AFTER some directions, concerning certain gold ornaments, which the workmen belonging to the Tosheh-khâneh (of which Shumsûddeen was the superintendant) were employed in making up, the letter thus proceeds:
You write, “that the druggists(1) require payment for the articles(2) “[furnished by them], and that you wait our orders on the subject.” It appears by this, that you have entirely laid aside your instructions, and never peruse them. If it be written therein, that the articles purchased for our use are to be paid for, they must accordingly be paid for: if it be written, that they are not to be paid for, [then] they must not be paid for.
If the foregoing letter, which is a close translation of the original, be understood in its most plain and obvious sense, we shall be obliged to conclude, that the oppressive system of requisitions, adopted some years after the date of it by the French revolutionists, was already known to, and practised by, Tippoo Sultan. It is possible, however, that his meaning might have been, that prompt payment was to be made for articles purchased on his account, in such cases only as were specified in his instructions; and that, in all other instances, the tradesman was expected to submit the period of satisfying his claims to the pleasure and convenience of the Sircar. That the Persian reader may be the better enabled to judge how far this interpretation is admissible, I will here transcribe the original passage.
YOU state, “that the Kilaadâr of Dhârwâr having dispatched to our “victorious army thirty-five thousand pagodas, over and above the fifty “thousand which we had ordered, you had detained the additional sum, “and waited our directions respecting it.” It is known Apply the said money to the use of your army; and when, hereafter, a fresh order shall be issued to the above-mentioned Kilaadâr to transmit you a further supply, let the present thirty thousand pagodas be deducted from the amount.
You write, “that you had detached a Risâla of horse and a Kushoon “of Jyshe through the woods, with orders to chastise the enemy, if a “favourable opportunity for the purpose offered, but otherwise to return “to the army by the same route.” It is known. In future, you must not detach the Jyshe [on such service], but only separate [or straggling] parties of horse, to whom you must give orders to seize and bring in all the camels, horses, and other booty they can.
[AFTER compliments]........ Your friendly letter, announcing your firm intention of repairing hither with the troops belonging to you, has been received, and afforded us the greatest satisfaction. Your [intention of] coming hither is highly approved [by us]. Proceed in the execution of your purpose with the utmost confidence and security, and make us happy by an interview, for which we are extremely impatient. The distance [between us] being considerable, you should bring along with you as great a force as possible.(1) By the grace of God, we shall make you such appointments, in Jageers and money, as shall be entirely satisfactory to that friend.
The rosary, kneeling-carpet,(2) &c., which you sent us as tokens of friendship, arrived, and afforded us the utmost pleasure. Although, by the bounty of the Almighty, we possess an inconceivable number of worldly curiosities,(3) yet these, being religious rarities,(4) are esteemed by us equally with the richest treasures.(5)
It was our wish and intention to have sent that friend a dress, together with some jewels, &c. but we have been prevented from doing so, by the Hurkârehs having declined to take charge of them, on account of the dangers of the road.
I have no certain knowledge who Sumsâmûl Mûlk was. The interchange of presents, spoken of in the letter, rather discountenances the idea of his being a disaffected Omra of the court of Hyderabad; since a correspondence of that sort could hardly have escaped detection, and is not likely, therefore, to have been hazarded, during the existence of actual hostilities between the two states. The same objection applies to the supposition of his belonging to the train of Dârâjah (the son of the late Busâlut Jung, and nephew of the Soubah) who, at this period, held Adoni in appenage. The former conjecture is further opposed, by the consideration, that none of the memoirs of Nizâm Ali Khân, in my possession, notice the defection of this, or any other person of distinction, from his service, during the present war. But whoever this Sumsâmûl Mûlk was, it is probable that his negociation with the Sultan proved abortive, since we hear no more of him after this time.
THREE letters from you, accompanied by two statements of your receipts and disbursements, have passed under our view.
You have done well, in buying and lading on our ships, rock-salt,(1) instead of sapphires.(2)
For the future, you will, in like manner, send rock-salt instead of sapphires.
The carpenters [or ship-wrights] at Muscat construct very excellent Dows and Dingies. You must advance to four or five of these carpenters whatever money they may require for their expences, and dispatch them to the port of Mangalore.
The factory of Muscat is placed under the authority of Ghûlâm Mahommed, the Aumil of Mangalore: you are, therefore, to conduct all affairs according to his directions, and not to require our orders in any case.
Send some young date-trees,(3) with persons skilled in the management of them, to the Presence. Buy all the sulphur you can, and lading it on our vessels, dispatch the same from time to time.(4)
Ghûlâm Ali Khân, Shâh Noorûllah, &c. have, by our orders, proceeded to Constantinople, by the way of Muscat. Advise us, in due time, of their arrival.
You must take care and sell the sandal wood, black pepper, rice, and cardamums, belonging to us, to the best advantage, sending an account of your sales and purchases regularly to Ghûlâm Mahommed.
The accounts of receipts and disbursements, which you sent, are arrived. [This had been already mentioned, in the beginning of the present letter].
Saffron is the produce of Persia. Procure and send us some of the seed of it.
Get the Dullâl [broker] to write to his agents in different places, to collect silk-worms, and persons acquainted with the manner of rearing them: and [having procured them] let them be dispatched to us.(5)
Procuring, moreover, some [pearl] divers from Bahrein and Hoormûz; and making them whatever advances they may require for their expences, dispatch them hither, together with their families.
Sending, likewise, to Rûstakh, and getting from thence five large asses, dispatch them to us.
We have received your account of the occurrences of that quarter and of Persia. Continue to make similar communications.
We have given directions to Ghûlâm Mahommed [the Aumil of Mangalore] to sell rice, &c. to every merchant producing a certificate [chitty] from you.
It will probably have been observed by the reader, that several of the Sultan’s former orders are repeated in the foregoing letter, for the second, and some of them for the third time. He will, hereafter, be seen to reiterate them again.
It may be inferred, from the seventh paragraph of the present letter, that the embassy to Constantinople had, at this time, actually departed from Mangalore.
WE send herewith three letters, and two statements of receipts and disbursements, received from Meer Kâzim: read and keep them carefully by you.
You are to sell rice, &c. [freely] to every merchant from Muscat, who brings you a chitty [or certificate] from Meer Kâzim.
The above-mentioned [i. e. Meer Kâzim] instead of sapphires, has bought and sent on our vessels a quantity of rock-salt. What sort of a thing is the said rock-salt: and is there any consumption of it in this country or not? Communicate [to us] every particular regarding it. Meer Kâzim writes, that he has sent a sample of it: let the said sample be forwarded to us.
It would appear, from the beginning of Letter CCLVIII, that Meer Kâzim had actually dispatched some cargoes of rock-salt; while, from the concluding sentence of Letter CCLIX it might be inferred, that he had sent only a sample of it. However this might be, it is curious enough to observe the Sultan, in one and the same moment, enquiring the nature of the commodity in question; acknowledging himself ignorant, whether or not there was any demand for it among his subjects; and yet directing it to be shipped for Mysore, by every opportunity.
WE have received your application for letters from us to the Jumaadârs of the enemy’s army. We shall arrive soon in person in that quarter, when, considering this matter duly, we will give our directions [or determine] accordingly.
You request to know our pleasure regarding the pay of your brother, who has been lately raised to the rank of a Risâladâr. The monthly pay of that rank, according to the former regulations of the Jyshe Kuchurry, is ten pagodas, exclusive of an allowance of twelve annas fulmy(1) for every man mustered.(2) Let him be paid accordingly.
This letter affords another proof of the strange division of the military authority in the armies of the Sultan. We here perceive a subordinate officer corresponding directly with his sovereign, upon a point of considerable delicacy and importance, which apparently belonged, in a peculiar manner, to the province of the commander-in-chief (Bûrhânûddeen). It is true, that the Sultan does not adopt the suggestion of the Sipahdâr; but neither does he hint, that there was any irregularity in it.
I am by no means satisfied, that I have correctly translated the paragraph relating to the pay of Syed Ghuffâr’s brother. Either the original is extremely perplexed, or I may not rightly have understood its technical phraseology.
WE have received your letter, informing us, “that having detached “Shaikh Unser and Syed Ghuffâr to the relief of Kittoor, the former, “taking a different road [from that pursued by Syed Ghuffâr], had “fallen(1) upon the enemy’s entrenchments, and after putting to the “sword, or taking prisoners, a thousand of their Piâdehs, had entered “Kittoor: that Syed Ghuffâr, having proceeded by another route, had “attacked a small fort [or redoubt], in which the enemy had placed a “garrison of five hundred men, the whole of which were either killed “or made prisoners: that after this he surprised, in the night, a “picquet of the enemy, consisting of a thousand horse, of great part of “which he made booty,(2) and then got [in safety] to Kittoor: finally, “that having infused due confidence into the garrison, and supplied the “place with provisions and stores, both Sipahdârs, uniting their forces, “directed their march back by a road leading through the woods; and “that you expected them to rejoin the victorious army in the course of “twenty-four hours. You proceed to state, “that as soon as they “arrive, you will muster the horses [taken], and report the same to “us;” and you add, “that the Kuzzâk [or predatory] cavalry, “belonging to the Sircar, are constantly bringing in horses taken from “the enemy, which, agreeably to our orders, you purpose relinquishing “to them.
It is known. Upon the two Siphadârs rejoining you, you must ascertain, and report to us in detail, the particulars of the gallant behaviour of our troops [in the recent engagements]; in order that we may give directions for their being rewarded [according to their deserts]. State, likewise, what number of horses have been taken from the enemy.
You write, “that seven hundred Piadehs from Nugr, with a Serishtedâr, and the Kilaadâr Hûsainy Baig, had arrived in your camp, for “the purpose of garrisoning Kittoor, and that you had accordingly “dispatched the men and the Serishtedâr; but that Hûsainy Baig being “too ill to proceed thither at present, should be sent as soon as he “recovered.”(3) You moreover say, “that it is your intention to send “back to Dhârwâr Ghous Mahommed Khân, the second Munshoor(4) of “that place.”
You must keep Hûsainy Baig with your army, and send Ghous Mahommed Khân, who has distinguished himself by his activity at Dhârwâr, to [command at] Kittoor.
Report to us the particulars of all who have exerted themselves, in order that we may bestow rewards on them also.(5)
You must inform the aforesaid Munshoor, Ghous Mahommed, and Sheer Khân, the Aumil [of Kittoor], that if they should find the place untenable, or in want of provisions and other supplies, they must not sacrifice our troops in its defence, but evacuating it, repair through the woods to the army: for it is but a mound of clay, the existence and non-existence of which is the same thing [i. e. is of no importance either way.]
It is uncertain whether the enemy, here spoken of, was the Mahrattah army, or only an assemblage of the adherents of the captive Daisye, which had attempted to regain possession of Kittoor. The circumstance, however, of a picquet of a thousand horse, renders the former supposition the most probable.
The Sultan appears to have been well satisfied with the conduct of his troops on this occasion: and if their success was really so extensive as represented by Bûrhânûddeen, he had reason to be so. But his report (as recited in the letter before us) is expressed in too vague and general terms, to be considered as decisive evidence on this point.
AFTER some orders for completing the different Risâlas of the army as speedily as possible, and for filling up the vacancies in the rank of Risâladâr, the letter thus concludes:—
A Risâladâr [formerly] belonging to the Risâla of General Matthews has been sent to join you from the Presence. What you write, with regard to our issuing orders for your being supplied with the musquets you are in want of, is understood. We shall shortly arrive in that quarter, when the necessary orders will be given.
[AFTER compliments]............ You write, “that it is now the “sowing season, and that, on this occasion, as well as for the purpose “of realizing the claims of the Sircar, the presence of Mulhâry Pundit “and of his son is a matter of the utmost consequence; and that you, “therefore, request we will revoke our orders for their attending upon “us, and allow you to send Râm Râo, Tummana Pundit, and Winkut “Râo, along with Râkhunder Nâik, in their room.” It is known.
Inasmuch as it is, on several accounts, necessary, at this time, that the above named, with whom we have certain points to discuss, should repair to our Presence, we must repeat our former desire, that the whole of your managing servants(2) may be dispatched to us, along with Râkhunder Nâik. The negociation [or discussions alluded to] being terminated, they shall receive their dismission [i. e. be permitted to return to you].
