Letters - Select Letters of Tippoo Sulṭān (Kirkpatrick)

INSTRUCTIONS directed to Ghûlâm Ahmed Dârogha of Hurkârehs, and Syed Ali, Dârogha of Couriers, and Meer Bâker, Dârogha of the Paish-kheema,² and Shama Nâig, and Shaisa Nâig, and Sadaseo Nâig, as follows:

You, the above mentioned Hurkâreh Nâigs, must, during the space of one month, place spies throughout the whole fort, in the town of Gâjam, and in the two camp huzars, &c. and also over the doors of the great Meers’ houses, and [by these means] gain intelligence of every person who goes to the dwelling of another,and of what people say; and acquire knowledge of the true state of things.

You three Dâroghas must write the occurrences of every day in three separate Persian reports, with your own hands; and you three Nâigs must, with your own hands, write three separate Canary reports, and bring and deliver them to the Presence. But first you must give intelligence to all persons, that it is the order of the Presence, that no one shall go to the house of another to converse; but that whatever they may have to say must be communicated in their respective Kuchurries. If, notwithstanding this order, any person should go to the house of another, you must, upon his returning out of the same, bring him that moment to the gate of the palace, and report [the circumstance] to the Presence.

During one month, you, together with your Hurkârehs, shall perform the duty of spies; and the next month you must communicate these orders, regarding intelligence, to Akibut Mahommed, Dârogha of Hurkârehs, and Kâdir Ali, Dârogha of Couriers, and Meer Yoosif, Dârogha of the Paish-kheema, and Singa Nâig, Poota Nâig, Nubby Yâr Khân, Chik Nâig, and Hully Narâin, and put them on the duty of spies. You will then remain in [the execution of] your functions at the gate of the palace.

After one month, the aforesaid will report to you again the orders regarding intelligence, and you will again perform the duty of spies. In this manner you must relieve each other monthly: and the orders of the Presence are not again necessary [on this subject].

Written the 25th of the month Rubbâny, year Shâd, 1223 from the birth of Mahommed, with the hand of Syed Hûsain.

To this purport other instructions have been written, directed to Akibut Mahommed, Dârogha of Hurkârehs, and Kâder Ali, Dârogha of Couriers, and Meer Yoosif, Dârogha of the Paish Kheema, to Singa Nâig, Pootah Nâig, Nubby Yâr Khân, Chik Nâig, and Hully Nârâin.

The following is a translation of a note addressed to Tippoo, by no less a personage than Mahommed Mukhdoom, the son of Lala Meea. This document shows, that the Sultan employed spies of all ranks.

“Cherisher of the World! Health be unto you!

“Your slave, as he was coming from the house of his brother, happened to “meet in the way with Ghûlâm Hyder. Sitting down together, he told me that “the household effects of Husun Ali were about to be sent off that very day. I “answered, that I had heard the same thing, but not from any authority to be “depended upon. Now, however, that your slave has received the orders of the “resplendent Presence for the purpose, he will be careful to obtain every possible “information, and to report to the sublime Presence such authentic intelligence as “shall reach him.”

I am indebted for the following explanation of the cypher, alluded to in Letter LXVII, to Mr. Stewart, the Arabic, Persian, and Hindoostany Professor at the Honorable the East-India Company’s College at Hertford. Not having received it till after that Letter had gone to press, it is inserted in this place.

The verse, containing the key to the cypher in question, is read by Mr. Stewart, as follows:—

which may be thus rendered:

The Units reach just to the line;

The Tens not quite so low are seen:

The Hundreds to the right incline;

While Thousands to the left do lean.

Or the Hundreds and Thousands may be thus denoted:

Hundreds

Thousands &c.

But the Ubjud notation (according to which the several letters of the alphabet are to be denoted by figures, and, vice versa, the latter to be reduced to letters) not going beyond 1000, by which number the letter is expressed, the foregoing scheme is applicable no farther: what follows a thousand, therefore, can be employed only to denote numbers. Thus or might be used for 3000; but would not convey any other meaning.

The following example is added, for the better illustration of the cypher in question.

Ghûlâm Hyder () would be thus written

or instead of this may be used.

And Tippoo Sultan () thus,

or instead of this may be used.

This, I believe, was the cypher in which (as mentioned at Letter LIII) the description of the works of Fort St. George was written by Tippoo’s Vakeels, during their residence at that presidency.

Kurnool, or, as my Persian original has it, Kunnool,² is by some authorities described as a Muhul, or Purgunnah, of the Sircar Adoni; while others call it a Sircar, giving, at the same time, the title of Soubah (as in the case of Bunkapoor) to Adoni. But however this might be, it is certain that, as well during the existence of Beejapoor as a separate kingdom, as subsequently to its degradation to the rank of a province of the Moghul empire, both the districts in question were included in its jurisdiction.

Kurnool is not particularly noticed in the annals of the Decan till the period of Aurungzebe’s appearance in that quarter of India. Since then, however, the active part taken by some of its chiefs, in the subsequent transactions of that busy scene, has conferred upon it a considerable degree of distinction.

The founder of the Patan dynasty of Kurnool was, as has been elsewhere incidentally mentioned,³

an Afghan, of the tribe called Poory-Zye.⁵ He had already attained to some rank in the Moghul army, when the latter was joined from Shânoor by Bhûlool Khân, between whose family, and that of Khizr Khân, a great friendship had always subsisted. The young men having, in consequence, been educated together, had contracted a strict intimacy, which was now renewed, and closely cultivated by both. Bhûlool Khân happening, at this conjuncture, to stand high in the favour of Aurungzebe, as well as in that of his chief counsellor, Khân Jehân Khân, employed his credit with them so effectually in behalf of his friend, that Khizr Khân, besides an augmentation of his immediate Munsub, soon obtained the government of Kurnool in Jâgeer, upon the condition of his maintaining, for the imperial service, a body of three thousand horse, and seven thousand foot. The limits of the Sircar of Kurnool (as it is on this occasion called) have probably fluctuated greatly, in the course of the various revolutions which that district has experienced. They must, at least, if the information before me be accurate, have been considerably more extensive, at the period just now referred to, than they are at this time, since the revenue, of which Khizr Khân became master, is rated at a sum exceeding thirty-four lacks of rupees.

The fortress of Kurnool had not yet submitted to the Moghul arms, but was still occupied on behalf of the reigning sovereign of Beejapoor: Khizr Khân, therefore, had to reduce it, before he could enter upon his new government. For this purpose, accompanied by Bhûlool Khân, he immediately proceeded against that place, the commander of which was soon convinced, by the joint force of bribes and threats, of the necessity of surrendering it. After this, he would not appear to have experienced any serious difficulty in establishing his authority throughout the rest of the district. When this object was completely effected, and not before, Bhûlool Khân, taking leave of his friend, returned to his own Jâgeer.

We hear nothing further of Khizr Khân, till several years after this time, when he is said to have distinguished himself greatly at the siege of Aurungabad, conducted by Allumgeer in person. It was at this juncture that, while proceeding one day to pay his respects to the Emperor, he happened to encounter, at a gateway leading to the Imperial residence, Shaikh Minhâj De Rany, an Omra formerly of the first rank at the court of Beejapoor (which, with several other nobles of that declining kingdom, he had some time before quitted in disgust), and no less celebrated for his bold and unguarded language on all occasions, than for his intrepidity in the field. Whether any rivalry or ill-will had previously subsisted between these two great men does not appear; but meeting now in the situation which has been mentioned, they engaged in a violent dispute regarding precedence, which soon terminated in the death of Khizr Khân, who fell by a wound, inflicted during the contest, by his adversary’s own hand.⁶ The latter, nevertheless, utterly fearless of the consequences of his sanguinary rashness, instantly repaired to the Imperial Presence; where, with a levity but ill suited, either to the place or to the occasion, he scoffingly related, “that having met, in “his passage through the portal of the palace, with a kicking ass,⁷ he had “presently removed the nuisance.”⁸ The Emperor, astonished at this address, was still considering what it could mean, when the Urz-baigy⁹ appearing, explained the allusion of the Shaikh, by a circumstantial report of what had happened. The murderer, in the mean while, remained perfectly unmolested: for such was the weight and credit which he enjoyed, at this time, at the imperial court, that Allumgeer judged it expedient to wink at his conduct on the present occasion. It was not thus, however, with

the son of Khizr Khân, who no sooner learned the fate of the latter, than, quitting the government of the Payen Ghaut Carnatic, which had been some time before confided to him by Allumgeer, he hastened to Kurnool; from whence, after collecting together a considerable body of troops, and leaving his brother, Ali Khân, in charge of his Jâgeer, he proceeded by rapid marches towards Aurungabad, with the avowed purpose of avenging his father’s death. The desperate step thus taken by the Patan excited no small uneasiness in the mind of the Emperor, who was justly apprehensive, lest it should produce a division, and perhaps a tumult, in the imperial army, in which both Shaikh Minhâj and his adversary had numerous friends and partisans. If he sent a force to oppose the progress of the latter, or to chastise his temerity, it would be to proclaim the contempt entertained for his authority; and if, on the other hand, he suffered the Patans, in the present disposition of their leader, to join the imperial camp, he anticipated the confusion and bloodshed which were too likely to ensue, from the impetuous spirit, and deep-rooted hatred of the contending chiefs, acting on the fierce and turbulent character of their respective adherents. From this dilemma he was, however, for the present, relieved, by Zoolfkâr Khân, the Khânsâmân (or house steward) of the Vizier, Asud Khân, who had been the intimate friend and sworn brother of Khizr Khân; by whose sons he had been, in consequence, always considered in the light of an uncle. Zoolfkâr Khân, availing himself of this title to the deference of the Patan (and which, by Mahommedans in general, is deemed to be little or nothing inferior to the claims derived from absolute consanguinity), proposed to write to his adoptive nephew, exhorting him to submit himself entirely to the justice of the Emperor, and dismissing the chief part of his followers, to repair, in perfect confidence, to his (Zoolfkâr’s) quarters; whence he promised to conduct him to an audience of his Majesty, and to procure for him all the satisfaction he could desire. Dâood Khân, yielding to the advice and entreaties of his friend, was immediately presented to the monarch; who, besides a most gracious reception, gave him some wholesome counsel for the regulation of his conduct, which he concluded, by assuring him that, in regard to his father’s death, the law should take its course. The following day was accordingly appointed for the public hearing of the cause. In the mean while, however, desirous, either for personal or political reasons, of skreening the culprit, if possible, from punishment, Allumgeer sent privately for Shaikh Minhâj; and telling him that as, agreeably to the law, he could not be convicted of the offence imputed to him, except upon his own admission, he (the Emperor) trusted that he would feel no hesitation, when confronted with his accuser, in asserting his innocence. To this the Shaikh is said to have apparently assented: but however that might be, he was, no doubt, very far from entertaining such an intention; since the next morning, when publicly interrogated on the occasion, instead of denying the crime laid to his charge, he loudly exclaimed, “that it was most true that he had slain the whoreson¹⁰ in “question, with the identical poignard which he then held in his hand, and that he “was, in like manner, prepared to kill any other whoreson, who should seek to “avenge his death.” So saying, he quitted the Durbâr, leaving the whole assembly in utter amazement at his temerity. Nor was it at any future period in the power of Dâood Khân to wreak his meditated vengeance upon the murderer of his father; who, after this time, was always surrounded by a body of three hundred well armed and desperate Decanies, whose particular duty it was to watch the motions of the Patans, and whose vigilance and courage constantly frustrated every attempt of the latter upon his life.¹¹

