is Kandáïl. Kír Káyán is a district known by the name of Aïl,^83a inhabited by Musulmans and other people dependant on the Nadhas of whom we have just spoken. The country produces corn, raisins, fruits, camels, oxen, and sheep. It bears the name of Aïl, because a man of that name conquered it (in ancient times), and laid the foundation of its prosperity. From Kandáïl to Mansúra about ten days.

The towns of Khúr Kakhlia, Kúsa, and Kadírá belong to Sind. The last two are about equal in size, and carry on some trade with the Nadhas. On Túbarán there are dependent—Mahyak, Kír Káyán, Súra, Fardán, Kashrán, and Másúrján. Between Túbarán and Mansúra there are vast deserts, and on the north, towards Sijistán, there are countries which are equally barren, and which are difficult of access.

Masúrján is a well-peopled commercial town, surrounded with villages, and built upon the banks of the river of Túbarán, from which town it is forty-two miles distant. From Masúrján to Darak-yámúna, 141 miles is the computed distance. From Darak-yámúna to Fírabúz or Fírabús, 175 miles.

The countries of India which touch upon Sind are—Mámhal, Kambáya, Súbára, Khábírún, Sindán, Masúya, Saimúr, and the maritime isles of Aubkín, Mand, Kulam-Malí, and Sindán. The towns of India are very numerous; among them may be mentioned Mámhal, Kambáya, Súbara, Asáwal, Janáwal, Sindán, Saimúr, Jándúr, Sandúr, Rúmala; in the desert: Kalbata, Aughasht, Nahrwára, and Laháwar.

Mámhal is by some numbered among the cities of India; by others among those of Sind. It is situated at the extremity of the desert which stretches between Kambáya, Debal, and Bánía. It is a town of moderate importance on the route of travellers passing from Sind to India. But little trade is carried on here. The environs are peopled, and produce small quantities of fruit; but there are numerous flocks. From hence to Mansúra, through Bánía, is considered nine days. From Mámhal to Kambáya, five days.

Kambáya stands three miles from the sea, and is very pretty. It is well known as a naval station. Merchandise from every country is found here, and is sent on from hence to other countries. It is placed at the extremity of a bay, where vessels can enter and cast anchor. It is well supplied with water, and there is a fine fortress erected by the government of India to prevent the inroads of the inhabitants of the island of Kísh. From Kambáya to the isle of Aubkín, two-anda-half days' sail. From Aubkin to Debal, two days. Kambáya is fertile in wheat and rice. Its mountains produce the Indian kaná. The inhabitants are idolaters (Buddhists). From hence to the island of Mand, the inhabitants of which are thieves, the passage is six miles. To Kúlí on the shore, also six miles; and to Súbára, about five days.

Súbára is situated one-and-a-half mile from the sea. It is a populous, busy town, and is considered one of the entrepôts of India. They fish for pearls here. It is in the vicinity of Bára, a small island, on which some cocoa-nut trees and the costus grow. From Súbára to Sindán is considered five days.

Sindán is a mile-and-a-half from the sea. It is populous, and the people are noted for their industry and intelligence. They are rich and of a warlike temper. The town is large, and has an extensive commerce both in exports and imports. East of Sindán there is an island bearing the same name and dependent on India. It is large and well cultivated, and the cocoa-nut palm, kaná, and rattan grow there.

Saimúr, five days from Sindán, is a large well-built town. Cocoanut trees grow here in abundance; henna also grows here, and the mountains produce many aromatic plants, which are exported.

Five miles by sea (from Kúlam Malí) lies the island of Malí, which is large and pretty. It is an elevated plateau, but not very hilly, and is covered with vegetation. The pepper vine grows in this island, as in Kandarína and Jirbatan, but it is found nowhere else but in these three places. It is a shrub, having a trunk like that of the vine; the leaf is like the convolvulus, but longer; it bears grapes like those of the Shabúka, each bunch of which is sheltered by a leaf which curls over when the fruit is ripe. White pepper is what is gathered as it begins to ripen, or even before. Ibn Khurdádba states that the leaves curl over the bunches to protect them from the rain, and that they return to their natural position when the rain is over—a surprising fact!

Kambáya, Súbára, Sindán, and Saimúr form part of India. The last named belongs to a country whose king is called Balhárá: his kingdom is vast, well-peopled, commercial, and fertile. It pays heavy taxes, so that the king is immensely rich. Many aromatics and perfumes are produced in this country.

The name (or rather the title) of Balhárá means king of kings. It is hereditary here as in other parts of the country, where, when a king ascends a throne he takes the name of his predecessor and transmits it to his heir. This is a regular custom from which these people never depart. There is the same rule with the kings of Nubia, Zanj, Ghána, Persia, and in the Roman empire, in respect of the hereditary descent of names. The work of 'Ubaidu-llah Ibn Khurdádba contains a passage concerning this which is worth quotation:—“Kings,” he says, “generally bear hereditary titles,—thus those of China have been called Bághbúgh (or Bághbún) for centuries, and the title descends in regular order. Among the kings of India there are the Balhárá, Jába, Táfir, Hazr [Juzr] 'Ábat, Dumi [Rahmí] and Kámrún. These names are taken only by the prince who reigns over the province or country, no other has any right to assume them, but whoever reigns takes the name. Among the Turks, the Tibetans, and the Khazars, the king is called Khákán, but among the Khizlij he takes the title of Khai Khúya which is hereditary. In the Ránah the kings are called Fanjab. In the Roman empire they take the title of Cæsar, which descends upon all those who wield the supreme power. Among the Aghzaz they are called Shái Shá, or king of kings, a title hereditary like the rest. Finally, among the Persians they are called Kásra [Chosroes]. Among the people who dwell in the Súdán the names of the kings are derived from their countries,—thus the ruler of Ghána is called Ghána, the king of Kaugha is called Kaugha. But enough upon this subject.”

Among the towns of India comprised in the present section are Khábírún and Asáwal, both of them populous, commercial, rich, industrious, and productive of useful articles. At the time we write, the Musulmans have made their way into the greater part of these countries and have conquered them. Please God we will hereafter describe those which are on their frontiers and some others.

EIGHTH SECTION.—The present section contains a description of part of the coast of India, comprising Barúh [Barúch], Sindápúr, Bána [Tánna], Kandarína, Jirbatán, Kalkáyán, Lúluwá, Kanja, Samandirún,—and in the interior of the country, Dúlaka, Janáwal, Nahrwárá, Kandahár, Rúmala, Kalbata and Aghushta, on the borders of the deserts; Kábul, Khawás, Hasak, Murídas, Mádiyár, Tatta, Dadah [Darh], Maníbár [Malabar], Malwa, Niyásat, Atrásá, Níja, Kashmír the Lower, Maidara, Kármút, Kashmír the Upper, Kanauj, Rástána, and the islands of the Indian Sea, Mallan, Balbak, Tarwáklij, Masnaha and Samandár. We shall describe all these countries without omitting anything remarkable or curious that they may afford.

Barúh [Barúch, Broach] is a large handsome town, well-built of bricks and plaster. The inhabitants are rich and engaged in trade, and they freely enter upon speculations and distant expeditions. It is a port for the vessels coming from China, as it is also for those of Sind. From hence to Saimúr is considered two days' journey, and to Nahrwára eight days through a flat country where they travel in carriages on wheels. In all Nahrwára and its environs there is no other mode of travelling except in chariots drawn by oxen under the control of a driver. These carriages are fitted with harness and traces, and are used for the carriage of goods.

Between Barúh and Nahrwára there are two towns, one called Hanáwal (or Janáwal), the other Dúlaka. They are about equal in size, and are somewhat less than a day's journey distant from each other. Dúlaka is on the banks of a river which flows into the sea, forming an estuary, on the west of which stands the town of Barúh, (the name of which is also pronounced Barús), Both these towns stand at the foot of a chain of mountains which lie to the north, and which are called Úndaran,⁸⁷ they are of a white colour approaching to yellow. The kaná grows here as well as a few cocoa nut trees. In the vicinity of Hanáwal (or Janáwal) stands the town of Asáwal,^87a which is very much like the other two both in size and in the condition of its population. A good trade is carried on in all three.

Nahrwára is governed by a great prince who bears the title of Balhará. He has troops and elephants; he worships the idol Buddha; wears a crown of gold upon his head, and dresses in rich stuffs. He rides a good deal on horseback, but especially once a week when he goes out attended only by women, one hundred in number, richly clad, wearing rings of gold and silver upon their feet and hands, and their hair in curls. They engage in various games and in sham fights, while their king marches at their head. The ministers and the commanders of the troops never accompany the king except when he marches against rebels, or to repulse encroachments made upon his territories by neighbouring kings. He has numerous elephants, and these constitute the chief strength of his army. His power is hereditary, so also is his title Balhará, which signifies king of kings. The town of Nahrwára is frequented by large numbers of Musulman traders who go there on business. They are honourably received by the king and his ministers, and find protection and safety.

The Indians are naturally inclined to justice, and never depart from it in their actions. Their good faith, honesty and fidelity to their engagements are well known, and they are so famous for these qualities that people flock to their country from every side; hence the country is flourishing and their condition prosperous. Among other characteristic marks of their love of truth and horror of vice. the following is related:—When a man has a right to demand anything of another, and he happens to meet him, he has only to draw a circular line upon the ground and to make his debtor enter it, which the latter never fails to do, and the debtor cannot leave this circle without satisfying his creditor, or obtaining the remission of the debt.

The inhabitants of Nahrwára live upon rice, peas, beans, haricots, lentils, másh, fish, and animals that have died a natural death, for they never kill winged or other animals. They have a great veneration for oxen, and by a privilege confined to the species, they inter them after death. When these animals are enfeebled by age, and are unable to work, they free them from all labour and provide them with food without exacting any return.

The people of India burn their dead and do not raise tombs for them. When the king dies they construct a vehicle of an appropriate size, and raised about two palms above the ground. On this they place the bier surmounted by the crown, and the corpse, clad in all its funeral ornaments, being laid upon the bier, it is dragged by slaves all round the city. The head is uncovered and the hair drags upon the ground. This is done that every one may see (the corpse), and a herald goes before uttering, in the Indian language, words of which the following is the sense,—“People! behold your king, so and so by name, son of so and so. He lived happily and mightily for so many years. He is no more, and all that he possessed has escaped from his hands. Nothing now remains to him and he will feel no more pain. Remember, he has shown you the way which you must follow.” This being said, when all the ceremonies are concluded, they take the corpse to the place where the bodies of kings are burnt, and commit it to the flames. These people do not grieve and lament very much on these occasions. In all the countries of Hind and Sind there are Musulmans and they bury their dead secretly by night in their houses, but like the Indians they do not give way to long lamentations.

In the country of the Balhará concubinage is permitted with all persons except married women. Thus a man may have intercourse with his daughter, his sister, or his aunts, provided they be unmarried.

Opposite the sea-port town of Barúh lies the island of Mullan, which produces pepper in large quantities, and is two days' journey from Sindán. From Sindán to Balbak is also two days. Balbak produces cocoa nuts, figs, bananas, and rice. It is here that vessels change their courses for the different islands of India. From hence to the place called Great Abyss they reckon two days. From the island of Balbak to that of Sarandíb is one day or more.

From the town of Barúh, along the coast, to Sindábúr four days. Sindábúr is situated on a great gulf where ships cast anchor. It is a commercial town, and contains fine buildings and rich bazars. From hence to Bána [Tánna] upon the coast four days.

Bána [Tánna] is a pretty town upon a great gulf where vessels anchor and from whence they set sail. In the neighbouring mountains the kaná and tabáshír grow. The roots of the kaná which are gathered here are transported to the east and to the west. The tabáshír is adulterated by mixing it with ivory cinders, but the real article is extracted from the roots of the reed called sharkí, as we have already said. From Bána [Tánna] to Fandarína⁸⁹ is four days' journey. Fandarína is a town built at the mouth of a river which comes from Manibar [Malabar] where vessels from India and Sind cast anchor. The inhabitants are rich, the markets well supplied, and trade flourishing. North of this town there is a very high mountain covered with trees, villages, and flocks. The cardamom grows here, and forms the staple of a considerable trade. It grows like the grains of hemp, and the grains are enclosed in pods. From Fanda-rína to Jirbatan, a populous town on a little river, is five days. It is fertile in rice and grain, and supplies provisions to the markets of Sarandíb. Pepper grows in the neighbouring mountains. From Jirbatan to Sanji and Kaikasár two days. These are maritime towns near to each other; the neighbourhood produces rice and corn. From hence to Kilkáyán one day. From Kilkáyán to Lulu and to Kanja one day. The vicinity is fertile in rice and wheat, and produces sapan wood abundantly. The growth of this tree resembles that of the oleander. Cocoa nut trees abound. From Kanja to Samandár thirty miles.

Samandár is a large town, commercial, and rich, where there are good profits to be made. It is a port dependant upon Kanauj, king of this country. It stands upon a river which comes from the country of Kashmír. Rice and various grains, especially excellent wheat, are to be obtained here. Aloe wood is brought hither from the country of Kármút [Kamrúp?] 15 days' distance, by a river of which the waters are sweet. The aloe wood which comes from this country is of a superior quality and of a delicious perfume. It grows in the mountains of Káran. One day's sail from this city there is a large island well peopled and frequented by merchants of all countries. It is four days distant from the island of Sarandíb. To the north, at seven days' distance from Samandár, is the city of Kashmír the inner, celebrated throughout India, which is under the rule of Kanauj. From Kashmír to Kármút four days. From Kashmír to Kanauj about seven days. This is a fine commercial city which gives its name to the king of the country. It is built upon the banks of a large river which falls into the Musala.⁹⁰

This river Musala is called by the author of the Book of Marvels, the River of Perfumes. It rises in the mountains of Káran, washes the walls of the town of Asnánd, passes the foot of the mountain of Lúniya, then by the town of Kilkayán, and at length falls into the sea. Many aromatics are produced upon its banks, as its name indicates. Between Rasnánd and Kashmír the outer, there are four days journey. Kashmír is reckoned among the number of the most celebrated cities. Its inhabitants war with the infidel Turks, and they often suffer injury from the Khizilji Turks. Atrásá, which stands upon the banks of the Indian Ganges,⁹¹ is four days journey from Kashmír the outer. It is large, well-built, well watered, and one of the strongest places of Kanauj, the limits of which extend as far as Kábul and Laháwar. The Kanauj is a king who has numerous armies under his command, a vast empire and a great number of elephants; no king in India has so many. His power and his wealth are great, and his armies formidable. From Atrásá to Yánásat [Benares?], a large city, also on the bank of the Ganges, five days. From thence to Madiar on the Ganges seven days. This is a rich commercial town, populous, and surrounded by numerous villages. From thence to Nahrwára on the west bank of the Ganges, and of which we have already spoken, seven days. From Madiar to the city of Malwa five days.

Malwa is a pleasant town, and much frequented. It is surrounded with many villages, buildings, and farms. Among the number of its dependencies are Dadh (Darh) and Tata. From Malwa to Dadh four days. From Dadh to Tata two days. Lahor is a country which joins^91a the latter. From Morídas to Tata three days.

Morídas, a commercial town, is a very strong place, garrisoned by the troops of Kábul. It is situated on the declivity of a very high mountain, on which grow the kaná and khaizuran.

Kandahár is a city built in the mountains of which we have just spoken, eight days' journey from Morídas, and the road from one place to the other passes over the mountains. It is a considerable town, and well-peopled. The inhabitants are remarkable for the manner in which they allow their beards to grow. Their beards are large and very thick, and hang down to their knees. This has given rise to a proverbial saying. They are stout in person, and wear the Turkish costume. The country produces wheat, rice, various grains, sheep, and oxen. They eat sheep which have died a natural death, but not oxen, as we have already observed. From Kandahár to Nahrwára is five days' journey in carriages. The people of Kandahár are often at war with those of Kábul, which is an Indian city, large and well built, bordering upon Tukháristán. The mountains produce excellent aloe wood, and the neighbourhood supplies cocoa nuts and myrobolans, which grow in the hills, and of that sort which is called Kábuli, from this town. In the lowlands saffron is largely cultivated, and is the object of a large export trade. It is a hazardous crop, depending upon the state of the atmosphere. The city of Kandahár is defended by a very strong citadel built upon a scarped rock, and is accessible by one road only. It is inhabited by Musulmáns, and there is a quarter in which the infidel Jews dwell. No king can take the title of Sháh until he has been inaugurated at Kábul. According to an ancient law, the assumption of power must be made in that city, hence it is resorted to from foreign and very distant countries. In the fertile lands of Kábul a good deal of indigo is cultivated of the very best quality, it has a great repute, and is the object of a great trade. Cotton cloths are also made here, and are exported to China, Khurásán, and Sind. There are some well-known iron mines in the mountains of Kábul. The metal is of a grey colour, and veined—it becomes very sharp.

Arzalán, Khawás, and Khibar are dependencies of Kábul, with divers villages and fortified places. From Kábul to Khawás four days. From Khawás to Hasak five days. From Hasak to Kábul, through a tolerably level country, three days. From Kábul to Kalbata four days. Kalbata and Rúmala are on the borders of the desert which separates Multán from Sijistán. They are both towns of middling size, inhabited by Sindians, Indians, and a few natives of Sijistán. They produce wheat, rice, and fruits in small quantities. The drinking water is obtained from fountains and wells. Cotton cloths are made here, and sold in the country round. At the east of Multán is the town of Aughasht, four days' journey from Kandahár, and the same from Multán. A small quantity of kaná grows in the environs. The inhabitants are few but rich. From Aughasht to Rúmala ten days. From Rúmala to Kalbata three days. From Aughasht to Sandúr three days.

This is the sum of what we had to say about the country comprised in the present Section. As to the maritime portion, what we have already said about the islands seems sufficient. Nevertheless, it is well to know that, starting from the island of Sarandíb, of which we have spoken under the first climate, with the intention of gaining the continent by the shortest course, Jirbátan⁹³ is the place to land at, for this is but little more than half a day's sail. If it is necessary to go towards the east, the landing must be made at Kaikasár, or at the foot of the mountain of Umri, which is very high, stretches towards the north, and forms a large reef in the sea. From this reef to Sarandíb is about four days. All this well-known mountain is covered with sapan wood, which is exported. The root of the sapan quickly soothes the pain caused by the bite of serpents.

IX.

Zakaríya son of Muhammad son of Mahmúd is surnamed Kazwíní, from the town of Kazwín or Kasbín in Persia, where he was born. He was not a traveller, but compiled his works from the writings of Istakhrí, Ibn Haukal, and others, whom he regularly cites as his authorities. His works were written just after the middle of the thirteenth century, about 661 A.H. (1263 A.D.) according to Casiri, or 674 (1275 A.D.) according to Haji Khalfa. He has been called the Pliny of the East. He was author of the work called 'Ajáibu-l Makhlúkát wa Gharáibu-l Maujudát, “Wonders of things created, and marvels of things existing,” also of the Ásáru-l Bilád wa Akhbáru-l 'Ibád, “Monuments of countries, and memoirs of men.” A few extracts have been taken from the last work, containing matter derived from other sources than the books previously quoted.

M. Reinaud, in his introduction to Aboulfeda, ascribes to Kazwíní the authorship of the work called 'Ajáibu-l buldán, “Wonders of Countries.” He found the contents of this work to be in the main identical with those of the Asáru-l bilád, but containing more biographical notices. This opinion is confirmed by a short Persian account of a work called “Bahru-l buldán,” which is among Sir H. Elliot's MSS., and seems to have been written expressly for him. There is no copy of the work itself among the MSS., though Sir H. Elliot must once have had one in his possession. The notice says, “The Bahru-l buldán is not a distinct work, but is a Persian translation of the Ásáru-l Bilád wa Akhbáru-l 'Ibád, well known in the world by the name 'Ajaibu-l buldán, written in Arabic by Zakaríya bin Muhammad Kazwíní.” It is curious, however, that the 'Ajáibu-l buldán⁹⁵ is frequently quoted by Kazwíní in the Ásáru-l bilad, as being the work of Mis'ar bin Muhalhil,—a traveller who went to China and India about 331 A.H. (942 A.D.). Several instances of this will be found in the following extracts. It is hard to believe that Kazwíní thus quoted his own work, or that he would refer the authorship of his own book to another person. If then, Kazwíní is really the author of a work called 'Ajáibu-l buldán, it is only reasonable to conclude that he adopted the title of his predecessor's work. Mis'ar bin Muhalhil is quoted by Yákút in his great Dictionary, and the fragments which he and Kaz-wíní preserved have been selected and published with a Latin translation by M. Kurd de Schlœzer.^95a There is another Persian translation of the Ásáru-l bilád among Sir H. Elliot's MSS., bearing the title “Sairu-l bilád.” This MS. is called an “abstract,” and was copied, and perhaps “abstracted,” expressly for Sir H. Elliot, from a copy in the possession of Mr. J. Bardoe Elliott. The articles relating to India are given in full, but the others are greatly abbreviated. This work is said to be very scarce.

EXTRACTS.

KÚLAM.—A large city in India. Mis'ar bin Muhalhil, who visited the place, says that he did not see either a temple or an idol there. When their king dies the people of the place choose another from China. There is no physician in India except in this city. The buildings are curious, for the pillars are (covered with) shells from the backs of fishes. The inhabitants do not eat fish, nor do they slaughter animals, but they eat carrion. They manufacture clay vessels, which are sold in our cities like those of China, but they are not the same, because the clay of China is harder than that of Kúlam, and bears the fire better. The vessels of Kúlam are blackish, but those of China are whiter than all others. There are places here where the teak tree grows to a very great height, exceeding even a hundred cubits. Brazil wood, ratans, and kaná also grow here in abundance. Rhubarb grows here, the leaves of which are the Sázaju-l Hindí, Indian leaf, and are held in high esteem as a medicine for the eyes. They bring here various sorts of aloe wood, camphor, and frankincense. Aloe wood is also brought hither from the islands beyond the equator, where no one has ever gone and seen the tree. Water comes into it from the north. There is a mine of yellow sulphur here, and a mine of copper, the condensed smoke of which makes excellent vitriol.

MULTÁN.—[Kazwíní quotes Istakhrí at some length, but gives additional particulars from other writers.] Mis'ar bin Muhalhil says that it is the last city of India bordering on China.⁹⁶ It is a large fortified and impregnable city, and is held in high esteem by the Hindus and Chinese, for it contains a temple which is for them a place of worship and pilgrimage, as Mecca is for the Muham-madans. The inhabitants are Musulmans and infidels, but the government is in the hands of the former. The infidels have a large temple there and a great idol (budd). The chief mosque is near this temple. Islám prevails there, and its orders and interdicts are obeyed. All this is related by Mis'ar bin Muhalhil * * * The same author says that the summit of the temple is 300 cubits [zará'], and the height of the idol is 20 cubits. The houses of the servants and devotees are around the temple, and there are no idol worshippers in Multán besides those who dwell in these precincts [kasr] * * * The ruler of Multán does not abolish this idol, because he takes the large offerings which are brought to it, and disburses certain sums to the attendants for their maintenance. When the Indians make an attack upon the town, the Musulmáns bring out the idol, and when the infidels see it (about to be) broken or burnt, they retire. Ibnu-l Fakíh says that an Indian came to this idol, and placed upon his head a crown of cotton, daubed with pitch; he did the same with his fingers, and having set fire to it he staid before the idol until it was burnt.

SAIMÚR.—A city of Hind near the confines of Sind. The people are very beautiful and handsome, from being born of Turk and Indian parents. There are Musulmáns, Christians, Jews, and Fire-worshippers there. The merchandize of the Turks is conveyed hither, and the aloes called Saimúrí are named from this place. The temple of Saimúr is an idol temple, on the summit of a high eminence, under the charge of keepers. There are idols in it of turquoise and baijádak,⁹⁷ which are highly venerated. In the city there are mosques, Christian churches, synagogues, and Fire temples. The infidels do not slaughter animals, nor do they eat flesh, fish, or eggs; but there are some who will eat animals that have fallen down precipices, or that have been gored to death, but they do not eat those that have died a natural death. This information has been derived from Mis'ar bin Muhalhil, author of the 'Ajáibu-l buldán, who travelled into various countries and recorded their wonders.