It may be concluded, both from the reluctance of the Patan chief to send Mulhâry Pundit and his son to Seringapatam, and the pertinacity of the Sultan in requiring their attendance, that these persons were particularly well acquainted with the resources of the country, and perhaps with the personal property of their master, both of which, there is reason to think, Tippoo had, at this time, devoted to confiscation. I am unable to say, whether or not the individuals in question ultimately repaired to the Sultan’s court; but as Abdûl Hukeem had most probably already determined not to wait the arrival of the Sultan at Shânoor, it may be presumed that they were not dispatched.
YOU must relinquish [or give up] whatever horses and camels may be taken from the enemy to the captors, of whom you will buy as many of them as they themselves may not want, at a cheap and reasonable price, which is to be paid(1) to them [immediately]. They must not be allowed to sell them elsewhere.(2)
The Jumaadârs, who happen to have brethren(3) with them that are out of employ, should be directed to mount the latter on the captured horses, and bring them to be mustered and enrolled in our service.
We lately sent orders to you to withdraw the garrison of the small fort of Kittoor,(4) and direct it to rejoin your army by the road through the woods. We now write to countermand those orders, and to desire, that you will send such supplies of provisions, &c. to the said fort, as it may be in need of; for we shall shortly come in person to that quarter, and the enemy, moreover, have retired from thence.
It is uncertain whether by the small fort of Kittoor, the Sultan means the principal fortress of that name, lately wrested from the Daisye, or only an outwork or detached post; such as that mentioned in Letter CCLXI, as having been taken by Syed Ghuffâr, on his coming to the relief of Kittoor; or the small fort noticed in the report of Bûrhânûddeen, contained in Letter CCLXI.
I rather think, however, that Kittoor itself is the place intended; both because
it is, on other occasions, sometimes called a
BUDRÛZ ZUMÂN KHÂN;
The KÂZY of NUGR;
The DEWÂN of ditto.
The DEWÂN and BUKHSHY of EHSHÂM at SERINGAPATAM;
The ditto and ditto, at FYZE HISÂR, (GOOTY);
The ditto and ditto, at the Presence.
The BUKHSHY of ditto, at BANGALORE;
NUBBY SHÂH, Son-in-law to AATÂ-ÛLLAH-SHAH;
BÛDHUN SHÂH, son of AWKIL SHÂH;
The KÂZY of SERINGAPATAM;
The DEWÂN and BUKHSHY of EHSHÂM at ZUFERÂBÂD, (GURRAMCOONDA);
The KILAADÂR of NUGR;
The KILAADÂR of SUMRPUTN BULHÂRY);
The ditto of SERINGAPATAM;
The DEWÂN, and DOWLUT KHÂN, the KILAADÂR, of FURRÛKH-YÂB HISÂR (CHITTLEDOORG);
The KILAADÂR of FYZE HISÂR (GOOTY);
The BUKHSHIES of the two JYSHE KUCHURRIES;
The BUKHSHIES of the five BÂRGEER KUCHURRIES;
BÛRHÂNÛDDEEN;
MIRZÂ HYDER HÛSAIN;
DILEER DIL KHÂN;
The FOUJDÂR and BUKHSHY of EHSHÂM at CALICUT;
SYED AHMED SAHEB;
The KÂZY of BANGALORE;
IN the time of the seal [or last] of the Prophets (with whom be the blessing and peace of God) the divine commands were promulged. Since then, owing to the decline of the true faith under the succeeding princes, they have ceased to be promulged: we, therefore, with the help of Almighty God, now issue the aforesaid commands; and, accordingly, the above mentioned commands are enclosed, herewith, under our seal and signature, to serve as a guide to the true faith.
You are, in the best [possible] manner to explain the same to all the people of Islâm, to the Kâzy,(3) and to the other superiors of your Kuchurry [or department], considering the communication thereof to the ignorant as one of the most incumbent and obligatory duties of religion: for such is the recompence of holy war.(4)
You must cause numerous copies of the commands herewith sent to be made, and must distribute the same among the people of the faith, the Kâzies and others belonging to your department, to the end that they may obtain the utmost publicity.
Nothing can be worse written than the original of this miserable circular. Though short, it is, perhaps, as perplexed a production as any that ever proceeded from the pen of the Sultan, who, most probably, dictated every word of it. The proclamation to which it refers, and which immediately follows it in my manuscript, is in a better style, and was, no doubt, drawn up by some of the Mahommedan theologians of his court.
A translation of the proclamation here mentioned, appeared, in the year 1793, in the Appendix to Major Dirom’s judicious and interesting Narrative of Lord Cornwallis’s last Campaign against Tippoo Sultan; and if that publication were not now become very scarce, it would be sufficient, perhaps, to refer the reader to it, for the document in question: it is proper, however, to observe, that the Persian original, from which Colonel Read’s translation was taken, appears to have differed, in some respects, from the copy recorded in the official register. Of the latter the following is a faithful version, for which I am, in a great measure, indebted to the kindness of Mr. Stewart, Persian, Arabic, and Hindostâny Professor at the Honorable the East-India Company’s Oriental College at Hertford. The original abounds so much in quotations from the Koran, and my knowledge of the Arabic is so limited, that, without such assistance, I should have hesitated at submitting a translation of it to the reader.
“‘Fight with those who do not believe in God, and in the
“last day; and who do not consider those things as un-
“lawful, which God and his Prophet have prohibited,
“and profess not the true religion; and [fight] with those,
“unto whom the scriptures have been given, until they pay
“tribute by right of subjection, and be reduced low.’(6)
....“it is our constant object and sincere intention, that those worthless and “stiff-necked infidels, who have turned aside their heads from obedience to the “true believers, and openly raised the standards of infidelity, should be chastised “by the hands of the faithful, and made either to acknowledge the true religion, “or to pay tribute: particularly at this time, when, owing to the imbecility of “the princes of Hind, that insolent race having conceived the futile opinion, that “the true believers are become weak, mean, and contemptible; and not satisfied “even with this, but, preparing for war, have over-run and laid waste the “territories of the Moslems, and extended the hand of violence and injustice on “the property and honour of the faithful.
“[Wherefore] we, trusting to the divine power and aid, and supported by “our holy religion [according to the passage].............................
“‘Oh true believers, shall I show you a merchandize, which
“will deliver you from a painful torment [hereafter]?
“Believe in God and his Apostle, and defend God’s true
“religion with your substance and in your persons. This
“[will be] better for you, if you knew it. He will forgive
“you your sins, and introduce you into gardens, through
“which rivers flow, and agreeable habitations in places of
“perpetual abode. This [will be] great felicity; and [ye
“shall obtain] other things which you desire, [namely]
“assistance from God and a speedy victory.’(7)
....“having come to the resolution of prosecuting a holy war [against them], “deem it expedient [agreeably to the text]................................
“‘Command them to do that which is lawful [proper], and
“prohibit their doing that which is unlawful; and observe
“the ordinances of God.’
....“to make known what is the pure Mahommedan law, to all and every class “of Musulmans, both far and near, and thereby to extract the cotton of negligence from the ears of their understanding: and more especially those persons “who, unmindful of the meaning of the sacred text,......................
“‘Do not obey the unbelievers and hypocrites, for certainly
“God is omniscient and all-wise.’
....“have yielded obedience to the infidels, and engaged in the service of those “miserable tribes. It is therefore written to all those who reside in the dominions “of the infidels,......................................................
“‘They seek to deceive God and those who do believe; but
“they deceive themselves only, and are not sensible thereof.
“There is an infirmity in their hearts. May God increase
“their infirmity! They shall suffer a grievous punishment,
“because they have been guilty of falsehood.’(8)
...“and to whose situation the [above] verse may be justly applied, that considering it to be their indispensable duty to quit the territories of the unbelievers, “they should repair, with confident hearts and assured minds, to these parts, “where, by the Divine blessing, they shall be still better provided for than they “are at present, and their lives, honor, and property, remain under the protection of God: while such as are without the means of subsistence there, shall “have a suitable allowance made to them here.
“We have accordingly issued premptory orders throughout our dominions to “this effect: ‘Receive into your protection all persons seeking refuge [in our “territories] and report to the Presence the particulars of their situation, in “order that, if it please God the Aider, due provision may be made for them.’
“Whosoever shall refuse to give ear to these words, or shall contravene their “promulgation, shall be considered as destitute of [every particle of] honor [or “zeal], as a stranger to [or no participator in] the bliss derived from [a steady] faith, “and as deserving to be banished from the presence of God, to be excluded from “the circle of the faithful, and to be accounted as one of the accursed infidels.
“Let them not say of any thing [or on any occasion] I will
“do so; but, if it please God [it shall be done]. Grace be
“to him who follows this direction.(10)
Although it is probable, that the immediate object of the Sultan, in the foregoing proclamation, or manifesto, was to seduce from their allegiance, and draw over to his standard, the Musulman subjects of the two powers, with whom he was, at this time, at open war, yet there can be but little doubt that the English, together with their dependants and tributaries, were also in his contemplation on the occasion. It is true, that the latter are not expressly named: neither are the Mahrattahs nor the Nizâm. Indeed, with regard to the Nizâm, he could not have been distinctly referred to without an apparent absurdity, since he was a Mahommedan as well as Tippoo; who, nevertheless, certainly regarded him in the light of an infidel, because he had, more than once, associated with infidels against the cause of Islâm, that is to say, in opposition to him (Tippoo). The argument, therefore, was addressed generally to all Musulmans, in whatever manner subject to the enemies, direct or indirect, of the true faith. There was no danger of its not being properly applied and understood by those for whom it was intended: no Musulman is ever at a loss to comprehend the drift of such appeals. At the same time, if any exception had been taken to it by the English, the vague and general terms in which it is expressed would have enabled him to maintain, with sufficient plausibility, that he had only in view such Musulmans as were living under the authority of those with whom he was actually at war.
There is one passage in the foregoing production, which appears to point more particularly than any other to the English. It is that wherein he complains, not, as in Major Dirom’s translation, of ravages committed in his peculiar territories, but (according to my copy of this paper) of the injuries and losses which the Musulmans in general had sustained at the hands of the infidels; alluding distantly (as on other occasions he has done more openly) to our establishment in Bengal, the Carnatic, and other Mahommedan states of India. On the whole, it must be allowed, that the extensive views of aggrandizement, entertained at this time by the Sultan, are abundantly developed by this curious document.
ON the subject of his repairing to the Presence, together with the Sepoys belonging to him (or such Sepoys as he may be enabled to bring with him), in perfect confidence and security: and assuring him, that he should be provided for after his arrival, agreeably to the regulations and appointments of the Sircar.
DESIRING her to transmit incessantly intelligence of what passes at Bombay and Tillicherry.
YOUR letter, reporting, “that the Jumaadâr, Syed Ameen, had “beat the Bukhshy, Nuwâz Baig, in such a manner, as to occasion the “death of the latter; and that you had [in consequence] secured the “aforesaid Jumaadâr, by putting irons on his legs and arms,” has passed under our view.
Our special retinue will arrive the day after to-morrow at Great Balapoor. Securing his [i. e. the murderer’s] legs and arms well in fetters,(1) you must place him in a Dooly, and bring him along with yourself, under a strong guard, to the Presence.
THE report which you have sent us, of the gallant conduct of our troops, and of the men wounded [in the late actions], is known [or has been considered]. Let the wounded receive the compensation fixed by our regulations; and let the horses, and other property taken [from the enemy], be relinquished, according to the orders of the Sircar, to the captors [literally, to those who bring them in.](2)
WHEN we ourself arrive in that quarter, the Risâla, wanting to complete your Kushoon, shall be given you.
This short letter is given, merely for the purpose of showing, in some degree, the constitution of a Kushoon. It appears, by this document, that a Risâla was a component part of a Kushoon: but how many of the former were contained in a Kushoon, I do not clearly know. I am inclined to think, however, that a Kushoon was a regiment, consisting of two or more Risâlas, or battalions.(1)
YOUR letter has been received A rupture has taken place between Nizâm Ali Khân and the enemy [i. e. the Mahrattahs], in consequence of some pecuniary discussions; and this has been followed by the aforesaid Khân’s marching away, to the distance of six coss on the other side of [or beyond] Bâdâmy.