It is not stated by our annalist, what means were taken by the Emperor, in this perplexing predicament, to reconcile Dâood Khân to the disappointment of those hopes of public satisfaction for the murder of his father, which he had been confidently taught to entertain. It appears, however, that the Patan continued with the imperial army till the death of Allumgeer; some time after which event he was slain in a sanguinary tumult, excited, as Meer Hûsain says, by the jealousy and hostility of a faction at court, who spared no means to effect his disgrace and removal from thence. By other accounts, however, it would appear that he fell in an attempt which he had made to cut off the Viceroy of the Decan. What is certain is, that many Omras of distinction, besides Dâood Khân, lost their lives upon this occasion. He dying without issue, was succeeded by his only brother,

who ruled between five and six years, during which period nothing is recorded of him. Upon his death, the government devolved upon his son,

who is stated to have filled the office of Soubahdâr of Adoni, during the life-time of his uncle, Dâood Khan; but whether on the part of the latter, or under an immediate nomination from the Viceroy of the Decan, is not mentioned. I incline to think, however, that he must have held it as a separate government, since their is no authority, that I know of, for believing that Adoni constituted at any period, a dependency of Kurnool. However this may be, Ibraheem Khân, soon after ascending the Musnud, set about rebuilding with masonry the citadel of Kurnool, the wall of which, before this time, appears to have consisted only of mud. He also made considerable additions and improvements to the town; and applying sedulously to the augmentation of his military force, and particularly to that part of it composed of Afghans of his own tribe, soon found himself at the head of a respectable army, with which he was enabled to subject to his authority, and to exact tribute from, many of the surrounding Polygars, who had, for some time past, paid a very reluctant obedience to their Mahommedan rulers.

After this, leaving his son, Alif Khân, in charge of his Jâgeer, he proceeded himself, by the advice of his principal counsellors, to Aurungabad, for the purpose of paying his court to Khân Jehân Khân, who was at that time Viceroy of the Decan. This he did so successfully, that in return for a Nuzr of five lacks of rupees, which he presented to the Viceroy, he obtained, instead of the usual patent of confirmation for his Jâgeer, a new grant, in which the former stipulations, whatever they might have been, were wholly omitted. Having accomplished this object, he returned to Kurnool, where he occupied himself in the affairs of his Jâgeer, till the appointment of the Nâbob, Asof Jah, to the government of the Decan, upon which occasion the Patan hastened to do homage to the new Viceroy; which he did while the latter was still encamped, after his recent victory over Aalum Ali Khân (the nephew of the Umeer ûl Omra, Syed Hûsain Ali Khân) in the vicinity of Burhanpoor.¹² Here he met with a distinguished reception from Asof Jah, who, according to my author, renewed the patent for his Jâgeer in the terms of that which had been granted him by Khân Jehân Khân. Being seized, about this time, with a severe indisposition, he left his son, Alif Khân, in attendance upon the Nâzim, and repaired to Kurnool, where he died, at the end of three or four years, after having ruled over the principality of Kurnool somewhat more than fourteen years. He was succeeded by his son,

who contriving to ingratiate himself with Nâsir Jung, the second son of Asof Jah, is said to have had a principal share in seducing him from his duty and allegiance to his father, at the time that the latter, being obliged to repair to Dehli, left him in the temporary charge of the government of the Decan. What followed, on this occasion, does not belong to the present narrative. It may suffice to say, that Nâsir Jung was, in the end, reconciled to his father, who contented himself with manifesting his displeasure against those who had been most instrumental in exciting him to rebellion, by prohibiting their appearance in his presence. It is probable, however, that some of these, and particularly Alif Khân, were indebted for this impunity, less to the lenity of the Nizâm, than to considerations of policy, which might have suggested the inexpediency, if not the impracticability, of punishing such powerful offenders in a more signal manner.

Alif Khân continued in disgrace with his superior, till the period when Asof Jah, turning his thoughts to the settlement of the lower Carnatic,¹³ summoned the various Munsubdârs and Jâgeerdârs, subject to his authority, to repair to his standard, with their respective military contingents. On this occasion, the Patan, in the first instance, dispatched his son, Behâdûr Khân, to join the Nâzim, to whom he transmitted, at the same time, a considerable Nuzr in money, together with suitable apologies for his past misconduct. These submissions being seconded by the good offices of the chiefs of Shânoor and Kurpah, who were, at this period, in attendance upon Asof Jah, had the effect of subduing the resentment of the latter, or, at least, of inducing him to dissemble it. Alif Khân obtained a formal pardon; and Behâdûr Khân, after an honourable reception and dismission, hastened back to Kurnool with the joyful intelligence. The father, hereupon, leaving his son in charge of his Jâgeer, proceeded in person to the camp of the Nizâm, by whom he was received in a manner sufficiently gracious, and with whom he appears to have continued till the termination of the expedition to the Carnatic, when he was permitted to return to his Jâgeer. Here he shortly after died, having ruled thirteen years, and was succeeded by his eldest son,

known also by the title of Himmut Behâdûr,¹⁴ of whom Meer Hûsain reports, that he was distinguished for his extraordinary intrepidity, and for the prudence with which he carried on the internal affairs of his government, in the management of which he steadily followed the example, and conformed to the practice, of the wisest of his predecessors. But whatever his character, in these respects, might be, his conduct (as well as that of the other Patan chieftains of the Decan) towards Nâsir Jung, subsequently to the accession of the latter to the Musnud of Hyderabad, and soon after with regard to Mûzuffer Jung (a Nâzim of their own creation), exhibits nothing but a tissue of the blackest perfidy and ingratitude.

The particulars of the transactions, here alluded to, are already too well known to require to be recited in this place. It will be sufficient to state, that, according to Meer Hûsain, it was by the immediate hand of Behâdûr Khân¹⁵ that the unfortunate Nâzim perished; and that the detestable traitor did not long survive the victim of his treason, being himself slain, about two months after, in a sanguinary tumult which took place at Raechooty, between the ever-turbulent Afghans and their late accomplices in the atrocious assassination of Nâsir Jung.¹⁶

Behâdûr Khân ruled over Kurnool between seven and eight years,¹⁷ and was succeeded, at his death, by his brother,

who happening to reside, at this period, at Nundiâl, the Polygar of Gudduck, encouraged thereto, and assisted by the French, took advantage of his absence from Kurnool, and the confusion which prevailed there, in consequence of the sudden and disastrous death of Behâdûr Khân, to surprize and seize upon that place. Mûnuwer Khân hereupon hastened to Kurpah, where he solicited the aid of its chief, Abdûl Nuby Khân, towards the recovery of his inheritance. Abdûl Nuby, who could not feel himself very secure on his own Musnud, so recently after the tragic events of Gingee and Raechooty, is nevertheless said to have afforded him some assistance in money. By this means Mûnuwer Khân was enabled to collect together about seven hundred foot soldiers and three hundred horse, with which small force he did not hesitate to advance against Kurnool. The attempt to recover his capital with such a handful of men appeared little short of desperate, and would, probably, have proved so, if the garrison left in it by the Polygar of Gudduck had prudently remained within the walls. Instead of this, however, they unwisely came out, and giving battle to the Patan, were defeated with great slaughter. Hereupon the Polygar’s commander, being panic struck, immediately surrendered the place. According to Meer Hûsain, however, this extraordinary success of Mûnuwer Khân was not so much owing, either to the indiscretion of the enemy, or to the valor of his own followers, as to the powerful aid which he derived from the presence and prayers of a celebrated Peer,¹⁸ established in the neighbourhood of Kurnool, and called Shâh Mustân, whom he had had the good fortune to encounter on his march, and to propitiate in his favor. It was (if our author may be believed) the appearance of this holy personage, at the head of the Patan’s little band, which, by striking unusual terror into the enemy, principally contributed to the victory obtained over the latter.

Mûnuwer Khân remained, from this time, in quiet possession of his country, until the period when Shahnuwâz Khân¹⁹ being raised to the office of chief minister to Sulâbut Jung (the brother and successor of Nâsir Jung) dispatched an army from Hyderabad, for the declared purpose of reducing Kurnool, and of punishing, in the person of the ruling chief, the treason and ingratitude of his predecessor. The Patan, however, not only had the address to avert the impending danger, but, by means of the proper application of bribes, and of suitable submissions, to obtain a confirmation of his Jâgeer, on condition of paying a certain annual tribute to the government of Hyderabad. The amount of this tribute is not stated: but it was, probably, the same which was, some time after, exacted of him by a new adversary, still more formidable than the one whom he had lately appeased.