SOMNÁT.—A celebrated city of India, situated on the shore of the sea, and washed by its waves. Among the wonders of that place was the temple in which was placed the idol called Somnát. This idol was in the middle of the temple without anything to support it from below, or to suspend it from above. It was held in the highest honour among the Hindus, and whoever beheld it floating in the air was struck with amazement, whether he was a Musulman or an infidel. The Hindus used to go on pilgrimage to it whenever there was an eclipse of the moon, and would then assemble there to the number of more than a hundred thousand. They believed that the souls of men used to meet there after separation from the body, and that the idol used to incorporate them at its pleasure in other bodies, in accordance with their doctrine of transmigration. The ebb and flow of the tide was considered to be the worship paid to the idol by the sea. Everything of the most precious was brought there as offerings, and the temple was endowed with more than 10,000 villages. There is a river (the Ganges) which is held sacred, between which and Somnát the distance is 200 parasangs. They used to bring the water of this river to Somnát every day, and wash the temple with it. A thousand brahmans were employed in worshipping the idol and attending on the visitors, and 500 damsels sung and danced at the door—all these were maintained upon the endowments of the temple. The edifice was built upon fifty-six pillars of teak, covered with lead. The shrine of the idol was dark, but was lighted by jewelled chandeliers of great value. Near it was a chain of gold weighing 200 mans. When a portion (watch) of the night closed, this chain used to be shaken like bells to rouse a fresh lot of brahmans to perform worship. When the Sultán Yamínu-d Daula Mahmúd bin Subuktigín went to wage religious war against India, he made great efforts to capture and destroy Somnát, in the hope that the Hindus would then become Muhammadans. He arrived there in the middle of Zí-l k'ada, 416 A.H. (December, 1025 A.D.). The Indians made a desperate resistance. They would go weeping and crying for help into the temple, and then issue forth to battle and fight till all were killed. The number of the slain exceeded 50,000. The king looked upon the idol with wonder, and gave orders for the seizing of the spoil, and the appropriation of the treasures. There were many idols of gold and silver and vessels set with jewels, all of which had been sent there by the greatest personages in India. The value of the things found in the temples of the idols exceeded twenty thousand thousand dínárs.⁹⁸ When the king asked his companions what they had to say about the marvel of the idol, and of its staying in the air without prop or support, several maintained that it was upheld by some hidden support. The king directed a person to go and feel all around and above and below it with a spear, which he did, but met with no obstacle. One of the attendants then stated his opinion that the canopy was made of loadstone, and the idol of iron, and that the ingenious builder had skilfully contrived that the magnet should not exercise a greater force on any one side—hence the idol was suspended in the middle. Some coincided, others differed. Permission was obtained from the Sultán to remove some stones from the top of the canopy to settle the point. When two stones were removed from the summit the idol swerved on one side, when more were taken away it inclined still further, until at last it rested on the ground.

TAIFAND.—An impregnable fortress upon the summit of a mountain in India, to which there is only one way of access. On the top of this mountain there is water, cultivated land, and all necessary food. Yamínu-d daula Mahmud bin Subuktigín in the year 414 A.H. (1023 A.D.) besieged it for a long time, but at length reduced its garrison to extremities. There were 500 elephants on the mountain. The garrison asked quarter, and it was granted, and the fortress was confirmed to its master on payment of tribute. The lord of the fortress presented many gifts to the Sultán, among which was a bird in the form of a dove. When food containing poison was presented to this bird, tears would fall from its eyes, and the tear drops were converted into stone, which stone being broken and placed upon a wound, it would heal up. This bird is found only in this place, and does not thrive elsewhere.

HISTORIANS OF SIND.

I.

MUJMALU-T TAWÁRÍKH.

[A PORTION of this most interesting unique work was published by M. Reinaud, in his Fragments Arabes et Persans inedits relatif à l Inde, from the MS. numbered 62 in the Bibliothèque du Roi at Paris. The MS. has been described in the Journal Asiatique at different times, by M. Quatremère and M. Mohl, and it had been previously drawn upon by Anquetil Duperron and Silvestre de Sacy.]

[The chapter published by M. Reinaud, with which we are here concerned, was not written by the author of the Mujmal himself, but was borrowed by him from an older work, of which he thus speaks,—“I have seen an ancient book of the Hindus which Abú Sálih bin Shu'aib bin Jámi' translated into Arabic from the Hindwání language (Sanskrit). This work was translated into Persian in 417 A.H. (1026 A.D.) by Abú-l Hasan 'Ali bin Muhammad al Jílí,¹⁰⁰ keeper of the library at Jurján for a chief of the Dílamites. The book I saw was in the handwriting of the author, and bore the date above given. It is the custom of the Hindu writers on philosophy to put speeches into the mouths of beasts and birds, as in the book Kalíla wa Dimna, and accordingly many such speeches are introduced into this book. I have here introduced the (account of the) origin of the kings and a short history of them, and I have copied it because it is not to be found anywhere else—but God knows.”]

[The date of the original Arabic translation does not appear; it may or may not have been written before the work of Biládurí, but the “extracts” relate to an ancient period, and more especially to Sind, so that they come in most appropriately here at the beginning of the historical writings. The date of the Persian translation, and still more that of the Mujmal, would carry them onward to a later and less suitable position.]

M. Reinaud is of opinion that the translated Sanskrit work was composed about the commencement of the Christian era, certainly long previous to the Rája Taranginí, and probably to the Mahá-bhárata; and that the subsequent reputation of that poem threw the translated work into the shade. If so, it would go far to show that the Mahá-bhárata is, as Wolfe and Heyne say of the Iliad, a collection of older poems already current; for there are many passages in Mujmalu-t Tawáríkh which are almost verbatim the same as they are at present preserved in the Mahá-bhárata. Indeed, it might be said that the Mahá-bhárata was itself the work translated by the Arab, had not animals been represented as the speakers.

The learned Editor also thinks he has discovered in this extract indications of the Bráhmanical influence being established over the Kshatriyas, at an epoch subsequent to the war between the Pándavas and Kauravas. The inference, however, rests upon very questionable grounds, so questionable, indeed, that we are tempted to exclaim, as the pious Persian translator does at the end of each Indian fable recorded by him, “God only knows the truth!”

The author of the “Mujmalu-t Tawáríkh,” says that his father was the compiler of an historical work, and that he himself had written a history of the Barmekides from their origin to their extinction. M. Quatremère and M. Mohl say that his name is unknown, and give his pedigree as grandson of Muhallib bin Muhammad bin Shádí. He was a traveller; for he tells us that he had visited the tombs of Daniel, Ezekiel, and Jonas, and certain ancient buildings in Persia and Babylonia. He informs us that he commenced his book A.H. 520 (A.D. 1126), during the reign of Sanjar, son of Malik Sháh, Sultán of the Saljúkís, but he must have lived long after this, for he records an event of A.H. 589 (A.D. 1193.)

His work is a chronological abridgment of universal history to the sixth century of the Hijrí. He quotes several rare authorities and makes a critical use of them. The topic on which he appears to have exercised most of his researches is the history of Persia, on which subject he promises to write hereafter a more detailed account. He gives many curious and circumstantial details on geography, derived not only from books, but from his own personal observation.

The Persian translation, which he quotes from Abú-l Hasan, is badly executed, being much too literal, and without any pretensions to style; and the same neglect of the most ordinary grace and embellishment has been observed in the author's own composition, in the portions which are original.

The authorities he quotes are the history of Tabarí, the Sháh-náma, Garshasp-náma, Farámarz-náma, Bahman-náma, Kúshpíl-dandán, Abú-l Muayyid Balkhí, Hamza Isfahání, and some others. He says that he quotes these in original, although they will be found to agree but little with one another, in order that his readers may know all that has been said upon the subjects he discusses; that he abridges their prolixities, and discards their quotations in verse; that if ever he quotes poetry, it is on account of its intrinsic excellence, or its peculiar adaptation to the subject he had to illustrate.

“The transactions of the kings of Persia,” he continues, “are the only ones which I propose to recount at length, because that country is placed in the centre of the universe, because it forms one quarter of the habitable globe, because it is the cradle of the human race, because it is the residence of the kings of the fourth climate, because other portions of the globe, such as China, India, Zanj, Arabia, Greece, and Turkistán are not to be compared to Írán, nor is any other country, whether east, west, north, or south,—because, moreover, in reading the history of Persia, any one can at the same time instruct himself respecting the state, position, peculiarities and marvels of other countries.”

This work, therefore, as far as it goes, may be considered an introduction to the History of Persia, and that the author completed the entire work cannot be doubted, because he constantly alludes to the details which he has given in the subsequent part. The discovery of the complete work would be a matter of congratulation. It was at one time the intention of M.M. Saint Martin and J. Mohl to publish the Mujmal with a commentary, and there is great cause to regret that the death of the former interrupted the project.

The work, as at present preserved, consists of twenty-five chapters, of which many comprise merely chronological tables, such as those of the Prophets, kings of Rúm, Arabs, Sámánides, Buwaihides, Ghaznivides, Saljúkians, and Greeks, but enters into more particulars respecting the Hindú kings of India, the ancient kings of Persia, Muhammad, and the Khalifs, celebrated tombs, and Muhammadan cities. Without the last chapter, which is missing, the Manuscript contains 305 folios.¹⁰³

EXTRACTS.

HISTORY OF THE JATS AND MEDS.—As an account of the Jats and Meds is given in the first part of the original work, I shall commence mine by making them the subject of it.

The Jats and Meds¹⁰⁴ are, it is said, descendants of Ham. They dwelt in Sind and (on the banks of) the river which is called Bahar. By the Arabs the Hindús are called Jats. The Meds held the ascendancy over the Jats, and put them to great distress, which compelled them to take refuge on the other side of the river Pahan, but being accustomed to the use of boats, they used to cross the river and make attacks on the Meds, who were owners of sheep. It so came to pass that the Jats enfeebled the Meds, killed many of them, and plundered their country. The Meds then became subject to the Jats.

One of the Jat chiefs (seeing the sad state to which the Meds were reduced) made the people of his tribe understand that success was not constant; that there was a time when the Meds attacked the Jats, and harassed them, and that the Jats had in their turn done the same with the Meds. He impressed upon their minds the utility of both tribes living in peace, and then advised the Jats and Meds to send a few chiefs to wait on king Dajúshan [Duryodhana], son of Dahrát [Dhritaráshtra], and beg of him to appoint a king, to whose authority both tribes might submit. The result of this was satisfactory, and his proposition was adopted. After some discussion they agreed to act upon it, and the emperor Dajúshan nominated his sister Dassál [Duhsalá], wife of king Jandrát [Jayadratha], a powerful prince, to rule over the Jats and Meds. Dassal went and took charge of the country and cities, the particulars of which and of the wisdom of the princess, are detailed in the original work. But for all its greatness, and riches and dignity, there was no bráh-man or wise man in the country. She therefore wrote a long letter to her brother for assistance, who collected 30,000 bráhmans from all Hindústán, and sent them, with all their goods and dependents, to his sister. There are several discussions and stories about these bráhmans in the original work.

A long time passed before Sind became flourishing. The original work gives a long description of the country, its rivers and wonders, and mentions the foundation of cities. The city which the queen made the capital, is called Askaland.^104a A small portion of the country she made over to the Jats, and appointed one of them as their chief; his name was Júdrat. Similar arrangements were also made for the Meds. This government continued for twenty and some¹⁰⁵ years, after which the Bhárats lost possession of the country.

* * * * * * *

ACCOUNT OF THE FALL OF THE PÁNDAVAS AND HISTORY OF BRAHMÍN.^105a —Injustice was the cause of the fall of the dynasty of the Pándavas. Fortune had grown indifferent towards them, and they ended by becoming tyrants. One day they carried off the cow of a brahman, and were about to kill him, when the brahman warned them, and said, “I have read in books that the prosperity of the Pándavas will fall when they shall kill a brahman for the sake of a cow—do not kill me.” They did not heed him, but killed both him and the cow. That brahman had a son named Brahmín, a strong and tall man, who dwelt upon a mountain. When he heard of this nefarious business he arose, and said to himself, I will go and take away the sovereignty from the Pándavas, for they have killed a cow, (and) a brahman: the words of the sages cannot prove false, so the time of the fall of their dominion is come. Men laughed at him, but a party assembled round him. He took a city, and his power increased day by day, until he had a large army; and he went on capturing cities until at length he reached the city of Hatná,^105b which was the capital. Kúyáhúrat marched out to the battle, but was slain, and Brahmín assumed the sovereignty. Wherever he found any one of the race of the Pándavas he slew him. But a few escaped, who concealed their extraction, and employed themselves as butchers and bakers, or in similar crafts. Brahmín acquired the whole of Hindústán. They say that a daughter of Bol [Nakula], son of Pandu, went to him, and gave him such counsels as induced him to desist from slaying the Pándavas. But he put them all in prison until a large number was collected, when as a condition of their deliverance¹⁰⁶ he made them follow certain trades, so that no one would give their daughters to them, or take theirs, or associate with them. He proclaimed this throughout his dominions. Their position was lowered to such a degree, that they took to the occupation of musicians. It is said that the Hindu lute players belong to this family; but God knows.

HISTORY OF SUNÁGH.—They say that Brahmín felt remorse for the slaughter of so many persons, and said, I substitute worship on the summit of a mountain for the slaughter of men. One day a brahman named Fásaf [Kasyapa] came to him and admonished him. Brahmín said, It is even so; I myself repent, and I will now give this kingdom to thee. Fásaf said, It is no business of mine; but Brahmín replied, Do thou receive it from me, and appoint some one over it by thy own authority. There was a servant named Sunágh, and him Fásaf seated on the throne. Brahmín then returned to the scene of his devotions. Sunágh practised justice and equity, and pursued a worthy course. The sovereignty remained in his family until fifteen kings had sat upon the throne. Then they became tyrants, and the sovereignty departed from them. This was in the reign of Gustásf, king of Persia. It is said that in the life-time of this Gustásf, Bahman led an army to Hindústán and took a portion of it; as to the other parts every one (that could) seized a corner. No one of the family (of Sunágh) retained any power. Bahman founded a city between the confines of the Hindús and the Turks, to which he gave the name of Kandábíl, and in another place, which they call Budha, he founded a city which he called Bahman-ábád. According to one account this is Mansúra; but God knows. At this time he returned to Persia, when he received the news of the death of Gustásf, and assumed the crown. This account I found in this book, but I have not read it elsewhere. The mother of Bahman is said to have been of Turk extraction; but God knows.

HISTORY OF THE KINGDOM OF KASHMÍR AND HÁL.—It is said that Hál was the descendant of Sanjwára, son of Jandrat and of the daughter of King Dahrát. He inherited in Hindústán the dominion which had been occupied by Jandrat and Dassal and their descendants. He became a very important personage, and built a fine capital and several cities. His country was remarkable for the superior quality of the cloth that was manufactured there. The exportation of this fabric, without the stamp of the king, was prohibited. This stamp was an impression of his foot with saffron.¹⁰⁷

It happened that the wife of the king of Kashmír bought some of that cloth, and having made up a dress of the same, she appeared before her husband, who at the sight of the stamp got jealous, and asked her whence she got the cloth, and what stamp was on it. His wife replied that she had bought it from a merchant. The merchant was sent for, and the king made enquiries about it. The merchant said that the stamp on the cloth was an impression of king Hál's foot.^107a On hearing this the king of Kashmír swore he would go and cut off the foot of king Hál. His Wazír observed,— “that place is the land of the brahmans, you will gain no victory there.” The king of Kashmír did not heed this advice, but marched out with his army. When Hál heard of the king of Kashmír's intentions, he was alarmed; he sent information to the bráhmans and told them the king of Kashmír's threat, and said it behoved them therefore to throw obstacles in his way. The bráhmans offered up their prayers, and counselled him to have an elephant made of clay, and to have it placed in front of the battle-field. Hál did so, and when the king of Kashmír's soldiers advanced under their commander-in-chief, flames burst from the elephant and burnt many of them.

The king of Kashmír was then compelled to sue for peace, (at the conclusion of which,) Hál sent many presents to him. And the king of Kashmír, in order to fulfil his oath, cut off the leg of an image made of wax, and returned by the river.^107b He was advised not to proceed by water on account of its turbulence. In compliance with this advice he travelled along the bank (sáhil) until he reached a stage some parasangs distant from the country of Kashmír, when the waters subsided.¹⁰⁸ In that place he built many houses and villages. The sea in Hindí is called Sávandar^108a (Samu-dra). Hence that place was called Sávandí, and it exists to this day. He also built temples and superb cities in many places. At length, intelligence of an enemy came to him from Kashmír, he then returned to his country, and suppressed his foes. The Government remained for a length of time in the hands of his descendants, and all the Hindús were obedient to them. In the country of Sind there were three kings, until at length the territory of the Hindús came under the authority of King Kafand, after he had by his valour subdued them. A bráhman had blessed him and said that the whole sovereignty should devolve upon him.

HISTORY OF KING KAFAND.^108b —This Kafand was not a Hindú, but through his kindly disposition and equity all became obedient to him. He made fine speeches and praised the Hindús and their country. He raised their hopes by his virtues, and realised them by his deeds. He was cotemporary^108c with Alexander the Greek. He had visions, of which he asked the interpretation from a brahman, and he sought peace from Alexander, to whom he sent his daughter, a skilful physician, a philosopher, and a glass vase.^108d In the Sháh-náma he is called Kaid the Hindú. This story will also be related in the life of Alexander. When the information of the brahman reached the Hindús,¹⁰⁹ Kafand sent a person to Sámíd, his brother, directing him to go to Mansúra with the brahman, and expel Mahra^109a the Persian from those places which Bahman had conquered, and to erect idol temples in place of fire-temples. Sámíd called (to his assistance) Hál, king of Hindústán, and they marched against Mahra the Persian, and warred with him until he fled into the city. For three years Mahra remained in the fortress, but when no prospect of success was left he ordered a tunnel to be dug, and they carried this (subterraneous passage) to a place called Kiyátasa. He then ordered posts to be fixed in the ground on the top of the fortress, and arms and helmets to be placed upon them, so that they looked like sentries. He then retired with the whole of his force through the tunnel, and marched towards the Turks, whose king gave him refuge. After some days crows perched upon the helmets, and the soldiers of Sámíd perceiving this the truth was made known. The gates were then opened, and the people of the city described the departure of Mahra the Persian. So after the lapse of some years Sámíd returned victorious to his own country. Alexander came to India after this transaction.

After Kafand had departed his son Ayand ascended the throne, and he divided the country of Sind into four parts. One king he established at 'Askalandúsa.^109b Upon another he bestowed the country of Zor to which Anj [Uch?] is attached. Three other countries of the kingdom of Sáníd [Sámíd] he bestowed upon another.^109c Fourthly, he consigned the countries of Hindústán, Nadama, and Lohána separately upon another. This was after the time of Hál.¹¹⁰ When the life of Ayand reached its limit, his son Rásal became king. He reigned for some time, until one rose up against him and expelled him from the kingdom. Rásal (then) went southwards, and established himself there. He had two sons, one named Rawwál, and the younger Barkamárís.

HISTORY OF RAWWÁL AND BARKAMÁRÍS.—When Rásal died his eldest son Rawwál assumed the sovereignty. It happened that a certain king had a daughter of great intelligence. Wise and learned men had declared that the man who should marry this girl should become king of the four climes.^110a All the kings and princes of the Hindus sought her, but no one pleased her except Barkamárís, who was very handsome. When Barkamárís brought her home his brother said, as she pleased you so does she please me. Then he took the girl with her handmaids. Barkamárís said to himself “The damsel chose me for my wisdom and there is nothing better than wisdom.” So he gave himself up to study, and associated with the learned and the brahmans, till he reached such perfection that he had no equal.

When the rebel who had expelled their father (Rásal) heard the story of the damsel, he said “Can they who do such things occupy such a position?” So he led an army and put Rawwál to flight. Rawwál with his brothers and nobles all went to the top of a mountain where a strong fortress had been built. Then they set guards on the summit and felt secure. But the enemy got possession of the mountain by stratagem, and besieged the fort, and was near upon taking it. Rawwál then sent to sue for peace, and his enemy said— “Send me the girl, and let every one of your chiefs send a girl. I will give these girls to my officers,—then I will withdraw.” Rawwál was dejected, but he had a wazír, blind of both eyes, named Safar, of whom he enquired what was to be done. He advised him to give up the women and save his life. He might then take measures against his enemy, but if he lost his life what would be the good of children and wife, and riches. They resolved upon this course, but just at this juncture, Barkamárís came in, and after making his salutation, said, “I and the king are sons of the same father; if he will acquaint me with his opinion, it may be that I may be able to suggest something,—do not take my youth into consideration.” So they informed him of the facts. He then said, “It seems proper that I should stake my life for the king: let an order be given for me to be dressed like a woman, and let all the officers dress their sons in like manner as damsels, and let us each conceal a knife in our hair, and carry a trumpet also concealed; then send us to the king. When we are brought before the king they will tell him that I am the damsel, he will keep me for himself and give the others to his officers. When the king retires with me I will rip up his belly with the knife and sound the trumpet. When the other youths hear this they will know that I have done my work, and they must also do theirs. All the officers of the army will thus be slain. You must be prepared, and when you hear the trumpet, you must sally forth with your soldiers and we will exterminate the foe.” Rawwál was delighted and did as was proposed. It succeeded, not one of the enemy's horsemen escaped, all were slain and cast down from the mountain. Rawwál's power increased.

[The Wazír excites the king's suspicions against Barkamárís, who feigns madness.]

One day in the hot season, Barkamárís was wandering barefoot about the city, and came to the gate of the king's palace. Meeting no hindrance he entered, and found his brother and the damsel sitting on a throne sucking sugar cane. When Rawwál saw him he observed that there could be no porters at the gate, otherwise the poor mendicant would never have got in. Taking pity on him, he gave him a bit of sugar cane. The mendicant took it, and picked up a piece of the shell of the cane to scrape and clean it with. When the king saw that he wanted to clean the cane, he told the damsel to give him a knife. She rose and gave the knife to Barkamárís, who cleaned the sugar cane with it, and craftily watched until the king was off his guard. Then he sprung upon him, and plunging the knife into his navel, ripped him up. After that he seized his feet and dragged him from the throne. He next called the wazír and the people, and seated himself on the throne amid the plaudits of the people. He burnt the body of the king, took back the damsel and married her, and restored order.

Then he called the wazír and said “I know that it was you who counselled my brother in his dealings with me, but this was no fault nor is it blameable. It was God's will that I should be king, so continue to govern the kingdom as you did for my brother.” Safar replied, “You have spoken the truth, all that I did was for the good and advantage of your brother, not out of enmity to you. But I have now resolved upon burning myself, and cannot do as you desire. I was with your brother in life, and I will be with him in death.” Barkamárís told him that he wanted him to write a book on the duties of kings, on government and justice. Safar consented, and wrote the book, which is called “Adabu-l Mulúk,” “Instruction of Kings.” I have¹¹² transcribed it in this book, for I have written an abstract of it. When it was finished he took it to Barkamárís and read it, and all the nobles admired and praised it. Then he burnt himself. The power of Barkamárís and his kingdom spread, until at length all India submitted to him. Such was Barkamárís. I have related all the facts just as I found them.

II.

THIS work is in the Leyden University Library, and has been described by Hamaker, at pp. 7 and 239 of his “Specimen Catalogi, Codd MSS. Orientalium,” An abstract of it is given in an appendix contained in the third volume of Dr. Gustave Weil's Geschichte der Chalifen, and the entire chapter on the conquest of Sind, has been edited by M. Reinaud in the Journal Asiatique for February 1845, reprinted with additional notes in his valuable “Fragments Arabes et Persans inedits relatifs a l' Inde. [There is also a copy in the British Museum. The complete text has lately been admirably printed at Leyden, under the editorship of M. de Goeje.]

The author is Ahmad bin Yahya, bin Jábir, surnamed also Abú Ja'far and Abú-l Hasan, but more usually known as Biládurí, who lived towards the middle of the ninth century of our era, at the court of the Khalif Al Mutawakkal, where he was engaged as instructor to one of the princes of his family. He died A.H. 279, A.D. 892-3 This is according to Reinaud's statement— Pascual de Gayangos while he gives the same year of his death, on the authority of Abú-l Mahásin, says he lived at Baghdád in the Khalifat of Al-Mu'tamad. He left a large as well as a small edition of the Futúhu-l Buldán.