We shall shortly relieve both Bâdâmy and Ramdoorg in a fit manner [i. e. effectually]. Do you [in the mean while] keep your mind at ease. You did right in giving up [or resigning] the captured horses and cattle [to the captors]. You must do the same thing in future.
It is certain, that the Nizâm separated about this time from the Mahrattah army, and returned to Hyderabad. The measure, however, is ascribed, in such memoirs of this period as I have seen, simply to the inconvenience which his Highness suffered from the heat of the weather. He is stated to have left, at the same time, a considerable body of troops, for the purpose of cooperating with his allies.
The Sultan did not fulfil his promise, respecting the relief of Bâdâmy, as the Mahrattahs obtained possession of that place some time in the month of May.
THE rock-salt, of which you sent a sample (see Letter CCLVIII,) is very fine: you must, therefore, buy a large quantity of it, and lading it on the return Dingies belonging to the Sircar, which have carried thither rice for sale, consign the same, from time to time, to the Aumil of Mangalore, to whom you are also to transmit an account of its cost.
We are anxious to procure(1) some seed of the saffron plant, silk-worms, young date trees, almonds and pistachio plants, shipwrights,(2) and pearl divers. Get these [men] together, and entertaining them in our service, dispatch them to us, together with proper persons for taking care of the young plants, &c.
We have already written, desiring you to purchase pearls. They must be large and brilliant,(3) and [in short] of the finest kind.(4) Buy them [at as] cheap [a price as you can] and dispatch them to us.
IN addition to the force already attached to you, four other Kushoons, viz. Mahommed Huleem’s, Rujub Ali’s, Shaikh Omar’s, and Ahmed Baig’s, are ordered to join you. At the end of to-morrow’s march [and, for the future] you must encamp these four Kushoons in the form of a square,(5) within [or in the centre of] which you are yourself regularly to take post.
We have moreover appointed Mahommed Kâzim and Yenket Râo, the Serishtedâr of the Jyshe, to these four Kushoons:(6) and, finally, you will be further re-inforced by the Risâla of Behrâm, and some other troops, both horse and foot, under the command of Mohyûddeen Khân.
I am not certain who Moaayenûddeen was; but I have an indistinct notion that he was related to the Sultan. Be this as it may, he would appear, by the foregoing letter, to have been an officer of high command and trust. The order of encampment, here prescribed to him, was to be observed, it seems, from the time of the army’s arriving at Great Balapoor. Whether or not this disposition was made with any particular view to guarding against a sudden attack, I am unable to determine. It is not probable, however, that the Sultan had any expectation of encountering an enemy on his present line of march.
YOUR letter, enclosing one addressed to that light of our eyes by the Kilaadâr of Bâdâmy,(1) has been received, and the particulars represented therein have become manifest. You must give orders to the country people(2) to be vigilant and careful. You, too, must conduct yourself with caution. We enclose a plan, on paper, of the manner in which your army is to encamp: let this be copied on parchment, and let your army be always encamped agreeably thereto.
It is to be regretted, that the plan, here spoken of, has not been preserved, along with the letter referring to it, as it would have illustrated the Sultan’s ideas on the particular branch of tactics in question, better than any other document that has hitherto appeared. It is, no doubt, probable that the Futhûl Mûjâhideen would throw considerable light on the subject.(3)
It is remarkable, that in the foregoing short letter, the Sultan, though, in general, sparing of such proofs of kindness, applies no less than three different expressions of endearment to Bûrhânûddeen; whom, in the first place, he styles Noor-chushm (light of my eyes), in another Saadut-nishân (marked for happiness), and lastly, Burkhoar-dâr (equivalent to darling). These endearing epithets can hardly be supposed, in the instance of Tippoo Sultan, to have proceeded from genuine affection or attachment; and may, therefore, perhaps, be more safely referred, either to some temporary caprice or fit of good humour; or, otherwise, to some political consideration, which might have suggested to him, at the moment, the expediency of assuming a more conciliatory manner towards his brother-in-law, than was probably usual with him.
DO you remain, in all respects, firm and tranquil;(1) nor entertain, on any account, the least fear. Let us know, what force the enemy has in that neighbourhood, and in what situations it is posted. Be particular in stating the strength and position [of every division], and the names of the several places which they occupy. Take, also, special care, that neither your receipt of this dispatch, nor its contents, become known to any one.
This is almost the only letter in the present collection, of those written to the Sultan’s own servants, which has what is called an Ulkâb, or address. I conclude, from hence, that he was not in the habit of using this formulary, excepting on particular occasions, like the present,(2) when this sort of compliment might be intended to operate as a stimulus to extraordinary exertion; nor is it improbable, that the endearing expressions applied to Bûrhânûddeen, in Letter CCLXXIV, were employed with a similar view.
The Ulkâb, or address, used on the present occasion, is
It might be inferred, from the tenor of the orders contained in this dispatch, that it was in the contemplation of the Sultan to beat up the Mahrattah quarters in the vicinity of Kunchungood. Whether or not such an enterprise was attempted, I am unable to determine.
YOU must not suffer any one to come to your house; and whatever business you may have to do, let it be transacted in our Kuchurry. If, nevertheless, people should persist in coming to your house, they shall be deprived of their ears and noses.(1) Pay strict attention to this order. It is surprising to us, that you should act in opposition to your instructions. Perhaps you have laid them by in the niche of forgetfulness;(2) and to this may be owing your present contravention of our will and pleasure. Consider what is here said as a strict injunction.
This order, if understood literally, would amount to the exclusion of every person from the habitation of the Bukhshy, who might occasionally have private business with him: but though the regulation, directing all public affairs to be transacted in open Kuchurry, and no where else, was rigidly enforced by the Sultan, it can hardly be supposed, that it was meant to extend to the mutual intercourse necessary in the conduct of personal or domestic concerns.(3) It is not difficult to comprehend the Sultan’s motives for a prohibition of the kind under consideration: but, with respect to the punishment appointed for its infraction, it may be presumed, in the absence of any proof of its ever being actually inflicted, that it was held out only in terrorem.
| GHÛLÂM HÛSAIN, at AURUNGBÂ- BÂD; | The Sons of SHAIKHÛN SÂHEB, and MÛSEEM(1) SÂHEB (the Nephew of the above-named) at BEEJÂ- POOR. |
| SUJJÂD SÂHEB and IBN SÂHEB, at HYDERÂBÂD; |
[AFTER compliments]...... Our mind is most anxious for the attainment of the benefit of an interview with you: but as all events have their appointed times, we, in the meanwhile, trouble your reverence with the present address, in the confidence that, turning your mind, in an especial manner, to the means of promoting the prosperity and advantage of the people of Islâm, and of overthrowing the unrighteous Infidels, you will do whatever may be in your power, to encrease the lustre of the firm religion of Mahommed.
Actuated by similar motives, the persons most distinguished here for virtue and excellence, have extracted from the traditions, theological tracts, and commentaries, certain religious doctrines, a copy of which we enclose for your benevolent notice. We request of your reverence, also, to assist the cause, by your admonitions to the faithful; to all of whom we feel an earnest desire of extending that protection and support, which we possess the means, no less than the wish, of bestowing upon them.
No doubt, the proclamation, or manifesto, at page 293, is the enclosure here referred to, and which, hitherto, had probably been circulated only in the territories dependent on Mysore. But as the chief design of the Sultan, in that address, was to draw to his standard the Musulman subjects of other states, and particularly such as lived under the authority of his immediate enemies, it was necessary that it should be promulgated far and near. What means he adopted for this purpose, with respect to more distant countries, or whether he made any attempt to introduce the document in question into the British dominions, does not appear: but here we see him selecting as his instruments for publishing it, and promoting its proposed effect, within the dominions of the Mahrattahs and of the Nizâm, persons actually residing under the protection of, and owing allegiance to, those very powers; and who, consequently, could neither pray for the success of his arms, nor contribute their endeavours to supply him with recruits (which was his chief object on the present occasion), without a violation of their civil duties, or without exposing themselves to the most imminent danger. Tippoo, however, did not allow himself to be restrained by considerations of this nature. He was, at all times, in communication with the priests belonging to the different shrines, or places of peculiar sanctity among Musulmans, that are scattered over the Peninsula, but not one of which, I believe, was included within his own dominions. The only thing to be wondered at, on this occasion, is the temerity of the reverend personages who engaged in such a hazardous correspondence; for though it does not appear how the present letter was received by the individuals to whom it was addressed, the records found at Seringapatam afford abundant proof, that the Sultan, throughout his reign, stood high in the favour of this particular class. For this distinction he might, in some degree, be indebted to the gifts which he occasionally bestowed on them; but he, most probably, owed it principally to their bigotry. He fought avowedly for the glory and extension of their religion; and that, with zealots, would be a sufficient apology for treason, as well as a sufficient motive for risking their personal safety in the advancement of his cause.
YOU write, “that Syed Ahmed, a Jowkdâr(1) of the Kushoon of…. “….(2) belonging to the Uskur, has recruited some men, without “advancing any bounty.”(3) It is known. Let the above-mentioned be appointed to the command of one of the new Risâlas lately raised by Syed Ghuffâr. We have appointed and sent from hence another person to command the Risâla of........(4). He will soon join you.
When we shall have summoned you to our Presence, and heard [from you verbally] the particulars of the gallant services of the men belonging to the Kushoons of Syed Ghuffâr and Shaikh Unser, we will distinguish them(5) [in a suitable manner].
SEVEN sealed orders,(1) specifying [or appointing] the daily marches [of your division], are sent herewith. Keep them by you, and return those formerly [delivered to you]. Issue directions to the people of your army, to provide themselves with six days’ provisions; and be prepared to execute whatever orders you shall hereafter receive.
The orders, here alluded to, appear to have been of the nature of sailing orders in our navy. They were each, probably, to be opened on a stated day; when the place to which the troops were to march on that particular day would be ascertained. Secrecy, of course, was the object of this arrangement: but it does not appear upon what service Moaayenûddeen was to be employed. It was now eight days since the Sultan had arrived in the vicinity of Great Balapoor; and he was, probably, advanced, at the date of the present orders, as far as Râidoorg, from whence Adoni might be easily reached in six marches. On this point, however, we are unfortunately left entirely to conjecture, in consequence of none of the dispatches of the present period happening to specify the place from whence they were written. It is not unlikely, however, that Moaayenûddeen was pushed forward for the purpose of investing Adoni, previously to the arrival of the main army before it.
ISSUE orders to the people under your command to provide themselves with six days’ provisions, and to leave their tents, pawls, &c. with the baggage of the army, taking nothing with them but two horse-halters(1) each man.
ISSUE orders to your people to provide themselves with six days’ provisions; and leaving the tents, pawls, &c. belonging to them with the baggage of the army, to keep with them [only] the Kûndilehs(1*) of the Sircar. You must [thus] remain unincumbered [jureedeh].
DIRECT your people to furnish themselves with six days’ provisions, to be carried by themselves;(1**) and leaving their tents, pawls, heavy baggage, &c. with the baggage of the army, to remain light and unincumbered.
No doubt the troops, here ordered to prepare for a rapid movement, were intended to compose part of the division proceeding under the command of Moaayenûddeen; whose force (if we include in it the various corps enumerated in Letter CCLXXIII) must have amounted to at least ten thousand men.
WE enclose an order to the Aumil of Sumrputn [Bulhâry], directing him to forward your Palenkeen to you.
N.B. Then follows the order to the Aumil of Bulhâry.
It is difficult to say, in what sense the foregoing extract should be understood. It may imply, either that the Bukhshy was not at liberty to send for his Palenkeen, without the Sultan’s authority; or that, not possessing the means of getting it conveyed to him (that is, the necessary carriage), he had been obliged to solicit the Sultan to give directions for its being forwarded to him. The former sense would, no doubt, consist perfectly well with the despotic nature of the Sultan’s government, and with the general system of control and restriction which pervaded every branch of it: but as the latter interpretation is equally warranted by the original, I am inclined to prefer it, on the principle of putting, in all cases of absolute doubt, the most favorable construction on his conduct.