The enemy who now disturbed the repose which Mûnuwer Khân vainly flattered himself he had secured, by his recent pacification with the Soubah, was the celebrated Hyder Ali Khân; who, some time after he had made the Patan Chief of Shânoor submit to his authority, advanced against Kurnool, with the professed determination of reducing the latter place also to subjection. Mûnuwer Khân prepared, as well as he could, to repel the invader, whom, however, he could not prevent from investing his capital. In these perilous circumstances, as on all other critical occasions that had arisen, since his memorable overthrow of the troops of the Polygar of Gudduck, and his subsequent establishment in his principality, he sought the council and assistance of Shâh Mustân (already mentioned in the relation of those events) and one of whose most steady and zealous disciples he had now become, if he had not been always so. The holy man, presuming, perhaps, on the remarkable effects attributed, by his superstitious admirers, to his former interposition in behalf of the Patan, boldly desired him to be of good cheer, and to rely on the speedy discomfiture of his enemy. Whether this enthusiast had actually persuaded himself, that he possessed any supernatural means of realizing the hopes he raised, or depended, for producing that result, on some secret correspondence which he might have entered into with the invader’s army, is not mentioned by my author. However this might be, he mounted the following morning, bare-headed and bare-footed, on an elephant provided for the occasion, and taking with him a select body of Afghans, proceeded, with great rapidity, in the direction of Hyder’s camp. Hereupon, some of the principal persons in the confidence of that chieftain, observing the movement of the Peer, and probably apprized of his purpose, were induced, either by superstitious considerations, or by motives still less excusable, to represent to their master the obloquy and danger to which he would expose himself, by persisting in the attack of a place, which was evidently under the protection of so venerable and powerful a saint as Shâh Mustân. They concluded with earnestly exhorting him, as he valued his own interest and safety, or the prosperity of his house, to desist from a purpose so pregnant with evil. Hyder, who was but little subject to the influence of superstition, offended, either at the freedom or the folly of this advice, sharply demanded of those from whom it proceeded, “whether his state was not under the protection of a saint, as well “as that of Kurnool?” To this reasonable interrogatory, the others, being, of course, obliged to reply in the affirmative, Hyder sneeringly observed, “that “such being the case, he would leave the two saints to settle their own quarrel as “they pleased, while, at any rate, he was determined to bend the neck of “Mûnuwer Khân to the yoke of obedience.” During this conversation, the Shâh continued to advance towards the Mysorean camp: but whether it was owing to his observing any movements in the latter, which indicated a resistance he had not reckoned upon, or to any intelligence conveyed to him from thence, or, finally, to a sudden conviction of the extravagance and hopelessness of his enterprize, he thought proper, while still at some distance from the enemy’s lines, to turn short round, and hasten back to Kurnool; where, on his arrival, he instantly advised Mûnuwer Khân “to give some money to his visitor, and to “send him away:” adding, “that as things were then circumstanced, he could “answer for the preservation of nothing beyond the walls of the fort.” Whether the prowess of the Shâh would have been adequate for the defence of these, was not put to the proof; for the Patan wisely dispatched a Vakeel to Hyder, with such proposals of accommodation as the latter judged it expedient to accept, although, according to Meer Hûsain, they amounted only to the payment of an annual tribute of a lack of rupees, and the immediate delivery of a large supply of provisions: to which, however, were added abundant assurances of future attachment and submission. Perhaps the chief motive of Hyder, in granting such easy terms to Mûnuwer Khân, arose from his impatience to proceed against Kurpah, which he appears to have done directly after his departure from Kurnool.

Mûnuwer Khân continued subject to the pecuniary contribution imposed upon him at this juncture (but which, as may be collected from Tippoo Sultan’s correspondence with Runmust Khân,²⁰ was not very punctually discharged) till the partition treaty of Seringapatam, in 1792, which at once transferred this tribute to the Nizâm, and released the principality of Kurnool from all future dependence on the ruler of Mysore. During the war which preceded the treaty, Mûnuwer Khân had been required to repair to the standard of the Nizâm, with the military quota, which, as a feudatory of the Soubah of the Decan, he was bound to furnish: and though he was himself, at this period, too old and infirm to undergo the fatigues of the field, he nevertheless sent his contingent, headed by his son, Alif Khân, along with Secunder Jah,²¹ when the latter joined the British forces under Lord Cornwallis.

On this occasion was exemplified the curious, but anomalous nature, of the tenure, by which many of the petty states and chieftains of the Decan hold their territories, being, at the same time, the feudatories of one, and the tributaries of another, superior lord. Thus, Mûnuwer Khân was at once subject to Tippoo Sultan and to Nizâm Ali Khân: yet the former’s claims upon the Patan were not considered as any way impairing those of the latter, who was still supposed to possess the right of summoning him to his standard, and of demanding his services, no matter against what power, whenever he thought proper. It is true, that this right being derived from a source which, in point of fact, no longer existed,²² rested chiefly on what might be called a mere political fiction: but, nevertheless, similar pretensions continue, in various cases, to be respected by prejudice and habit, and, in others, to be enforced by power.

Mûnuwer Khân died, according to my author, soon after the conclusion of the peace of Seringapatam, that is to say, some time in the year 1792, having ruled over Kurnool during a period of forty-one lunar years. He was succeeded by his son,

who, by the treaty concluded in 1800, between the British Government in India and the Nabob, Nizâm Ali Khân, was placed, in a certain degree, under the protection of the East-India Company, to whom the tribute, which he stood engaged to pay to the government of Hyderabad, was then transferred by the latter.

Meer Hûsain concludes his brief account of the Patan dynasties of the Decan by observing, that the reputation of their chiefs, for courage and manly enterprize, would appear to have begun to decline from the period of Dâood Khân’s death, and to have finally expired with Behâdûr Khân.

The following table has been formed with the view of fixing, as far as was practicable, the periods at which the several chieftains of Shânoor and Kurnool succeeded to their respective principalities. Being deduced, for the most part, from the imperfect data furnished by Meer Hûsain, and these being too vague to be confidently relied on, it follows, that it can be offered as no more than an attempt at an approximation to the truth.

I, Meer Mahommed Sâdik, Son of Meer Ali Nuky, servant of the Khodâdâd Sircar, do swear by God, and engage (to which engagement God and his Prophet, and the word of God, which is the Imâm of true-believers, are witnesses) to perform my duty to my Lord and Master faithfully, with all my heart,⁽³⁾ and with my four members;⁽⁴⁾ that is to say, with my eyes, my ears, my tongue, and my hands:⁽⁵⁾ that I will study nothing but obedience to my Lord and Master, and never act, in any instance, contrary to my duty or to his interests. And [I moreover promise] to communicate whatever I shall hear or see to the resplendent Presence.

If, however, (which God forbid!) I should happen to be guilty of a breach of any of the four obligations⁽⁶⁾ [above mentioned], or of the obedience which I owe, may God, the most holy and omnipotent, and whose name is the Avenger, overwhelm me and mine with his wrath, and utterly destroy us!

According to the prohibitions in the holy word of God, the Almighty has forbidden eight things: those [eight] crimes, by the blessing of the confession of faith I will reprobate and put from me, even as [I would] the devil. I will, moreover, in comformity with the holy word, not only zealously discharge my duty, on all occasions, to his Majesty, my Lord and Master, but also labor to promote and maintain the concord and union of the people of Islâm, or those who [are accustomed to] repeat the confession of faith.

If (which God forbid!) any act, forbidden by the holy word, should come to my knowledge, I will drive the unworthy person, committing the same, from among the people of Islâm; for the most glorious and high God has declared, that whosoever commits one of the eight sins, abovementioned, is the son of rejection. And I am descended, on both sides, and through three generations, from nobles and Siyuds of the tribe of Koreish, and of the Mahommedan religion, and am true and faithful both in tongue and hand.

And I declare, under the aforesaid solemn sanctions, that except the wealth of my Royal Master, the Shadow of God, at the time of his becoming a servant of the Khodâdâd Sircar, your slave⁽⁷⁾ was possessed of three pagodas. After becoming the servant of the Sircar (the centre of bounty) I sent for my family, who possessed in jewels, &c. about three thousand rupees. Since that time your slave, who is always ready to sacrifice his life⁽⁸⁾ in your Majesty’s service, swears by the book of God (witness God, and the Prophet of God!) that all he has acquired in cattle, arms, effects, clothes, and vessels of brass, jewels, money, and presents, from his Lord and Master, including profit and original property, as above stated, amounts, in all, to about 1,08,200 rupees: out of which sum he expended, during the three years that he laboured under your Majesty’s displeasure, and confined himself to his own house, about 15,000 rupees. There consequently remain 93,200 rupees, as detailed in the subjoined statement.

I swear by the book of God, and by the words⁽⁹⁾ of the Prophet, that your slave represents his true situation; but if he should [be suspected to] have embezzled any of the Sircar’s property, or to have taken bribes from any Asof, Mûtusuddy, Amuldâr, or Serishtedâr, or to have done injury to any inhabitant of the Sircar, let orders be issued from the Presence full of splendor (the Shadow of God) for enquiry to be made therein; and if your slave shall be found guilty, let a severe punishment be inflicted on the unfaithful offender [i. e. on me]. Let him be rolled up in a mat, and burnt, and let his dwelling and family be destroyed; but though your sacred Majesty should forgive, God will surely punish that wicked doer.

From the beginning of his service, your slave has not given a farthing to any of his relations; and in your slave’s house, marriage ceremonies have seldom exceeded five and twenty rupees, and at no time one thousand rupees. Your slave’s pay was twelve hundred rupees per month: in lieu of half of which your Majesty graciously conferred upon him a Jâgeer of three thousand pagodas. Of this, whatever I have spent, I have spent: the remainder is ready to be laid, together with my life and heart, an humble sacrifice at your sacred and august feet.

All former crimes of this devoted slave, my royal Lord and Master has, through his abundant generosity, favour, and protection, forgiven: but if, hereafter, I should receive any bribes, or commit any [other] misdemeanor in the [management of the] country of the Khodâdâd Sircar, the aforesaid oath will be binding on me. And I will perform the duties of my station, with heart, soul, and fidelity; and never be neglectful of, or deficient in, the same. To this engagement God, and the Prophet of God, are witnesses: and if I act contrary thereto, I shall be obnoxious to the wrath of the throne of vengeance. And the specification of my duties, according to the four above-mentioned members, is as follows:

1st. As to the duty of the eyes. I will not authorize, by any sign made by my eyes, any embezzlement of the property of the Sircar: and if any one should, to my knowledge, do any thing prejudicial to the affairs and property of the Sircar, I will not wink thereat, but will forbid the same, and report it to the exalted Presence.

2d. As to the duty of the ears. If any person should utter expressions of a treasonable nature, or prejudicial to the wealth or affairs of the Khodâdâd Sircar, or act seditiously, and the same should come to my hearing, I will not remain silent, but will forbid and punish the offence, and also report it to the exalted Presence.