This work contains as its name implies, an account of the first conquests of the Arabs in Syria, Mesopotamia, Egypt, Persia, Armenia, Transoxiana, Africa, Spain and Sind. It is one of the earliest Arabic chronicles; for Tabarí, though he wrote at Bagh-dád, and did not compose his work till afterwards, was evidently not acquainted with this author, since he omits much that Bilá-durí has mentioned. It brings down the history of events to the close of the reign of Mu'tasim, A.H. 227, A.D. 842. Wákidí, who is quoted by Biládurí, also wrote a book of “Conquests,” and amongst them a “Conquest of Sind,” which Dr. Sprenger mentions that he has seen quoted by Nuwairí at folio 103 of the large copy of Leyden. Copies of his other Futúh are very common; and much passes under his name which was never written by him, as in the instance of the work translated by Ockley; but his Futúhu-s Sind is rare. Nuwairí mentions also another author of Indian history, folio 795,—Al Husain bin Yazíd us Siráfí. We find also other authors on Sindian invasions quoted as existing at the early period of the Arabian conquests.

Biládurí does not himself appear to have visited Sind, but quotes the authors on whom he relied for information. Thus we have mention of Abú-l Hassan 'Ali bin Muhammad Al Madaíní, with whom he had verbal communication. This author, who died A.H. 840 (1436 A.D.), at the advanced age of ninety-three, composed, amongst other works, Al Mughází wau-s Siyár, “Wars and Marches,” which contained a detailed account of the expeditions of the Musulmáns in Khurásán and on the Indus. Mansúr bin Hátim is also mentioned as an author on Sindian History, with whom, as well as with Al Madáiní, Biládurí had held personal intercourse. Another author quoted by Biládurí is Ibnu-l Kalbí.

Besides the Futúhu-l buldán, our author wrote another work on cosmography, with a description of the inhabited earth entitled Kitábu-l buldán, the “Book of Countries,” which is in the Library of the British Museum. (Bibl. Rich. No. 7496). He also wrote a work on the genealogy of the Arabian tribes, the title of which is not known, and he translated several works from the Persian. He also has the credit of being a good poet. He is cited frequently by Ibn Haukal, Al-Mas'údí, and other ancient geographers, but his history is rarely quoted. Kudáma, who wrote at Baghdád, towards the end of the ninth century, gives an extract from it, and Ibn Asír also quotes it under the years 89 and 95 H.

He was called Biládurí or Bilázurí, from his addiction to the use of an intoxicating electuary made from the Balázar, or Malacca bean, which, from its resemblance in shape and colour to a heart, is called anacardium.¹¹⁵ [The name is written optionally with either . Goeje transcribes the name as “Belád-sorí.” The author, however, is better known as Biládurí or Beladori, and that form has therefore been retained. The Leyden MS., like other old MSS., prefers the to the , even when the latter is manifestly correct—thus it gives Brahmanábáz for Brahmanábád, and Rúzbár for Rúdbár.^115a]

EXTRACTS.

Conquests of Sind.

'Alí, son of Muhammad, son of 'Abdu-llah, son of Abú Saif, has related that the Khalif 'Umar, son of Al Khattáb appointed 'Usman, son of Abú-l 'Así of the tribe of Sakíf to Bahrain and 'Umán in the year 15 H. (636 A.D.) 'Usmán sent his brother Hakam to Bahrain, and he himself went to 'Umán, and despatched an army to Tána. When the army returned he wrote to the Khalif 'Umar to inform him of it. 'Umar wrote in reply—“O brother of Sakíf, thou has placed the worm in the wood, but I swear by God, that if our men had been killed I would have taken (slain) an equal number from your tribe.” Hakam despatched a force to Barauz [Broach]; he also sent to the bay of Debal his brother Mughíra, who met and defeated the enemy.

When 'Usmán, son of 'Akkán became Khalif, he appointed 'Abdu -llah son of 'Ámar, son of Kuraiz, to (the government of) 'Irák, and wrote to him an order to send a person to the confines of Hind in order to acquire knowledge and bring back information. He accordingly deputed Hakím, son of Jaballa al 'Abdí. When this man returned he was sent on to the Khalif, who questioned him about the state of those regions. He replied that he knew them because he had examined them. The Khalif then told him to describe them. He said “Water is scarce, the fruits are poor, and the robbers are bold; if few troops are sent there they will be slain, if many, they will starve.” 'Usmán asked him whether he spoke accurately or hyperbolically [Lit. in rhyme]. He said that he spoke according to his knowlege, The Khalif abstained from sending any expedition there.

At the end of the year 38, or the beginning of the year 39 H. (659 A.D.) in the Khalifat of 'Alí son of Abú Sálib, Haras the son of Marra-l 'Abdí went with the sanction of the Khalif to the same frontier, as a volunteer. He was victorious, got plunder, made captives, and distributed in one day a thousand heads. He and those who were with him, saving a few, were slain in the land of Kíkán¹¹⁶ in the year 42 H. (662 A.D.) Kíkán is in Sind near the frontiers of Khurásán.

In the year 44 H. (664 A.D.), and in the days of the Khalif Mu'áwiya, Muhallab son of Abú Safra made war upon the same frontier, and advanced as far as Banna and Alahwár,^116a which lie between Multán and Kábul. The enemy opposed him and killed him and his followers. In the land of Kíkán, Muhallab encountered eighteen Turkí horsemen, riding crop-tailed horses. They fought well but were all slain. Muhallab said, “How much more active than we those barbarians were.” So he docked the tails of his horses, and was the first among the Musulmáns who did so.

In the reign of Mu'áwiya, son of Abú Sufain, the Amír 'Abdu-llah, son of 'Ámir, or according to some, Mu'áwiya himself sent 'Abdu-llah, son of Suar al 'Abdi, to the frontier of Hind. He fought in Kíkán and captured booty. Then he came to Mu'áwiya and presented to him some Kíkán horses. He staid near the Khalif some time and then returned to Kíkán, when the Turks called their forces together and slew him.

* * * * * * *

In the reign of the same Mu'áwiya, the Chief Ziyád, son of Abú Sufian, appointed Sinán, son of Salama, son of al Muhabbik the Huzailí (to the command). He was a good and godly man, and was the first who made his troops take an oath of divorce. He proceeded to the frontier and having subdued Makrán and its cities by force, he staid there and established his power in the country. According to Ibn al Kalbí, it was Hakím bin Jabala al 'Abdí who conquered Makrán.

Ziyád then appointed Ráshid son of 'Umrú-l Judaidí of the tribe of Azd, to the frontier. He proceeded to Makrán and was victorious in warring against Kíkán, but he was slain fighting against the Meds. Sinán, son of Salama, then succeeded to the command and was confirmed therein by Ziyád. He remained there two years.

'Abbád, son of Ziyád, then made war on the frontier of Hind by way of Sijistán, He went to Sanárúz, from whence he proceeded by way of Kház to Ruzbár¹¹⁷ in Sijistán on the banks of the Hind-mand. Then he descended to Kish, and crossing the desert came to Kandahár.^117a He fought the inhabitants, routed them, put them to flight and subdued the country; but many Musulmáns perished. 'Abbád observed the high caps of the people of that country, and had some made like them, which he called 'Abbádíya.

Ziyád next appointed Al Manzar, son of Al Jarúd al 'Abdí, to the frontiers of India. He was known by the name of Abú-l Ash'as. He attacked and conquered Núkán^117b and Kíkán. The Musulmáns obtained great plunder, and their forces spread over all the country. He captured Kusdár and took prisoners there. Sinán had previously taken it, but its inhabitants had been guilty of defection. He died there (in Kuzdár).

The governor 'Ubaidu-llah, son of Ziyád, then appointed Ibn Harrí al Báhalí. God, by his hands, subdued these countries, for he waged fierce war in them and conquered and plundered them. Some writers say that it was Sinán, son of Salama, who was appointed to the (chief) command by 'Ubaidu-llah and that Harrí led the forces.

The people of Núkán are now Muhammadans. 'Amrán, son of Músa, son of Yahya, son of Khálid the Barmakide, built a city there in the Khalifat of M'utasim bi-llah which he called Al Baizá (the white). When al Hajjáj, son of Yúsuf, son of al Hakim, son of Abú 'Akail al Sakifí, was governor of Irak, Sa'íd, son of Aslam, son of Zura'a al Kalábí was appointed to Makrán and its frontiers. He was opposed and slain there by Mu'áwiya and Muhammad, sons of al Haras al 'Aláfí. * * * * * Hajjáj then appointed Mujjá', son of S'ir al Tamímí to the frontier. He made war upon, plundered and defeated the tribes about Kandá-bíl, and this conquest was subsequently completed by Muhammad, son of al Kásim. Mujjá' died in Makrán after being there a year.

After the death of Mujjá', Hajjáj appointed in his place Muhammad, son of Hárún, son of Zará' al Namarí. Under the government of Muhammad, the king of the Isle of Rubies¹¹⁸ sent as a present to Hajjáj, certain Muhammadan girls who had been born in his country, the orphan daughters of merchants who had died there. The king hoped by this measure to ingratiate himself with Hajjáj; but the ship in which he had embarked these girls was attacked and taken by some barks (bawárij) belonging to the Meds of Debal. One of the women of the tribe of Yarbú' exclaimed, “Oh Hajjáj!” When this news reached Hajjáj, he replied, “I am here.”^118a He then sent an ambassador to Dáhir to demand their release, but Dáhir replied, “They are pirates who have captured these women, and over them I have no authority.” Then Hajjáj sent 'Ubaidu-llah, son of Nabhán, against Debal. 'Ubaidu-llah being killed, Hajjáj wrote to Budail, son of Tahfa, of the tribe of Bajalí, who was at 'Umán, directing him to proceed to Debal. When he arrived there his horse took fright (and threw him), and the enemy surrounded him and killed him. Some authors say he was killed by the Jats of Budha.

The Isle of Rubies is so denominated because of the beauty of the women.

Afterwards, Hajjáj, during the Khiláfat of Walíd, son of 'Abdu-l malik, appointed Muhammad, son of Kásim, son of Muhammad, son of Hakim, son of Abú 'Ukail to command on the Sindian frontier. Muhammad was in Fárs when the order arrived, and had previously received instructions to go to Rai.¹¹⁹ Abú-l Aswad Jahm, son of Zahru-l Ju'fí, was at the head of the advanced guard, and he was ordered to return to Muhammad, and he joined him on the borders of Sind. Hajjáj ordered six thousand Syrian warriors to attend Muhammad, and others besides. He was provided with all he could require, without omitting even thread and needles. He had leave to remain at Shíráz until all the men who were to accompany him had assembled, and all the preparations had been duly made. Hajjáj had some dressed cotton saturated with strong vinegar, and then dried it in the shade, and said, “When you arrive in Sind, if you find the vinegar scarce, soak the cotton in water, and with the water you can cook your food and season your dishes as you wish.” Some authors say, that when Muhammad arrived on the frontiers, he wrote to complain of the scarcity of vinegar, and this was the reason which induced Hajjáj to send cotton soaked in vinegar.

Then Muhammad, son of Kásim went to Makrán, and remained there some time. He then went to Kannazbúr and took it, and then to Armáíl, which he also took. Muhammad, son of Hárún, son of Zará', went to meet him, and joined him, but he died near Armáíl at Kásim's side, and was buried at Kambal.^119a

Conquest of Debal.

Muhammad, son of Kásim, left Armáíl, accompanied by Jahm, the son of Zahru-l Ju'fí, and arrived at Debal on Friday, where ships brought to him a supply of men, arms, and warlike machines. He dug an entrenchment which he defended with spearmen, and unfurled his standards; each body of warriors was arrayed under its own banner, and he fixed the manjaník, which was called “the bride,” and required five hundred men to work it. There was at Debal a lofty temple (budd) surmounted by a long pole, and on the pole was fixed a red flag, which when the breeze blew was unfurled over the city. The budd is a high steeple, below which the idol or idols are deposited, as in this instance. The Indians give in general the name of budd to anything connected with their worship or which forms the object of their veneration. So, an idol is called budd.

In the correspondence which ensued, Muhammad informed Hajjáj of what he had done, and solicited advice respecting the future. Letters were written every three days. One day a reply was received to this effect:—“Fix the manjaník and shorten its foot, and place it on the east; you will then call the manjaník-master, and tell him to aim at the flag-staff, of which you have given a description.” So he brought down the flagstaff, and it was broken; at which the infidels were sore afflicted. The idolaters advanced to the combat, but were put to flight; ladders were then brought and the Musulmáns escaladed the wall. The first who gained the summit was a man of Kúfa, of the tribe of Murád. The town was thus taken by assault, and the carnage endured for three days. The governor of the town, appointed by Dáhir, fled, and the priests of the temple were massacred. Muhammad marked out a place for the Musulmáns to dwell in, built a mosque, and left four thousand Musulmáns to garrison the place.

Muhammad, son of Yahya, says that Mansúr, the son of Hátim, the grammarian, a freeman of the family of Khálid, son of Assaid, relates that he had seen the pole broken into fragments which had been placed on the steeple of the temple. 'Ambissa son of Ishak Az Zabbí, the governor of Sind, in the Khalífat of Mu'tasim billah, knocked down the upper part of the minaret of the temple and converted it into a prison. At the same time he began to repair the ruined town with the stones of the minaret; but before he had completed his labours, he was deprived of his employment, and was succeeded by Hárún, son of Abí Khálid-al Marúrúzí, and he was slain there.

Muhammad, son of Kásim then went to Nírún,¹²¹ the inhabitants of which place had already sent two Samanís, or priests, of their town to Hajjáj to treat for peace. They furnished Muhammad with supplies, and admitting him to enter the town, they were allowed to capitulate. Muhammad conquered all the towns successively which he met on his route, until he had crossed a river which runs on this side of the Mihrán [Indus]. He then saw approaching towards him Sarbídas, the Samaní, who came to demand peace in the name of the inhabitants. Muhammad imposed tribute upon them, and then went towards Sahbán, and took it. Then he went to the banks of the Mihrán, and there remained. When this news reached Dáhir, he prepared for battle. Muhammad, son of Kásim, had sent Muhammad, son of Mus'ab, son of 'Abdu-r Rahmán as Sakifí, to Sadúsán, with men mounted on horses and asses, at whose approach the inhabitants solicited quarter and peace, the terms of which were negociated by the Samaní. Muhammad granted them peace, but he imposed tribute on the place, and took pledges from them, and then returned to his master. He brought with him four thousand Jats, and left at Sadúsán an officer in command.

Muhammad sought the means of crossing the Mihrán, and effected the passage in a place which adjoined the dominions of Rásil, chief of Kassa, in Hind, upon a bridge which he had caused to be constructed. Dáhir had neglected every precaution, not believing that the Musulmáns would dare to advance so far. Muhammad and his Musulmáns encountered Dáhir mounted on his elephant, and surrounded by many of these animals, and his Takákaras [Thákurs] were near his person. A dreadful conflict ensued, such as had never been heard of. Dáhir dismounted and fought valiantly, but he was killed towards the evening, when the idolaters fled, and the Musulmáns glutted themselves with massacre, According to Al Madáiní, the slayer of Dáhir was a man of the tribe of Kaláb, who composed some verses upon the occasion. * * * * Various authors concur in saying that Muhammad took the village of Ráwar¹²² by assault, in which city there was a wife of Dáhir, who, afraid of being captured, burned herself along with her handmaids and all that she possessed.

Then Muhammad, son of Kásim, went to old Brahmanábád, two parasangs from Mansúra, whích town indeed did not then exist, its site being a forest. The remnant of the army of Dáhir rallied at Brahmanábád and resistance being made, Muhammad was obliged to resort to force, when eight, or as some say, twenty-six thousand men were put to the sword. He left a prefect there. The place is now in ruins.

Muhammad then marched towards Alrúr^122a and Baghrúr. The people of Sáwandarí came out to meet him and sued for peace, which was granted them, on the condition that they should entertain the Muhammadans and furnish guides. At this time they profess the Muhammadan creed. After that he went to Basmad, where the inhabitants obtained peace on the same terms as those accorded to the Sáwandrians. At last he reached Alrúr, one of the cities of Sind. It is situated on a hill. Muhammad besieged it for several months, and compelled it to surrender promising to spare the lives of the inhabitants and not touch the temples (budd). “The temples,” he said, “shall be unto us, like as the churches of the Christians, the synagogues of the Jews, and the fire temples of the Magians.” He imposed, however, the tribute upon the inhabitants, and built a mosque in the city.

Muhammad advanced to Alsaka,^122b a town on this side of the Biyás, which was captured by him, and is now in ruins. He then crossed the Biyás, and went towards Multán, where, in the action which ensued, Záida, the son of 'Umur, of the tribe of Táí, covered himself with glory. The infidels retreated in disorder into the town, and Muhammad commenced the siege, but the provisions being exhausted, the Musulmáns were reduced to eat asses. Then came there forward a man who sued for quarter, and pointed out to them an aqueduct, by which the inhabitants were supplied with drinking water from the river of Basmad. It flowed within the city into a reservoir like a well, which they call taláh.¹²³ Muhammad destroyed the water-course; upon which the inhabitants, oppressed with thirst, surrendered at discretion. He massacred the men capable of bearing arms, but the children were taken captive, as well as the ministers of the temple, to the number of six thousand. The Musulmáns found there much gold in a chamber ten cubits long by eight broad, and there was an aperture above, through which the gold was poured into the chamber. Hence they call Multán “the Frontier of the House of Gold,” for farj means “a frontier.”^123a The temple (budd) of Multán received rich presents and offerings, and to it the people of Sind resorted as a place of pilgrimage. They circumambulated it, and shaved their heads and beards. They conceived that the image was that of the prophet Job,—God's peace be on him!

We are told that Hajjáj caused a calculation to be made of the sums expended in fitting out this expedition of Muhammad Kásim, and the riches which resulted from it. He had spent sixty millions (of dirhams) and that which had been sent to him amounted to one hundred and twenty millions. He said:—“We have appeased our anger, and avenged our injuries, and we have gained sixty millions of dirhams, as well as the head of Dáhir. Hajjáj then died.^123b Upon learning this, Muhammad left Multán and returned to Alrúr and Baghrúr, which had been previously captured. He made donations to his men, and sent an army towards al-Bailamán, the inhabitants of which place surrendered without any resistance. He made peace with the inhabitants of Surast, with whom the men of Basea^123c are now at war. They are Meds, seafarers, and pirates. Then he went against the town of Kíraj. Dúhar advanced to oppose him, but the enemy was put to flight. Dúhar fled, but some say he was killed. The inhabitants surrendered. Muhammad slew (all those capable of bearing arms) and reduced the rest to slavery. * * *

Meanwhile, Walíd, son of 'Abdu-l malik, died, and was succeeded by (his brother) Sulaimán, who appointed Sálih, son of 'Abdu-r-Rahmán, to collect the tribute of 'Irák. Yazíd, son of Abú kabsha as-Saksakí, was made governor of Sind, and Muhammad, son of Kásim, was sent back a prisoner with Mu'áwiya, son of Muhallab. The people of Hind wept for Muhammad, and preserved his likeness at Kíraj. He was imprisoned by Sálih at Wásit. Sálih put him to torture, together with other persons of the family of Abú 'Ukail, until they expired: for Hajjáj¹²⁴ (Muhammad's cousin) had put to death Adam, Sálih's brother, who professed the creed of the Khárijís. Hamza, the son of Baiz Hanafí, says:—

“Verily, courage, and generosity, and liberality,
Belonged to Muhammad, son of Kásim, son of Muhammad,
He led armies at the age of seventeen years,
He seemed destined for command from the day of his birth.”

Yazíd, son of Abú Kabsha, died eighteen days after his arrival in Sind. Sulaimán then appointed Habíb, son of al Muhallab, to carry on the war in Sind, and he departed for that purpose. Meanwhile the princes of Hind had returned to their states, and Jaishiya,^124a son of Dáhir, had come back to Brahmanábád. Habíb proceeded to the banks of the Mihrán, where the people of Alrúr made their submission; but he warred against a certain tribe and reduced them.

When the Khalif Sulaimán, son of 'Abdu-l Malik, died, he was succeeded by 'Umar son of 'Abdu-l 'Azíz.^124b He wrote to the princes (of Hind) inviting them to become Musulmáns and submit to his authority, upon which they would be treated like all other Musul-máns. These princes had already heard of his promises, character, and creed, so Jaishiya and other princes turned Musulmáns, and took Arab names. 'Amrú, son of Muslim al Bahálí was lieutenant of 'Umar on this frontier. He invaded several places in Hind and subdued them.

In the days of Yazíd, son of 'Abdu-l Malik,¹²⁵ the sons of Al Mu-hallib fled to Sind, and Hilál, son of Ahwaz al Tamímí was sent after them. He fell in with them and killed Mudrak, son of Muhallab, at Kandábíl. He also slew Mufazzal, 'Abdu-l Malik, Ziyád, Marún, and Mu'áwiya, sons of Muhallab; last of all he killed Mu'áwiya, son of Yazíd.

Junaid, son of 'Abdu-r Rahmán al Marrí was appointed to the frontier of Sind, under the authority of 'Umar, son of Hubaira al Fazárí, and was confirmed in the government by (the Khalif) Hashám, son of 'Abdu-l Malik.^125a When Khálid, son of 'Abdu-llah Al Kasrí was sent to 'Irák (as governor) Hashám wrote to Junaid directing him to keep up a correspondence with Khálid. Junaid went to Debal and from thence to the banks of the Mihrán, but Jaishiya (son of Dáhir) forbade him to cross, and sent to him, saying, “I have become a Musulmán, and an excellent man confirmed me in my states, but I have no faith in thee.” But (Junaid) gave him pledges and took pledges from him, together with the tribute due from his territories. They thus exchanged guarantees, but Jaishiya acted like an infidel and took up arms. But some say, on the contrary, that he did not begin the attack, but that Junaid dealt unjustly with him. Jaishiya assembled his troops, fitted out ships and prepared for war. Junaid proceeded against him in ships and they fought in the lake of Ash Sharkí. Jaishiya's ship was destroyed, and he himself was taken prisoner and slain. Sasa^125b son of Dáhir fled and proceeded towards 'Irák to complain of the the treachery of Junaid, but the latter did not cease to conciliate him until they had shaken hands, and then he slew him. Junaid made war against Kíraj, the people of which had rebelled. He made use of battering-rams, and battered the walls of the town with them until they were breached, and then he stormed the place, slaying, plundering, and making captives. He then sent his officers to Marmad Mandal, Dahnaj, and Barús [Broach]. Junaid used to say, “It is better to die with bravado than with resignation.” He sent a force against Uzain¹²⁶ and he also sent Habíd, son of Marra, with an army against the country of Máliba.^126a They made incursions against Uzain, and they attacked Baharímad^126b and burnt its suburbs. Junaid conquered al Bailamán and Jurz,^126c and he received at his abode, in addition to what his visitors presented to him, forty millions, and he himself carried off a similar sum.

The successor of Junaid was Tamím, son of Zaid al 'Utbí. He was feeble and imbecile, and died near Debal in a water called the “Buffalo-water.” This water was so called because buffalos took refuge there from the bears which infested the banks of the Mihrán. Tamím was one of the most generous of Arabs, he found in the treasury of Sind eighteen million Tátaríya dirhams, which he soon spent. * * * * * In the days of Tamím, the Musulmáns retired from several parts of India and left some of their positions, nor have they up to the present time advanced so far as in days gone by.

Hakim, son of 'Awána al Kalbí, succeeded Tamím. The people of India had returned to idolatry excepting those of Kassa, and the Musulmáns had no place of security in which they could take refuge, so he built a town on the other side of the lake facing India, and called it Al Mahfúza, “the secure,” and this he made a place of refuge and security for them, and their chief town. He asked the elders of the tribe of Kalb, who were of Syrian descent, what name he should give the town. Some said Dimashk [Damascus], others, Hims [Emessa], and others Tadmúr [Palmyra]. Hakim said (to the latter), “May God destroy^126d you, O fool.” He gave it the name of Al Mahfúza, and dwelt there.

'Amrú, son of Muhammad son of Kásim was with Hakim, and the latter advised with him, trusted him with many important matters, and sent him out of Al Mahfúza on a warlike expedition. He was victorious in his commission, and was made an amír. He founded a city on this side of the lake, which he called Mansúra, in which city the governors now dwell. Hakim recovered from the hands of the enemy those places which they had subjugated, and gave satisfaction to the people in his country. Khálid said, “It is very surprising,—I gave the charge of the country to the most generous of Arabs, that is, to Tamím, and they were disgusted. I gave it to the most niggardly of men and they were satisfied.” Hakim was killed there.