GETTING possession of the villain, Goorkul, and of his wife and children, you must forcibly(1) make Musulmans of them, and then dispatch the whole under a guard to Putn.
YOUR letter of the 14th Behâry [17th May] was received this day, and has informed us of Dowlat Khân’s being ill of the stone in the bladder: we have, in consequence, sent by the post an emetic [to be taken the first day], together with [other proper] medicines for the seven subsequent days. These are all separately made up in cloth and sealed.
The way of taking an emetic is this: dissolving the powder in about four tolah weight of hot water, let him swallow it. After this, whenever he feels inclined to vomit, he must drink eight tolah weight of warm water. When he has vomited five or six times, let him, after an interval of six hours, have some broth mixed with rice. In the evening, before he eats his dinner,(1*) make him take, in a little cold water, half a tolah weight of seed of flea-wort,(2) softened with some oil of almonds. By the favor of God, in one or two vomitings, the stranguary, or obstruction of urine, will be removed.
The following morning [after the vomit] a dose of the other medicine is to be taken in eight tolahs of syrup of âb-shâkh(3) and radish leaves.(4) This course is to be pursued for seven days, during which the patient need not abstain from acids, but must avoid eating black and red pepper, and other heating and flatulent things.(5) The diet should be curry of radishes with boiled rice, and his drink an infusion of musk-melon seeds, cucumber seeds, and dry thorn,(6) of each half a tolah weight. By this means, if there should even [or actually] be a stone [in the bladder] it will be passed.(7)
YOU have represented, “that two thousand four hundred and eighty-five bullock loads of rice, gram, &c. were some time ago dispatched “to the Presence [i. e. to the Sultan’s army] and eleven hundred and “nine very lately [or now].” It is known, and appears very extraordinary to us, that out of fifty or sixty thousand bullock loads, the duties on which have been remitted to the Lumbânehs,(3) only one or two thousand should have been dispatched [to us]. You must give strict orders for ten or fifteen thousand loads to be forwarded [hither] at a time.
YOU write, “that Nursia requires our express authority for joining “[or inserting] your name [with his own] in the [official] letters to “the Aumils.” It is known. When you were dispatched from the Presence, a [certain] mandate, addressed to Nursia, was delivered to you. Open and peruse the same, and conform to its contents. If it be directed therein, that you are to participate with him in the administration of the revenue business,(1) you will, agreeably thereto, apply earnestly and constantly, in conjunction with him, to the affairs of the Sircar: If [on the other hand] your participation [therein] should be forbidden,(2) you must act accordingly.
If I rightly understand this letter, which I have translated as closely as I could, it is a very strange one. I lay no stress upon the apparently singular circumstance of Mahommed Hyder’s being referred to a letter which he could not have in his possession, since he must have already delivered it to Nursia, to whom it was addressed. This difficulty is easily removed, by supposing what is most likely to have been the case, viz. that the letter referred to was only a copy (though not so called in the manuscript) with which the under Dewân had been furnished, for his information and guidance. But what appears extraordinary is, that the Sultan should have placed the question submitted to him on the hypothetical footing he has done, instead of giving a direct answer to it. We cannot imagine him to have really forgotten the orders he had transmitted to Nursia on the subject in dispute or, if he had, that the secretary could not have produced a copy of them: hence it may be inferred, that the present letter was designed in the way of banter. It is pretty evident, from the fact of Nursia’s having refused to admit Mahommed Hyder to the privilege he demanded, without the express authority of the Sultan, that no such authority had been conveyed in the mandate referred to: and this the Sultan, no doubt, very well knew. The letter to Shumsûddeen Khân,(3) at page 278, seems to have been written in the same vein.
YOU write, “requesting of us to give directions to our secretaries to “insert your name, along with that of Mahommed Hyder, the second “Dewân, in the Purwânehs [addressed to your department].” It is known. Who has told you (whom we had ordered to repair to the Presence) to remain there? and wherefore have you continued [till now] to reside there?(1)
NOW that you have encamped near Misry-kotah, you must take up a strong position there, under the protection of the [adjacent] woods. From hence, seizing a fit opportunity, you must fall [suddenly] upon the enemy.
What is the use of your fixing yourself at Sehngah(1)? You must shift your quarters from one place to another, such as Urkunny, and other dependencies of Nugr, and chastise the enemy [as often as an opportunity for the purpose may offer].
DIRECTING her to join Urshud Baig Khân with her forces, and to inflict [i. e. assist him in inflicting] punishment on the Nairs.
You write, “that the Piâdehs, who had been employed to escort “provisions to the fort of Kittoor, wished, on their return from thence, “to be dispatched to the Presence: but that, in consequence of your “hearing of the enemy’s troops being spread over(1) the country about “Shânoor, &c. you had [judged it best to] distribute them among the “forts of Hurriâl, Ullooty, &c.(2) for the defence of those places, and “that you had seated yourself [i.e. established your own quarters] at “Sehngah.”(3)
It is known. In the written instructions delivered to you it is directed, that you shall keep together, under your immediate command, from ten to fifteen thousand men. Conform to these orders, and do not divide your forces; but establish yourself with them somewhere in the province of Nugr, as at Hurriâl, Urkunny, &c. It is now the rainy season: send for a Risâla of Jyshe from Kûriâl [Mangalore] and, agreeably to your instructions, assembling other Jyshe and Piâdehs, to the amount of ten or twelve thousand men, take up a position with this force, either at Hurpunhully, Urkunny, or some other place, situated [like them] on that [i. e. the further,(4) or east] side of the Tungbuddra. Having done this, report the same to us; and afterwards proceed, according to the manner that shall be directed in the orders [you will receive] from the Presence.
YOU write, “that the villain Goorkul, being wounded, had thrown “himself, together with his wife and children, into a fire [kindled for “the purpose] which had consumed them [all].” You add, “that the “Mâpilahs have all taken to flight.”
It is known. You must assemble and keep your men together, and, exercising them regularly, hold them always in readiness [for service].
It would appear by this letter that the unfortunate Goorkul had eluded the endeavours of Tippoo’s commanders to secure his person; but that, despairing of ultimate success, and knowing the fate that awaited himself and family, if they fell into the hands of their tyrant, he had resorted to the final remedy and refuge from dishonour, so usual among the Hindoos. The studied indifference, as it appears to be, with which the Sultan mentioned this dreadful catastrophe, will not have escaped the reader’s notice.
YOU write, “that eighty smiths are required in the musquet manufactory at Khân-Khânhully; and that, having made an application “for this number to the Aumils of the surrounding districts, they had “answered, that the Ryots excused themselves from furnishing them “just now, on account of its being tillage time.”
It is known. As the tillage of the land does not depend on blacksmiths, we write to desire, that the most peremptory orders may be issued to the Aumils within your jurisdiction, and enforced by bailiffs, for providing [immediately] the requisite number of these artificers.
Whatever might be the case in Mysore, it is, at least, certain, that in the provinces of Bengal and Behar, the cultivation of the lands depends, in a very material degree, on the manufacturing classes and artizans; who, at the tillage season, are accustomed to quit their ordinary avocations, and to resume, for the necessary time, the labours of husbandry. Even the soldiers, at this period, are in the habit of returning on furlough to their native villages, for the purpose of working in the fields belonging to their respective families. I am inclined to think, that the same practice will be found to have obtained in Mysore; and, indeed, the reference made to it by the Ryots, sufficiently establishes the fact. At this rate, the Sultan could not be ignorant of its existence; so that, in saying, “the culture “of land did not depend upon blacksmiths,” he probably sacrificed the truth, and, what was worse, persisted in his oppression, chiefly for the sake of a conceit. Eighty men taken from the plough at such a time, would hardly fail to produce a material embarrasment in the agricultural operations of the district which was obliged to furnish them.
WHAT you report, of the escape of the European cannon-founder, is understood. You must, in such manner [or by such means] as you think best, and most practicable, contrive to get him back, otherwise bad consequences will follow, for which you shall be made to answer.
You write, “that instead of five or six rupees, which you have proposed paying to the striplings(1) belonging to the Jyshe, they demand “nine.” It is known. Let such as are very young receive the monthly pay you have fixed: when they arrive at full age, they will, according to custom, receive nine rupees.
If the gunpowder is not prepared, and the gun-barrels are not constructed agreeably to our instructions, and if every thing else, appertaining to your department, be not properly executed, you will be called to a strict account [for your neglect].
YOUR letter has been received, and its contents are comprehended. What you write, respecting the scarcity of grain, is known. The country of Nugr is near [you]. Send from thence for continual and abundant supplies of grain. What is the meaning of your loitering in one place with such an army [as you have]? You should take ten days provisions, and moving rapidly, in different directions, ten and twenty coss [at a time], seize an opportunity of striking some signal blow against the enemy. We have sent [similar] orders on this subject to the Sipahdârs, &c.
Phurnaveese [i. e. Nana, the Mahrattah minister] is gone [back] to Poonah. It is most probable that their army, too, will, by the time the river swells, break up, and return discomfited and beaten.
Remove the son of Hukeem Khân from the command of his Risâla, and place him in confinement.(1)
It is true, that Nana Phurnaveese returned to Poonah some time about the end of May; and I believe that, either previously to his leaving the Mahrattah army, or immediately after his departure, the fort of Bâdâmy surrendered. Of this event, however, no trace is discoverable in the correspondence.
If Hukeem Khân be meant for Abdûl Hukeem Khân, the Nabob of Shânoor, (which I conceive to be the case) this passage shows, that the breach between him and the Sultan had now become irreparable, and that the Patan had, probably, declared openly in favor of the Mahrattahs. We also learn from it, that a son of this chieftain actually held, at this time, a military command in one of the corps of the army under Bûrhânûddeen (possibly a battalion of an infantry Kushoon); for the form of the expression in the original will hardly admit of our supposing that the Risâla, in question, was a body of troops furnished by the Patan for the service of the Sultan.
IT is fifteen days since you arrived at Furrûkh-yâb Hisâr [Chittledoorg]. By your stopping in this manner fifteen days in every place, you burthen us with your own pay and that of your retinue. Then it would further appear, by the circumstance of your bringing on with you the Hurkârehs of the enemy, that you had no fear [or regard] for your lives and honor. It is not well. Send back the enemy’s Hurkârehs, and hasten your arrival at the Presence.
Here ends the Sultan’s correspondence with his late ministers at the court of Poonah, who had probably received their dismission from thence some time in April 1786. Whatever may be thought of the diplomatic qualifications of those agents, from the faint sketches of their proceedings occasionally afforded by these letters, there would not appear to be any reason for imputing the failure of their negociations to any deficiency of talents or address on their part: for the Mahrattahs being bent on a rupture, and the Sultan being equally determined not to compromise his dignity, or what he deemed to be his rights, it is probable, that neither party had, from the beginning, any expectation, or indeed any desire, of accommodating their mutual differences; so that, in fact, all the envoys had to do, was to endeavour to amuse the Mahrattah government, by vague and illusory professions; to obtain intelligence of its designs; and, perhaps, to tamper with the fidelity of some of its servants. The first of these objects must have been always an hopeless one; and when the notorious parsimony of their master is considered, their success, to any material extent, in the other two, may be reasonably doubted, without derogating, in the least, from their general zeal and capacity.
The most prominent feature in the Sultan’s correspondence with these envoys, next to the memorable manœuvre recorded in Letter LIII, is the fluctuating character of his instructions to them. There seems to have been a perpetual conflict, on this occasion, between his pride and his interest; in the course of which, sometimes one, and sometimes the other, prevailed. He appears to have been steady, only, in his ungracious treatment of his unhappy agents, whom, to the very last moment, he addresses in a style of unmitigated asperity.
Of Noor Mahommed Khân no more is heard. Mahommed Ghyâs(1) seems to have been subsequently confined to the humble sphere of superintendant of a provincial Tosheh-khâneh. Whether they lived to witness the annihilation of the Khodâdâd Sircar, I know not; but it is probable they did not, as the Sultan reflects on their “great age,” fourteen years prior to that event.(2)
BY the Divine favor, the fort of Adoni is on the point of being reduced. God willing, after settling matters here, the special retinue will augment the lustre of that quarter [i. e. we shall proceed thither]. You must [in the interim] keep your mind at ease, and attend duly to the care and safety of the fort, [by] placing [the necessary] guards, and remaining always on the alert. You may, moreover, consider us as arrived.