3d. As to the duty of the tongue. That is to say, in all matters relating to the due management of the affairs of the Khodâdâd Sircar, whether now or hereafter, and in which the interest, glory, and prosperity of your Majesty may be concerned, it (i. e. my tongue) shall be ever actively employed, as long as it retains motion: nor shall it fail, at any time, to make all necessary communications to the Presence, full of splendor.

4th. As to the duty of the hands. That is to say, the enemies of my royal Lord and Master I will kill with sword and pen,⁽¹⁰⁾ and most certainly will never neglect any opportunity of destroying his enemies with sword and pen. I will, moreover, communicate all such transactions to the resplendent Presence, in my own hand-writing; and I will, likewise, write out all abstract accounts with my own hand. I will, in fine, in all affairs, be loyal with my four members, and omit or neglect nothing which can be accomplished by them.

N. B. The foregoing articles have been set down at about twelve rupees above their real value.⁽¹³⁾

Written on Wednesday, the tenth of the month Hydery, year Shûdâl, 1226⁽¹⁴⁾ from the birth of Mahommed, in the hand-writing of Meer Sadik.

It is proper I should here premise, that the copy of the Futhûl Mûjâhideen, with which I have been favoured by Colonel Marriot, is unfortunately extremely imperfect; for though the work is stated in the beginning to consist of eight chapters, my manuscript contains only three (viz. the third, fourth, and fifth), and even these are in some disorder. The following abstract of this curious performance is, therefore, less complete and satisfactory than I could have wished to render it.

The work commences with the usual invocations to God and the Prophet, which are followed by a high-flown eulogium on Tippoo Sultan, in which last, however, nothing new occurs. Next comes a long and bitter invective, apparently levelled at Europeans in general, but evidently intended to apply more immediately to the English, whose various possessions in the Carnatic, in Bengal, and on the west side of the Peninsula, are particularly noticed and stigmatised, as the acquisitions either of fraud or of violence.

The author then passes to some slight observations on the military tactics of the Europeans; mentioning, more especially, their early superiority in point of artillery, together with their dexterity in the use of small arms; and contrasting these acquirements with the extreme ignorance of the natives of India in those essential branches of war.

But whatever advantages the Christians might, at first, have possessed in these respects, they could, it is observed, be no longer boasted of; at least by those among them who were opposed to Tippoo Sultan: since the latter is stated to have improved so greatly on the European tactics, as to have left his masters in the art at an infinite distance behind him. But it was, most of all, in the ordnance department, that he is pretended to have surpassed his rivals: a circumstance the more remarkable, according to our author, “because the Nazarenes “pass all their lives, like the salamander, in the fire.”⁽¹⁾

The order for the compilation of the present work,⁽²⁾ which was expressly designed “for the instruction of true believers in general in the art of war, to the “end that they might thereby be enabled more effectually to subdue the enemies “of the faith,” appears to have been issued in the year of the Higera 1197,⁽³⁾ (A.D. 1783), and was, probably, among the earliest measures of the Sultan’s reign. It is not stated by the writer, what assistance he received in the composition of it; but it may be safely presumed, from the characteristic style of various passages in it, that Tippoo himself contributed largely to it. Neither is it, perhaps, unlikely, though it is not acknowledged, that M. Lally, the commander of the European party in his service, had some share in its production.

The work appears to be divided into eight chapters, and each chapter into several sections. The copy in my possession being, however, as already stated, imperfect, and not containing either the two first,⁽⁴⁾ or the three last chapters, I can only describe the general contents of those before me.

The third chapter treats of the various manœuvres of a body of regular infantry on actual service, and is divided into twenty-one sections. The eleventh and fourteenth sections describe the mode of fighting in a close or woody country, and form the particular part of the work, with his inattention to which the author is reproached by the Sultan, in Letter CXXXVII.

The two sections referred to are very short, both together not exceeding sixteen lines. Being, however, expressed in technical language, some parts of which I do not clearly understand,⁽⁵⁾ I decline attempting a regular translation of them, lest I should do injustice to the original. It may suffice to say, that a corps is supposed to be advancing by Indian files, of two men abreast, through a wood, in which situation it is assailed, on each flank, by the enemy. In this case, the troops in question, having been previously formed into platoons, the rear platoon, after facing to the right and left outward, and giving fire, was to divide, and advance to the head of the corps, the right hand files taking the right, and the left hand files the left, of the platoons in their front. In this manner was each platoon successively to advance, till the enemy was dispersed, or the wood was passed.

The third chapter is introduced by some general observations on the different modes of attack; in the course of which, notwithstanding all that has been elsewhere said against it by the Sultan himself, the Shub-khoon, or night-assault, is declared to be the best, when the situation of the enemy is favourable to it; that is, when he is encamped on a plain, or in an open country. Particular directions are accordingly given for conducting this species of attack.

It is in the same place directed, that if, in the hour of battle, any soldier fall back out of his station, he shall be instantly put to death; and that if any Risâladâr turn his back to the enemy, he shall be put to death, by his Sipahdâr’s own hand.

Any Sipahdâr disobeying the orders herein given, or abandoning his guns to the enemy, or seeking his safety in flight, was, on due proof of the same, to be hung in public. On the other hand, if he distinguished himself, he was to be advanced in [rank⁽⁶⁾ and] Jâgeer, and to have an elephant bestowed on him.

When a Sipahdâr was killed in action, or died, he was to be succeeded in his station by the Risâladâr in command of the first Risâla. The first Risâladâr was to be succeeded by the second; the second by the third; and the third by the fourth.⁽⁷⁾ The latter was to be succeeded by the first Jowkdâr of the senior Risâla.

All soldiers and others were strictly to obey their respective Sipahdârs and Risâladârs, on pain of being punished, at the discretion of the said superior officers.

In the introductory part of the third chapter, the author likewise describes the manner of attacking the Nazarenes (i. e. the English) in a plain. It is stated to be of infallible success; and triumphant allusions are made, on the occasion, to the actions with Colonels Baillie and Braithwaite, during the last irruption of Hyder into the Carnatic.

By the twelfth section of this chapter, “on charging with the bayonet,” the commanding officer was directed to exclaim, at the moment of charging, “the “Sultan of the Faith is living and well;” which words were to be repeated aloud by all the troops. This mode of attack is highly commended by the author, as being that in which the assailant suffers least and the enemy most.

The nineteenth section (which is a very long one) treats of the performance of the manual exercise by signals made with the sword and drum, instead of the word of command. The chief advantage of this mode consists, according to our author, “in its binding the mind, hands, eyes, and ears of the soldiers, to their “commanding officer;” that is to say, in its obliging them to attend carefully to him: “by which means,” it is observed, “they learn the exercise much “sooner than by the other method.”

The fourth chapter is divided into eighteen sections, which describe the duties of the variousranks of the army.

1. The Sipahdâr was to understand writing and accounts. He was to inspect narrowly into the conduct of all those under him, from the Risâladâr to the Yuzukdâr, or common soldier: to punish and remove such as misbehaved, and to promote such as merited advancement.⁽⁸⁾ If a Risâladâr appeared to him to deserve promotion, or the contrary, the Sipahdâr was to make a faithful report of the circumstance to the Sultan. Other officers, to the Jowkdâr, or captain, inclusive, when guilty of any offence, were to be brought to trial before all the officers of the Risâla to which they belonged, and to be dealt with according to the decision of the assembly on the case. A Risâladâr, on being convicted of any offence, was to be deprived, in the presence of all the officers of his corps, of his sword, which was to be lodged in the guard [room] of the corps, and the circumstances of the case to be reported to the Presence.

2. It was likewise the duty of the Sipahdâr, in conjunction with the Bukhshy and Mûtusuddies attached to his Kushoon, to take a muster, once in every month, of the men, firelocks, and accoutrements, belonging thereto. He was also, personally, to inspect into the state of their clothing, and other necessaries; and, conjointly with the Bukhshy and Mûtusuddies, to make a report of the same to the Sultan.

3. He was to pay particular attention to the state of the ordnance branch, as well as that of the firelocks of his Kushoon, and to take care that all the necessary and warlike apparatus and stores were kept in good order, and ready for service.

4. A tolah weight of oil was, every fifteen days, to be served out to the private men, for the purpose of enabling them to keep their arms in good condition.

5. When the Kushoon had a field day, the Sipahdâr himself was to attend the parade, and give the word of command. He was constantly to exert himself to perfect his men in their excercise, and was to be responsible for any deficiency which might appear in his corps in this respect.

6. If, on actual service, any material difficulty occurred, he was to consult his Risâladârs on the occasion; and, in the first instance, to state his own opinion, on the case. In the event of their differing from him, he was to require the opinion of each in writing, and to act according to the general will.

7. The standard of the Sircar was not to be moved backward and forward, but to remain on a march constantly under the immediate eye of the Sipahdâr, and in charge of a guard belonging to the first Risâla. When the corps took up its ground after a march, the standard was to be erected in the most secure part of the encampment.

8. He was to take care, that the troops under his command encamped in regular order, and that the proper guards were placed and relieved every twenty-four hours.

9. He was to give the guns, tumbrils, and ammunition stores, belonging to his Kushoon, in particular charge to the Risâladârs, who were to take care that every thing appertaining thereto was in constant readiness for service. If any repairs of the articles in question should be wanting, or if there should be any other deficiency in them, the said Risâladârs were immediately to report the same to their Sipahdâr, who was to give directions for supplying what was necessary, and for the execution of the requisite repairs.

10. The guns and tumbrils were, on a march and in action, to be attached to the Sipahdâr’s own Risâla.⁽⁹⁾ When the corps was encamped, they were, in like manner, to be stationed, the guns in front, and the tumbrils in the rear of his Risâla.

11. The Sipahdâr was to recommend to the Presence a person properly qualified (and particularly in point of reading and writing) to fill the office of Sur (or Head) Yusâkchy (or brigade-major). The duty of this officer will be described in the proper place.

To each Kushoon was attached a Bukhshy and two Mûtusuddies, one of whom (generally called a Mirzâey Duftur)⁽¹⁰⁾ kept his books and accounts in Persian, and the other in Hindooy. Their duties were:

1. To muster the Kushoon on the twenty-seventh day of every month, in the presence of the Sipahdâr, to whom they were, at the same time, to make a full report of every thing relating to the corps.