The governors who succeeded continued to kill the enemy, taking whatever they could acquire and subduing the people who rebelled. When the fortunate dynasty (that of the 'Abbásides) was established, Abú Muslim appointed 'Abdu-r Rahmán, son of Abú Muslim Mughallisá-l 'Abdí, to the frontier of Sind. 'Abdu-r Rahmán went by way of Tukháristán, and proceeded against Mansúr, son of Jamhúr al Kalbí, who was in Sind. But he was met by Mansúr and slain, and his forces were put to flight. When Muslim heard this he appointed Músa, son of Ka'bu-t Tamímí, and sent him to Sind. When he arrived, the river Mihrán lay between him and Mansúr, son of Jamhúr.¹²⁷ Still he came up with Mansúr, put him and his forces to flight, and slew his brother Manzúr. Mansúr fled in wretched plight to the sands, where he died of thirst. Músa ruled in Sind, repaired the city of Mansúra, and enlarged its mosque. He was victorious in his campaigns.

The Khalif al Mansúr sent to Sind Hashám, son of 'Amrú al Taghlabí, and he reduced those places which still held out. He sent 'Amrú, son of Jamal, in boats to Nárand.^127a He also sent (a force) to the territories of Hind, subdued Kashmír, and took many prisoners and slaves. Multán was reduced, and he overpowered a body of Arabs who were in Kandábíl, and drove them out. He then went to Kandahár in boats, and conquered it. He destroyed the budd there, and built in its place a mosque. There was abundance in the country under his rule, and the people blessed him—he extended the frontier, and enforced his decrees.

'Umar, son of Hafs, son of 'Usmán Hazármard, was then appointed governor of Sind, and after him Dáúd, son of Yazíd, son of Hátim. There was with him Abú-l Samma, who had been a slave of the tribe of Kanda, and who is now governor. The affairs of the frontier went on prosperously until Bashar, son of Dáúd, was appointed under the Khalifat of Mámún.¹²⁸ He rebelled, and set up in opposition. Ghassán, son of 'Abbad, who was a native of the neighbourhood of Kúfa, was sent against him. Bashar proceeded to meet Ghassán under a safe conduct, and they both proceeded to the Muhammadan capital (Baghdád). Ghassán deputed Músa, son of Yahya, son of Khálid, son of Barmak, to the charge of the frontier. Músa killed Bála, king of Ash-sharkí, although the latter had given him five hundred thousand dirhams to preserve his life. Bála was faithful to Ghassán, and wrote to him in the presence of his army, through the princes who were with him, but his request was rejected. Músa died in 221^128a A.H. (836 A.D.), leaving a high reputation, and he appointed his son 'Amrán as his successor. The Khalif M'utasim bi-llah wrote to him confirming him in the government of the frontier. He marched to Kíkán against the Jats, whom he defeated and subjugated. He built a city there, which he called Al Baizá, “the white,”^128b and he posted a military force there. Then he proceeded to Multán, and from thence to Kandábíl, which city stands upon a hill. Muhammad, son of Khalíl, was reigning there, but 'Amrán slew him, conquered the town, and carried away its inhabitants to Kusdár. Then he made war upon the Meds, and killed three thousand of them. There he constructed a band, which is called “Sakru-l Med,” Band of the Meds. He encamped on the river at Alrúr.^128c There he summoned the Jats, who came to his presence, when he sealed^128d their hands, took from them the jizya (capitation tax), and he ordered that every man of them should bring a dog with him when he came to wait upon him,—hence the price of a dog rose to fifty dirhams. He again attacked the Meds, having with him the chief men of the Jats. He dug a canal from the sea to their tank, so their water became salt; and he sent out several marauding expeditions against them.

Dissensions then arose between the Nizárians¹²⁹ and Yamánians, and 'Amrán joined with the latter. 'Umar, son of 'Abu-l Azíz al Habbári, consequently went to him and killed him unawares. The ancestor of this 'Umar had come into Sind with Hakim, son of 'Awána al Kalbí.^129a

Mansúr, son of Hatím, related to me that Fazl, son of Máhán, formerly a slave of the sons of Sáma, got into Sindán and subdued it. He then sent an elephant to the Khalif Mámún, and wrote to him and offered up prayers for him in the Jámi' masjid, which he built there. When he died he was succeeded by Muhammad son of Fazl son of Máhán. He proceeded with sixty vessels against the Meds of Hind. He killed a great number of them, captured Kállarí^129b(?) and then returned towards Sindán. But his brother, named Máhán, had made himself master of Sindán, and wrote to the Khalif Mu'tasim bi-llah, and had sent to him as a present the largest and longest sáj,^129c that had been seen. But the Indians were under the control of his brother whom they liked, so they slew Máhán and crucified him. The Indians afterwards made themselves masters of Sindán, but they spared the mosque, and the Muhammadans used to meet in it on the Friday and pray for the Khalif.

Abú Bakr, who had been a slave of the Karízís, related to me that the country called Al 'Usaifán between Kashmír and Multán and Kábul, was governed by a wise king. The people of this country worshipped an idol for which they had built a temple. The son of the king fell sick, and he desired the ministers of the temple to pray to the idol for the recovery of his son. They retired for a short time, and then returned and said, “We have prayed and our supplications have been accepted.” But no long time passed before the youth died. Then the king attacked the temple, destroyed and broke in pieces the idol, and slew its ministers. He afterwards invited a party of Muhammadan traders who made known to him the unity of God. Hereupon he believed in the unity and became a Musulmán. This happened in the Khalifat of Mu'tasim bi-llah,—may God have mercy on him.

CHACH-NÁMA is the name now universally given to the work which details the usurpation of the Brahman Chach and the Arab conquest of Sind; but the history itself gives us no authority for this name, on the contrary it is spoken of in the preface and conclusion merely as Fath-náma, “a despatch announcing victory.” It is sometimes styled, as by Elphinstone, Táríkh-i Hind o Sind. It is quoted by Núru-l Hakk in the Zubdatu-t Tawáríkh, and by Nízámu-d dín Ahmad in the Tabakát-i Akbarí, as the Minháju-l Masálik, which the latter tells us is more commonly known as the Chach-náma.

This work was translated from the Arabic by Muhammad 'Alí bin Hámid bin Abú Bakr Kúfí, in the time of Násiru-d dín Kabácha, who is styled, amongst many other titles, Amíru-l Múminín Abú-l Fath Kabáchau-s Salátín,¹³¹ “the tents of whose glory were pitched with the ropes of his authority, and with the mallet of the strictness of his commands.” He is said to adorn the throne lately occupied by the blessed martyr Abú-l Muzaffar Muhammad bin Sám Násir Amíru-l Múminín.

The translator informs us that, after having spent much of his life in the enjoyment of great comfort and happiness, he was reduced to distress, and compelled by the vicissitudes of the time to leave his native land and take up his abode in Úch. He says that in the 58th year of his age, and the 613th of the Hijrí (1216 A.D.), he withdrew his hand from all the concerns which had previously occupied his mind, and made a few delightful books his sole companions. He considered within himself that learned persons of every age had, by the assistance of their masters and patrons, compiled histories and books, and established a reputation for themselves by their literary attainments; that, for instance, the conquests of Khurásán, 'Irák, Persia, Rúm, and Shám had been celebrated at large in poetry and prose by authors of past ages; and that a victory had been achieved, and the country of Hindústán conquered, by Muhammad Kásim and other nobles of Arabia and Syria, and mosques and pulpits had been raised throughout the country, from the sea-shore to the boundaries of Kashmír and Kanauj, and Ráí Dáhir, son of Chach, the king of Alor, had been slain by the great noble, the best man of the State and Religion, Muhammad bin Kásim bin 'Akíl Sakifí, may God's mercy be on him! and the Ráí's territory with all its dependencies had been taken possession of by that conqueror. The translator, therefore, wished to be acquainted with an account of the country and its inhabitants, and also with the history of Dáhir's defeat and death, in order that he might be able to compile a book upon that interesting subject.

In the endeavour to obtain this information, he left the sacred city of Úch, and went to Alor and Bhakar, the Imáms of which places were the descendants of the Arab conquerors. On his arrival there, he met with the Maulána Kází, Isma'íl bin 'Alí bin Muhammad bin Músá bin Táí bin Ya'kúb bin Táí bin Músá bin Muhammad bin Shaibán bin 'Usmán Sakifí. He was a mine of learning and the soul of wisdom, and there was no one equal to him in science, piety, and eloquence. On being consulted on the subject of the Arabian conquest, he informed the translator that an account of it was written by one of his ancestors, in a book composed in the Arabic language, which had descended from one generation to the other, till it reached his hands by course of inheritance. But as it was dressed in the language of Hijáz, it had obtained no currency among the people, to whom that language was foreign.

When the translator read the book, he found it adorned with jewels of wisdom and pearls of precepts. It related various feats of chivalry and heroism on the part of the Arabs and Syrians. It treated of the capture of those forts which had never before been taken, and showed the morning of the night of infidelity and barbarism. It recounted what places in those days were honoured by the arrival of the Muhammadans, and having been conquered by them, were adorned by religious edifices, and exalted by being the residence of devotees and saints. Up to this day, the translator continues, the country is improving in Islám faith and knowledge, and at all periods since the conquest the throne of royalty has been occupied by one of the slaves of the house of Muhammad, who removed the rust of Paganism from the face of Islám.

He proceeds to tell us that he dedicates his translation to the minister of Násiru-d dín Kabácha, whom he designates among other titles, the Defender of the State and Religion, the greatest of all Wazírs, the master of the sword and pen, Sadr-i Jahán Dastúr-i Sáhib-Kirán 'Ainu-l Mulk Husain bin Abí Bakr bin Muhammad al Asha'rí.

He states as his reason for the dedication, that not only might he advance his own interests by the minister's favour and influence, but that the selection was peculiarly appropriate in consequence of the minister's ancestors, Abú Músá al Asha'rí, having obtained many victories in Khurásán and 'Ajam. To him therefore might be most fitly dedicated an account of the early conquest of Sind.

At the close of the work, he again says that as the work was written in the Hijází (Arabic) language, and was not clothed in a Pehlví garb, it was little known to the inhabitants of 'Ajam (foreign countries or Persia), and repeats the name of the person to whom it was dedicated, as 'Ainu-l Mulk.

There can, therefore, be little doubt that this is the same minister to whom Muhammad Aufí has dedicated his Lubbu-l Lubáb, respecting whose identity some doubt has been entertained, in consequence of the title 'Ainu-l Mulk not being commonly ascribed to any minister of that period. The repetition of the name by the translator of the Chach-náma leaves no doubt that Husain bin Abí Bakr bin Muhammad al Asha'rí is the person indicated.

As this translation was made at so early a period of the Muhammadan dominion in India, it is greatly to be regretted that the translator did not attempt to identify the many unknown places of which mention is made in the course of the narrative. As he had himself visited Úch, Alor, and Bhakar, and probably other places lower down the Indus, he might have cleared up the many doubts which our ignorance of the localities entails upon us.

It is difficult to fix the precise period of the composition of the original Arabic. It is not said to have been composed by an ancestor of the person from whom the translator obtained it at Bhakar, but merely to have been written in the handwriting (khat) of one of his ancestors. This may be applied either to composition or transcription, but the use of the term renders the precise meaning doubtful—most probably composition is referred to. In either case, we have a guarantee for the authenticity of the narrative, in the fact that the ancestor of Isma'íl, the possessor of the manuscript, was himself a participator in the scenes and the advantages of the conquest; for we find it distinctly mentioned, that the Kází appointed by Muhammad Kásim, after the conquest of Alor, was Músá bin Ya'kúb bin Táí bin Muhammad bin Shaibán bin 'Usmán. Now if we look at the name of the person from whom the translator obtained the Arabic original, we shall find it mentioned as Isma'íl bin 'Alí bin Muhammad bin Músá bin Táí bin Ya'kúb bin Táí bin Músá bin Muhammad bin Shaibán bin 'Usman. In both instances 'Usmán is mentioned as Sakifí, that is, of the same tribe as the conqueror himself.¹³⁵ The genealogies do not tally in every respect, and it is evident that in the later one some intermediate generations, as is frequently the case, are omitted; but still there is quite sufficient similarity to show descent from the same ancestor. The titles also of ancestor and descendant resemble each other most closely. The first Kází appointed to Alor is called Sadr al Imámia al Ajall al 'Álim Burhánu-l Millat wau-d dín. The contemporary of the translation is called Mauláná Kází al Imám al Ajall al 'Álim al Bári' Kamálu-l Millat wau-d dín. It is very strange that the translator takes no notice of this identity of pedigree, by which the value and authenticity of the work are so much increased; but it is probable that it did not occur to him, or such a circumstance could scarcely have escaped mention.

Notwithstanding that Elphinstone uses the expression “professes to be a translation,” which would imply a suspicion of the fact, there is no reason to doubt that the work is a translation of a genuine Arab history, written not very long after the conquest. There appears in it very little modern interpolation, and it is probable that those passages which contain anachronisms were the work of the original writer, and not of the translator. The placing a sentence of the Kurán in Ládí's mouth—the Bismillah at the beginning of the letters of Sindian princes, the praises of Islám ascribed to Hindús, the use of the foreign names of Brahmanábád, which is explained to be a version of the native Bámanwáh, are all evidently the work of the original author.

It is to be regretted that there is no hope of recovering the Arabic work; for although the very meagre accounts of this important conquest by Abú-l Fida, Abú-l Faraj, Ibn Kutaiba, and Almakín lead us to expect little information from Arabic authorities; yet it might possibly contain other interesting matter respecting the communication between Arabia and Sind, which the translator did not think worthy of special notice.

An air of truth pervades the whole, and though it reads more like a romance than a history, yet this is occasioned more by the intrinsic interest of the subject, than by any fictions proceeding from the imagination of the author. The two stories which appear the most fictitious, are the accusation of Jaisiya by the sister of Darohar, and the revenge of the two daughters of Dáhir upon Muhammad Kásim. The former is evidently manufactured on the model of Joseph and Potiphar's wife, a story familiar throughout the East; but the latter is novel, and not beyond the bounds of probability, when we consider the blind obedience which at that time was paid to the mandates of the Prophet's successor, of which, at a later period, we have so many instances in the history of the Assassins, all inspired by the same feeling, and executed in the same hope.

The narrative is unambitious, and tropes and figures are rarely indulged in, except in describing the approach of night and morning; [but the construction is often involved, and the language is occasionally ungrammatical. Besides these defects, the events recorded do not always appear to follow in their proper chronological sequence.]

The antiquity of the original Arabic work is manifest, not only from the internal evidence of the narrative, but from some omissions which are remarkable, such as the name of Mansúra, which must have been mentioned had it been in existence at that time. Now Mansúra was built in the beginning of the reign of the Khalif Al Mansúr, who succeeded in 136 A.H. (A.D. 753). It is evident that the work must have been written before that time. Then, again, we have nowhere any mention of Maswáhí, Manjábarí, Annarí, or Al-Baiza, all important towns noticed by Biládurí and Ibn Haukal, and other early writers on Sind, and the work must therefore have been composed before their time. Again, it is plain that the mass of the people were Buddhists, which no author, especially a foreign one, would have described them as being, had he lived after the extinction of that religion in India. We read of Samanís, monks, and a royal white elephant, which are no longer heard of at the later invasion of Mahmúd of Ghazní. Again, some portions of the history are derived from oral testimony received at second, third, or fourth hand, from those who were participators in the transactions recorded, just in the same way as Tabarí, who wrote in the third century of the Hijrí, probably later than our author, traces all his traditions to eye or ear-witnesses.

Elphinstone's estimate of the work is that, “though loaded with tedious speeches, and letters ascribed to the principal actors, it contains a minute and consistent account of the transactions during Muhammad Kásim's invasion, and some of the preceding Hindú reigns. It is full of names of places, and would throw much light on the geography of that period, if examined by any person capable of ascertaining the ancient Sanskrit names, so as to remove the corruptions of the original Arab writer and the translator, besides the innumerable errors of the copyist.” He states that he did not see this work until his narrative of Kásim's military transactions had been completed.

The Chach-náma is the original from which Nizámu-d dín Ahmad, Núru-l Hakk, Firishta, Mír Ma'súm, and others, have drawn their account of the conquest of Sind. They have, however, left much interesting matter unnoticed, and even the later professed translations by Lieutenant Postans, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (No. LXXIV., 1838, and No. CXI., 1841) give merely an abridged account of the transactions, which is moreover unfortunately disfigured by many misprints.

The headings of the sections throughout the work have been translated, in order to show the connection of the whole; those only being omitted which are inappropriate or evidently misplaced: and nearly every passage has been translated which can be useful for the illustration of the geography, religion, and manners of the time. The Chach-náma is common in India. There is a copy in the E. I. Library, and the Bibliothèque Impériale has two.

EXTRACTS.

[The MS. referred to as A. is Sir H. M. Elliot's copy. B. is that belonging to the East India Library, which has been referred to in obscure passages and for doubtful names.]

Commencement of the book upon the history of Rai Dáhir, son of Chach, son of Siláíj, and of his death at the hands of Muhammad Kásim Sakifí.

Chroniclers and historians have related that the city of Alor, the capital of Hind and Sind, was a large city adorned with all kinds of palaces and villas, gardens and groves, reservoirs and streams, parterres and flowers. It was situated on the banks of the Síhún, which they call Mihrán. This delightful city had a king, whose name was Síharas, son of Sáhasí Ráí Sháhí.¹³⁸ He possessed great wealth and treasures. His justice was diffused over the earth, and his generosity was renowned in the world. The boundaries of his dominions extended on the east to Kashmír, on the west to Makrán, on the south to the shores of the ocean and to Debal, and on the north to the mountains of Kardán^138a and to Kaikánán.^138b He had established four maliks, or governors, in his territories. The first at Brahmanábád and the forts of Nírún, Debal, Lohána, Lakha, and Samma, down to the sea (daryá), were placed in his charge. The second at the town of Siwistán: under him were placed Búdhpúr,^138c Jankán, and the skirts of the hills of Rújhán to the borders of Makrán.^138d The third at the fort of Aska-landa and Pábiya,^138e which are called Talwára and Chachpúr; under him were placed their dependencies to the frontier of Búdhpúr. The fourth at the great city of Multán and Sikka, and Brahmapúr¹³⁹ and Karúr, and Ashahár and Kumba, as far as the borders of Kashmír, were under his government. He (the king) himself dwelt at the capital, Alor, and kept under his own rule Kardán,^139a and Kaikánán and Banarhás.^139b He enjoined upon every one of his princes the necessity of being prepared for war, by keeping the implements of warfare, arms, and horses ready. He also ordered them to attend to the security of the country, the conciliation of the subjects, and the reparation of the buildings, so that they might keep their districts and dependencies safe. Throughout his dominions there was no disaffected person who could make any pretensions against the specification of his frontiers. Suddenly, by the decree of God, the army of the king of Nímroz marched from Fárs to Makrán.^139c When Síharas heard this he went forth from the fort of Alor,^139d haughty in mind and careless in heart, with the main part of his army to encounter him. They joined battle, and when many brave men and tried warriors, on both sides, had been slain, the Persian army, placing their whole trust in the Almighty, made an assault, and broke and put to flight the army of Ráí Síharas. He himself stood firm, fighting for his name and honour, until he was killed. The king of Fárs then returned to Nímroz, and Ráí Sáhasí, son of Síharas, sat upon the throne of his father. He established his authority in the country, and the four princes who had been appointed by his father submitted and assented to him, exhibiting every mark of obedience, piacing their wealth at his disposal, and supporting him with honesty and energy. The whole country was thus safely secured in the power of Ráí Sáhasí; and the people lived happily under his just and equitable rule. He had a chamberlain named Rám, son of Abi (?), a man of science and wisdom.^139e This man had full and general authority over all parts of the dominions of Ráí Sáhasí; no person could enter or leave the king's service but through him. The duties of chief secretary were entrusted to him, and Ráí Sáhasí had faith in his eloquent pen, and never doubted his rectitude.

Chach, son of Siláíj, goes to the Chamberlain Rám.

The office of Chamberlain is conferred on Chach, son of Siláíj.

The Rání falls in love with Chach, and Chach refuses compliance.

Sáhasí Ráí dies and goes to hell.

Chach ascends the throne of Malik Sáhasí Ráí.

Chach fights with Mahrat (Chief of Jaipúr¹⁴⁰) and kills him by stratagem.

Chach marries Rání Súbhan Deo.

Chach sends for his brother Chandar and establishes him in Alor.

Chach issues orders appointing Chandar his deputy.

* * * * *

Budhíman, the minister, bowed his head to the ground, and said, “May Ráí Chach live for ever, and may it be known to him, that this government was under the dominion of a sole king, and his chiefs were always obedient to him. When the country was ruled by Síharas, son of Díwáíj, and when he was conquered by the army of Fárs, Sáhasí succeeded to the empire. He similarly appointed all the four rulers to their territories, expecting them to exert themselves in the collection of the revenue and the protection of the country.

* * * * * * *

Chach proceeds to visit and mark the boundaries of Alor.

When Chach heard these words from Budhíman, the minister, they made an impression upon him. He was very happy. He praised the minister very much, and took it as a good omen. He sent farmáns to the authorities in all parts of the kingdom and called (for aid from) the governors of the different divisions. He then prepared an army declaring that he would go to the boundary of Hindústán which adjoined the (kingdom of the) Turk. The astrologers fixed an auspicious time, at which he departed, and after he had gone many marches he reached the fort of Pábiya, on the southern bank of the Biás. The Chief of the place gave battle, but after great fighting and bloodshed, the king of Pábiya fled and entered the fort. Ráí Chach was victorious, and encamped in the field of battle for a time. When the store of provisions was exhausted, and grass, and wood, and fuel, were all consumed, the enemy being in distress left the fort at the time when the world had covered itself with the blanket of darkness, and the king of the stars concealed himself in the gloom of night. He fled towards the fort of Askalanda and encamped in the vicinity of that city. This fort was stronger than the first, and when he reached the fields of this city he sent his spies to obtain information, and when they came back they reported that Chach had entered the fort of Pábiya, and was staying there.

Chach proceeds to the fort of Askalanda.¹⁴¹

When Chach was informed that the enemy had gone to Askalanda, he placed one of his officers in charge of the fort (of Pábiya) and proceeded to that city. He pitched his tents in its vicinity. There was a great and brave man in the fort of Askalanda, who was in the interest of Chach, and had influence over the people in the fort. All the chief inhabitants always took his advice and never acted contrary to his opinion. Chach sent a man to him and promised to make him governor of that fort. He also ordered a farmán to be prepared, granting him the governorship of the fort, on the condition that he would kill Chatera,^141a the chief (malik) of Pábiya, or take him prisoner. Pábiya was also to be made over to him. He agreed to these terms and conditions. He sent his son to Chach, and by occasionally visiting Chatera, gained his confidence, so that he was never prevented from going into his Court either by day or by night. When he found an opportunity, he suddenly killed Chatera and sent his head to Chach. Ráí Chach showed him great favour and honour, granted him a reward in token of his pleasure, and made him the independent chief of that fort. The great and noble men of the city attended on him, and made him presents. He treated them all with honour and respect, and kept them faithful to their allegiance. Chach gave him some prohibitions and admonitions, so that he continued faithful in obedience and never disobeyed his orders.

Chach marches towards Sikka and Multán.

Having completed the expedition to Askalanda, Chach proceeded towards Sikka and Multán. In Multán there was a chief (malik) whose name was Bajhrá. He was a relation of Sáhasí. When he received the news of the arrival of Chach, he came to the banks of the Ráví. He had large dominions and possessed great abilities. Suhewal, his nephew, governed the fort of Sikka opposite Multán, towards the east, and along with Ajín, the cousin of Bajhrá came with a large force to meet him¹⁴² (Chach), and he^142a (Chach) encamped at a ford on the Biás^142b for three months. When the water decreased, they selected a place at a village a little above the encampment, where the water did not prevent a passage, and he (Chach) crossed over. He came to Sikka, and fought a battle with Suhewal. He besieged the fort for some days, and the enemy was much pressed. Some men were slain on Chach's side, and on the side of the infidels many were despatched to hell. Suhewal then fled, and went to the fort of Multán. They entered the fort, and stood on the banks of the Ráví^142c prepared with all the implements of war. Chach then took possession of the fort of Sikka, and killed five thousand soldiers, and made the inhabitants slaves and prisoners of war. Chach placed Amír 'Alíu-d Daula in the fort of Sikka, and himself passed over to Multán. Both armies confronted each other. Malik Bajhrá, with a formidable army, fighting elephants, and men of war, came out and opposed Chach. Sharp encounters ensued, with great slaughter on both sides. Bajhrá took refuge in the fort, and wrote letters to the ruler of Kashmír stating that Chach, son of Siláíj, a Brahman, had become chief of Alor, the capital. He had come with a numerous army, and had conquered all the strongholds, great and small, and fortified them. That he (Bajhrá) was not able to cope with him, and no chief was victorious over him in battle. He had reached Multán, and it was expedient that the Chief of Kashmír should assist him (Bajhrá) and send reinforcements.