N.B. A letter, of the same tenor and date, was written to Jymum Khân, Kilaadâr of Kopul; and both were sent to Zynûl Aabideen, Bukhshy of Ehshâm, at Chittledoorg, with orders to forward them; and, at the same time, to exhort them, from himself, to be of good cheer, and to remain firm at their posts.
DIRECTING them to dispatch to Fyze Hisâr [Gooty], on hired bullocks, five thousand twenty-four-pounds shot, and the same number of eighteen-pounds shot.(1*)
AGREEABLY to the orders of the Presence, you must bring with you guns [of the calibres] of twelve and nine Rutls [i. e. nine and twelve-pounders].
It is probable, though my manuscript is silent on the subject, that the number of guns of each kind was specified in the original, as otherwise this order would appear to leave it to the judgment of the Dârogha, to bring what number he pleased. A supposition utterly inadmissible.
WE mentioned verbally to you four articles,(3) which were submitted for your acceptance; and we now wish you to come and say, which of those four articles you will agree to, in order that we may make a suitable representation [to our master], and get the business finally settled. The honour of a world [alluding to the female part of Mohâbut Jung’s family] is in the fort, and numberless people are collected therein. To be instrumental, with your eyes open,(4) to the ruin of people’s honour, is contrary to discretion;(5) while any further procrastination of the matter is pregnant with the most serious mischief, and must lead to the destruction of the inhabitants of the place. As to [the arrival of] succours, and the swoln state of the rivers, the case is abundantly manifest. [i. e. you are cut off from all hopes of relief]. Under these circumstances, it is clearly proper and most advisable, that you should set about an [immediate] adjustment, whereby you will secure the ease and prosperity of God’s creatures.
It does not appear from the correspondence, on what day the Sultan arrived before Adoni; but as it is probable, that he would lose no time in summoning the place, the commencement of the siege by Tippoo, in person, may be safely reckoned from the 15th June. It had, perhaps, been previously invested by Moaayenûddeen: but this is uncertain.
If the Usud Ali Khân, here addressed, be not the same person who has since made some figure (as well under that name, as by the title of Mûzufferûlmûlk) at the court of Hyderabad, I am unable to say who he was. However this may be, the present negociator would appear to have acquitted himself in a very able manner; since he succeeded in amusing Tippoo with expectations of the early submission of his master, Mohâbut Jung, and by this means, while he induced the Sultan to abstain from vigorous operations against Adoni, gave time to the Nizâm to send a considerable force, under Mûsheer ûl Mûlk and Syfe ûl Mûlk, to its relief; or rather, for the purpose of removing the ladies of Mohâbut Jung’s family, who were shut up in it, to Hyderabad. This object, which Tippoo either did not suspect, or could not effectually oppose, being accomplished, those commanders left the fort(6) to its fate, which was, ere long, decided: for not being in a condition to maintain a siege, the Sultan soon became master of it.
The conduct of Tippoo, upon this occasion, has been said to have excited considerable surprise among his commanders, and has since given rise to some speculation, as to the causes of it, among his biographers. It has been affirmed, that the fort might have been easily carried at the same time with the Paith, or town; upon the storm and capture of which the garrison and inhabitants retired in great disorder to the fort, the gates of which were found wide open, and even, as pretended, unguarded. Intelligence, thereof, being conveyed to the Sultan, and accompanied by a request from Lally, and others, to be permitted to profit by the opportunity, thus unexpectedly offered, he forbad the attempt, observing, in effect, “that he was sure those within the fort would, in very good time, spontaneously place themselves in his power.” The writer, from whom I take this account, and who is a very intelligent Musulman,(7) in the employ of Colonel Colin M‘Kenzie, appears to infer, from this circumstance, that the Sultan never had any serious intention of reducing Adoni; and that his movement against it had no other object than that of alarming the Nizâm for the safety of the females of his family residing there, and of detaching him, by that means, from his connexion with the Mahrattahs. But the solitary fact, upon which this opinion seems to rest, is not, I think (admitting its authenticity) sufficiently strong, to support it against the evidence leading to a different conclusion. That fact is perhaps susceptible of a more satisfactory, and less improbable explanation. The Sultan might have doubted the correctness of the information, upon which the expediency of attempting the fort had been rested: he might have thought the undertaking too hazardous; or he might even have been averse to exposing the women within the place to the dangers of an assault. That he hoped, by his present enterprize, to oblige the Nizâm to forsake the Mahrattahs, is very likely: but this purpose would not have been effected by any proceeding, which might, in its consequences, have cast a stain upon the honor of his Highness’s family; whereas, by getting them into his power, by virtue of a capitulation, he would have been sure of attaining that object. On the whole, therefore, there would not appear to be any sufficient reason for doubting, that the end which he really had in view, from the beginning, was not the mere reduction of Adoni, which would have been an inadequate compensation for the exertion he had made, but the capture, in honor and safety, of the Haram contained within its walls.
It is to be wished, that the four articles, referred to in the preceding letter, had been preserved. They would, no doubt, have thrown considerable light on the present subject: yet we are not entirely destitute of other information respecting it, since the following extract from the Sultan’s Memoirs will be found to contain, not only some notice of his expedition against Adoni, but also his statement of the origin of the war, subsisting at this time between him and the confederated powers.
“I had just completed the arrangements which have been mentioned,(8) when “intelligence arrived that the Mahrattahs(9) and Nizâm Ali Khân, forgetting their “ancient obligations [to us], whereof an account has been already written,(10) and “becoming ungrateful, had assembled together a large army, with the intention “of making a joint attack on the Ahmedy dominions.
“At that time, [or hereupon] several of those holding offices(11) under the “Usud Ilhye government humbly represented, that after providing for the “defence of the fortresses, and putting the armies in a state of preparation, it “would be proper to set about confronting [or opposing] them [i. e. the Mahrattahs and the Nizâm]. To this I answered: ‘Six months ago, when the “Vakeels of both the chieftains were about to receive their dismission [from “me], I said to them [the Vakeels], that I had heard that their masters, “forgetting ancient obligations [or my ancient claims] upon them, meditated “upon making such a return to them, as was the practice only of the most “despicable of men. This [said I] is not a right thing. Fear God [and “know], that good should not be requited with evil. A proceeding of this “kind will [assuredly] draw on your masters the vengeance of the divine “tribunal.(12) [For my part] these are my intentions. The good which has “been rendered to you by the Usud Ilhye Sircar is clear and evident to the “whole world.(13) Moved by the humble supplications, as well as by the tender “age of your master,(14) who had avowed himself to be our son, we(15) took upon “ourselves [or willingly incurred] the evils [or dangers] which [menaced] your “house and your life: and [hence] it is more manifest, even than the sun, that “it was we who secured the duration of your master’s house. With all this [or “notwithstanding this] I am desirous that your misdoings [or the wrongs you “have done me] should become still more apparent to all mankind, and “[therefore] I will never move from hence, with hostile designs, until both “the chieftains in question shall have entered my dominions, have ravaged “countries to the value of ten or twenty lacks of rupees, and have laid siege to “one or two fortified places. They should [or let them], therefore, act in “conformity with their engagements.’(16)
“But what does it signify? With the blessing of the [divine] Helper, after “they shall have entered our dominions, we will move from hence.
“Accordingly, two months after this, the two confederated armies (on whom, “and on their parents also, be the curse of God!) laid siege to the fort of “Bâdâmy, and committed depredations, between the two rivers Kishna and “Toongbhudra,(17) to the amount of fifteen or twenty lacks of rupees. Hereupon “I(18) marched to Bangalore, where I remained ten or twelve days, and [from “hence] dispatched a respectable person, together with an intelligent officer of “spies, to Mâdhojee Bhonsillah, the chief of Nâgpoor,(19) to whom I addressed a “letter to the following effect:
“‘What is the reason that you(20) have forgotten [your] ancient obligations “[to us] and taken [or learned] the lesson of the whoreson?(21) Fear God, “otherwise your shameful actions will [assuredly] draw upon you their due “punishment.’(22)
“I also wrote and dispatched [letters], to the same purport, to Hurry Pundit “Phurkia and to Râo Râsta, commanders of the army of the infidels.
“I moreover interrogated the Sirdars [or chief officers] of the army, respecting the [best] mode of conducting the war, and the attack(23) [most proper] to “be made [in the first instance]; when they all, according to their [respective] “abilities [or powers], delivered their opinions: none of which, however, were “agreeable to my mind. At this time [or hereupon] calling upon God the “Bountiful, and imploring his aid, I said, ‘Please the Almighty God, I will “proceed against Adoni, which is at a distance from the boundary of the Sircar, “and is a strong place, where the honor(24) of Nizâm Ali Khân is lodged. “Attacking this place, we must obtain possession of it. If, for the sake [or “preservation] of their honor, the two Sirdars(25) should come [to its relief], “we shall see [the extent of] their strength and power.’ This opinion [or “plan] was apparently assented to by all those in attendance [upon me]; but “God [only] knows what they inwardly [or really] thought [on the occasion].
“After this, quitting Bangalore, I proceeded by long marches to Adoni,(26) “against which I opened trenches; but was [purposely] careless and dilatory in “making my approaches, in order that, hearing of the situation of Busâlut “Jung’s son, and of their women, the two infidel and renegade(27) armies might “advance together [to their assistance]. Having, at the end of a month, mounted “batteries near the ditch, I was employed in breaching the place, when intelligence came, that the two aforesaid armies, headed by Moghul Ali Khân,(28) “brother of Nizâm Ali Khân, Sohrâb Jung,(29) Taigh Jung,(30) Tehbur Jung,(31) Gunnaish Pundit, Apa Bulwunt, and others,(32) were arrived at the other [or opposite] “side of the river Tungbhudra. At that time I saw no good [or convenient] place “for intercepting the two armies;(33) and, moreover, the army of the Usud Ilhye “Sircar was dispersed in [prosecution of] the siege of the fort. On this account “I moved from that place(34) [or shifted my camp] to the distance of half a coss “on the flank [or on one side] of the road of the aforesaid armies. By this “movement the latter were thrown into the utmost dismay and confusion; and “in this state(35) proceeding along the skirts of the hills, [at length] reached the “aforesaid fort, near to which they remained encamped during three days. On “the fourth day they took out all the people of the fort; but were in such “distraction and alarm [at the time], that they left behind the whole of the wearing apparel of the females, and every article of household furniture [belonging to them]. In this naked(36) condition, carrying the women along with them, they took at midnight the road of flight, and made a shameful retreat.(37)
“Immediately on receiving the intelligence [of their flight], I armed completely,(38) and, with the design of intercepting the fugitives, pursued them “with the the utmost celerity. As, however, owing to the rain, and to the miry “state of the roads, the patroles had been on the whole(39) very negligent [or “tardy] in making their report [of the enemy’s retreat]; and, as, on the whole,(39*) “the artillery, owing likewise to the same circumstance, followed very slowly, “the aforesaid armies were enabled to effect their escape across the river, “Tungbuddra; but not without leaving behind them, in their disorder and “alarm, an elephant and some..........(40)
“At this time [or on this occasion] the power [of God] was [wonderfully] “manifested to all the world, in the following manner. While the fugitive “army was crossing the river, the water was not higher than the waist; but in “the space of six hours, at the end of which the army of the Usud Ilhye Sircar “arrived in close pursuit [of the enemy], it had risen to a level with the banks(41): “and thus was that prey, which the net had [so nearly] overspread, enabled, “by the divine pleasure [or power] to escape in safety.(42)
“After putting the enemy to flight, the high [or eminent] army marched [back] “to the vicinity of the fort [i. e. Adoni], where I lay encamped for five days, in “the course of which [I caused] the fort of Adoni to be entirely demolished(43). “I then bestowed the country of Adoni in Jageer upon Kûtbûddeen Khân, “Bukhshy of the Bâr-kuchurry,(44) to whom, moreover, I gave the Nobut,(45) five “elephants, and a lack of rupees in money;(46) directing that, after fixing [his “authority] firmly in the Jageer, he should leave two thousand horse, and make “such other arrangements as might be necessary for its defence,(47) and then “return himself to his attendance upon our person.(48)
“After this, marching from thence [i. e. Adoni], I proceeded to the banks of “the Tungbuddra, &c.”