2. To take a separate muster of the Kushoon every two months in their own Kuchurry; which muster, however, was to be attended by the Sipahdâr.

3. To make out, on the last day of every month, a just and faithful account of the pay due to the Kushoon: to deliver in the same on the following day (or first of every month) to the Hûzoor Kuchurry: to receive the amount thereof from the said Kuchurry: and there to pay the same, in the presence of their Sipahdâr, to the troops, delivering each man’s pay into his own hands.⁽¹¹⁾

4. It was also the duty of these officers to return, at the end of five days, to the Hûzoor Kuchurry, the pay of all such men as had been drawn for, but had not been claimed (owing to the absence or neglect of the party entitled thereto) within the specified period.

5. Any failure in these duties was to be punished by removal from office.

The duty of the former of these officers was to visit daily, but at no fixed hour, each Risâla of the Kushoon, and to enquire of the adjutants (Yusâkchies) and Risâladârs of the different Risâlas, into the state of their respective corps. Having committed all the accounts, thus obtained, to writing, he was to wait upon his Sipahdâr, and, sitting down, to communicate the same to him. He was then to attend the Presence, where he was to make a similar report: and, after that, he was required to repair to the Jyshe Kuchurry of the Presence, and there also sitting down, to furnish the same details, for the information of that office. The Yusâkchies, or adjutants of Risâlas, were to make their reports standing; but, on other occasions, might sit in the presence of their Sipahdâr and of the Hûzoor Kuchurry.⁽¹²⁾ The several Adjutants were to accompany the Brigade-Major, when he attended the Sultan with his report. It was, furthermore, the duty of the Sur, or head Yusâkchy, 1st. to convey daily the sign, or parole, to the Sipahdâr and Risâladârs of his Kushoon. 2d. to attend parades and field days, and see that the men stood properly to their arms, and went through their exercise correctly, setting those right who might happen to be wrong. He was, 3dly, the channel of all orders from the Sipahdâr to the different Risâladârs and Jowkdârs of the Kushoon; and, on service acted as an aid-de-camp to the former. 4th. When a Yusâkchy⁽¹³⁾ merited advancement, he was to be made a Jowkdâr:⁽¹⁴⁾ and when, on the other hand, he was to be degraded, it was to be to the rank of Surkheel.⁽¹⁴⁾ 5th, and lastly, the Yusâkchy (or adjutant) was to go round the quarters of the Risâlas at unexpected times, and examining closely into the state of the men and arms, was, at the established orderly hours, to make his report of the same, standing, to his Sipahdâr, to his Risâladâr, and to the Hûzoor Kuchurry of the Jyshe: after doing which he was at liberty to seat himself.

2. During six days of the week, he was to consider himself as on constant duty, and to appear accoutred accordingly. He was to put his Risâla through their exercise at the stated times. He was himself, also, to look closely into the conduct of those under him, and not to trust, in this matter, to the recommendations or complaints of the other officers. Having formed his own judgment of the merits and demerits of every one, he was to make his report accordingly to his Sipahdâr, in order that the due rewards might be distributed, and the necessary punishments inflicted.

3. When the punishment, or removal, of any one (i. e. any officer) appeared necessary to him, he was to assemble all the officers of the Risâla together, and direct them to examine strictly and impartially into the imputed charge: after which he was to report the result to the Sipahdâr, who was to act accordingly.

4. There was to be no exercise on a Thursday, that day being set apart for an inspection of arms and necessaries.

5. A Risâladâr, when deserving of promotion, was to be raised to the rank of Sipahdâr. On the other hand, if it became necessary to degrade him, he was to be reduced to the station of a Jowkdâr.

1. He was to take a survey of his company once in every fifteen days.

2. When on guard, he was to take care that his men were constantly at their post, with the exception of two hours in the twenty-four, during which they were allowed to attend to their own concerns.

3. He was to report to his Risâladâr the conduct of the officers under him; to point out those who were deserving of punishment or removal, and to recommend such as merited advancement.

4. He was to appoint a Jumaadâr of the Week, or bell-tents,⁽¹⁸⁾ who was to have the immediate superintendance of the arms and accoutrements of the company, which he was carefully to inspect [from time to time], and to keep in proper condition.

5. Whatever part of his company might be on guard, or on other duty, he was to visit the same once in twenty-four hours, and to see that the centinels and others were alert and vigilant.

6. In case of being guilty of any neglect of duty, his sword was to be taken from him, and lodged in the [quarter] guard, till such time as the charge against him should be duly enquired into: nor was the same to be restored to him without the orders of the Sircar.⁽¹⁹⁾

A Jowkdâr, when sentenced to be degraded, was to be reduced to a Surkheel; and when promoted, was to be raised to the rank of a Risâladâr.

The word (yuzuk) properly signifies a guard: it is also applied, in Tippoo Sultan’s regulations, to a centinel’s post, as well as to a specific number of men; that is, as I suppose, six rank and file. The word Yuzukdâr would strictly mean a centinel; but it appears to have been likewise used to denote a private soldier, or rank and file in general.

If the Yuzukdâr sat down, or neglected to move about, while posted as a centinel, he was to receive a hundred strokes of a cane. If he was found sleeping, or if any thing under his charge was stolen during his guard, he was to be punished with five hundred strokes. He was to render strict obedience to the Dufaadâr; and, failing herein, he was to receive a hundred strokes. When judged deserving of promotion, he was to be made a Dufaadâr.

The five following sections treat of the manner of mounting and relieving guards, and other ordinary details.

The fifteenth section specifies the salutes to which the different officers of the army were entitled from guards and centries. On this occasion, a Meer Bukhshy is for the first time mentioned, and he appears to have taken precedence of the Sipahdâr. Thus, when the Meer Bukhshy passed either the advanced or rear guard, a Surkheel, at the head of four Yuzuks (or twenty-four rank and file) was to turn out and salute him: whereas, to a Sipahdâr, a Jumaadâr and two Yusuks (or twelve rank and file) only, were to turn out. Neither of them was to be saluted upon coming on parade. The Risâladâr was entitled to no more than presented arms from sentinels. No officer whatsoever was to be saluted after sun-set: nor were the superior ranks, above-mentioned, to receive the specified compliments, if they appeared without their gorgets (puduks).

The sixteenth section relates to the furloughs to be granted to the men and officers when in quarters. The furlough was not to exceed two months. Desertion, in time of peace, was to be punished with a thousand strokes of the cane; but in time of war, the culprit was to be shot, in front of the Risâla to which he belonged. If a soldier deserted to the enemy, and was afterwards taken, he was to be hanged. A soldier running away in face of the enemy, was, on being apprehended, to be punished as above (that is, I suppose, to be hung). If through any neglect of the Sipahdâr, Risâladârs, or Jowkdârs, the fugitive escaped, the punishment appointed for him was to be inflicted on those officers.⁽²⁶⁾

The eighteenth section specifies the different occasions on which salutes of ordnance were to be fired. The anniversary of the Sultan’s birth-day (14th Tûlooey, A. H. 1165), and of his accession to the Musnud (or the 3d of Behâry, A. H. 1197), were each to be celebrated by a salute of thirty-one guns, which seems to have constituted the royal salute. The several Eeds, or holy festivals, were honoured with no more than twenty-one guns, which was also the number appointed to be fired on any victory obtained by the Sultan in person.

The fifth chapter treats chiefly of the different establishments of the army; and among the rest, of the Uskur (or regular) cavalry, and the artillery branches: for both of which various rules and manœuvres, of no particular interest, are given.⁽²⁷⁾ It is introduced by some regulations regarding promotion, which are little more than a repetition of what is stated in the fourth chapter. There is one article, however, on this subject, which deserves to be noticed. It is expressed in words to this effect: “whatever any person’s reputation for gallantry or talents may be, “it is not proper that he should be at once advanced to high station: it is necessary that he should arrive thereat step by step. This difference may, however, “be made between men of superior endowments and those of ordinary merit: “while the latter must be suffered to remain a long time in their respective “stations, let the former be advanced rapidly through the established ranks of “the service.”

I reserve what I have to offer on the various establishments of the army for the Appendix L.: because they are by no means so minutely or so clearly detailed in the Futhûl Mûjâhideen as in some other documents of a later date, which I had only cursorily examined, when the former part of the present work went to press, or I should have been enabled to give a more satisfactory explanation of several military terms occurring in the correspondence, than it was in my power to do at the time I translated the latter.

The Hûkm-nâmeh, or ordinance, for the marine department, of which I propose, in this place, to give an abstract, is addressed, generally, to the Meer Yumms, without any specification of the persons so denominated, but stating their number to be eleven.

The Meer Yumms, (or marine lords, as the term may be rendered) composed a board of admiralty, ordinarily resident at the capital; but, together with all the other public boards, ambulatory, I believe, with the court.⁽¹⁾ This department was instituted in the month of Jaafury of the year 1224 from the birth of Mahommed (or in September 1796), before which time the naval establishments of the state appear to have been placed under the direction of the Mulikût Tûjârs, or board of commerce.

Next in rank to the Meer Yumms were the Meer Buhrs, which last term is, in fact, synonimous with the other. The Meer Buhrs, however, were officers destined to serve afloat, two of them being assigned to a squadron of four ships of war: they corresponded, therefore, with our admirals or commodores. I have said that they were destined to serve at sea, because, fortunately, perhaps, for the security of the British possessions in India, the Sultan’s project, as detailed in the present article, for creating a great naval force, was nipped in the bud by the sudden subversion of his throne, within less than three years from the date of its conception. It may possibly be thought, that, even if he had remained at peace with the English, the resources of his country would have proved utterly inadequate to the formation and maintenance of so extensive a marine as was in his contemplation; and that, at all events, opposed to Great-Britain, he could never have become formidable as a maritime power. Without stopping to examine the grounds of the former supposition, and entirely admitting the justness of the latter, it may nevertheless be contended, that in proportion as the Sultan might have been able to realize his alarming plan of a marine establishment, we should, as a measure of necessary precaution, have been compelled to augment, at a heavy expence, our naval force in India, for the purpose of duly watching his armaments, and of keeping them in constant check. This evil, at least, was averted, by the issue of the war of 1799.