The unsuccessful return of the messenger from Kashmír.

Before the messenger reached Kashmír, the Ráí of that place had died, and his son, who was only a boy, had succeeded him. The ministers, counsellors, attendants, and guards, as well as the nobles and chief men of the state, consulted with each other and answered the letter in a proper manner. They stated that the Ráí of Kashmír had departed to the next world, and his son was a mere boy of tender age. The different divisions of the army had raised their heads in rebellion and revolt. It was necessary that the affairs of these parts should be set straight, and therefore it was not at this time in their power to provide the means of assistance, and that Bajhrá must rely upon his own resources. When the messengers came back and communicated this, Bajhrá, despairing of assistance from the king of Kashmír, sued Ráí Chach for peace, and made promises and assurances. He said he would leave the fort if assured of his safety, in writing, and that nobody should molest him until he reached a place of security with all his followers and dependants. Chach agreed to these terms, and promised him protection. He came out of the fort, and, with his people, went towards the mountains of Kashmír. Chach entered the fort, and the province was brought under his dominion.

Chach leaves his deputy in the fort of Multán and proceeds onward.

When he took the fort of Multán he appointed there a thákur as his deputy. He went into the temple, prostrated himself before the idols, and offered sacrifices. He then prepared to march forward. The rulers of Brahmapúr, Karúr and Ashahár, acknowledged submission to him. From these places he proceeded to the boundaries of Kumba¹⁴³ and Kashmír. No king offered any resistance.

“When the Almighty makes a man great he renders all his
enterprises easy and gives him all his desires.”

Every place to which he went fell into his possession. At last he reached the fort of Shákalhá, an elevated place which is called Kumba¹⁴⁴ on the borders of Kashmír, and stopped there for one month. He punished some of the chiefs of the surrounding places, and collected an army under his command. Then he made firm treaties with the chiefs and rulers of that part of the country, and securely established his dominion. He sent for two trees, one of which was a maisír, that is white poplar, and the other a deodár, that is a fir.^144a He planted them both on the the boundary of Kashmír, upon the banks of a stream, which is called the five waters,^144b and near the Kashmír hills, from which numerous fountains flow. He stayed there till the branches of each of the trees ran into those of the other. Then he marked them, and said it was the boundary mark between him and the Ráí of Kashmír, and beyond it he would not go.

Return of Chach after fixing his boundary with Kashmír.

The narrator of this conquest has thus said, that when the boundary towards Kashmír was defined, Chach returned to the capital city Alor. He stopped there a year to take rest from the fatigues of the journey; and his chiefs got ready the provisions and materials of war. He then said, “O minister! I have no fear from the east, now I must take care of the west and the south.” The minister replied, “Indeed, it is most praiseworthy for kings to be acquainted with the affairs of their countries. It is also to be apprehended that from your absence in the upper provinces the nobles and the governors of the different parts may have presumed that since Rái Sáhasi there is nobody to demand from them the revenue of the country. Truly mismanagement and disorder have taken place.” On this, Chach, in an auspicious hour, marched towards the forts of Budápúr¹⁴⁵ and Siwistán. There was a chief in Siwistán, called Matta, and Chach crossed the Mihrán at a village called Díháyat, which formed the boundary between Samma and Alor. From this place he proceeded to Búdhiya, the chief of which was the son of Kotal bin Bhandargú Bhagú. His capital was Nánáráj,^145a and the inhabitants of the place called it Sawís. Chach attacked and took the fort of Sawís. Kaba, son of Káka, came forth to ask quarter for the prince and his followers. They laid upon themselves a tribute to pay him, and made their submission.

The army marches to Siwistán.

From that place he went to Siwistán, and when he approached it, Matta, its chief, came forth with great alarm and a large retinue to meet him. A battle was fought, Chach was victorious, and Matta, with his army, fled and took refuge in the fort. Chach besieged it, and after a week the garrison was obliged to sue for peace. The terms being agreed to, they came out the fort, and surrendered the keys to the officers of Chach, who gave them protection and showed them much kindness. He gave the chiefship of the place to Matta, and also placed one of his confidential officers there. He stopped there for a few days, during which time the affairs of the territory and the city were put in order.

Chach sends a messenger to Akham Lohána, chief of Brahmanábád.

When the invasion of Siwistán was over, Chach sent a letter to Akham Lohána, the governor of Brahmanábád, who was Chief also of Lákha, Samma and Sihta, and called upon him to acknowledge submission. When he was a few days' journey from Makrán, the footmen whom he had placed on the roads, caught a person with letters from Akham, which he had written to Matta, the governor of Siwistán, to the following effect. “I have always behaved towards you with great cordiality and friendship, and have never shown you opposition or quarrelled with you. The letter which you sent by way of friendship was received, and I was much exalted by it. Our friendship shall remain confirmed for ever, and no animosity shall arise. I will comply with all your orders. You are a king, and the son of a king. Unity exists between you and me. Circumstances like this have occurred to many persons, and have obliged them to seek protection. You are at liberty to reside at any place you like within the territory of Brahmanábád, that is to say, up to the sea of Debal. If you have resolved to go in any other direction, there is nobody to prevent or molest you. Wherever you like to go I will assist you. I possess such power and influence that I can render you aid.” Matta found it expedient to repair to the country of Hind, to Malik Ramal, who was also called Bhattí.

Chach sends a letter to Akham Lohána.

Ráí Chach sent a letter to Akham Lohána, saying, “You from your power, and pomp, and family descent, consider yourself the ruler of the time. Although this kingdom and sovereignty, wealth, riches, dignity, and power have not descended to me by inheritance, yet these distinguished favours and this exalted position have been given to me by God. It was not by my army that I gained them; but God, the single, the incomparable, the creator of the world, in favour to Siláíj, has given me this dominion, and this most glorious position. In all circumstances I obtain assistance from him, and I have no hope of aid from any other. He enables me to accomplish all my undertakings, and assists me in all my acts. He has given me victory in all battles, and over all my enemies. He has bestowed on me the blessings of both worlds. Although you think you have possessed yourself of all this power and circumstance by your courage and audacity, promptitude, and glory, you shall surely lose it, and to take your life is lawful.”

Chach arrives at Brahmanábád, and fights with Akham Lohána.

Chach then marched against Akham Lohána, who had gone from Brahmanábád into the interior of the country. When he received the intelligence of the arrival of Chach, he came to the capital, and made preparation for war. When Ráí Chach arrived at the city of Brahmanábád, Akham stood ready to oppose him. After a great slaughter of warriors on both sides, the army of Akham took to flight, and he entered his fort. Chach laid siege to it, and the siege lasted for the period of one year.

In those days the king of Hindustán, that is, Kanauj, was Satbán,¹⁴⁷ son of Rásal, and Akham sent letters to him asking for assistance. But Akham died before the answer was returned, and his son suc-succeeded him. Akham had a friend, an infidel Samaní, named Buddh-rakú,^147a i.e, “Protected by the idol.” He had a temple which was called Budh Nau-vihár,^147b and the idol Dilhá (?)^147c He was a devotee thereof, and famous for his piety, and all the people of the surrounding places were obedient to him. Akham was his disciple, and he regarded the Samaní as his pole-star. When Akham had taken refuge in the fort, the Samaní assisted him; he did not fight, but he read his books in his chamber of worship. When Akham died, and his son^147d succeeded him in the government, the Samaní was disaffected and troubled, for he did not think it right that the kingdoms and the property and estates should depart from his hands. In his perplexity he looked about, and he arrived at the conclusion that the country must fall to Chach, whether he would be friendly to him or not. Then the (late king's) son being sore pressed, his army and his forces gave up fighting, and the fort was surrendered to Chach, who firmly established his power in it. When Chach heard of the Samaní, and knew that he had made a compact with Akham and his son, and that the war had lasted for one year through his enchantments and magical power, he swore that if he ever captured the fort, he would seize him and flay him, and order drums to be covered with his skin, and have his body torn to pieces. This oath was reported to the Samaní, who laughed and said, “Chach will not have the power to kill me.” When after a time, the people of the fort, after much fighting and great slaughter, gave up the contest, and solicited protection, by the intervention of nobles and chiefs, a treaty was made between both parties, and the fort was surrendered. Chach entered it, and told them that if they liked they might go away; there was no one to interfere with them, and if they wished to remain they might. The son and the dependants of Akham seeing him kindly disposed towards them, chose to remain. Chach stayed for a time in that city, and made himself acquainted with their disposition.

Chach sent a man to the mother of Sarband and requested her hand. The son brought her. Chach gave Dharsiya, the daughter of his nephew to the son, and decked him in apparel of many colours. He stopped there for a year, and appointed officers on his part to collect the revenues. He subjugated the other surrounding chiefs. At last, he enquired where the enchanter Samaní was, that he might see him. He was told that he was a great devotee, and that he would be found with the devotees, and that he was one of the philosophers of Hind. He was the keeper of the temple of Kan-vihár,¹⁴⁸ and amongst the other devotees he was the greatest, and had reached to perfection. He was so skilled in magic and enchantments, that he had made a world obedient and submissive to him. He had provided himself with all the requisites by means of his talismans, and for some time he had become friendly to Sarband because he had been friendly with his father. Through his power and protection the army of Brahmanábád had protracted the war for so long time.

Chach visits the Samaní, and enquires about his circumstances.

Chach ordered his body guards and soldiers to mount their horses, and went towards the temples of Budh and Kan-vihár^148a with the intention of killing the Samaní. He called his armed men and instructed them that when during the interview he should stand up and look towards them, they should draw their swords and sever the Samaní's head from his body. When he reached the temple, he saw the Samaní sitting on a chair, engaged in worship, and having some clay in his hand¹⁴⁹ with which he was making idols, he had something like a stamp with which the figure of the buddh was made on the clay, and when it was finished he placed it on one side.^149a Chach stood by him, but received no attention from him. After a short time, when he had finished his idols, he raised his head and said, “Is the son of the monk Síláíj come?” Chach replied, “Yes, O devotee.” The Samaní said, “For what purpose have you come?” Chach answered that he wished to see him, and therefore he had come. The devotee bid him to sit down. Chach sat. The devotee spread a fine cloth, and made him sit on it. He asked, “O Chach! what do you want?” Chach replied, “I wish you would become my friend and return to Brahmanábád, that I might turn your thoughts to secular pursuits, and entrust you with great offices. You may live with Sarband, and give him advice and assistance.” The devotee said, “I have nothing to do with your country, and have no wish to engage in public business. I do not like worldly concerns.” Chach asked him, “Why did you side with the people of the fort of Brahmanábád?” He replied, “When Akham Lohána died, and his son was grieved, I admonished him to cease lamenting for the departure of his father, and prayed the Almighty God to cause peace and friendship between the contending parties. It is better for me to serve Budh, and seek salvation in the next world, than all the offices and greatness of this. But as thou art the king of this country, at thy supreme command I will go with my family to the neighbourhood of the fort, although I fear that the people of the fort will do despite to the cultivation of Budh. You are to-day a fortunate and a great man.” Chach said, “The worship of Budh is most righteous, and ever to hold it in honour is most proper. But if you are in want of anything, tell me, for I shall consider it a privilege and a duty to provide for it.” The devotee answered, “I do not want anything of this world from you. May God incline you to the affairs of the next.” Chach said, “I also wish that my salvation may be the result. Direct me so that I may see where assistance is required, and I will help you.” He exclaimed, “As you seem to be desirous of performing charitable and virtuous deeds, there is an old temple (called) Budh and Nau-vihár (at) Sáwandasí¹⁵⁰ which has suffered much injury from the hand of time—it requires repair. You should spend some money in renewing its foundation, and I shall be thus benefited by you.” Chach said, “By all means; I thank you, farewell.”

Chach returns to Brahmanábád.

Chach rode back from that place. The minister asked him, “O king, I have seen a wonder.” “What is it?” said Chach. He remarked, “When you started you had resolved that I should order the soldiers to kill the devotee; but when you went before him you showed every wish to please him, and accepted all his prayers.” Chach said, “Very true; I saw something which was no magic or charm, for when I looked at him, something came before my vision, and as I sat before him, I beheld a dreadful and horrible phantom standing at his head. Its eyes blazed like fire, and were full of anger, and its lips were long and thick, and its teeth resembled pikes. He had a spear in his hand, which shone like diamonds, and it appeared as if he was going to strike some one with it. When I saw him I was much afraid, and could not utter a word to him which you might hear. I wished to save my own life, so I observed him carefully and departed.”

Chach stopped in the fort of Brahmanábád till all ministerial affairs were settled, taxes were fixed, and the subjects re-assured. He humiliated the Jats and the Lohánas, and punished their chiefs. He took a hostage from these chiefs, and kept him in the fort of Brahmanábád. He obliged them to agree to the following terms: That they should never wear any swords but sham ones: That they should never wear under-garments of shawl, velvet, or silk, but they might wear their outer-garments of silk, provided they were of a red or black colour: That they should put no saddles on their horses, and should keep their heads and feet uncovered: That when they went out they should take their dogs with them: That they should carry firewood for the kitchen of the chief of Brahmanábád. They were to furnish guides and spies, and were to be faithful when employed in such offices. They were to live in amity with Sarband, son of Akham, and if any enemy came to invade the territory, or fight with Sarband, they were to consider it incumbent on them to assist him, and steadily adhere to his cause. He thus finished his labours, and established his rule. If any person showed rebellion or hostility, he took a hostage and exacted penalties until he should amend his conduct.

Chach marches to Kirmán and defines the boundary of Makrán.

When Chach had settled these matters, he made up his mind to determine the boundary of Kirmán, which was adjacent to the possessions of the chiefs of Hind. At this time two years had elapsed since the Hijra of the Prophet of God,—may peace be to him. After the death of Kisra bin Hurmaz bin Fárs, and the disruption of his dominions, the management of the affairs of the kingdom devolved upon a woman. When Chach was informed of this, he determined to go to Kirmán with a considerable force. At an auspicious time, which was fixed by the astrologers, he marched towards Armábél, and when he arrived there the chief of the place came to receive him. He was a Buddhist priest, and had descended from the representatives of Ráí Síharas, king of Hind, whom the Ráí had raised up with great kindness and favour. From change of time he had become refractory, and had revolted from his allegiance. He came forth to meet Chach, when a treaty was made, and cordiality and friendship was established between them. Chach proceeded from thence to Makrán. Every chief that was met offered his submission. When he had crossed the province of Makrán and the hills, he entered another district. There was an old fort here called Kanarpúr.¹⁵² He ordered it to be rebuilt; and according to the Hindú custom a naubat of five musical instruments, was ordered to be played every evening and morning in the fort. He collected all the people of the surrounding villages, and completed the building. He marched from this place towards Kirmán; and halted on the banks of a river which runs between that country and Makrán. There he fixed the eastern boundary, that is, the boundary between Makrán and Kirmán, and planted numerous date trees there upon the banks of the stream, and he set up a mark, saying, “this was the boundary of Hind in the time of Chach bin Síláíj bin Basábas.”^152a Now that boundary has come into our possession.

Chach proceeds to Armábél^152b

and fixes the revenue.

From that place he returned to Armábél, and having passed through the country of Túrán, he came out in the desert. No body arose to fight with him. He arrived in the country of Kandhábél, that is, Kandahr;^152c and having traversed that desert also, he advanced to the fort. The people took refuge in it. When he arrived at the banks of the Síní,^152d he pitched his tents there. The people of the place being much pressed agreed to pay him an annual tribute of one hundred thousand dirams, and one hundred hill horses. A treaty was made, and Chach returned to his capital Alor, and remained there till he died and went to hell. He reigned forty years.

Chandar son of Síláíj succeeds to the Government of Alor.

After the death of Chach, his brother Chandar,^152e son of Síláíj, sat upon the the throne of Alor. He patronized the religion of the násiks (Buddhists) and monks and promulgated their doctrines. He brought many people together with the sword, and made them return to his religion. He received several letters from the Chiefs of Hind.

Journey of Matta, Chief of Siwistán.

When Matta, chief of Siwistán, went to the king of Kanauj, the country of Hindustán was in a flourishing condition. Kanauj was under the rule of Síharas, son of Rásal.¹⁵³ Matta went to him and represented thus: “Chach, son of Síláij, is dead, and his brother Chandar, a monk (ráhib), has succeeded him. He is a devotee (násik), and his whole day is occupied in the study of his faith with other religious persons in the temple. It is easy to wrest the kingdom from him. If you take his territories and place them under my charge, I will pay a tribute, and send it to your treasury.”

The answer of Síharas.

Síharas said to Matta, “Chach was a great king, and had an extensive territory under his sway. As he is dead, I will bring his possessions under my own rule, if I take them. They will form a great addition to my kingdom, and I will appoint you over one of their divisions.” Síharas then sent his brother Barhás, son of Kasáís. The son of the daughter of the great Chach, who ruled over Kash-mír and Ramal, also agreed to join him, and they proceeded with their armies till they reached the banks of the Hásí,^153a where they encamped. The agents and offices of Chandar, who were still in the fort of Deo, fled. The invaders took the place, and advanced on their journey till they arrived at Band Káhúya, where they halted for one month, and performed the worship of Budh. They sent a messenger with a letter to Chandar to induce him to come, make his submission, and sue for protection.

Chandar refuses, strengthens himself in the fort, and prepares to fight.

Síharas sends an embassy to Dáhir, son of Chach.

Chandar sits on the throne of Chach.

Chandar succeeded to the government, and his subjects enjoyed comfort, and the country was governed firmly during his reign, which lasted for seven years. He died in the eighth year, and Dáhir sat on the throne of Alor. Ráj, son of Chandar, established himself at Brahmanábád, but did not maintain his government for more than one year. After that, Dharsiya, son of Chach, took possession of Brahmanábád and his sister Báí¹⁵⁴ was friendly and obedient to him. Dharsiya asked the daughter of Akham in marriage. He remained at Brahmanábád five years, and issued his orders to the neighbouring chiefs, who acknowledged his authority. Dharsiya resided for some time at the fort of Ráwar,^154a of which Chach had laid the foundation, but did not live to see completed. When Dharsiya had finished the works, and collected inhabitants for the the town from the places in the neighbourhood, and when it was well populated, he called it Ráwar, and returned to Brahmanábád, and firmly established himself in the Government.

When Dharsiya was reflecting one day that his sister had arrived at a marriageable age, messengers arrived from Súban,^154b king of Bátia, in the country of Ramal, to demand her in marriage. Dharsiya although he^154c was the elder brother, gave her a princely dowry, and sent her with seven hundred horse and five hundred foot to Dáhir, recommending him by letter to marry her to the king of Bhátia,^154d who had stipulated that he should receive a fort as her marriage portion. The messengers went to Alor, and remained there one month. (Here follows an account of Dáhir marrying his sister because it was prognosticated that her husband would be king of Hind and Sind, and the contests between the brothers in consequence.)

Ráí Dáhir receives information.

Ráí Dáhir goes to an astrologer to ascertain the fate of his sister.

The predictions of the astrologers.

Consultation of Budhíman, the minister, with Ráí Dáhir.

Ingenuity of Budhíman, the minister.

Dáhir sends a letter to Dharsiya.

Dharsiya receives the letter.

Dáhir sends another letter to Dharsiya.

Dharsiya marches to Alor to seize Dáhir.

Endeavours of Dharsiya to take Dáhir prisoner.

Dáhir asks advice from his minister.

Dharsiya enters the fort of Alor on an elephant

Dáhir is informed of the death of Dharsiya.

The burning of Dharsiya's body.

Dáhir goes to Bráhmanábád.

Dáhir remained one year in Brahmanábád, in order to reduce the neighbouring chiefs. He sent for the son of Dharsiya, and treated him kindly. He then went to Siwistán, and thence to the fort Ráwar,¹⁵⁵ of which his father Chach had laid the foundations, but the works were not completed when he died. He remained there for some time, and ordered that the fort should be finished. He remained there during the four hot months, for it is a pleasant place and has an agreeable climate, and he used to remain during the four cold and dark months at Brahmanábád. He passed his time in this manner for eight years, during which time he became confirmed and generally recognized in his dominions in Sind and Hind. The chiefs of Ramal became aware of his wealth both in treasure and elephants.

The chiefs of Ramal come to fight with Ráí Dáhir.

The chiefs advanced with a large and powerful army of horse and foot and war-elephants. They came, by way of Búdhiya, to the town (rostá) of Ráwar, and conquered it, and passed on from thence to Alor.

* * * * *

Muhammad 'Alláfí¹⁵⁶

Muhammad 'Alláfí, an Arab of the Bani Asámat, who had killed 'Abdu-r Rahmán son of Ash'ab, for having run away from battle, came to join Dáhir with five hundred Arabs.

* * * * *

The 'Alláfí made a night attack on the Ramal troops with his five hundred Arabs and warriors of Hind, and fell upon them on all four sides with a great shout, and killed and captured 80,000 warriors and fifty elephants, besides horses and arms innumerable fell into their hands.

* * * * *

Dáhir then told his good and judicious minister to ask a favour. The minister replied: “I have no son who will carry down my name to posterity. I request, therefore, that orders may be given to have my name stamped on the silver coin of the realm, so that my name being on one face, and the king's on the other, it will not then be forgotten in Hind and Sind.” Dáhir ordered that the minister's wish should be complied with.

The history of the four first Khalífas.

Mu'áwia bin Abú Sufián.

Sannán bin Salma bin Ghúru-l Hindí.

Ráshid bin 'Umaru-l Khizrí.

Sannán bin Salma recovers the Government.

Munzir bin Hárúd bin Báshar.

Hakkam bin Munzir.

'Abdu-l Malik bin Marwán.

The 'Alláfís, etc.

Mujá'a bin Safar bin Yazíd bin Huzaika.

Walíd bin 'Abdu-l Malik bin Marwán

Account of the presents sent to the Khalífa from Sarandíp.

Hajjáj sends a messenger to Dáhir, the Infidel.

Hajjáj obtains permission to leave the Capital.

Budail suffers martyrdom.

'Imádu-d dín Muhammad Kásim bin Abí 'Akíl Sakifí.

Hajjáj writes letters to the Capital and Syria.

Hajjáj reads the Khutba on Friday.

Departure of Muhammad Kásim.

The army arrives at Shiráz.

Muhammad Kásim arrives at Makrán.

Hárún proceeds with Muhammad Kásim.

The army marches from Armábel.

The orders of Hajjáj reach Muhammad Kásim.

The Arab army makes preparations, and Hajjáj's orders arrive.

The flag-staff of the temple of Debal is knocked down by a mangonel.

Budhíman comes to Muhammad Kásim, and receives a promise of protection.

A fifth portion of the booty in slaves and coins is set aside.

The capture of Debal is reported to Ráí Dáhir.

The letter of Ráí Dahir.

The reply of Muhammad Kásim to Ráí Dáhir.

Muhammad Kásim proceeds to Nírún after the conquest of Debal.

Historians have related, upon the authority of Banána bin Han-zala Kalábí, that after the conquest of Debal, where great plunder was taken, Muhammad Kásim ordered the mangonels to be placed on boats, and went towards the fort of Nírún. The boats went up the stream which they call Sindh Ságar;¹⁵⁷ but he himself took the road of Sísam, and when he arrived there, he received Hajjáj's answer to the announcement of the victory.

The answer of Hajjáj to Muhammad Kásim.

Historians relate that Abú Láís Tamímí says, on the authority of Ja'úba bin 'Akaba Salamí, who accompanied Muhammad Kásim, that after the capture of Debal, Muhammad Kásim proceeded to the fort of Nírún, the inhabitants of which had provided themselves with an order of security from Hajjáj at the time that the army of the Arabs had been defeated, and Budail had been killed, and they had agreed to pay a tribute. He arrived at Nírún, which is twenty-five parasangs from Debal, in six days. On the seventh day he encamped on a meadow near Nírún, which is called Balhár,¹⁵⁸ and the waters of the Síhún^158a Mihrán had not yet reached it. The army was parched with thirst, and Muhammad prayed to heaven for rain, and it fell, and filled all the streams and lakes near the city.

* * * * *

Muhammad Kásim sends confidential messengers to Nírún.

* * * * *

Muhammad Kásim built at Nírún a mosque on the site of the temple of Budh, and ordered prayers to be proclaimed in the Muhammadan fashion, and appointed an Imám. After remaining there some days, he prepared to go to Siwistán, which is situated on an eminence to the west of the Mihrán. He determined to conquer the whole country, and after the capture of Siwistán, to recross the river, and proceed against Dáhir. God grant that his resolution may be fulfilled!