The sequel of the Sultan’s brief account of this war will be given hereafter, in its proper place.
The foregoing narrative is not, perhaps, calculated to exhibit the Sultan to any great advantage, either as a politician or a general. If (as would seem from his own account and the correspondence of Usud Ali Khân to have been the fact) his chief aim, in the present expedition, was to get the females of Mohâbut Jung’s family into his power, by means of a capitulation; it is obvious, that this end was more likely to have been attained by a vigorous and menacing attack of the place, than by the slow and feeble mode of proceeding which he adopted. In the former case, the garrison might possibly have been intimidated into an early surrender, before the allied forces could come to its relief: as it was, it had every encouragement to hold out till their arrival. The Sultan appears to have been betrayed into this first error, by the expectation of accomplishing his object through negociation: and this grand mistake was followed by another, of a military kind, which completely frustrated his views. He suffered the enemy, not only to reach Adoni without any material attempt to intercept them, but to remain in its vicinity during three or four days; and finally to remove the garrison and women in safety, without the least interruption. It is in vain that he endeavours to disguise these blunders: his endeavours, for this purpose, only prove his secret consciousness of them.
YOUR note has been received, and its contents are understood. You write, “that hitherto, in pursuance of the intimation of the Presence,(1) “you have not been deficient in [your endeavours to bring] the [pending] “negociation [to a conclusion], and that, even now, nothing is gone “[or lost].”(2) You proceed to state, that you wish we would represent “the matter, agreeably to your former proposals, to the Presence; and “getting a settlement made accordingly, which would redound to our “honour,(3) apprize you thereof:” and you exhort us, “to exert our “most strenuous endeavours, to obtain and send you a favourable “answer.”
It is known. The firmament is prepared(4) and ripe with the ruin of the house [of your master]. Pity! a thousand pities! that you, Sir, should not have opened your eyes, or contemplated the certain consequences of these proceedings; but, instead of this, should write, “that, “even now, nothing is gone [or lost].” This circumstance has excited in us the utmost surprise and amazement. That friend [or you] did lately, on the part of the Begums,(5) supplicate, in the most humble and earnest manner, for an accommodation and adjustment of this business. In consideration hereof, and solicitous to avert the dreadful evils which menaced the honor of a world, collected together within the fort (for, in any sinister event,(6) ruin to the house and loss of honour(7) to numberless creatures must ensue), we represented the case in such various lights [and so efficaciously] to the resplendent Presence, as brought our bountiful master to agree to a settlement. That friend, notwithstanding this, now introduces [or brings forward] excuses, respecting an adjustment of the matter: hence it would seem, that you, Sir, are desirous of bringing about the ruin of your master’s house, and the misery of the people. This is an evil which no one can remedy. [Still, however, we would fain impress upon your mind] the propriety of weighing in the scales of wisdom the good and bad of this business; and, having obtained from your master full powers for its adjustment, of your repairing hither, in order that, somehow or other, the negociation may be terminated; inasmuch as the interest and prosperity of a whole world are herein concerned [or are at stake]. Any further delay must, on the other hand, be productive of the most serious evils, which it will be no longer in your power, or in ours, to ward off. By the Divine favour, that friend is conversant in all worldly affairs, and duly acquainted with the ups and downs(8) of fortune [or life]. You have, moreover, witnessed with your own eyes, the fate of many ancient rulers; such as those of Kurpah and Gooty. With such examples [before you], to permit [this thing] is far removed from [or irreconcilable with] foresight [or prudence], as well as incompatible with [your] attachment to the interest [of your master]. At any rate, it is the imperious duty of the subdued [or powerless] to omit no means of conciliating the powerful; but, by every possible submission and demonstration of humility, to avert the ruin impending over them: it is [therefore] fitting, that that friend, accompanied by two [other] persons of weight and consideration, should repair hither to-morrow, in order that we may jointly represent matters in such a way to the Presence, as shall lead to the accomplishment of whatever may [best] conduce to the benefit of God’s creatures.
THE letter you sent has shown the face of arrival, and made us acquainted with the circumstances therein written. You state, “that “after obviating all difficulties(1) to day, you will come, accompanied by “the persons of respectability [or credit, before mentioned] for the “purpose of putting [every thing] in a [proper] train [of adjustment].” It is known, and highly approved. The habits of friendship and mutual interest have, of old [or from former times], firmly and truly subsisted between our lord and master (long may his prosperity endure!) and your master.(2) A regard to this circumstance, joined to compassion for the situation of [God’s] creatures, has disposed the blessed mind [of the former] to an accommodation; in which [disposition] he has been more especially confirmed by your humble supplications, aided by the representations of us, your friends, and others participating in the present negociation. It is, therefore, proper, that that friend, obtaining full powers to conclude a settlement, and accompanied by the persons of credit [before alluded to], should repair hither, and finally arrange the business, according to your agreement; inasmuch as his Highness, our master, has these two objects greatly at heart; namely, first, the relief of [God’s] creatures;(3) and, secondly, the corroboration of the foundations of ancient friendship. What more?
WE will [punctually] attend, Sir, to your appointment for to-morrow morning. Do you come also, Sir, accompanied by your confidential [friends]; when we will proceed together to the Presence.
Nothing further is recorded in the correspondence respecting this negociation, which was probably broken off about this time, by the appearance of the relieving army. With the exception of a slight notice in Letter CCCVIII, Adoni is not even mentioned in any of the succeeding dispatches, till we arrive at the period when, in consequence of the peace concluded with the Mahrattahs and the Nizâm, the Sultan announces to Kûtbûddeen Khân the revocation of the grant he had made to the latter of that district in Jâgeer.
ON the subject of his chastising the enemy, and desiring him to keep moving round them at the distance of ten or twelve coss. Directing him, also, to procure supplies of grain from Nugr and to distribute the same among his troops.
| ZYNÛL AABIDEEN, | SHAIKH IMÂM, |
| MAHOMMED HULEEM, | IMÂM KHÂN, |
| MEERÂN HÛSAIN, | AHMED BAIG, |
| HUSÂIN KHÂNPOONY, | GHÛLÂM MOHYÛDDEEN, |
| RUJUB ALI BAIG, | SHAIKH OMAR. |
YOU are to retain with your Kushoons such young and active women, only, of those belonging to it, as may be capable of keeping pace with the victorious army in its [approaching] marches. The rest, who may be aged and infirm, are, with the other heavy baggage, to be sent off to Fyze Hisâr [Gooty]. In addition to your constant [or usual] stock of provisions, you must supply yourself with a sufficient quantity [to be kept in reserve] for the consumption of ten days. What more?
It is probable, that the Sultan was now preparing to make some movement against the allied force, of the approach of which to the relief of Adoni he may be presumed to have received intelligence about this time. The foregoing circular is followed in the manuscript by a short note to Moaayenûddeen, desiring him to hasten to the Presence, as soon as he had finished his repast.
ACCORDING to your Hûkm-nâmeh [or written instructions], your army should consist of ten thousand men, including Jyshe, horse, and Piâdehs. Call the detached troops, or out posts, together; and do you, for the present, proceed and join Bûrhânûddeen with your army, and co-operate with him in the chastisement of the enemy.
Your appointment of Mudâra Baig to the Kilaadâry of Anundpoor is approved. You must, by means of the aforesaid, get together [i. e. raise for the service of the Sircar] as many horsemen as possible.
Two letters from you have passed under our view, and the particulars set forth in them are distinctly manifested.
What you write, of having chastised and defeated the enemy, is understood. Budrûz Zumân Khân has also been ordered to join you with the forces under his command, and to co-operate with you in the chastisement of the enemy. The aforesaid Khân will, accordingly, join you with his troops. As he possesses great practical knowledge and experience in war, you will, as a matter of course,(1) consult with him on all measures relating to the operations [you are conducting]. You must, also, keep moving round the enemy, at the distance of from two to three coss, in order that you may, by this means, straiten their foragers.(2)
What you write, with regard to your having relinquished to the captors the horses and camels taken from the enemy, is known; and we approve of the same.
We lately wrote to you, desiring you to turn, or pass, the rear of the enemy, and join us with your army. That, however, is not now necessary. You must remain where you are, in the districts of Kittoor, Dhârwâr, and Shânoor, and apply yourself to the chastisement of the enemy. Please God, we shall soon be disengaged from the business which occupies us here, when, after inflicting signal punishment on such part of the enemy’s forces as may [venture to] advance on this side of Adoni, we shall proceed, by the route of Hurpunhully, and crossing the Tungbhuddra, pursue [from thence] our march to that quarter [i. e. to join you].
What you have stated, of the commendable services of Ghous Mahommed Khân, and of Sheer Khân, the Umldâr, and others, is comprehended, and we have, in consequence, issued orders to Mahommed Hyder and to Nursia, the Taalûkdârs of Nugr, to send you two pair of gold, and thirty pair of silver hulkahs,(3) each pair of the weight of one seer.(4) The former of these you are to present to the first Munshoor [Ghous Mahommed Khân], and to Sheer Khân, the Umldâr aforesaid. The silver ones are to be given to the inferior officers, as marks of our approbation.
Of the Coolies attached to you, keep as many [only] as you may [absolutely] require, and distribute the rest among the four Kushoons [with you], for the service of the Doolies [or litters], in which the sick and wounded must be dispatched to the circumjacent forts.
You write, “that you have it in contemplation to make a night attack “upon the enemy.” It is revealed. Where [or when] will you have an opportunity of making a night attack? You should, however, keep moving round the enemy, at the distance of three or four coss,(5) in order that, if a favourable occasion should present itself, you may [fall upon and] chastise them.
The foregoing letter appears twice in the collection, but in different places, and with some variations. I have followed the entry which seemed to me the most perfect of the two. In the copy, however, which I suppose to have been cancelled, the following material paragraph occurs:
“What you write of the backwardness of the cavalry is understood. You “must give orders to their Bukhshy to exert himself, for the purpose of infusing “into them a proper spirit, so that they may not, hereafter, act in a cowardly “manner, at the [critical] moment of service.”
THIS is a letter from the Sultan, inviting the person addressed to repair to his court, where he promises him a favourable reception, and a provision suitable to his rank and qualifications. It would not appear to be an answer to any direct overture in writing from Tûrâb Ali, but to have resulted from some verbal communication made to the Sultan by a Hindoo agent, named Lâleh Wullub Doss.
I take this Meer Tûrâb Ali to be the same person who will hereafter be found making some figure in the intrigues carried on by Tippoo, in the year 1796-7, at the court of Hyderabad. He was probably, at this period, a dependant of Mohâbut Jung. It does not appear from the correspondence, whether or not he accepted the Sultan’s proposals on the present occasion; but other documents furnish reason to think he did not. It is not unlikely, that he might have satisfied the Sultan that he could serve him better where he then was, than by actually joining him; which, however, he ultimately did, after the lapse of some years.
YOU write, “that the Dârogha of the Jinsy attached to your Kushoon “having, without your knowledge, sent the bullocks [belonging to your “guns] to graze, the enemy’s people came........”(1*) You must, after flogging the aforesaid Dârogha, discharge him [from our service].
With respect to the Risâladâr, Bubr Ali Baig, whom you represent to be very troublesome(2) to the men of the Risâla, and to the Jowkdârs, you must give him such strict orders [or admonish him so severely] as shall prevent him from repeating his improper practices.
YOU write, “that [some of](1) the Kilaadârs and Ryots of the [adjacent] Taalûks [or districts], having thrown off their allegiance(2) to us, “convey intelligence to the enemy, and, moreover, supply the latter “with provisions.” It is known. You must seize upon the [offenders], punish them,(3) and hang them upon trees, as examples to others.