The ordinance which we are at present considering sets out with anouncing, “that forty ships of war were thereby consigned to the care and superintendance “of those to whom it was addressed.” But it appears, from the sequel, that nothing more was meant by this, than that the Meer Yumms were to have charge of the ships alluded to, as soon as they should be built; for, as yet, they were not in existence. They were, however, to be constructed with all possible dispatch; and, when finished, were to be named agreeably to a list contained⁽²⁾ in the instructions, but with which it would be useless to trouble the reader.

The ships were formed into three divisions, under the denomination of Kuchurries, or departments, namely: 1. The Kuchurry of Jumâlâbâd; 2. The Kuchurry of Wâjidâbâd (or Buscoraje⁽³⁾); and 3. The Kuchurry of Mâjidâbâd (or Sudâsheeo-ghur).

With a view to expediting the formation of this embryo fleet, two Meer Yumms, assisted by a Mirzâey Duftur and a Mûtusuddy, were to be established at Mangalore, from whence they were to superintend the building of the vessels intended to be attached to the Jumâlâbâd station. Two other Meer Yumms, together with a Mirzâey Duftur and a Mûtusuddy, were to be resident, in like manner, at or near Mirjân Creek,⁽⁴⁾ for the purpose of directing the construction and equipment of the ships of the Wâjidâbâd and Mâjidâbâd divisions. The places (or docks) to be fixed on for the building of the different ships were to be near, but not absolutely contiguous, to each other.⁽⁵⁾

The board of admiralty was furnished with the model of a ship of war,⁽⁶⁾ having a lion or tyger head: according to which model all the vessels allotted to the different naval stations were to be built. The whole of them were, moreover, to be coppered; and the utmost care was to be taken, to render them complete in all respects.

The timber which might be required in the construction of the vessels in question, was to be cut down, under the direction of persons appointed for the purpose, by the Meer Yumms, in the forests where ship timber was usually procured: from whence it was to be floated, by means of the adjacent rivers, to the respective dock-yards.

Of the ships to be built, twenty were to be line of battle, and twenty large frigates, according to the following detail.⁽⁷⁾

The establishment of officers to the foregoing fleet was to be as follows:

The first class (or twenty) of the Meer Buhrs, were to receive a monthly pay of 150 Imaumies, or rupees, including an allowance for a horse.⁽⁸⁾

The Meer Buhrs attending the Presence, for the purpose of instruction, were to be paid according to their respective merits.⁽⁹⁾

The land establishment of the Kuchurries was fixed as follows:⁽¹⁰⁾

The establishment of officers to each ship of the line was fixed as follows:

Of these, the first Surdâr was to command the whole.

The second officer,⁽¹⁵⁾ with one Teepdâr, and two Yoozdârs under him, was to superintend the great guns, and gunners, belonging to the ship. He was, moreover, to have the care of the powder magazine, of the shot, and, in fine, of every thing appertaining to the guns. He was also to have charge of the provisions, which he was to see served out at stated times.

The third officer,⁽¹⁶⁾ with one Teepdâr and two Yoozdârs under him, was to have the direction of the marines and small arms, and whatever related to this branch of the equipment. To his charge, moreover, were to be consigned all the spare tools, implements, &c.⁽¹⁷⁾ or those kept in store for future use or consumption.⁽¹⁸⁾

The fourth officer⁽¹⁹⁾ was to have particular charge of the Khulâsies, or sailors, and of the artificers belonging to the ship, as the smiths, carpenters, &c. It was also his business to superintend the cooking of the victuals of the crew, and to see the same duly distributed among them. The navigation of the ship appears to have been immediately entrusted to him; since it is said, that the orders for hoisting and trimming the sails, &c. were to proceed from him. He had likewise charge of all the tools and implements in immediate use, which he was to keep in good condition and repair. He was also, occasionally, to place under the orders of the second officer, whatever number of sailors the latter might require, for the purpose of assisting in the management of the guns. He was to employ the carpenters and smiths in making up such articles in their respective departments as were likely to be required, at some future time, for the ship’s use. “If, on any occasion,” continues the ordinance “which God avert! a cannon shot should “strike the ship,” it was the business of the fourth officer to see the damage instantly repaired. He was, finally, to superintend the pumps, &c.⁽²⁰⁾

All the foregoing officers were to be selected with care; and none but such as were well descended on both sides, were to be employed. It was, moreover, required, that they should all be able to read and write.

The Sepoys, or troops, serving on board, were, on no account, to be suffered to trade, “not even to the extent of a single Imaumy (or rupee).”

The above pay and allowances were to be received by the men and officers when on shore. When afloat, or embarked, they were, in addition thereto, to receive the rations to be presently stated.

As a Meer Yumm might be occasionally employed with the fleet, it was ordered, that, in such cases, “a particularly good dinner, together with fruit,” should be daily provided; the expence of which was to be defrayed by government.

All the officers were to eat together. The following were the persons to whom rations were to be issued when afloat:

To the above officers the following daily rations were to be served out:

The following were the rations to be issued to the Musqueteers and Gunners; no distinction being made between men and officers:

Besides the above rations, it would appear that meat prepared with spices, and roasted (or made into Kubâbs), was to be kept in store, and served out once in every fifteen days, at the rate of a quarter of a short Seer per man.⁽²⁷⁾ The meat in question was to be cured or prepared with salt, ginger, turmeric, and black pepper.

The seamen were each to be allowed daily

¾ of a full Seer of Rice,

¼ of ....do. ....... Dâl,

2 Jouz weight of Ghee,

2 ........do. ..... Salt.

They were to supply themselves with spices. Whether they were to partake, every fifteen days, of the Kubâbs above-mentioned, is uncertain.

The several officers of the marines and seamen were to see that their men had their appointed meals, before they took their own.

Prayers were to be performed every day, at the five appointed times. The first officer, or commander, was to officiate as priest on such occasions, and to deliver the appointed Waaz, or discourse; and the Dâroghas to recite the five prayers.

During the rainy season, the ships were to be laid up in the creek (probably Mirjân Creek), where they were to be placed under cover of sheds to be constructed for the purpose; the necessary materials for which sheds were to be furnished by the Asofs of the adjacent districts. The seamen were to be employed in this service.

After mentioning that orders had been issued for the erection of two forts and some batteries at Hâfiz-Hisâr (commonly called Beed-kole, or Batcul), the Meer Yumms were directed, by the present ordinance, to examine carefully the ground in the vicinity of the aforesaid place, and having pitched upon proper spots for the works in question, to make a plan or drawing of the same, and transmit it to the Presence. They were to direct their particular attention to the two hills, or rocks, which would appear to form the entrance of the creek, or harbour, and to ascertain the exact distance between them, as well as the extent of the channel, or strait, formed by them. The depth of water, and the number of ships which might lie at anchor between these hills, were likewise to be ascertained and reported; when, “with the blessing of God,” forts and batteries were to be erected there.

A ship, named the Fukhur ûl Murâkib, is stated to be then lying in Mirjân Creek; and another, called the Futah Mûbâruk, in the creek at Hunâwar (Onore): both of them past repair. These ships were directed to be broken up with due care, and the iron, and other materials, obtained from them, to be used in the new ships ordered to be built.

Twelve small vessels, denominated Nugs, or Nuks, were, moreover, delivered, on the present occasion, in charge to the Meer Yumms. Of these, ten were galliots; five of them being at Mangalore, and five at Onore. Of the remaining two, one is called an Usud-Ilhye grab; and the other, a small Usud-Ilhye ship. The marines, and other people, belonging to the ships (i. e. I suppose, the crews which were destined for the vessels ordered to be built) were to be embarked upon these Nugs, which were to sail about the coast, in order that the men might thereby be duly trained in their respective duties. With the same view, it was directed that a kind of buoy should be anchored in some convenient situation, and a flag erected thereon, to serve as a mark for practising with great guns; in the management of which those attached to them were to be carefully instructed.

It is next observed, that it green wood be cut up according to the required dimensions, it will, when dry, be found to fall short of those dimensions. To avoid this inconvenience, it was directed, that the timber, after being felled and barked, should be kept one or two years; and when perfectly seasoned, be cut up, agreeably to the proposed standard.

The men required for the service of the fleet were, after being mustered in the Presence,⁽²⁸⁾ and duly sworn, to be dispatched to their respective destinations, as fast as they were entertained.

The accounts of the expenditure of the ships and crews, and of whatever related thereto, were to be carefully and minutely kept by the Meer Yumms and the Asofs of the provincial Kuchurries (having any connection with this branch of the service) in conjunction with each other. The movements and warlike operations of the fleet were, likewise, to be directed conjointly by the Meer Yumms and the aforesaid Asofs. If the Sultan should, at any time, wish to employ the ships on any particular service against an enemy, he would issue his orders for the purpose in full council, or assembly, of the ministers of state.⁽²⁹⁾

The Meer Yumms had it in charge to station two Yuzuks (or twelve men) with a Yoozdâr of the regular troops belonging to their department, at each of the Kohties, or factories, established, “by the favor of God,” at Muscat and Kutch; and which are said, on this, as well as on a former occasion, to be four in number, namely, two at Muscat and two at Kutch. The pay of these guards was to be issued by the Mirzâey Dufturs of the aforesaid factories, to whom the Meer Yumms were to make the necessary remittances for the purpose. The guards in question were to be relieved annually.⁽³⁰⁾

The Meer Yumms, Meer Buhrs, and Serishtedârs, attached to the three several Kuchurries (or naval stations) of Jumâlâbâd, Wâjidâbâd, and Mâjidâbâd, were to repair, in the month of Ziljhijjeh of every year, and ten days before the Eed, or festival, celebrated in that month, to Seringapatam; there to deliver to the Presence an account of their respective receipts and disbursements, and to report the progress made at their respective stations, in the preparation of the vessels ordered to be built. The officers belonging to the ships, together with the several Teepdârs, the Mirzâey Dufturs, and the Dâroghas, were, in like manner, to repair every year, ten days before the Eed of Rumuzân, to the capital, for the purpose of delivering their respective accounts, and of reporting the state of their respective departments to the Presence.

To the foregoing ordinance is subjoined a supplementary section, dated 24th of Tukky, year Sâz, or A.M. 1225,⁽³¹⁾ containing a detailed statement of the establishment of artificers appointed for the service of the three dock yards of Jumâlâbâd, Wâjidâbâd, and Mâjidâbâd, of which the following is an abstract.