The expedition to Siwistán.

After Muhammad Kásim had settled affairs at Nírún, he equipped his army, and under the guidance of the Samaní took it towards Siwist n. He arrived by regular stages at a place called Bahraj,^158b thirty parasangs from Nírún. There also was a Samaní, who was chief of the rest of the inhabitants. In the fort the nephew of Dáhir was governor; his name was Bajhrá, the son of Chandar. All the Samanís assembled and sent a message to Bajhrá, saying, we are násik devotees. Our religion is one of peace and quiet, and fighting and slaying is prohibited, as well as all kinds of shedding of blood. You are secure in a lofty place, while we are open to the invasions of the enemy, and liable to be slain and plundered as your subjects. We know that Muhammad Kásim holds a farmán from Hajjáj, to grant protection to every one who demands it. We trust, therefore, that you will consider it fit and reasonable that we make terms with him, for the Arabs are faithful, and keep their agreements. Bajhrá refused to listen to them. Muhammad Kásim sent spies to ascertain whether the citizens were unanimous or inimical. They reported that some armed men were outside the fort, and prepared to fight. Muhammad Kásim encamped opposite the gate leading to the sandy desert, because there was no opportunity to attack him there, as the inundation had risen on account of the rains, and the river Sindhu Ráwal¹⁵⁹ flowed to the north of the selected ground.

Battle fought at Siwistán.

Muhammad Kásim ordered the mangonels to be prepared, and the fight was commenced. The Samanís prevented their chief from fighting, and told him that the Muhammadan army was not to be overcome by him, and he would not be able to oppose it. He would be merely placing his life and property in danger. When he would not listen to the advice of his subjects, the Samanís sent this message to Muhammad Kásim:—“All the subjects, farmers, and tradesmen, merchants, and the lower classes hate Bajhrá, and do not yield him allegiance. He does not possess any force with which he can oppose you, or give battle.” The Muhammadan army were inspired with great courage on receiving the message, and fought day and night on the side of Muhammad Kásim. About a week after, the besieged stopped fighting, and when Bajhrá knew that the fort was about to fall, he came out from the northern gate, at the time when the world was veiled in darkness, crossed the river, and fled. He continued his flight till he reached the boundary of Búdhiya. In those days the ruler of the Búdhiya territory was Káka son of Kotal, a Samaní. His stronghold was Sísam, on the banks of the Kumbh. The people of Búdhiya and the chiefs of the surrounding places came to receive Bajhrá, and allowed him to encamp under the fort.

Siwistán is taken and Bajhrá flies.

When Bajhrá went away, and the Samanís made submission, Muhammad Kásim entered the fort of Siwistán and gave quarter. He appointed his functionaries to discharge the civil duties of the territory, and brought the neighbouring places under his rule. He took the gold and silver wherever he found it, and appropriated all the silver, jewels, and cash. But he did not take anything from the Samanís, who had made terms with him. He gave the army their due, and having deducted a fifth part of the whole, delivered it to the treasurer of Hajjáj, and wrote a report of the victory to Hajjáj. He appointed Ráwats there. He also sent the plunder and the slaves to him, and he himself stopped at Siwistán. Two or three days after he had separated the fifth part, and distributed to the army their shares, he proceeded to the fort of Sísam, and the people of Búdhiya and the chief of Siwistán rose up to fight. Muhammad Kásim marched with all his force, except the garrison, which was placed under the officer left in Siwistán, and alighted at a place called Nílhán,¹⁶⁰ on the banks of the Kumbh. The inhabitants of the vicinity were all infidels, who assembled together as soon as they saw the Muhammadan army, and determined to make a night attack on it, and disperse it.

The interview of the chiefs with Káka.

The chiefs of Budh went to Káka Kotal. The ránas of Búdhiya are descended from Áú. They had originally come from the banks of the Ganges, from a place called Áúndhár.^160a They consulted with him, and said that they had determined to make a night attack on the army.

The reply of Káka.

Káka said—“If you can accomplish it, well and good; but the bah-líks and monks have told me, according to their astrological books, that this country will be conquered by the Muhammadan army.” He placed a chief, whose name was Pahan, at their head, and made gifts to the soldiers. There were one thousand brave fighting men under the command of this chief. They were all armed with swords, shields, javelins, spears, and daggers. When the army of the day fled for fear of the black legions of the night, they marched with the intention of making their night attack. As they approached the army of the Arabs, they missed the road, and were wandering about perplexed all the night from evening till daybreak. They were divided into four bodies, the one most advanced did not keep up a communication with that which was in the rear, nor did the left wing come in sight of the right, but they kept roving about in the desert. When they lifted up their heads they found themselves round the fort of Sísam.¹⁶¹ When the darkness of night was expelled by the light of the king of the stars, they entered the fort, and told the whole to Káka Kotal, saying that this their treacherous plan had not proved successful. Káka said, “You know full well that I am famous for my determination and courage. I have achieved many enterprises at your head; but in the books of the Budhs it is predicted, upon astrological calculations, that Hindústan shall be taken by the Muhammadans, and I also believe that this will come to pass.”

Káka with his followers and friends went to the army of the Arabs. When he had gone a little distance, Banána, son of Hanzala, whom Muhammad Kásim had sent to reconnoitre the enemy, met him and took him to Muhammad Kásim. When he obtained the honour of coming before Muhammad Kásim, this general expressed his satisfaction, and gave him some good counsel. Káka told him all about the Jats coming against him with the intention of making a night attack, and of their treacherous schemes. He also said that the Almighty God misled them in their way, so that they were wandering about the whole night in darkness and chagrin; and that the astrologers and credible persons of his country had found out by their calculations of the stars that this country would be taken by the Muhammadan army. He had already seen this miracle, and he was sure that it was the will of God, and that no device or fraud would enable them to withstand the Muhammadans. “Be firm under all circumstances,” said he, “and set your mind at ease. You will overcome them. I make my submission to you, and I will be your counsellor, and assist you to the extent of my power. I will be your guide in overpowering and subduing your enemies.” When Muhammad Kásim had heard all he had to say, he praised the great God, and in giving thanks placed his head upon the earth. He comforted Káka and his dependants and followers, and promised him protection. He then asked him, “O chief of Hind, what is your mode of bestowing honour?” Káka said, “Granting a seat, and investing with a garment of silk, and tying a turban round the head. It is the custom of our ancestors, and of the Jat Samanís.” When Káka had invested him with the dress, all the chiefs and head men of the surrounding places wished to submit to him. He dispelled the fear of the Arab army from the minds of those who offered allegiance, and brought those to submission who were inimically disposed. 'Abdu-l Malik, son of Kaisu-d Dammání,¹⁶² was appointed his lieutenant to punish all enemies and revolters. Káka plundered a people who were wealthy, and took much booty in cash, cloths, cattle, slaves, and grain, so that cow's flesh was plentiful in the camp. Muhammad Kásim, having marched from that place, came to the fort of Sísam. There he fought for two days, and God granted him victory. The infidels fled, and Bajhrá bin Chandar, uncle of Dáhir,^162a and many of the officers and nobles who were under his command, lost their precious lives. Of the rest some ran away far beyond the territory of Búdhiya, and some to the fort of Bahítlúr, between Sálúj and Kandhábel, and from that place solicited a written promise of protection. Those chiefs were enemies of Dáhir, and some of them had been slain—hence they revolted from him, and sent ambassadors, and agreed to pay a tribute of one thousand dirams weight of silver, and also sent hostages to Siwistán.

When Muhammad Kásim had fixed the several tributes of those chiefs, he gave them fresh written agreements for their satisfaction. He appointed there Hamíd, son of Widá'u-n Najdí and 'Abdu-l Kais, of the family of Járúd, and as they were confidential persons he entrusted to them all the business of that place.

When he had settled the affairs of Sísam, he received orders from Hajjáj to proceed to some other place; to return to Nírún, take measures to cross the Mihrán, and fight with Dáhir. He was directed to ask Almighty God for assistance in obtaining success and conquest; and after having obtained the objects of his expedition, he was to strengthen all the forts and places throughout the country, and leave none in an unprovided state. When Muhammad Kásim read the farmán, and understood its contents, he came to Nírún and transmitted his despatches.

Arrival of the Army of the Arabs at Nírún.

After travelling over many stages, he halted at a fort which stands on the hill of Nírún. In the vicinity of it there is a reservoir, the water of which is purer than the eyes of lovers, and the meadows of it are more delightful than the gardens of Iram. He alighted there, and wrote a letter to Hajjáj, son of Yúsuf.

In the name of the most merciful God, to the most exalted court of the noblest of the world, the crown of religion, and protector of 'Ajam and Hind, Hajjáj, son of Yúsuf—from the humble servant Muhammad Kásim greeting. After compliments, he represents that this friend, with all his officers, equipage, servants, and divisions of the Musulmán army, is quite well, affairs are going on well, and a continuance of happiness is attained. Be it known to your bright wisdom that, after traversing deserts and making dangerous marches, I arrived in the territory of Sind, on the banks of the Síhún, which is called Mihrán. That part of the territory which is around Búdhiya, and is opposite the fort of Baghrúr (Nírún), on the Mihrán, is taken. This fort is in the country of Alor, which belonged to Dáhir Ráí. Some of the people who resisted have been taken prisoners, and the rest through fear have fled away. As the imperative orders of Amír Hajjáj were received, directing me to return, we have returned to the fort on the hill of Nírún, which is very near to the capital. It is hoped that with the Divine assistance, the royal favour, and the good fortune of the exalted prince, the strongest forts of the infidels will be conquered, the cities taken, and our treasuries replenished. The forts of Siwistán and Sísam have been already taken. The nephew of Dáhir, his warriors, and principal officers have been despatched, and the infidels converted to Islám or destroyed. Instead of idol temples, mosques and other places of worship have been built, pulpits have been erected, the Khutba is read, the call to prayers is raised, so that devotions are performed at the stated hours. The takbír and praise to the Almighty God are offered every morning and evening.

* * * * *

The reply of Hajjáj is received by Muhammad Kásim.

Muhammad Kásim hears that Dáhir Ráí had proceeded to Nírún.

Muhammad Kásim does honour to the Nirún Samaní.

Muhammad Kásim fights on the banks of the Mihrán.

Moka bin Bisáya enters into terms with Muhammad Kásim.

Then Banána bin Hanzala went with his tribe and an interpreter to the place indicated, and seized Moka bin Bisáya,¹⁶⁴ together with his family and twenty well-known Takars.^164a When Banána brought him before Muhammad Kásim, he was treated with kindness and respect, and the country of Bait was made over to him, and a grant was written to that effect, and a hundred thousand dirams were given to him as a reward. A green umbrella surmounted by a peacock, a chair, and a robe of honour were bestowed upon him. All his Takars were favoured with robes and saddled horses. Historians relate that the first umbrella of Ránagí, or chiefship, which he gave, was this to Moka. At Moka's request, he gave the land and all the towns, fields, and dependencies within the borders of Bait, to him and his descendants; and having entered into a firm treaty with him, directed him to collect boats.

Muhammad Kásim sends a Syrian Ambassador and Mauláná Islámí to Dáhir.

The ambassadors reach Dáhir.

When they came to Dáhir, Mauláná Islámí, of Debal, did not bow his head, or make any signs of reverence. Dáhir recognized him, and asked him why he failed in the usual respectful salutation, and enquired if any one had thrown obstacles in his way. The Mauláná of Debal replied, “When I was your subject it was right of me to observe the rules of obedience; but now that I am converted, and am subject to the king of Islám, it cannot be expected that I should bow my head to an infidel.” Dáhir said, “If you were not an ambassador, I would punish you with death.” The Mauláná replied, “If you kill me it will be no great loss to the Arabs; but they will avenge my death, and exact the penalty from you.”

The Syrian declares the object of his mission.

Dáhir consults with Sísákar,¹⁶⁵ the minister.

'Alláfí offers advice to Dáhir.

The ambassadors return to Muhammad Kásim with the answer of Dáhir Ráí.

Muhammad Kásim receives an order from Hajjáj.

Muhammad Kásim informs his friends of Hajjáj's orders.

Ráí Dáhir arrives at the banks of the Mihrán.

A Syrian is slain.

Mus'ab goes to Siwistán.

Jaisiya son of Dáhir arrives at the fort of Bait.

Ráí Dáhir the infidel sends a message to Muhammad Sakifí.

Tiyár returns to Hajjáj from Muhammad Kásim.

Hajjáj sends two thousand horses to Muhammad Kásim.

Muhammad Kásim reads the orders of Hajjáj.

Hajjáj sends some vinegar to Muhammad Kásim.

The orders of Hajjáj reach Muhammad Kásim on the western bank of the Mihrán.

Ráí Dáhir confers with the Samaní, his minister, on Muhammad Kásim's preparations for crossing the river.

Muhammad Kásim had determined to cross, and was apprehensive lest Ráí Dáhir might come to the banks of the Mihrán with his army, and oppose the transit. He ordered Sulaimán bin Tíhán Kuraishí to advance boldly with his troops against the fort,¹⁶⁶ in order that Fúfí^166a son of Dáhir, should not be able to join his father. Sulaimán accordingly went with 600 horsemen. He ordered also the son of 'Atiya Tiflí to watch the road with 500 men, by which Akham might be expected to advance, in order to cover Gandáva^166b and he ordered the Samaní, who was chief of Nírún, to keep open the road for the supply of food and fodder to the camp. Mus'ab bin 'Abu-r rahmán was ordered to command the advance guard, and keep the roads clear. He placed Namáma^166c bin Hanzala Kalábí in the centre with a thousand men; and ordered Zakwán bin 'Ulwán al Bikrí with 1500 men to attend on Moka Bisáya, chief of Bait; and the Bhetí Thakurs and the Jats of Ghazní, who had made submission and entered the Arab service, were told to remain at Ságara and the island of Bait.

* * * * * * *

Muhammad Kásim examines the fords.

Dáhir hears that Moka Bisáya had collected boats.

Dáhir gives the government of Bait to Rásil.

* * * * * * *

When Muhammad Kásim had collected his boats and began to join them together, Rásil with his officers and chiefs came to the opposite bank and prevented the completion of the bridge and the passage of the river. Muhammad Kásim thereupon ordered that the boats should all be brought to the western bank, and be there joined together, to a distance equal to the estimated breadth of the Mihrán. He then placed his warriors fully armed upon the boats and let the head of the bridge, which was full of archers, float down to the eastern bank. The archers drove off the infidels who were posted to guard the passage. So the Arabs passed over to the other side, and driving pegs into the earth, made the bridge fast. The horse and foot then crossed and, giving battle, put the infidels to flight, and pursued them as far as the gates of Jham.

Dáhir awakes and kills his chamberlain for bringing him news of the flight of the infidels and the victory of Islám.

The Arab army advances.

The Arab army marched on till it reached the fort of Bait, and all the horsemen were clad in iron armour. Pickets were posted in all directions, and orders were given to dig an entrenchment round the camp, and to deposit the baggage there. Muhammad Kásim then advanced from the fort of Bait towards Ráwar, till he arrived at a place called Jewar¹⁶⁷ (Jaipúr). Between Ráwar and Jewar (Jaipúr) there was a lake,^167a on which Dáhir had stationed a select body of troops to reconnoitre.

Dáhir makes a request of Muhammad 'Alláfí.¹⁶⁸

The answer of 'Alláfí, and his dismissal by Dáhir.

Muhammad Kásim grants 'Alláfí a safe passage.

Dáhir confers with 'Alláfí.

Letters pass between Muhammad Kásim and Hajjáj.

Dáhir sends Jaisiya to reconnoitre.

First fight with the accursed Dáhir.

Treaty of Rásil with Muhammad Kásim.

Rásil, after showing marks of respect and offering promises of fidelity, said, “No one can oppose the will of the Almighty God. As you have bound me by your obligations, I shall after this be at your service, and will never contravene your wishes. I shall obey whatever may be your orders.” After a short time Rásil lost his position, and the management of the country devolved upon Moka. Rásil and Moka agreed in opinion, and advised Muhammad Kásim to march. He accordingly set out from that place and reached a village which is called Nárání, Dáhir was at Kájíját.^168a They saw that between them and Dáhir's camp there was a large lake, which was very difficult to cross. Rásil said,—“May the most just and religious noble live long. It is necessary to cross this lake.” Rásil obtained a boat, and sent three men across at a time, till the whole army crossed over, and took post on a bay. Rásil said, “If you will advance one stage more, you will arrive at Jewar (Jaipúr), on the banks of the Wadháwáh.^168b This is a village suitable for your encampment and is the same distance from the camp of Dáhir as it is from here. There you may attack him both in front and rear, and successfully enter into his position and occupy it.” Muhammad Kásim approved of the advice, and reached Jewar (Jaipúr) and the Wadháwáh.

Arrival of Muhammad Kásim at Jewar (Jaipúr).

Intelligence was brought to Ráí Dáhir that Muhammad Kásim with the Arab army had reached Jewar (Jaipúr), and when his minister Sísákar^168c heard of it, he said, “Alas! we are lost. That place is called Jaipúr,¹⁶⁹ or the town of victory, and as the army has reached that place, it will be successful and victorious.” Dáhir Ráí took offence at these words. The fire of indignation blazed out in his mind, and he said with anger, “He has arrived at Hindbári,^169a for it is a place where his bones shall lie.” Dáhir left the place, and with precipitation went into the fort of Ráwar. He placed his dependants and baggage in the fort, and himself went out to a place which was a parasang's distance from the Arabs. Dáhir then said to an astrologer, “I must fight to-day; tell me in what part of the heavens the planet Venus is, and calculate which of the two armies shall be successful, and what will be the result.”

Prediction of the Astrologer.

After the computation, the astrologer replied,—“According to the calculation, the victory shall be to the Arab army, because Venus is behind him and in front of you.” Ráí Dáhir was angry on hearing this. The astrologer then said, “Be not angered, but order an image of Venus to be prepared of gold.” It was made, and fastened to his saddle-straps, in order that Venus might be behind him, and he be victorious. Muhammad Kásim drew nearer, and the interval between both armies was only half a parasang.

Fight of the second day.

Dáhir fights the third day with the Arab army.

Fight of the fourth day.

Fight of the fifth day.

The array of the army of Islám.

Muhammad Kásim Sakifí reads the Khutba.

Muhammad Kásim exhorts his soldiers.

The Arab army charges the Infidels.

Shujá' Habshí becomes a martyr.

Muhammad Kásim charges in the name of God.

The accursed Dáhir is slain.

Historians have related that Dáhir was slain at the fort of Ráwar at sunset, on Thursday, the 10th of Ramazán, in the year 93 (June, 712 A.D.). Abú-l Hasan relates upon the authority Abú-l Lais Híndi, who heard it from his father, that when the army of Islám made the attack, and most of the infidels were slain, a noise arose upon the left, and Dáhir thought it came from his own forces. He cried out, “Come hither; I am here.” The women then raised their voices, and said, “O king, we are your women, who have fallen into the hands of the Arabs, and are captives.” Dáhir said, “I live as yet, who captured you?”¹⁷⁰ So saying, he urged his elephant against the Musul-mán army. Muhammad Kásim told the naphtha throwers that the opportunity was theirs, and a powerful man, in obedience to this direction, shot his naphtha arrow into Dáhir's howda, and set it on fire. Dáhir ordered his elephant driver to turn back, for the elephant was thirsty, and the howda was on fire. The elephant heeded not his driver, but dashed into the water, and in spite of all the efforts of the man, refused to turn back. Dáhir and the driver were carried into the rolling waves. Some of the infidels went into the water with them, and some stood upon the banks; but when the Arab horsemen came up, they fled. After the elephant had drunk water, he wanted to return to the fort. The Muhammadan archers plied their weapons, and a rain of arrows fell around. A skilful bowman aimed an arrow, which struck Dáhir in the breast (bar dil), and he fell down in the howda upon his face. The elephant then came out of the water and charged. Some of the infidels who remained were trampled under foot, and the others were dispersed. Dáhir got off his elephant, and confronted an Arab; but this brave fellow struck him with a sword on the very centre of his head, and cleft it to his neck. The Muhammadans and infidels closed and maintained a deadly fight, until they reached the fort of Ráwar. When the Brahmans who had gone into the water found the place of Dáhir's fall deserted, they came out and hid the body of Dáhir under the bank. The white elephant turned towards the army of the infidels, and no trace was left.

Proclamation issued by Muhammad Kásim.

How Ládí the wife of Dáhir was taken.

Muhammad Kásim writes an account of the death of Dáhir to Hajjáj.

The head of Dáhir is sent to 'Irák.

Hajjáj gives his daughter in marriage to Muhammad Kásim.

Hajjáj reads the Khutba in the Masjid Jámi' of Kúfa.

Hajjáj sends an answer to Muhammad Kásim's account of his victory.

The relatives of Dáhir Ráí who were carried away captives.

Jaisiya enters the fort of Ráwar and prepares to fight.

The historians concur in the narration that when Dáhir was killed, his son and Rání Báí¹⁷¹ (who was Dáhir's sister, but whom he had made his wife,) went into the fort of Ráwar with his army, relations, and nobles, and took refuge in it. Jaisiya, who was proud of his courage, power, and dignity, prepared to fight. Muhammad 'Alláfí was also with him. When the news of the death of Dáhir arrived, and that the white elephant was hamstrung, Jaisiya son of Dáhir said that he would go to oppose the enemy, and strike a blow to save his honour and name, for it would be no loss if he were to be slain. Sísákar, the minister, observed that the resolve of the prince was not good, the king had been killed, the army defeated and dispersed, and their hearts were averse to battle through fear of the enemy's sword. How could he go to fight with the Arabs? His dominions still existed, and the strongest forts were garrisoned with brave warriors and subjects. It was, therefore, advisable that they should go to the fort of Brahmanábád, which was the inheritance of his father and ancestors. It was the chief residence of Dáhir. The treasuries and stores were full, and the inhabitants of the place were friends and well wishers of the family of Chach, and would all assist in fighting against the enemy. Then the 'Alláfí was also asked what he considered proper. He replied that he concurred in this opinion. So Jaisiya assented, and with all their dependants and trusty servants, they went to Brahmanábád. Báí (Máín), the wife of Dáhir, together with some of the generals, prepared for battle. She reviewed the army in the fort, and fifteen thousand warriors were counted. They had all resolved to die. Next morning, when it was learnt that Dáhír had been killed between the Mihrán and the stream called Wadháwáh,¹⁷² all the chiefs (Ráwats) and officers who were attached to the Rání entered the fort. Muhammad Kásim, on receiving the intelligence, marched in that direction, and encamped under the walls. The garrison began to beat drums and sound clarions, and threw down from the ramparts and bastions stones from mangonels and balistas as well as arrows and javelins.

The fort is taken and Báí (Máín), the sister of Dáhir, burns herself.

Muhammad Kásim disposed his army, and ordered the miners to dig and undermine the walls. He divided his army into two divisions; one was to fight during the day with mangonels, arrows, and javelins, and the other to throw naphtha, fardáj (?), and stones during the night. Thus the bastions were thrown down. Báí (Máín), the sister of Dáhir, assembled all her women, and said, “Jaisiya is separated from us, and Muhammad Kásim is come. God forbid that we should owe our liberty to these outcast cow-eaters! Our honour would be lost! Our respite is at an end,^172a and there is nowhere any hope of escape; let us collect wood, cotton, and oil, for I think that we should burn ourselves and go to meet our husbands. If any wish to save herself she may.” So they went into a house, set it on fire, and burnt themselves. Muhammad took the fort, and stayed there for two or three days. He put six thousand fighting men, who were in the fort, to the sword, and shot some with arrows. The other dependants and servants were taken prisoners, with their wives and children.

Detail of the slaves, cash, and stuffs, which were taken.

It is said that when the fort was captured, all the treasures, property, and arms, except those which were taken away by Jaisiya, fell into the hands of the victors, and they were all brought before Muhammad Kásim. When the number of the prisoners was calculated, it was found to amount to thirty thousand persons, amongst whom thirty were the daughters of chiefs, and one of them was Ráí Dáhir's sister's daughter, whose name was Jaisiya.¹⁷³ They were sent to Hajjáj. The head of Dáhir and the fifth part of the prisoners were forwarded in charge of K'ab, son of Mahárak. When the head of Dáhir, the women, and the property all reached Hajjáj, he prostrated himself before God, offered thanksgivings and praises, for, he said, he had in reality obtained all the wealth and treasures and dominions of the world.