YOUR letter, enclosing one [to your(1*) address] from the Kilaadâr of Kopul, has been received. You state, “that you had [some time “before] written to us, on the subject of providing for the security of the “fort of Kopul, and of dispatching [thither] a thousand or five hundred “trusty men [to reinforce the garrison], but that no answer had [yet] been “sent by us to your letter.” It is known. Some time has elasped since we gave orders for the dispatch of the trusty men [in question], and also replied to your letters.(2*) We will now, however, send people [or a reinforcement] to the aforesaid fort [directly] from the Presence.
WE have learned of the flight of the enemy’s army from Hoobly(1); and that that light of our eyes has encamped at Kulhungy,(2) a very strong and [well] protected situation. The rains, however, are violent at that place: you must [therefore] encamp on [or move to] some spot, where the rain is more moderate, in order that your horses, &c. [or your cattle] may not perish, or your people suffer inconvenience.
You write, on the subject of confining Abdûl Sumud Khân,(3) the son of Hukeem Khân, “that Dileer Dil Khân having represented him to “be attached to the Sircar, and as entertaining no dangerous views of “any kind, you propose waiting a repetition of our orders for his “arrest.” It is known. You must secure his person, and send him [a prisoner] to Nugr.
Agreeably to your desire, we have written [and enclosed] orders to the Taalûkdâr of Nugr, and to the [several] Aumils of that district, to dispatch supplies of grain to you. You must forward the said orders to them, and apply for the grain [you require].
YOU have represented to us, “that Syed Peer, the Kilaadâr of that “place [Bangalore], requires a separate order from us to himself [as a “warrant], for his dispatching to the Presence the cannon-shot [for “which we lately wrote to you].” It is known. Cannon-shot are not now wanted: they must, therefore, not be sent.
As Syed Peer was not reproved for declining to obey an order not addressed to himself, it may be concluded, that he was justified in what he did by the regulations of his department; and, consequently, that the Sultan had issued his orders in an informal manner.
It moreover may be inferred from the foregoing letter, that the Sultan’s operations against Adoni had now terminated.
[AFTER compliments].......... A long period has elasped, during which you have not delighted or gladdened me with the joyful tidings of your health and happiness. This neglect is very distant from the established rules of friendship, since friendship renders it incumbent [on you] to afford me regularly the satisfaction of receiving letters [from you], containing accounts of your welfare.
The victorious army being arrived in these parts,(2) it is fitting that that friend should afford me the pleasure of an interview [with him], in order that the foundations of mutual regard and amity may be strengthened, and that various points, which can only be properly discussed in a personal intercourse,(3) may be finally adjusted [between us].
I am unable to say, whether the interview, here proposed by the Sultan, took place or not. It is probable, that Runmust Khân would endeavour to evade it, if for no other reason than because he could not consent to such a meeting, without rendering himself obnoxious to the suspicious and displeasure of the Nizâm, whose feudatory he was.
It must not be concluded, from the circumstance of the Patan chieftain being designated Foujdâr in the title of the foregoing letter, that he was actually addressed by this disparaging appellation. Such an affront could not be reconciled with the general style of the letter, which is not deficient in courtesy. It is very possible, however, that the Sultan might have been in the habit of speaking of him, to his secretaries and others, as the Foujdâr of Kurnool, and that term, like that of Sânoor Wâleh, might, in this manner, have come to be adopted by the transcribers, or registers, of the correspondence.
DIRECTING him to issue the pay of the men raised by Syed Peer, the Kilaadâr [of Bangalore], according to the return transmitted; with an intimation, that if the aforesaid Kilaadâr should entertain any infirm, useless, or old men, he would be compelled to refund the advances made to them. Ordering, moreover, a receipt to be demanded of the above-named Kilaadâr, for all articles delivered to him; and signifying, in short, that Râm Chundur was not to supply him with any thing, without taking his receipt for the same.(1)
| KHÂJEH IBÛD KHÂN, | MAHOMMED KÛLI KHÂN, |
| KHÂJEH UZEEMÛLLAH KHÂN, | ISHMÂEL BAIG HUMDÂNY and |
INVITING them to repair, with collected minds [i. e. with confidence], to the Presence, and to bring with them as many horsemen as possible: promising that the whole shall be provided for, according to their merits and to the regulations of the Sircar.
DIRECTING him to ascertain and trace the goods and furniture(2) in the possession of the inhabitants of that place [meaning Seringapatam] and to make a report of the same.
The phrase
DIRECTING him to station a Risâla of the Jyshe, under Shaikh Boodhun (brother to Shaikh Unser), at Dhârwâr; and to dispatch, with great care, to Chittledoorg, the Daisye and other hostages.
The Daisye, here mentioned, is, no doubt, the unfortunate chief of Kittoor, of whom the last notice was taken in Letter CLXX. Another dispatch, on the same subject, makes it rather uncertain, whether the Daisye himself was to be removed to Chittledoorg, or only such of his servants or dependants as were deprived of their liberty at the same time with him, and who are distinguished in the original by the term Ool, or hostages.
A BOOK, entitled Fukhrû’s Shûyookh [or “the glory of the Shaikhs”], has been dispatched to you by the post. Of this book you are to get forty copies correctly and plainly written by the transcribers there [i. e. at Seringapatam], leaving fifteen blank leaves at the beginning and end of each copy. Let this be expeditiously done,(1) and let the several copies be forwarded to us as they are finished, and an entry be made of the same in the register of your department.
You must compare the books, which were sent to you [lately] by the post, with the catalogue forwarded [at the same time], and depositing them in our library, make an entry thereof in the register of the [proper] department. Of the books in question we have retained seven volumes.
The book here directed to be copied is mentioned in Major Stewart’s catalogue, at page 157; where it is stated to be a treatise on the duties of pious Musulmans. So many copies were doubtlessly ordered, with a view to the general dissemination of the doctrines inculcated in the work, which, of course, corresponded with the Sultan’s own intolerant and bigotted principles.
It is not improbable, that the books, mentioned in the last paragraph of the preceding letter, were part of the booty acquired at Adoni.
MENTIONING the dismissal of Dhurum Doss, who would verbally communicate matters circumstantially; and recommending to him to continue to cultivate the union subsisting of old [between the two families or states], as this [line of conduct] would be productive of salutary ends.
N.B. This letter should properly have followed Letter CCCXVIII.
ON the subjects of stationing the Risâla of Shaikh Boodhun, according to former orders [see Letter CCCXIX] at Dhârwâr; of sending for the Aumil of that place, Yenkut Rungia, and keeping him carefully(1) with his (Bûrhânûddeen’s) army; of appointing Sheer Khân, the Umldâr of Kittoor, to the Umldâry of Dhârwâr; and of dispatching Mahommed Ghous Khân to Dhârwâr.
Announcing to him, moreover, that the Sultan was about to cross the river(2) at Gung-Kurknât,(3) and would soon arrive [i. e. would soon join him]; and enjoining him [in the mean while] not to give battle precipitately.(4)
Informing him, finally, that the special retinue was arrived at Kurgoor; and directing him to send orders for the demolition of the fort of Kittoor, and for the return of the garrison to his army.
TWO Urzies [or humble addresses] have been received from you, wherein you mention “that the Dârogha of the Jinsy of your Kushoon “had, without your knowledge, sent [your] bullocks to graze; that “the enemy’s horse came and carried them off; that you had, [in consequence] placed him [the Dârogha] under a guard; and that “Mahommed Kâzim, interceding for him with Bûrhânûddeen, had “procured his release.”
We formerly wrote, and we now again write to say, that the above-mentioned Dârogha must be dismissed from our service, and another appointed in his place.
Our most holy camp(1) is pitched on the banks of the Tungbuddra, and you may reckon on the special retinue speedily reflecting splendor on that quarter.
If any orders were sent to Bûrhânûdden, respecting the Dârogha of Mahommed Ali’s Jinsy, they do not appear. It is not improbable, however, that under the loose system, by which the military authorities were regulated in the Sultan’s armies, the present directions to the Sipahdâr were deemed sufficient for the occasion.
DIRECTING him to employ the Kumâties, or labourers, belonging to the fort, in erecting habitations for the Ahmedies; to attend, in due time, to the provisioning of the place; to write his Urzies [to the Sultan] conjointly with the Kilaadâr; and to examine carefully into all affairs relating to the fort, as business was in progress, that made attention necessary in all things, great and small.(1*)
Ordering him, finally, to make his written instructions the rule of his conduct.
DIRECTING him to circulate among the Musulman inhabitants of that place [meaning Adoni] the mandates containing the arguments, explanations, and statements;(1) and also to transmit [copies of] the same to Hyderabad and Aurungabad.
There can be no doubt, that the documents referred to in this brief entry, or memorandum, under the designation of arguments, &c. are the circular letter and proclamation inserted at page 291, and which the Sultan appears to have been anxious to disseminate, wherever there was any chance of their procuring him partizans, or of inducing Musulman adventurers to repair to his standard. We shall, accordingly, presently see him transmitting the same persuasions to the extremities of Hindostan, in which quarter, however, his success was not likely to keep pace with his wishes, (whatever might be the case in the dominions of his immediate neighbours); inasmuch as the contest for power between Mâdhâjee Saindeah and the Moghul chieftains of Hindostan had not yet terminated; and because, while that contest continued, the inducements to the Musulmans to emigrate from thence were not so strong as they subsequently became, upon the complete establishment of the Mahrattah authority throughout the provinces lying between the Chumbul and the Ganges. But even in this last conjuncture, when there did not any longer exist, to the northward of the Toombuddra, a single Mahommedan leader, capable of affording employment to the scattered bands of Moghuls and Patans, who were now left without a master, the Sultan would not appear to have obtained any material accession of strength from the side of Hindostan: the chief reason of which, most probably, was, that there was no access to Mysore, excepting by countries in the possession of his enemies, or of states jealous of his power, who were not likely to have permitted any bodies of armed men to pass through their territories, for the purpose of reinforcing his armies. If, therefore, he received, at the period alluded to, any recruits at all from this quarter, it could only be such straggling individuals as might, from their insignificance, be enabled to proceed unnoticed.
The Kûtbûlmûlk,(2) to whom the foregoing letter is addressed, is the same person elsewhere called Kûtbûddeen Khân, which last is a name by no means uncommon among Musulmans. Kûtbûlmûlk, on the other hand, is a title; and one, indeed, of considerable eminence, the affix of ulmûlk to a title denoting the highest that is, in general, bestowed. I say, in general, because it was rarely that any title of a superior degree was conferred by the court of Dehli. Sometimes we meet with ulmumâlik added to, or substituted for ulmûlk, of which it is the plural; and this would appear to have been a step higher than what was denoted by the same term in the singular number.
The usual gradation of titles is in the following ascending scale. 1, Behâdûr;(3) 2, Jung;(4) 3, Uddowlah;(5) and 4, Ulmûlk;(6) which the reader may, if he pleases, fancy to resemble, 1, Baronet; 2, Baron; 3, Viscount; 4, Earl. The addition of Khân was also considered as an honorary distinction, and is still occasionally bestowed, as such, by the imperial and some of the pseudo courts. It is, however, in such very general use, as a component part of proper names, among the Mahommedans, and particularly those of the Patan or Afghan tribes, that it is not always easy to distinguish, when it occurs, in what sense it is meant to be applied, that is, whether as a title or a proper name.
The first title generally conferred is that of Behâdûr, then Jung, afterwards Uddowlah, and lastly Ulmûlk. On some occasions, however, all four are bestowed at once. At least such has been the practice since the decline of the Moghul empire: but there is reason to believe that, in its more flourishing days, these distinctions were less lavishly distributed than has been latterly the case. They have, at all times, been conferred by patent, and were never considered hereditary.
Such are the titles ordinarily granted by the imperial court; but the Soubahs of the Decan, as if ambitious of surrounding themselves with superior splendor, have added to them the more eminent distinction of ul Omra; or rather extended the application of this title, which, I believe, was usally restricted by the emperors to the single individual occasionally elevated to the rank of Emirûl Omra, or “lord “of lords.” At the court of Hyderabad, however, we meet with Aazumûl Omra, “grandest of lords;” Shumsûl Omra, “the sun of lords;” Tâjûl Omra, “the “crown of lords,” &c.