I propose, in the present article, to give such a general idea of the formation and amount of the late Tippoo Sultan’s army (but particularly of the regular part of it) as the materials in my possession enable me to furnish: and although the scantiness of these does not admit of my rendering the account so complete as I could wish, I nevertheless trust, that it will, on the whole, be found to be tolerably accurate, as well as sufficiently minute, for the gratification of literary curiosity; which is now the chief, if not the only, purpose it can answer.

The documents from which I have formed this statement consist of: 1, A Hûkm-nâmeh, or ordinance, dated the 14th of Ahmedy, year Sâhir, or A.M. 1221,⁽¹⁾ and addressed to the Meer Meerân, or military department;⁽²⁾ and 2, Some rough memoranda, relative to the military establishment, written, for the most part, in the Sultan’s own hand, and dated in the month of Jaafury, of the year Sâhir, or about five months subsequently to the ordinance. There is no essential difference between these two statements, excepting in the article of irregular cavalry, in which branch of his army the Sultan appears, during the intermediate period, to have made a reduction of six thousand men; namely, five thousand Silâhdâr, and one thousand Kuzzâk, or Looty, horse.

I have not the means of ascertaining what reduction, if any, was made in the military force of Mysore, in consequence of the diminution of its resources produced by the partition treaty of 1792. It is probable, however, considering the hostile views which the Sultan never ceased to entertain, from the moment in which he was compelled to surrender half his country into the hands of his enemies, that he disbanded no other part of his army on the occasion, than the number of cavalry specified above. Indeed, the great marine establishment which he resolved to form about the same period, sufficiently proves, that nothing was less in his contemplation, than any material abridgment of the means, by which he still hoped to repair his losses, and to recover his military reputation. The irregular horse, now dismissed, could at any time be replaced: and, in the meanwhile, the money saved by their discharge would go far towards defraying the expence of his proposed navy.⁽³⁾

The copy of the Futhûl Mûjâhideen, now before me, containing merely the formation of a single Kushoon of infantry, without either stating the total number of such Kushoons, or furnishing any other data for estimating the aggregate strength of the army; and this being the only document in my possession, relating to the military establishments of the Sultan, during the early part of his reign, it is not in my power to ascertain what changes, if any, took place in those establishments, between the date of the work in question and the year 1793, when they were formed on the model to be presently shown. I am alike unable to determine, whether the force brought by Tippoo Sultan into the field, in the war of 1799, exceeded or fell short of that contained in the following enumeration. Adverting, however, to the vindictive projects which he conceived and pursued in this interval, it may be safely presumed, that it was, at least, equal to the establishment of 1793.⁽⁴⁾ Indeed, the official papers, of the time here alluded to, afford numerous proofs of his unceasing anxiety, not only to complete, to their full extent, the various corps of his army, but also to draw to his standard the greatest possible number of followers, and particularly those of the Mahommedan religion.

Total twenty-seven Kushoons, with three independent Teeps of Uskur and fifty-four field pieces.

Besides the guns belonging to the Kushoons, there was a park of artillery attached (apparently) to the whole body of infantry, and consisting of a heavy train of

The staff of each Kuchurry seems to have consisted of

Each Kushoon was composed of four Teeps⁽¹⁰⁾ of Uskur; of which the first, second, and third were denominated Ouwuls (or of the first class), and the fourth Dooem (or of the second class).

Each Teep consisted of four Yooz,⁽¹²⁾ and each Yooz was composed as follows:

Strength of a Kushoon, or four Teeps, 1392 men, (of which, however, only 1056 are stated to have carried musquets).

It appears by the foregoing statement, that a considerable change had been made in the formation of a Kushoon, since the period when the establishment given in the Futhûl Mûjâhideen was formed; the strength of a Kushoon consisting then (including all descriptions, as above) of 2,928 men, of which number 2,400 appear to have carried muskets.

It is not, however, to be inferred from this circumstance, that the aggregate amount of the Sultan’s infantry in 1783, exceeded that of 1793, because, though the Kushoons were stronger at the former period, they may have been, and probably were, fewer in number; and such an alteration as this may be easily supposed to have been adopted, with the sole view of rendering these corps less unwieldly than formerly.

The total of the foot forces amounted, however, according to an abstract in the Sultan’s own hand, to 52,774 men, making a difference in the two statements of fourteen men: which may either be referred to the omission (on account of the great obscurity of the passage in the original) of the Chowdries, &c. attached to the hired carts, or to some other petty error in the detail.

The Kushoons composing the fifth, or Usud Ilhye Kuchurry, of regular infantry, differed a little in their formation, as well as in point of pay, from the other Kuchurries, as will appear by the following specification. The reason of this difference I am unable to explain, otherwise than by supposing (what, indeed, there are some grounds for believing) that, in addition to their pay, both the Ahmedies and Usud Ilhyes received rations of Dâl (dry peas), and perhaps other articles of provision, from government.

The Ehshâm, or garrison troops, are stated, in the ordinance of 1793, addressed to the Sudoor department, at 25,000 men.⁽²³⁾ I have no means of estimating the amount of Kunduchâr; that is, the provincial troops, or militia.

I now proceed to a summary statement of the cavalry, according to the establishment of 1793.

Each Kuchurry consisting of six Mokubs (or regiments), of 389 horses and 376 men each.⁽²⁵⁾

The detail of the Mokub is not given in the original; but the latter appears to have been divided into Teeps and stables, each stable consisting of twenty-two horses. The strength of a Teep is not stated.⁽²⁶⁾

To each Kuchurry of regular horse two guns were attached, with a proportionate number of gunners, &c.

Two Kuchurries, composed of Musulmans and unbelievers.

Each Kuchurry commanded by two Bukhshies, and divided into eight Risâlas, of 250 horse each, besides the usual staff:

Three Kuchurries, of 2,666 horses each, divided into Risâlas of 260 each.

Total of the three Kuchurries stated at eight thousand horse, which appear to have been officered in the same manner as the Silahdâr cavalry, the officers receiving a regular pay, like those of the latter body. It may be presumed, that the men composing this predatory corps must also have received pay during peace, whatever might be the case in time of war.⁽²⁷⁾

The foregoing seems to have been the establishment of Kuzzâks, or Looties, in time of peace. They would, of course, be augmented during a war. In addition to the above, a Khâs, or special Risâla, of Kuzzaks, is mentioned. It was composed of Musulmans of various denominations, and amounted to fifty men and horses, commanded by a separate Bukhshy.

To Abdûl Hukeem Khân (Nabob of Shânoor), Letters 16, 78, 150, 151, 228, 247, 254, 343, 387.

Abdûl Kureem (Sipahdâr), 293.

Abdûl Nubby (the Commandant), 266.

Ahmed Ali (Meer), 197.

Ahmed (Shaikh), 76.

Ali Râjah (Beeby of Cananore), 124, 181, 184, 267, 291.

Boodhun Shâh, 398.

Budeeaa ûz Zumân Khân, 123.

Budrûz Zumân Khân, 161, 162, 166, 168, 176, 187, 194, 208, 224, 230, 234, 235, 237, 290, 292, 307, 332, 342, 350, 358, 362, 383, 407, 430.

Budul Baig Khân (see Mahommed Baig Khân Humdâny.)

Bûrhânûddeen, 10, 17, 25, 28, 30, 31, 33, 36, 40, 41, 49, 52, 60, 61, 77, 81, 83, 84, 85, 90, 92, 94, 120, 125, 135, 141, 147, 157, 158, 169, 186, 188, 193, 217, 220, 225, 226, 239, 240, 245, 246, 248, 256, 261, 262, 264, 271, 274, 278, 2??9, 296, 305, 308, 311, 313, 319, 322, 327, 339, 347, 349, 352, 353, 357, 361, 372, 373, 376, 426.

Calicut, to the Dewâns of, 419; to the actual and future Aumils of, 203.

Chishty Yâr Khân, 54, 63, 227, 285, 414.

Chundur (see Râjah Râm Chundur).

Circular, accompanying Manifesto against the Infidels, 265.

——— to the Commanders of the five Bârgeer Kuchurries and Suwâr Kuchurry, 280.

——— to the Commanders of the two Jyshe Kuchurries, 281.

——— to the Bukhshies of the Ehshâm Kuchurry, 282.

——— to ten Sipahdârs, 306.

Circular, to Syed Ahmed and six others, 385.

——— to Mohyûddeen AliKhân and others, 386.

——— to Khâjeh Ibâd Khân and four others, 317.

——— to the actual and future Aumils of the Sea Ports in general, 204.

——— to the Aumils, actual and future, o?? the Port of Mangalore, 205.

——— to ditto, ditto, of the Port of Calicut, 203.

——— to the Dewân and Bukhshy of each of the seven Kuchurries of Seringapatam, 182.

——— to the seven Superintendants of the Post at the seven Capital Cities of the Sultanut, 180.

——— to the Dewân of Chittledoorg and others, 410.

——— to the Governor of Madras and others, 412.

Cossigny, M. (Governor of Pondicherry), 337, 355, 380, 384, 412, 417, 420, (see Governor of Pondicherry).

Dâroghâs of the Jinsy, 338.

Dârogha of the Post-Office at Putn, 251.

Dewâns of Zuferâbâd, 404, 428.

Dileer Dil Khân (the Sipahdâr), &c. 18.

Dileer Khân Behâdûr Dileer Jung, 263.

Durwaish, Mahommed (see Mahommed Durwaish).

Eaatimâdy Khojeh Firâsut, 183.

Eesâ, Mahommed, 403.

Ehsânûllah Khân, 143, 212, 341.

France, the King of, 336,

Fuzl Ali Khân, 269.

Futah Ali (Meer), 345.

Ghous, Mahommed, 67, 354.

Ghuffâr, Syed, 118, 127, 170, 260, 348.

Ghûlâm Ali Khân, 191, 199, 214, 215, 216, 233, 401, 413.

Ghûlâm Ahmed, 42, 244.

Ghûlâm Ghuzunfur, 406.

Ghûlâm Hûsain and others, 277.

Ghûlâm Hûsain Khân, 295, 324, 371.

Ghûlâm Hyder, 134, 320, 423.

Ghûlâm Mahommed, 259.

Ghûlâm Mohyûddeen (Meer), 275.

Ghûlâm Munsoor, 268.