Hajjáj then forwarded the head, the umbrellas, and wealth, and the prisoners to Walíd the Khalífa. When the Khalífa of the time had read the letter, he praised Almighty God. He sold some of those daughters of the chiefs, and some he granted as rewards. When he saw the daughter of Ráí Dáhir's sister, he was much struck with her beauty and charms, and began to bite his finger with astonishment. 'Abdu-lláh bin 'Abbás desired to take her, but the Khalífa said, “O my nephew! I exceedingly admire this girl, and am so enamoured of her, that I wish to keep her for myself. Nevertheless, it is better that you should take her to be the mother of your children.” By his permission, therefore, 'Abdu-lláh took her. She lived a long time with him, but no child was born from her. Afterwards, another letter was received about the capture of the fort of Ráwar. It is said that after the conquest was effected, and the affairs of the country were settled and the report of the conquest had reached Hajjáj, he sent a reply to the following effect. “O my cousin; I received your life-inspiring letter. I was much pleased and overjoyed when it reached me. The events were recounted in an excellent and beautiful style, and I learnt that the ways and rules you follow are conformable to the Law. Except that you give protection to all, great and small alike, and make no difference between enemy and friend. God says,—Give no quarter to Infidels, but cut their throats.” “Then know that this is the command of the great God. You should not be too ready to grant protection, because it will prolong your work. After this, give no quarter to any enemy except to those who are of rank. This is a worthy resolve, and want of dignity will not be imputed to you.¹⁷⁴ Peace be with you!”— Written at Náfa', A.H. 73.

Jaisiya sends letters from Brahmanábád to Alor,^174a

Some historians from amongst the religious Brahmans have narrated respecting the death of Dáhir and adventures of Muhammad Kásim, that when the accursed Ráí Dáhir went to hell, Jaisiya took refuge in the fort of Brahmanábád, and Ráwar was taken, Jaisiya made preparations for war and sent letters in all directions; viz.: One to his brother Fúfí,^174b son of Dáhir, who was in the fort of the capital of Aror; the other to his nephew Chach, son of Dharsiya, in the fort of Bátiya; and the third to his cousin, Dhawal, son of Chandar, who was in the direction of Budhiya and Kaikánán. He informed them of Dáhir's death and consoled them. He himself was in Brahmanábád with his warriors ready to fight.

Battle of Bahrúr and Dhalíla.

Muhammad Kásim now determined to march to Brahmanábád. Between Ráwar and that city there were two fortresses called Bahrúr^174c and Dhalíla which contained about sixteen thousand fighting men. When Muhammad Kásim reached Bahrúr he besieged it for two months. After the war had been protracted so long, Muhammad Kásim ordered that part of his army should fight by day and part by night. They threw naphtha and plied their mangonels so that all the warriors of the adverse party were slain, and the walls of the fort thrown down. Many slaves and great plunder were taken. They put the fifth part of it into the public treasury. When the news of the capture of Ráwar and Bahrúr reached Dhalíla, the inhabitants knew that Muhammad Kásim possessed great perseverance, and that they should be on their guard against him. The merchants fled to Hind, and the men of war prepared to defend their country. At last, Muhammad Kásim came to Dhalíla, and encamped there for two months, more or less. When the besieged were much distressed, and they knew that from no quarter could they receive reinforcements, they put on the garments of death, and anointed themselves with perfumes. They sent out their families into the fort which faces the bridge, and they crossed over the stream of the Naljak,¹⁷⁵ without the Musulmáns being aware of it.

The flight of the chief of Dhalíla.

When the day dawned through the veil of darkness Muhammad Kásim learnt that they had fled, so he sent some men of his army after them, who overtook part of them as they were passing over the river and put them to the edge of the sword. Those who had crossed previously fled to Hindustán through the country of Ramal and the sandy desert to the country (bilád) of Sír, the chief of which country was named Deoráj. He was the son of the uncle of Dáhir Ráí.

When Muhammad Kásim had fought the battle of Dhalíla and conquered, the fifth part of the plunder was deposited in the treasury to be sent to the capital, and he sent a report of the conquest of Bahrúr and Dhalíla to Hajjáj, with all the particulars.

Arrival of Sísákar, the minister, to seek protection.

Muhammad Kásim sent letters to the chiefs of the different parts of Hind, and invited them to make submission, and embrace Islám. When Sísákar, minister of Dáhir, heard of this, he sent some confidential servants, and sued for protection. He brought the Muhammadan women who were in his possession, and said that they were those women who cried out for help to Hajjáj.^175a

Sísákar appointed Minister.

Muhammad Kásim showed him much respect, and sent his chief officers to receive him. He paid him great honour, and treated him with much kindness, and conferred upon him the office of Wazir. Sísákar now became the counsellor of the Muhammadans. Muhammad Kásim told him all his secrets, always took his advice, and consulted him on all the civil affairs of the government, his political measures, and the means of prolonging his success. He used to say to Muhammad Kásim that the regulations and ordinances which the just Amír had introduced would confirm his authority in all the countries of Hind. They would enable him to punish and overcome all his enemies; for he comforts all the subjects and málguzárs, takes the revenue according to the old laws and regulations, never burthens any one with new and additional exactions, and instructs all his functionaries and officers.

It is said by some people that when Dhalíla was conquered, Muhammad Kásim called Núba, son of Dháran, and having made a compact with him, invested him with honours, and conferred on him the entire governorship of the fort, and its dependencies from the eastern to the western boundaries. From that place to Brahmanábád there was distance of one parasang. Jaisiya, son of Dáhir, received intelligence that the Muhammadan army was coming.

Muhammad Kásim marched from Dhalíla, and encamped on the banks of the stream of the Jalwálí^176a to the east of Brahmanábád. He sent some confidential messengers to Brahmanábád to invite its people to submission and to the Muhammadan faith, to preach to them Islám, to demand the Jizya, or poll-tax, and also to inform them that if they would not submit, they must prepare to fight. Jaisiya, son of Dáhir, before the arrival of the messengers, had gone to Chanír.^176b He had chosen sixteen men from among the chiefs of that city, and had placed four of these men as wardens at each of the four gates of the city, with a part of his army. One of these gates was called Jawetarí, and four men were stationed at it. One of them was Bhárand, the other Sátiyá, the third Máliya,¹⁷⁷ and the fourth Sálha.

When Muhammad Kásim reached there, he ordered entrenchments to be dug. The battle commenced on Saturday, the first of Rajab. The infidels came out every day, and engaged and beat their drums. There were about forty thousand fighting men. From the dawn of day till sunset the battle was fought with great fury on both sides. When the king of the stars disappeared they also returned. The Muhammadans entered their entrenchments, and the infidels went into their fort. Six months passed in this manner. Kásim despaired of taking the fort, and became very pensive. On Sunday, in the end of the Zi-l Hijja, A.H. 93 (October, 712 A.D.), Jaisiya, who had fled to the country of Ramal, which is called Bátiya, came back from that place, infested the roads, and distressed the Muhammadan army.

A messenger sent to Moka.

Muhammad Kásim despatched one of his confidential servants to Moka Bisáya, and informed him that he was perpetually harassed by Jaisiya, who prevented the supply of fodder, and put him to great trouble. He enquired the remedy. Moka said that as Jaisiya was very near, there was no alternative but that he should be made to depart. So he sent from his own force a large body of trusty men to drive him off.

Jaisiya goes to Jaipúr.^177a

Banána, son of Hanzala Kalábí, 'Atíyá Sa'lbí, Sáram son of Abú Saram Hamadání, and 'Abdu-l Malik Madanní, with their horsemen, and Moka Bisáya at their head, and also Jazím, son of 'Umar Wáladíhí were sent with an army and supplies of provisions. Jaisiya was informed of the march of the Arab army. He therefore left his place with all his property and family, and went by way of the sandy desert to the places called Jankan, 'Awará, and Káyá, in the territory of Jaipúr. The 'Alláfí deserted him. He thence proceeded to the territory of Tákiya, and went away and determined to do homage to the king of Kashmír, which is towards Rostá on the boundary of Royam. This territory is all waste and desert. From that place he wrote to the Ráí, whose capital lay amidst the hills. He stated that of his own free will, and with a sincere heart, he had come to wait upon him.

Jaisiya son of Dáhir goes to the Ráná.

The letter was read before the Ráí of Kashmír, who issued orders that, from among the dependencies of Kashmír, a place called Shá-kalhá ¹⁷⁸ should be assigned to Jaisiya.

The Ráí of Kashmír gives presents to Jaisiya son of Dáhir.

The day on which they met, the Ráí of Kashmír gave fifty horses with saddles, and two hundred valuable suits of apparel to his officers. Hamím, son of Sáma the Syrian, was sent to the fief of Shákalhá. When he went a second time to see the Ráí of Kashmír, he was again received with great respect and honour, and an umbrella, a chair, and other presents were given to him. These are honours which are bestowed upon great kings. With great respect and ostentation he was re-conducted to his tenure in the plains. After staying there some time he expired in Shákalhá, and was succeeded by Hamím, son of Sáma, whose descendants remain there to this day. He founded masjids there, and obtained great honour and regard. He was much respected by the king of Kashmír. When Jaisiya^178a went to Jaipúr, and stayed there, he wrote letters to Fúfí, son of Dáhir, at Alor. He informed him of the cause of his leaving the country, and advised him to hold out in that part. Fúfí, son of Dáhir, received much encouragement on reading the letter, and on learning that he had gone away to Jaipúr.

When Muhammad Kásim had fought for six months at Brahman-ábád, and war was protracted for a long time, and the news of Jaisiya was received from Chanesar,¹⁷⁹ four of the chief merchants of the city consulted together at the gate of the fort, which is called Jawetarí.^179a They said the Arabs have conquered the whole territory, Dáhir has been killed, Jaisiya is king, and the fort has been besieged for a space of six months; we have neither power nor wealth to enable us to fight with the enemy, nor can we make peace with him. If he stay a few days more, he will at last be victorious, and we have no ground on which to ask protection from him. We are not able to stand any more before that army; we should, therefore, now join together, and sallying out attack Kásim, or be slain in the attempt; for if peace be made, all those found in arms will be slain, but all the rest of the people, the merchants, the handicraftsmen, and the cultivators, will find protection. And if they could get any assurance, it was better, they said, to make terms and surrender the fort to him. He would take them under his protection, and they would find him their supporter if they would follow rules of allegiance. To this opinion they all agreed. They sent their messengers, and craved for themselves and their families exemption from death and captivity.

Protection granted to them on their faithful promises of allegiance.

Muhammad Kásim granted them protection on their faithful promises, but put the soldiers to death, and took all their followers and dependants prisoners. All the captives, up to about thirty years of age, who were able to work, he made slaves, and put a price upon them.^179b Muhammad Kásim called all the chief officers of Hajjáj together, and related the message to them, saying that ambassadors had come from Brahmanábád, and it should be heard what they had to say, and a proper answer should be carefully prepared and given to them.

Opinion of Moka Bisáya.

Moka Bisáya said, “O noble man! this fort is the chief of all the cities of Hind. It is the seat of the sovereign. If this be taken, the whole of Sind will come into your possession. The strongest forts will fall, and the dread of our power will increase. The people will sever themselves from the descendants of Dáhir, some will run away, and others submit to your rule.”

Muhammad Kásim's communication to Hajjáj.

Muhammad Kásim informed Hajjáj of all the circumstances, and furnished those people with his written orders. He fixed the time with them, and they said that on the day named he should come to the Jawetarí¹⁸⁰ gate, from which they would sally out to fight; but when they should come near him, and the Arab army should attack them, they would fly away in the midst of the battle, go into the fort, and leave the gate open. After an answer was received from Hajjáj, to the effect that Kásim should give them protection, and faithfully execute the compact made with them, the people of the fort fought for a short time, and when the Arabs attacked them, and engaged, they fled and entered the fort, leaving the gate open.^180a The Arabs thus got possession of it, and the whole army followed and mounted the walls. The Muhammadans then loudly shouted “Alláh Akbar,” and the people of the fort, seeing the Musulmans victorious, opened the eastern gate, and fled with precipitation. The Muham-madans thus gained the victory, but Muhammad Kásim ordered them to kill none but those who showed fight. They seized all who had arms, and brought them prisoners before Muhammad Kásim, with all their arms and property, dependants, and families. Everyone who bowed down his head and sued for protection was released, and allowed to occupy his own house.

Resistance made by Jaisiya¹⁸¹

and the wife of Dáhir.

It is said, on the authority of the old men of Brahmanábád, that when the fort of Brahmanábád was taken, Ládí, the wife of Dáhir Ráí, who since Dáhir's death had staid in the fort with his son,^181a rose up and said, “How can I leave this strong fort and my family. It is necessary that we should stop here, overcome the enemy, and preserve our homes and dwellings. If the army of the Arabs should be successful, I must pursue some other course. She then brought out all her wealth and treasures, and distributing them among the warriors of the army, she thus encouraged her brave soldiers while the fight was carried on at one of the gates. She had determined that if the fort should be lost, she would burn herself alive with all her relations and children. Suddenly the fort was taken, and the nobles came to the gate of Dáhir's palace and brought out his dependants. Ládí was taken prisoner.

Ládí, the wife of Dáhir is taken, with his two maiden daughters.

When the plunder and the prisoners of war were brought before Kásim, and enquiries were made about every captive, it was found that Ládí, the wife of Dáhir, was in the fort with two daughters of his by his other wives. Veils were put on their faces, and they were delivered to a servant to keep them apart. One-fifth of all the prisoners were chosen and set aside; they were counted as amounting to twenty thousand in number, and the rest were given to the soldiers.

Protection is given to the artificers.

Protection was given to the artificers, the merchants, and the common people, and those who had been seized from those classes were all liberated. But he (Kásim) sat on the seat of cruelty, and put all those who had fought to the sword. It is said that about six thousand fighting men were slain, but, according to some, sixteen thousand were killed, and the rest were pardoned.

The relations of Dáhir are betrayed by the Brahmans.

It is related that when none of the relations of Dáhir were found among the prisoners, the inhabitants of the city were questioned respecting them, but no one gave any information or hint about them. But the next day nearly one thousand Brahmans, with shaven heads and beards, were brought before Kásim.

The Brahmans come to Muhammad Kásim.

When Muhammad Kásim saw them, he asked to what army they belonged, and why they had come in that manner. They replied, “O faithful noble! our king was a Brahman. You have killed him, and have taken his country; but some of us have faithfully adhered to his cause, and have laid down our lives for him; and the rest, mourning for him, have dressed themselves in yellow clothes, and have shaved their heads and beards. As now the Almighty God has given this country into your possession, we have come submissively to you, just Lord, to know what may be your orders for us.” Muhammad Kásim began to think, and said, “By my soul and head, they are good, faithful people. I give them protection, but on this condition, that they bring hither the dependents of Dáhir, wherever they may be.” Thereupon they brought out Ládí. Muhammad Kásim fixed a tax upon all the subjects, according to the laws of the Prophet. Those who embraced the Muhammadan faith were exempted from slavery, the tribute, and the poll-tax;¹⁸² and from those who did not change their creed a tax was exacted according to three grades. The first grade was of great men, and each of these was to pay silver, equal to forty-eight dirams in weight, the second grade twenty-four dirams, and the lowest grade twelve dirams. It was ordered that all who should become Musulmans at once should be exempted from the payment, but those who were desirous of adhering to their old persuasion must pay the tribute and poll-tax. Some showed an inclination to abide by their creed, and some having resolved upon paying tribute, held by the faith of their forefathers,^182a but their lands and property were not taken from them.

Brahmanábád is given into the charge of the prefects of the country.

Muhammad Kásim then allotted to each of the prefects an amount of revenue suited to his ability and claims. He stationed a force at each of the four gates of the fort, and gave the charge of them (to the prefects). He also gave them as tokens of his satisfaction saddled horses, and ornaments for their hands and feet, according to the custom of the kings of Hind. And he assigned to each of them a seat in the great public assemblies.

All people, the merchants, artists, and agriculturists were divided separately into their respective classes, and ten thousand men, high and low, were counted. Muhammad Kásim then ordered twelve diram's weight of silver to be assigned to each man, because all their property had been plundered. He appointed people from among the villagers and the chief citizens to collect the fixed taxes from the cities and villages, that there might be a feeling of strength and protection. When the Brahmans saw this, they represented their case, and the nobles and principal inhabitants of the city gave evidence as to the superiority of the Brahmans. Muhammad Kásim maintained their dignity, and passed orders confirming their pre-eminence. They were protected against opposition and violence. Each of them was entrusted with an office, for Kásim was confident that they would not be inclined to dishonesty. Like Ráí Chach, he also appointed each one to a duty. He ordered all the Brahmans to be brought before him, and reminded them that they had held great offices in the time of Dáhir, and that they must be well acquainted with the city and the suburbs. If they knew any excellent character worthy of his consideration and kindness they should bring him to notice, that favours and rewards might be bestowed on him. As he had entire confidence in their honesty and virtue, he had entrusted them with these offices, and all the affairs of the country would be placed under their charge. These offices were granted to them and their descendants, and would never be resumed or transferred.

The Brahmans go with great confidence into the villages.

Then the Brahmans and the government officers went into the districts, and said, “Oh chiefs and leaders of the people, you know for certain that Dáhir is slain, and that the power of infidels is at an end. In all parts of Sind and Hind the rule of the Arabs is firmly established, and all the people of this country, great and small, have become as equals, both in town and country. The great Sultán has shown favour to us humble individuals, and ye must know that he has sent us to you, to hold out great inducements. If we do not obey the Arabs we shall neither have property nor means of living. But we have made our submission in hope that the favour and kindness of our masters may be increased to us. At present we are not driven from our homes; but if you cannot endure this tribute which is fixed on you, nor submit to the heavy burden, then let us retire at a suitable opportunity to some other place of Hind or Sind, with all your families and children, where you may find your lives secure. Life is the greatest of all blessings. But if we can escape from this dreadful whirlpool, and can save our lives from the power of this army, our property and children will be safe.

Taxes are fixed upon the inhabitants of the city.

Then all the inhabitants of the city attended and agreed to pay the taxes. They ascertained the amount from Muhammad Kásim. And in respect of the Brahmans whom he had appointed revenue managers over them, he said, “Deal honestly between the people and the Sultán, and if distribution is required make it with equity, and fix the revenue according to the ability to pay. Be in concord among yourselves, and oppose not each other, so that the country may not be distressed.”

Muhammad Kásim admonishes the people.

Muhammad Kásim admonished every man separately, and said, “Be happy in every respect, and have no anxiety, for you will not be blamed for anything. I do not take any agreement or bond from you. Whatever sum is fixed and we have settled you must pay. Moreover, care and leniency shall be shown you. And whatever may be your requests, they should be represented to me so that they may be heard, a proper reply be given, and the wishes of each man be satisfied.”

The Brahmans did not receive the alms which were given to them according to the old custom, by the merchants, the infidels, and thákurs, who took delight in worshipping the idols. The attendants of the temples were likewise in distress. For fear of the army, the alms and bread were not regularly given to them, and therefore they were reduced to poverty. They came to the gate of his palace, and lifted up their hands in prayer. They said, “May you live long, oh just lord! We people obtain our livelihood and maintenance by keeping the temple of Budh. You showed mercy upon the merchants and the infidels, confirmed them in their property, and made them zimmís (tolerated subjects). Hence we, your slaves, relying upon your bounty, hope permission may be given for them to worship their gods, and repair the temple of Budh.” Muhammad Kásim replied, “The seat of government is Alor, and all these other places are dependencies of it.” The Hindús said, “The edifice (temple) of this city is under the Brahmans. They are our sages and physicians, and our nuptial and funeral ceremonies are performed by them. We have agreed to pay the taxes in the expectation that every one would be left to follow his own persuasion. This our temple of Budh is ruined, and we cannot worship our idols. If our just lord will permit us, we will repair it, and worship our gods. Our Brahmans will then receive the means of living from us.”

Muhammad Kásim writes to Hajjáj, and receives an answer.

Muhammad Kásim wrote to Hajjáj, and after some days received a reply to the following effect. The letter of my dear nephew Muhammad Kásim has been received, and the facts understood. It appears that the chief inhabitants of Brahmanábád had petitioned to be allowed to repair the temple of Budh and pursue their religion. As they have made submission, and have agreed to pay taxes to the Khalífa, nothing more can be properly required from them. They have been taken under our protection, and we cannot in any way stretch out our hands upon their lives or property. Permission is given them to worship their gods. Nobody must be forbidden or prevented from following his own religion. They may live in their houses in whatever manner they like.¹⁸⁶

Arrival of Hajjáj's orders.

When the orders of Hajjáj reached Muhammad Kásim, he had left the city, and had gone a march. He directed the nobles, the principal inhabitants, and the Brahmans to build their temple, traffic wíth the Muhammadans, live without any fear, and strive to better themselves. He also enjoined them to maintain the indigent Brahmans with kindness and consideration, observe the rites and customs of their ancestors, and give oblations and alms to the Brahmans, according to former practice. They were to allot three dirams out of every hundred dirams capital, and to give them as much of this as should be necessary—the remainder was to be paid into the treasury and accounted for; it would be safe in the keeping of Government.^186a They were also to settle allowances upon the officers and the nobles. They all fully agreed to these conditions before Tamím bin Zaidu-l Kaisí and Hukm bin 'Awána Kalbí. It was ordained that the Brahmans should, like beggars, take a copper basin in their hands, go to the doors of the houses, and take whatever grain or other thing that might be offered to them, so that they might not remain unprovided for. This practice has got a peculiar name among the infidels.

Muhammad Kásim grants the request of the people of Brahmanábád.

Muhammad Kásim granted the request which the people of Brahmanábád had made to him, and permitted them to retain their position like the Jews, the Christians,^186b and fire worshippers of 'Irák and Shám. He then dismissed them, and gave to their head men the appellation of Ráná.¹⁸⁷

Muhammad Kásim calls for Sísákar, the minister.

He then called the minister Sísákar and Moka Bisáya, and asked them what was the position of the Jats of Lohána^187a in the time of Chach and Dáhir, and how were they dealt with? Sísákar, the minister, replied in the presence of Moka Bisáya that in the reign of Ráí Chach, the Lohánas, viz. Lákha and Samma, were not allowed to wear soft clothes, or cover their heads with velvet; but they used to wear a black blanket beneath, and throw a sheet of coarse cloth over their shoulders. They kept their heads and feet naked. Whenever they put on soft clothes they were fined. They used to take their dogs with them when they went out of doors, so that they might by this means be recognized. No chief was permitted to ride on a horse. Wherever guides were required by the kings they had to perform the duty, and it was their business to supply escorts and conduct parties from one tribe to another. If any of their chiefs or ránas rode upon a horse, he had no saddle or bridle, but threw a blanket on its back, and then mounted. If an injury befel a person on the road, these tribes had to answer for it; and if any person of their tribe committed a theft, it was the duty of their head men to burn him and his family and children. The caravans used to travel day and night under their guidance. There is no distinction among them of great and small. They have the disposition of savages, and always rebelled against their sovereign. They plunder on the roads, and within the territory of Debal all join with them in their highway robberies. It is their duty to send fire-wood for the kitchen of the kings, and to serve them as menials and guards.” On hearing this, Muhammad Kásim said, “What disgusting people they are. They are just like the savages of Persia and the mountains.”^187b Muhammad Kásim maintained the same rules regarding them. As the Commander of the faithful, 'Umar, son of Khitáb, had ordered respecting the people of Shám, so did Muhammad Kásim also make a rule that every guest should be entertained for one day and night, but if he fell sick then for three days and nights.

Muhammad Kásim sends a letter to Hajjáj bin Yúsuf.

When Muhammad Kásim had settled the affairs of Brahmanábád and the Lohána territory, and had fixed the tribute of the Jats, he sent a report of all these particulars to Hajjáj. It was written at a place on the river Jalwálí,¹⁸⁸ above Brahmanábád. The account of taking the territory of Sind was communicated and stated in full detail.

Reply of Hajjáj.

Hajjáj wrote in reply, “My nephew Muhammad Kásim, you deserve praise and commendation for your military conduct, and for the pains you have taken in protecting the people, ameliorating their condition, and managing the affairs of the Government. The fixing of the revenue upon each village, and the encouragement you have given to all classes of people to observe the laws, and their agreements, have brought much vigour to the Government, and have tended to the good administration of the country. Now you should not stay any longer in this city. The pillars of the countries of Hind and Sind are Alor and Multán. They are the capitals and royal residences. There must be great riches and treasures of kings hidden in these two places. If you stop anywhere, you should choose the most delightful place, so that your authority may be confirmed in the whole country of Hind and Sind. If any one refuses to submit to Muhammadan power slay him. May you be victorious under the decree of the Almighty God, so that you may subdue the country of Hind to the boundary of China. Amir Kutaiba, son of Muslimu-l Kuraishí is sent; you should make over all the hostages to him, and an army is also placed under him. You should act in such a manner, O son of your uncle, and son of the mother of Jaisiya,^188a that the name of Kásim may become celebrated through you, and your enemies be humbled and confounded. May it please God.”

The arrival of the letter of Hajjáj.

When the letter of Hajjáj reached Muhammad Kásim, he read it. It was also written in it, “You, O Muhammad, consult me in your letters, for it is prudent. The excessive distance is an obstacle. But show kindness that your enemies may desire to be submissive; comfort them.”

Muhammad Kásim then called Widá', son of Hamídu-n Najdí, for the management of the city of Brahmanábád, that is, Báín-wáh,¹⁸⁹ and appointed overseers and assistants. He entrusted four persons from among the merchants of the city with all matters concerning property. He strictly ordered that they should inform him fully and particularly of all matters, and that nothing should be decided without consulting him. He placed Núba, son of Dáras, in the fort of Ráwar, and directed him to hold the place fast, and keep the boats ready. If any boat coming up or down the stream was loaded with men or arms of war, he was to take them and bring them to the fort of Ráwar. He placed the boats on the upper part of the river under the charge of the son of Ziyádu-l 'Abdí, and appointed Handíl, son of Sulaimánu-l Azdi, to the districts which belonged to the territory of Kíraj,^189a Hanzala, son of Akhí Banáná Kalbí, was made governor of Dahlíla, and they were all ordered to inquire into and investigate the affairs of the surrounding places, and report to him thereon every month. He also directed them to assist each other so that they might be secure from attacks of the enemy's forces, and from the opposition of rebellious subjects, and they were to punish disturbers of the peace. He stationed two thousand foot soldiers with Kais bin 'Abdu-l Malik bin Kaisu-d Damani and Khálid Ansári in Siwistán, and sent Mas'úd Tamímí son of Shítaba Jadídí, Firásatí 'Atkí, Sábir Lashkarí, and 'Abdu-l Malik son of 'Abdulláh, Al Khazá'í, Mahram son of 'Akká, and Alúfá son of 'Abdu-r Rahmán, to Debal and Nírún, in order to maintain possession of those places. Amongst the companions of his exploits there was a man named Malíkh, who was a Maulá; him he appointed ruler of Karwáíl. 'Alwán Bakkarí and Kais, son of S'alibá, with three hundred men, also remained in that place, and there they had their wives and families. Thus the whole territory of the Jats was kept under subjection.

Muhammad Kásim proceeds to Sáwandí Samma.

It is related that when Muhammad Kásim had attended to the affairs of the district of Brahmanábád, and of the eastern and western parts of the territory, he marched from that place on Thursday, the third of Muharram A.H. 94 (9 Oct., 712 A.D.) He stopped at a village called Manhal,¹⁹⁰ in the vincinity of Sáwandí.^190a There was a beautiful lake and a delightful meadow there, which were called Danda and Karbahá. He pitched his tents on the banks of the Danda. The inhabitants of the country were Samanís. The chiefs and merchants all came and made submission to Muhammad Kásim, and he gave them protection, according to the orders of Hajjáj. He said that they might live in their country with comfort and content, and pay the revenue at the proper season. He fixed revenue upon them and appointed a person from each tribe as the head of his tribe. One was a Samaní, whose name was Bawádu, and the other, Budehí Bamman Dhawal. The agriculturists in this part of the country were Jats, and they made their submission and were granted protection. When all these circumstances were communicated to Hajjáj, he sent an emphatic answer, ordering that those who showed fight should be destroyed, or that their sons and daughters should be taken as hostages and kept. Those who chose to submit, and in whose throats the water of sincerity flowed, were to be treated with mercy, and their property secured to them. The artizans and merchants were not to be heavily taxed. Whosoever took great pains in his work or cultivation was to be encouraged and supported. From those who espoused the dignity of Islám, only a tenth part of their wealth and the produce of the land was to be required; but those who followed their own religion were to pay from the produce of their manual industry, or from the land, the usual sums, according to the established custom of the country, and bring it to the Government collectors. Muhammad Kásim then marched from that place and arrived at Bahráwar. There he called Sulaiman son of Pathán and Abá Fazzatu-l Kasha'rí and made them swear by the Omnipotent, He gave them strict orders, and sent them with a body of men belonging to Haidar son of 'Amrú and Baní Tamím towards the territory of the people of Bahraj.¹⁹¹ They took up their residence there; and 'Umar son of Hajjázu-l Akbari Hanafí was appointed their chief, and a body of famous warriors were placed under him.

The Sammas come to receive him.

Muhammad Kásim then moved towards the tribes of the Samma. When he came near, they advanced to receive him, ringing bells, and beating drums and dancing. Muhammad Kásim said, “What noise is this?” The people told him that it was with them a customary ceremony, that when a new king comes among them they rejoice and receive him with frolics and merriment. Then Kharím, son of 'Umar, came to Muhammad Kásim and said, “It is proper for us to adore and praise the Almighty God, because He has made these people submissive and obedient to us, and our injunctions and inhibitions are obeyed in this country. Kharím was an intelligent and ingenious man, faithful and honest. Muhammad Kásim laughed at his words, and said, “You shall be made their chief,” and he ordered them to dance and play before him. Kharím rewarded them with twenty dínárs of African gold, and said—It is a regal privilege that joyful demonstrations should be made by them on the arrival of their prince, and gratitude thus be shown to the Almighty—may this blessing be long preserved to them.

Muhammad Kásim marches towards Lohána and Sihta.

The historians say, upon the authority of 'Alí bin Muhammad bin Abdu-r Rahmán bin 'Abdu-lláh us Salíti, that when Muhammad Kásim had settled the affairs of Lohána, he came to Sihta. The chiefs and peasants advanced bare-headed and bare-footed to receive him, and sued for mercy. He granted them all protection, fixed the revenue they were to pay, and took hostages. He asked them to guide him through the various stages to Alor. Their guides were sent forward to Alor, which was the capital of Hind and the greatest city in all Sind. The inhabitants were chiefly merchants, artisans, and agriculturists. The governor of its fort was Fúfí, son of Ráí Dáhir, and before him nobody dared say that Dáhir was slain. He maintained that Ráí Dáhir was yet alive, and had gone to bring an army from Hind, that with its support and assistance he might fight with the Arabs. Muhammad Kásim encamped for one month before the fort, at the distance of one mile. He built there a mosque, in which he read the Khutba every Friday.

Battle with the people of Alor.

War was then waged with the people of Alor, who believed that Dáhir was bringing men to their aid. They cried aloud from the ramparts to the besiegers, “You must abandon all hope of life, for Dáhir, with a formidable army of numberless elephants, horse and foot, is advancing in your rear, and we shall sally out from the fort and defeat your army. Abandon your wealth and baggage, take care of your lives, and run away, that you may not be killed. Hear this advice.”

When Muhammad Kásim saw their resolution and perseverance in maintaining hostilities, and found that they persisted in denying that Dáhir was slain, he put Ládí, the wife of Dáhir, whom he had purchased from a woman and made his wife, on the black camel on which the wife of Dáhir used to ride, and sent her with trusty persons to the fort. She cried out, “O people of the fort, I have some matters of importance to tell you; come near that I may speak.” A body of the principal men ascended the ramparts. Ládí then uncovered her face, and said, “I am Ládí, the wife of Dáhir. Our king is killed, and his head has been sent to 'Irák; the royal flags and umbrella have also been forwarded to the capital of the Khalífa. Do not you destroy yourselves. God says (in the Kurán) ‘Seek not destruction by your own hands,’” She then shrieked out, wept bitterly, and sang a funeral song. They replied from the fort,¹⁹³ “You are false; you have joined these Chandáls and Cow-eaters, and have become one of them. Our king is alive, and is coming with a mighty army and war elephants to repel the enemy. Thou hast polluted thyself with these Arabs, and prefer their government to our kings.” Thus and still more did they abuse her. When Muhammad Kásim heard this, he called Ládí back, and said, “Fortune has turned away her face from the family of Síláíj.”

A sorceress tries to ascertain the death of Dáhir.

It is related by the historians that in the fort of Alor there was a sorceress, which in Hindí is called Joginí. Fúfí, son of Dáhir, and the nobles of the city, went to her and said, “It is expected that you will tell us by your science where Dáhir is.” She replied that she would give them information, after making experiments, if they would allow her one day for the purpose. She then went to her house, and after three watches of the day she brought a branch of the pepper and the nutmeg tree from Sarandíp (Ceylon), with their blossoms and berries all green and perfect in her hand, and said, “I have traversed the whole world from Káf to Káf, but have found no trace of him anywhere in Hind or Sind, nor have I heard anything of him. Now settle your plans, for if he were alive he could not remain hidden and concealed from me. To verify my words, I have brought these green branches from Sarandíp that you may have no delusions. I am sure that your king is not alive on the face of the earth.”

Capitulation of the fort of Alor.

When this became known, the people of the city, great and small, said they had heard of the honesty, prudence, justice, equity, and generosity of Muhammad Kásim, and his faithful observance of his words and promises, and they had witnessed the same. They would send him a message by some trustworthy person, pray for mercy, and surrender the fort. When Fúfí was assured of Dáhir's death, and of the wavering of the people, he came out of the fort with all his relations and dependants, at the time when the king of the stars had passed behind the black curtain of night, and went towards Chitor (Jaipúr).¹⁹⁴ His brother Jaisiya and other sons of Dáhir were there, and had taken up their residence at a village called Nuzúl-Sandal.^194a There was a man of the tribe of 'Alláfí in Alor, who had made friendship with Fúfí; he wrote information of Fúfí's retirement and flight, and having fastened the paper to an arrow shot it (into the camp, informing the Arabs) that Fúfí, son of Dáhir had abdicated the chiefship of Alor, and had departed. Muhammad Kásim then sent his brave warriors to fight, and they ascended the ramparts of the fort and made the assault.

The citizens crave protection.

All the merchants, artizans, and tradesmen, sent a message saying, “We have cast off our allegiance to the Brahmans. We have lost Ráí Dáhir, our chief, and his son Fúfí has deserted us. We were not satisfied until to-day; but as it was destined by God that all this should happen, no creature can oppose His will and power, nor can anything be done against him by force or fraud. The dominion of this world is no one's property. When the army of God's destiny comes forth from behind the veil of secrecy, it deprives some kings of their thrones and crowns, and drives others to despair and flight, by change of circumstances and the occurrence of calamities. No dependance can be placed upon either old sovereignty or new authority, which are fleeting possessions. We now come submissively to you, confiding in your just equity, we put ourselves under your yoke. We surrender the fort to the officers of the just Amír. Grant us protection and remove the fear of your army from our minds. This ancient dominion and extensive territory were entrusted to us by Ráí Dáhir, and as long as he was alive we observed our allegiance to him. But as he is slain, and his son Fúfí has run away, it is now better for us to obey you.” Muhammad Kásim replied, “I sent you no message, nor ambassador; of your own accord you sue for peace, and make promises and engagements. If you are truly inclined to obey me, stop fighting, and with sincerity and confidence come down; if not, I will hear no excuses after this, nor make any promises. I will not spare you, nor can you be saved from my army.”

The Garrison capitulates.

Then they came down from the ramparts and agreed with each other that on these terms they would open the gate and stand at it till Muhammad Kásim should come. They said that if he would act according to his promise, and would treat them generously, they would submit to him and serve him, without any excuse. Then they took the keys of the fort in their hands and stood before the gate, and the officers of Hajjáj, who had been selected, came forward; the garrison opened the gate and made their submission.

Muhammad Kásim enters the fort.

Muhammad Kásim then entered the gate. All the citizens had come to the temple of Nau-vihár,¹⁹⁵ and were prostrating themselves and worshipping the idol. Muhammad Kásim asked what house it was, that all the great men and the nobles were kneeling before it, and making prostrations. He was told that it was a temple called Nau-vihár. Muhammad Kásim ordered the door of the temple to be opened, and he saw an image mounted on a horse. He went in with his officers, and found that it was made of hard stone, and that golden bracelets, ornamented with rubies and other precious stones, were on its hands. Muhammad Kásim stretched out his hand and took off one of the bracelets. He then called the keeper of the temple of Budh Nau-vihár, and said, “Is that your idol?” He replied, “Yes; but it had two bracelets, and now it has only one.” Muhammad Kásim said, “Does not your god know who has got his bracelet?” The keeper hung down his head. Muhammad Kásim laughed, and gave back the bracelet to him, and they replaced it on the hand of the idol.

Muhammad Kásim orders the soldiers to be killed.¹⁹⁶

Muhammad Kásim ordered that if the military bowed their heads in submission they should not be killed. Ládí said “the people of this country are chiefly workmen, but some are merchants. The city is inhabited and its land cultivated by them, and the amount of the taxes will be realized from their earnings and tillage if the tribute is fixed on each person.” Muhammad Kásim said, “Rání Ládí has ordered this,” and he gave protection to all.

A person comes forward and craves mercy.

It is related by the historians, that from amongst the people who were given up to the executioners to be put to death, a person came forward and said, “I have a wonderful thing to show.” The executioner said, “Let me see it.” He said, “No, I will not show it to you, but to the commander.” This was reported to Muhammad Kásim, and he ordered him to be brought before him. When he came, he asked him what wonder he had to show. The man said it was a thing which nobody had yet seen. Muhammad Kásim said, “Bring it.” The Brahman replied, “If you grant my life, and that of all and every of my relations, family, and children.” Muhammad Kásim said, “I grant it.” He then asked him for a written and express promise under his gracious signature. Muhammad Kásim thought that he would produce some precious gem or ornament. When a strict promise was made, and the written order was in his hand, he pulled his beard and whiskers, and spread out the hairs; then he placed his toes at the back of his head and began to dance, repeating this saying, “Nobody has seen this wonder of mine. The hairs of my beard serve me for curls.” Muhammad Kásim was surprised at this. The people who were present said, “What wonder is this for which he wishes to be pardoned? He has deceived us.” Muhammad Kásim replied, “‘A word is a word, and a promise is a promise.’ ‘To belie oneself is not the act of a great man.’ ‘Know that he who retracts is a treacherous man.’ ‘See how a (true) man observes his promise.’ ‘If a person fulfil his words, he is more exalted than you can conceive.’ We must not kill him, but we will send him to prison, and report the case to Hajjáj for his decision.” Accordingly the execution of that man and of twenty-two of his relations and dependants was postponed, and a report of the case was written to Hajjáj, who asked the learned men of Kúfa and Basra to pronounce their opinions. A report was also sent to 'Abdu-l Malik, the Khalífa of the time. The answer which came from the Khalífa and the learned men was, that such a case had already occurred among the friends of the Prophet—may peace be to him. God says, “He is a true man who fulfils his promise in God's name.” When the answer to this effect came, the man was liberated with all his dependants and relations.

Jaisiya goes to Kúraj.

It is related by the great and principal men, that when Jaisiya, with seven hundred men, foot and horse, reached the fort of Kúraj,¹⁹⁷ the chief of that place came forth to receive him. He showed him much attention, and inspired his hopes by great promises. He told him that he would assist him against the Muhammadans. It was customary with Darohar^197a Ráí to take one day's holiday in every six months, drink wine with women, hear songs, and see dancing. No stranger was admitted to be one of the company. It happened that on the day Jaisiya arrived Darohar Ráí was celebrating this festival. He sent a person to Jaisiya to say that on that day he was in privacy, and no stranger could come to his chamber; but as he (Jaisiya) was a very dear guest, and was regarded by him as his son, he might attend. Jaisiya bent down his head, and drawing lines on the earth did not look at the women. Darohar told him that they might be regarded as his (Jaisiya's) mother and sisters; he might lift up his head and look. Jaisiya said, “I am originally a monk, and I do not look at any woman who is a stranger. Darohar then excused him from looking, and praised his self-restraint and modesty. It is narrated, that when the women came round him, there was among them the sister of Darohar, whose name was Jankí, that is, beautiful, and she was lovely. She was a woman of royal descent, and possessed of great charms. She was elegant in stature as the juniper tree, generous in disposition, her words were like a string of pearls, her eyes handsome, and her cheeks like tulips or rubies. When she saw him, love for Jaisiya took hold of her heart. She looked at him every moment, and made love to him by her gestures. When Jaisiya went away, Jankí, the sister of Darohar, arose and went to her house. She had a litter prepared, in which she seated herself, and ordering her maid-servants to carry it, she proceeded to Jaisiya's dwelling. There she alighted from the litter and went in. Jaisiya had gone to sleep, but when the smell of wine, which proceeded from Jankí, penetrated his brain, he awoke, and saw Jankí sitting beside him. He rose up and said, “Princess, what has brought you here? What time is this for you to come here?” She replied, “Foolish fellow; there is no necessity to ask me about this. Would a young and beautiful woman come in the very dark of the night to visit a prince like you; would she rouse him from sweet slumber, and wish to sleep with him, but for one purpose; particularly a beauty like me, who has seduced a world with her blandishments and coquetry, and made princes mad with desire? You must know well and fully my object, for how can it remain concealed from you? Take advantage of this success till morning.” Jaisiya said, “Princess, I cannot consort with any other woman than my own lawful and wedded wife; nor ought such a thing to be done by me, because I am a Brahman, a monk, and a continent person, and this act is not worthy of great, learned, and pious men. Beware lest you defile me with so great a crime.” Although she importuned him much, he would not accede to her wishes, and struck the hand of denial on the tablet of her breast.

Jankí is disappointed by Jaisiya.

When Jankí was disappointed, she said, “Jaisiya, you have deprived me of the delights and raptures I anticipated. Now have I determined to destroy you, and to make myself the food of fire.” She then retired to her house, and covered herself with her clothes. Having closed the door, she tossed about on her bed till day-break, and was uttering these couplets:—“Your love and your charms have burnt my heart.” “The light of your beauty has illumined my soul.” “Give me justice or I will weep.” “I will burn myself, you, and the city together.” The next day, although the king of the stars had raised his head from the bastions of the heavens, and tore up the coverlid of darkness, Jankí was still asleep. The fumes of wine and the effects of separation mingled together, and she remained lying till late, with her head covered with her bedclothes. King Darohar would take no breakfast, and drink no wine, till his sister Jankí showed her face. He always paid her much honour and respect. So he rose and went to his sister's apartments, and found her overwhelmed with care and melancholy. He said, “O, sister! O princess, what has come over thee, that thy tulip-coloured face is changed and turned pale?” Jankí replied, “Prince, what stronger reason can there be than this—That fool of Sind surely saw me in the gay assembly. Last night he came to my house, and called me to him. He wanted to stain the skirt of my continence and purity, which has never been polluted with the dirt of vice, and to contaminate my pious mind and pure person with the foulness of his debauchery, and so bring my virgin modesty to shame, The king must exact justice for me from him, so that no reckless fellow may hereafter attempt such perfidy and violence.” The fire of anger blazed out in Darohar, but he told his sister that Jaisiya was their guest, and moreover a monk and a Brahman, who was connected with them. He had come to ask assistance; and was accompanied by one thousand warriors. He could not be killed. He was not to be destroyed by force; “but,” said he, “I will contrive some plot to slay him. Arise and take your morning meal. As no crime has been committed no open threats can be made.”

Darohar contemplates treacherous measures against Jaisiya.

Darohar came to his palace, called two armed blacks, one of whom was named Kabír Bhadr,¹⁹⁹ and the other Bhaiú, and thus addressed them, “I will invite Jaisiya to-day after breakfast, and entertain him; after taking dinner, I will drink wine in a private apartment, and play chess with him. You must both be ready with your arms. When I say shah mát (check-mate), do you draw your swords and kill him.” A man of Sind, who had been one of the servants of Dáhir and was on terms of friendship with an attendant of Darohar, became acquainted with this scheme, and informed Jaisiya of it. When at the time of dinner, an officer of Darohar came to call Jaisiya, he said to his thákurs who were in command of his soldiers, “Oh Gúrsia²⁰⁰ and Súrsia, I am going to dine with King Darohar. So you prepare your arms and go in with me. When I am playing chess with Darohar do you stand close behind him, and be careful that no evil eye may fall on me, or any treacherous act be done or contrived.

Jaisiya comes with his two armed men.

Accordingly they went to the court, and as Darohar had omitted to order that no other person except Jaisiya should be allowed to come in, both the attendants went in and stood behind Darohar without his observing them. When they had finished the game of chess, Darohar raised his head, in order to make the signal to his men, but he saw that two armed men were standing ready near him. He was disappointed, and said, “It is not checkmate, that sheep must not be slain.” Jaisiya knew that this was the signal, so he arose and went to his house and ordered his horses to be prepared. He bathed, put on his arms, got his troops ready, and ordered them to mount. Darohar sent an officer to see what Jaisiya was doing. He returned, and said, “May God's blessing be upon that man. His nature is adorned with the ornaments of temperance. He is of noble extraction, and his works are not evil. He always strives to preserve his purity and holiness in the fear of God.” It is narrated that when Jaisiya had bathed, taken food, and put on his arms, he loaded the baggage on camels, and passing under the palace of Darohar, left him without paying him a visit and saying farewell; but he sent to inform him of his departure, and marched away with all his relations and dependants. He travelled till he reached the land of Kassa,²⁰¹ on the borders of Jálandhar. The Chief of it was named Balhará, and the women of the country called him Ástán Sháh.^201a He remained there till the succession of the Khiláfat devolved upon 'Umar 'Abdu-l Azíz, when 'Amrú, son of Musallam, by the orders of the government, went to that country and subjugated it.

It was related by some Brahmans of Alor that Jaisiya, son of Dáhir, was unequalled in bravery and wisdom. The story of his birth runs, that one day Dáhir Ráí went hunting with all the animals and all the equipments of the chase. When the dogs and leopards and lynxes were set free to chase the deer, and the falcons and hawks were flying in the air, a roaring lion (sher) came forth, and terror and alarm broke out among the people and the hunters. Dáhir alighted from his horse, and went on foot to oppose the lion, which also prepared for fight. Dáhir wrapped a sheet round his hand which he put into the beast's mouth, then raised his sword, and cut off two of his legs. He then drew out his hand and thrust his sword into the belly and ripped up the animal so that it fell down. Those men who had fled for fear came home, and told the Rání that Dáhir Ráí was fighting with a lion. The wife of Dáhir was big with child when she heard this news, and from the great love she bore her husband she fell and swooned away. Before Dáhir had returned, the soul of his wife had departed from her body through fright. Dáhir came and found her dead, but the child was moving in the womb, so he ordered her to be cut open, and the child was taken out alive, and given over to the charge of a nurse. The child was therefore called Jaisiya, that is, “al muzaffar bi-l asad,” or in Persian, sher-firoz, “lion-conqueror.”^201b

The dressers of this bride, and the embellishers of this garden have thus heard from 'Alí bin Muhammad bin Salmá bin Muhárib and 'Abdu-r Rahmán, son of 'Abdariu-s Salítí, that when Muhammad Kásim had subjugated the proud people of Alor, the seat of government, and all the people had submitted to him and obeyed his rule, he appointed Rawáh, son of Asad, who on his mother's side was one of the grandsons of Ahnak, son of Kais, to the chiefship of Alor and entrusted the matters connected with the law and religion to Sadru-l Imám al Ajall al 'Alim Burhánu-l Millat wau-d Dín Saifu-s Sunnat wa Najmu-sh Sharí'at, that is, to Músá bin Ya'kúb bin Táí bin Muhammad bin Shaibán bin 'Usmán Sakifí. He ordered them to comfort the subjects, and leave not the words “Inculcate good works and prohibit bad ones,” to become a dead letter. He gave them both advice as to their treatment of the people, and leaving them entire power, he then marched from that place and journeyed till he arrived at the fort of Yábíba,²⁰² on the south bank of the Bíás. It was an old fort, and the chief of it was Kaksa.

Kaksa is vanquished and comes to Muhammad Kásim.^202a

Kaksa, son of Chandar, son of Siláíj, was cousin of Dáhir, son of Chach, and was present in the battle which Dáhir fought; but having fled he had come to this fort in wretched plight, and had taken up his abode in it. When the Muhammadan army arrived, a contribution and hostages were sent, and the chiefs and nobles went forth and made submission. Muhammad Kásim showed them kindness, and granted them suitable rich khil'ats, and asked them whether Kaksa belonged to the family (ahl) of Alor, “for they are all wise, learned, trustworthy, and honest. They are famous for their integrity and honesty.” He added, “Protection is given him, so that he may come with hearty confidence and hopes of future favour: for he shall be made counsellor