Ghyâs Khân, Mahommed, 3, 8, 9, 13, 15, 27, 37, 38, 44, 53, 56, 66, 75, 79, 82, 91, 96, 103, 104, 111, 112, 116, 118, 126, 133, 140, 149, 165, 167, 179, 189, 236, 297.

Hukeem Khân, Abdûl (see Abdûl Hukeem).

Humdâny, Mahommed Baig, 334, 381.

Humeed, Syed, 18, 170.

Jaafur, Wufâkhâny (Meer), 346.

Ibraheem, Mahommed, 360.

Ibraheem (Meer), 431.

Imâm of Muscat, 148, 207.

Jusârut ûd Dowlah, 95.

Kâsim Ali Khân (Meer), 192.

Kâzim (Meer), 2, 50, 154, 155, 156, 159, 160, 172, 200, 258, 272.

Khâjeh Seth and other Armenian merchants, 163.

Khâjeh Ibâd Khân and four others, 317.

Kâzy of Bangalore, 363.

Kumrûddeen (Meer), 11, 14, 20, 22, 24, 26, 29, 32, 34, 36, 43, 45, 46, 48, 55, 59, 68, 69, 70, 74, 86, 88, 93, 99, 100, 101, 105, 109, 110, 113, 122, 129, 138.

Kureem Sâheb, 433.

Kûtbûl Mûlk, 325, 328, 331, 435.

Khyrûllah, 173.

Lally, Monsieur, 411.

Lûtf Ali Khân, 232, 233.

Mahommed Ushruf, 6, 47, 65, 210, 379, 393, 396.

Mahommed Ali, Mirza, 1, 249.

Mahommed Ghous, 67.

Mahommed Ali (Sipahdâr), 87, 89, 270, 310, 323.

Mahommed Wâsil, 242.

Mahommed Abdûllah, 250.

Mahommed Mehdy, 276.

Mahommed Yoosûf, 286.

Mahommed Hyder, 287.

Mahommed Baig Khân Humdâny, 334, 381.

Mahommed Akâ, 354.

Mahommed Eesâ, 403.

Mahommed Durwaish, 405, 409, 434.

Mahommed Ibrâheem, 360.

Mahommed Shufeeaa, 300.

Mâh Mirzâ Khân, 119, 142, 426.

Mahmood Ali Khân, 326.

Mâo Seith (Dullâl at Muscat), 206.

Meer Moaala Khân, 80, 209.

Meer Moaainûddeen, 97, 202, 273, 279, 329, 392, 426.

Meer Mahommed Sâdik, 114, 318.

Meer Mohib Ali, 243, 253.

Meer Ali, 377, 382.

Meer Ibraheem, 431.

Mirza Mahommed Khân Behâdûr Sumsâmûl Mûlk, 257.

Mohyûddeen Ali Khân, 58, 64, 107, 121, 190, 195, 386, 391, 415.

Moal Chund and Sûjan Râo, 73, 333, 395.

Monneron, Monsieur, 399.

Munzoor Ali Khân, 72.

Muscat, the Imâm of, 148, 207.

Mûlâim Jung, 356.

Mûsheer ûl Mûlk, 366, 422.

Noor Mahommed Khân, 39 (see also Mahommed Ghyâs Khân).

Noorûllah, Shâh, 7, 177, 213, 219, 232, 233.

Nubby Shâh, 365.

Nuwâzish Ali Khân, 229.

Peer Syed, 218.

Pondicherry, Governor of, 5, 21, 108, 145. (see also Cossigny).

Râjah Râm Chundur, 4, 19, 23, 35, 57, 62, 98, 106, 144, 153, 164, 174, 178, 222, 223, 241, 294, 299, 314, 316, 359, 374, 388, 390, 397, 429.

Râjah of Pegu, 211.

Runmust Khân, 102, 196, 201, 315, 321, 330, 370.

Rujub Ali Khân, 298.

Sâdik, Meer Mahommed, 114, 318.

Seth, Khâjeh, 163.

Shâh Allum (the Emperor), 71.

Shâh Noorûllah (see Noorûllah).

Shâh Mahommed, 173.

Shâh Abdûllah Sâheb, 340.

Shumsûddeen Khân, 175, 185, 198, 252, 255, 320, 368, 400, 416, 421, 427.

Sûjân Râo (see Moal Chund).

Syed Mahommed Khân (Kilaadâr of Seringapatam), 115, 351, 364, 375, 378, 424.

Syed Peer, 218.

Syed Ghuffâr (see Ghuffâr).

Syed Humeed, 18, 170.

Syed Mahommed Khân (Bukhshy), 283.

Syed Mohyuddeen, 367.

Syed Mahommed Khân (Dewân of Nugr), 288.

Syed Ahmed Sâheb, 369, 385.

Tûrâb Ali (Meer), 309.

Turbiyut Ali Khân, 4, 12, 152, 221, 223, 299, 408.

Urshudûllah Khân, 231.

Urshud Baig Khân, 171, 284, 402, 418, 432.

Ushruf, Mahommed (see Mahommed Ushruf.)

Usud Ali Khân, 301, 302, 303, 304.

Wâsil Mahommed, 242.

Yâkoob, and other Armenian merchants, 425.

Yoosûf, Mahommed, 286.

Zynûl Aabideen Shoostry, 128, 131, 132, 136, 137, 139.

Zynûl Aabideen (Sipahdâr), 117.

Zynûl Aabideen, 51, 146.

Zynûl Aabideen (Bukhshy of Ehshâm), 130, 238, 312, 335, 344, 414.

Zynûl Aabideen (Taalûkdâr of Gûlshunâbâd), 394.

18 line 1 for capitulations, read recapitulations.

19 line 17 for we lay, read we will lay.

20 note for read

28 note 7 for read

31 note 2 after insert

50 line 3 for on separate, read in separate.

58 note 8 after Usud ûllah ul Ghâlib, insert This was one of the titles; and dele viz.

66 line 13 for approaches, read parallels.

67 line 17 and wheresoever occurring, for Buktshies, read Bukhshies.

99 note 12 for A. H. 1147, read A. H. 1197.

109 line 5 for Dalwâr, read Dulwye.

112 last line for Bubi Ali, read Bubir Ali.

126 line 12 for Mukhun Zaal, read Mukhun Laal.

130 note for a shilling, read from four to five shillings.

150 note 5 The sentence which follows the word “circumcised,” and beginning “If this,” has been accidentally transposed. It should follow at line 11 page 151 the words “title of Letter CXLV.”

152 line 6 for subsisted, read subsists.

165 line 9 for Mânâyâr, read Mânâwâr.

168 line 21 for gram, read grain.

185 line 8 for brother-in-law, read relative.

185 line 21 The words “at Muscat” should follow “Commercial Consul,” instead of following “Hydery.”

202 note 13 for A. D. 1764, read 1759-60.

202 note 13 for Ubjee, read Ubjud.

208 note 1 for want of encouragement, read want of arrangement.

212 note 1 dele name uncertain.

233 line 5 for Khulfâr, read Khulfân.

235 line 3 for realization, read execution.

244 line 16 for reasonably, read seasonably.

275 note 4 for ten, read two.

296 line 4 for the latter is, read the latter are.

326 note 8 line 4 for the perusal, read their perusal, and dele of.

326 note 8 line 12 put the bracket after “them,” instead of after “claims.”

331 note 40 line 5 for translation, read transaction.

342 line 5 The words “some of,” should have stood between brackets, thus [some of].

345 line 9 for discharged, read discussed.

347 line 9 for recovery, read discovery.

349 line 21 dele himself, and substitute his (Bûrhânûddeen’s) army.

371 note 15 for read

391 note 2 for was, read are.

395 note 19 for article, read articles.

402 note 10 for read

411 line 12 dele the comma after however.

411 line 18 for the state, read that state.

420 line 14 At the end substitute a note of interrogation for the full stop.

431 line 10 for extracts, read extract.

432 line 16 for customary rules, read customary rites.

437 note 2 for giving, read given.

441 line 2 for Gûlshumâbâd, read Gûlshunâbâd.

441 line 13 after established, insert at.

448 note 1 line the last, for and is most probably an error, read and arises, perhaps, from an error.

453 line 9 for vigorously, read rigorously.

458 line 14 for Khulfâr, read Khulfân.

460 line 15 for department, read apartment.

461 line 18 for imply, read implies.

479 line 4 after pack up, instead of the baggage, read their tents and baggage.

481 line 4 for begged, read begging.

481 note 11 line 3, after given, insert verbal.

482 line 11 for Lewai Mâdhee, read Sewâi Mâdhee.

489 line 17 for in one part, read on one part.

1 penult. for Nurwail, read Nuwâyet.

2 line 6 for Kâzy, read Râzy.

13 line 3 from the bottom, for Musnud, read Munsub.

13 note 4 for 1559, read 1557.

15 line 9 for Beeny, read Punny.

23 line 19 for these writers, read those writers.

24 line 12 for been obliged, read being obliged.

26 line 14 for Wâng, read Wâg, or Waug.

31 line 4 from the bottom, for Bhen, read Bhow.

34 line 5 from the bottom, dele the s in departments.

35 line 14 dele the final s in justifications.

38 note 18 dele the s in volumes.

41 line 23 after Bay-nuzeer or, insert a — to denote a blank; and read Hurriâl as the sixteenth of the towns enumerated.

48 line 12 for Gûjâm, read Gunjâm, usually called Shehr Gunjâm.

48 line 13 for Huzârs, read Bâzârs.

48 line 13 for Meers’, read Men’s.

52 line 8 from the bottom, for De Rany, read Decany.

66 penult. for Shudâl, read Shâdâb.

141 note 2 This is an idiom, or rhetorical figure of the Persian language by which a word, necessary to the sense, but thought to be of ill omen, is dropped, and some other, of a very different (perhaps, as in the present instance, of quite an opposite) meaning, is substituted in its place. Thus, instead of saying “the Nabob is ill,” the polite or respectful phrase is, “the Nabob’s enemies are ill.”

230 note 1 Dele this note, Bârgeer being only another name for Silahdâr cavalry.

329 note 26 After insert Udhôny, Udhoony, or Udhowny — for the second syllable admits of being thus variously read. At Hyderabad I think it was invariably pronounced Udhowny, i. e. with futha before,

373 line 7 Cancel the words “and that even if any exceptions had been made to it, he would not have found it difficult,” and substitute for them, “or he might think that if any exception should be taken at it, it would not be difficult,” &c.