I have no where been able to discover any clear or distinct proof, that Tippoo Sultan ever conferred titles of any sort upon his subjects; and yet there are some passages in the correspondence, which would seem, in some degree, to authorize such a belief. In a letter, for instance, to Râjah Râm Chundur, “he directs him “always to affix his title seal(7) to his Urzies.” We meet also with one dispatch addressed to a Mûlâim Jung; and another to a Shaikh Abdûl Mûlk, Kilaadâr of Houscottah. With respect, however, to the former of these titles, there is reason to suspect that it was no other than a ludicrous one, or kind of nick-name, since it signifies “gentle, or soft, in battle,” and appears to have belonged to the leader of the Sultan’s musical band. Besides these titled persons, it is certain that there was an officer of considerable distinction in the Sultan’s service, called Bubr Jung, or “the tiger of war:” and Mahommed Riza, another commander of rank, who was killed at the battle of Sedaseer, was also known, to Europeans at least, by the title of the Binky Nabob. It is proper to observe, however, that though Bubr Jung is, on one or two occasions, spoken of by the Sultan under that title, Mahommed Riza is no where mentioned, in the official documents, by the appellation of the Binky Nabob.
It is possible, that the different persons here mentioned, including Kûtbûl Mûlk, may have been in possession of the titles by which they were distinguished, at the time of their becoming subjects of the Sultan, or of his father: and, indeed, on no other supposition can the matter be satisfactorily explained; since, if the Sultan had ever bestowed titles, it is natural to conclude, that he would have decorated his principal servants with them: whereas the fact is, that not one of these, nor even a single individual of his own family, would ever appear to have received any distinctions of the kind in question.
It remains to be considered, what could be the reason of the Sultan’s abstaining, during a reign of sixteen years, from assuming a privilege, so freely exercised by the Soubah of the Decan and other upstart rulers, and generally deemed an essential appendage of sovereignty. It could not be, that he entertained any doubts of his right to bestow titles of honour; since there are abundant proofs that he was never under the influence of any scruple respecting the authority of the imperial court, none of whose nominal vassals showed so little deference to it as he did. His conduct, therefore, in the instance under examination, is, perhaps, to be referred solely to that jealousy or mistrust, which formed a prominent feature of his character. He was, probably, afraid of making his servants too great; and might think the splendor of a titled retinue, more calculated to eclipse, than to exalt his own personal importance. Titles of honour might breed in those, on whom they were conferred, ambitious wishes and views, which would not otherwise be excited: they would also give the possessors of them too much consequence with the people, and thus might prove a source of various evils, more or less dangerous to his authority. The history of the rise of his own father’s power would tend to confirm the prudence of this reasoning: which in a mind, naturally prone to suspicion, as that of the Sultan was, may easily be conceived to have led to the conclusion, that “his security would be best promoted by the political insignificance of his agents.”
WE wrote some time since, and we now write again, to desire that the ship [you are now fitting out] may be coppered, as coppering [the bottom of] vessels renders them strong and durable. You must ascertain from the shipwrights whether coppering the........(1) conduces to the strength [of the ship]; and if that should be the case, let it be done: but if [the ship] should be stronger by not having the........ coppered, then [that part] must not be coppered. In fine, that method, of the two, must be adopted, by which the ship will be rendered strongest, and made to last a thousand or two thousand years.
I believe the ship, here mentioned, was one fitting out at Calicut for a voyage to Pegu.
I am not clear that I have rightly understood every word of the foregoing extract, the sense of which is rendered the more obscure by the blank which I have been obliged to leave. The general import of it is, however, sufficiently manifest.
Though there are some remarkable instances upon record of the great durability of teek-built ships, of which kind those constructed in Tippoo’s dock yards, no doubt, were; yet the Sultan is not to be understood as literally meaning, in this place, that he expected the ship in question to last one or two thousand years. It is a figurative mode of expression, denoting that the vessel was to be constructed in the strongest manner possible, and resembles the metaphor employed in Letter XCVIII, to Râjah Râm Chundur.
YOU must, after some days, when the road shall have become safe [or the communication is opened], dispatch the Risâla of Shaikh Boodhun, which is one that may be depended on,(1) to Dhârwâr, and send for the Risâla of Shaikh Humeed [to supply its place]. The Kilaadâr of Dhârwâr is, at the same time, to be directed to dispatch to you, under charge of the said Risâla, Yenkut Rungia,(2) of whom you must take good care. You must also be mindful to encamp with your army in a good situation, where little rain falls [or lays]. The special retinue will speedily arrive in that quarter from Kurk-nâth.
THERE is a little business [going on] in our high Sircar.(2*) Dispatch to the Presence, for a short time,(3) a seal-engraver.
Although there is an air of mystery in this short note, it might possibly only mean, that the Sultan had occasion to employ a seal-engraver, and therefore desired one to be sent him from Adoni, where, perhaps, this branch of business might be better understood than at Seringapatam. Thus, about thirty years ago, every one on the northern side of India, who was desirous of having his name or titles engraved in a superior manner, employed, for this purpose, an eminent seal-engraver of Fyzabad, in the province of Oude, named Mahommed Sâleh, whose exquisite execution of the most beautiful Nustalikh character on the hardest stones, was certainly unrivalled, excepting by his own son, who succeeded him in his occupation. The charge for engraving depended on the stone employed. If that was a cornelian, the price was a rupee a letter; but if an emerald, or other stone equally hard, it amounted, I think, to six rupees a letter.
TO-MORROW you will halt at this place,(1) and distribute the pay [of your people], &c. The day after to-morrow you will march, and encamp at some place affording [plenty of] water and grass; and, on the following day, you must proceed, with the forces under your command, to Huss Paith.(2)
WE have, at this time, assigned the Foujdâry(2*) of Adoni to the charge of Kûtbûddeen Khân. The aforesaid Khân, in conformity with the orders of the Presence, will keep one or two respectable persons established at Kumr-nugr,(3) for the purpose of collecting together [or recruiting] horsemen, &c. Let that kind friend [therefore] enjoin his principal officers(4) to be assisting to the persons deputed by the aforesaid Khân, in order that no one may obstruct this business. What more?
WHAT you have written, on the subject of the Khûtbah(1) being read in our special name,(2) is understood. The case is this.(3) The first thing in the Khûtbah is the praise of God; the next, the praise of the Prophet (on whom be the blessing and peace of God); and after this [should follow] the name of such prince(4*) of the faith, as, being a [true] protector of the Mahommedan religion, keeps in view, on all occasions [i. e. in every respect], the honour and interest(5) of Islâm, and exerts himself for its increase and diffusion.(6) To introduce the names of such, and to offer up prayers for them in the Khûtbah, is among the [most] indispensable duties.(7) As to those ideots, who at this time introduce the name of Shâh Allum into the Khûtbah, they act through ignorance; since the real condition of the above-mentioned(8) is this: he is actually enslaved, and a mere cypher; being the servant of Saindeah, at the monthly wages of fifteen thousand rupees. Such being the case, to pronounce the name of a dependent of infidels, in reciting the Khûtbah, is a manifest sin, and repugnant to the laws [usages] of the Muselmâny faith. For these reasons it is written, that the Khuteeb(9) of that place [Adoni] must be directed to introduce our name constantly in the Khûtbah.
Whether or not the Sultan had, prior to the date of this letter, caused his own name to be substituted in the Khûtbah for that of Shah Allum, I have no means of clearly ascertaining: but it may, I think, be inferred, from the general tenor of the present document, that this was the first occasion on which he thought proper to adopt that practice; since, if it had been already established by him, he would hardly have deemed it now necessary to justify and explain it, as he has here formally endeavoured to do.
This letter, if contrasted with Letter CCCXXXIV, written nearly at the same time, will exhibit, not only the duplicity, but the inconsistency of the Sultan, in striking colors. He here, throwing off all disguise, openly declares his contempt of the reigning Emperor of Hindostan, and, in the most unequivocal manner, asserts his independence of the imperial authority. Yet he will be presently seen professing an earnest solicitude for the re-establishment of that very authority, and an ardent desire to contribute his utmost efforts towards the accomplishment of that end. There is no difficulty in comprehending, why the Sultan should, at this conjuncture, have wished to cultivate a good understanding with the Mahommedan powers of the north of India: and had he, steadily and judiciously pursued that object, he might have found his account in such a policy. What is most extraordinary and unaccountable in his conduct, on this occasion, is, that he should, in one and the same moment, labour to make common cause with those powers, and utterly set at nought the sovereign whom they recognized, and the authority which they at least affected to respect and uphold. Is it possible, that he should have presumed upon their probable ignorance of the transactions of Mysore? This is difficult to suppose; since the tenor of the public prayers delivered in the Mosques must necessarily be a matter of notoriety, neither requiring nor being susceptible of concealment. On the other hand, if his conduct, in this and similar cases, should be known at the court of Dehli, how could he expect that any credit would be given there to his professions of zeal and attachment? Hence we may venture to conclude, either that he actually did proceed under the notion that that court was not likely to be apprized of the arrogance of his pretensions; or that, bestowing no thought on this point, he was prompted to address the chieftains in question, rather by the desire of displaying his religious enthusiasm, and of impressing those persons with a high idea of his power and resources, than by any deliberate view to a political connexion with them, or with any serious expectation of inducing them to co-operate with him, either in the war which he was at this time waging against the Mahrattahs, or in that which, there is abundant reason to believe, he already meditated against the British nation.
OUR special retinue will soon cross the river at Gung Kurknâth, and arrive in that quarter. It is now the rainy season. Taking all your army with you, apply yourself to the chastisement of the rebels of Soopeh, &c. The superintendant of the post at Suddasheoo-ghurr and Soandeh will be shortly removed, and another be sent in his place.
Although it appears, by Letters CCCVII and CCCVIII, that Budrûz Zumân Khân was directed to join Burhânûddeen, there is reason to think, that this order was subsequently revoked; since, besides the different destination here assigned him, it is pretty certain, that he was not present at the general action which took place between the Mahrattahs and Tippoo near Shânoor, the beginning of the following December.
TWO letters, accompanied by your accounts, and dispatched in charge of Hoomajee, Tolârâm, and other Hurkârehs, have passed under our view, and the particulars therein set forth are comprehended.
The special Shûkkeh,(1) which you obtained and dispatched to us, in answer to the Urzdâsht and Nuzr,(2) presented, on our part, to the most sacred Presence by Shâh Nizâmûddeen Saheb,(3) has been received, together with the letters addressed to us by the latter; through whom you must represent to the Presence, “that the newly struck “gold Mohrs were sent by us, merely for the purpose of ascertaining the pleasure of his Majesty concerning them; which being “now known to us, we have, in conformity with the royal commands, inserted his Majesty’s blessed name in the new coin [in “question].” It must, moreover, be stated, “that the manner in “which we heretofore chastised the Nazarenes [i. e. the English] “is too well known to require to be recapitulated; and that now, “again, we are earnestly occupied in punishing certain rulers and “nobles,(4) who have engaged in measures of evil tendency, and been “guilty of acts utterly repugnant to [the prosperity of] Islâm.” All these particulars you must get communicated to the sublime Presence, through the medium of the Shâh Saheb; by whose means you will also [endeavour to] procure imperial mandates to be written and dispatched to the Nabob, Nizâm ûd Dowlah Behâdûr, and the other Musulman rulers [in this quarter] directing them to unite together in support of the Ahmedy faith.
Here follow some uninteresting details, respecting the pay of the two agents addressed, and of the messengers employed in conveying the dispatches between Seringapatam and Dehli, of which a sufficient specimen has already been given in Letter LXXIII. To defray these, and other charges, a bill for one thousand nine hundred rupees was transmitted with the present letter. Of this sum, nine hundred rupees were directed to be applied to the purchase of five Khilaats (or complimentary dresses) which were ordered to be distributed as follows (each dress being accompanied by a letter, in the terms of that addressed to Mahommed Baig Khân Humdâny, for which see next letter)—
To Mahommed Baig KhânHumdâny, Budl Baig Khân, and Shâh Nizâmûddeen, each a Khilaat of the value of two hundred rupees,
To Kâsim Khân and Siddeek Baig Khân, each a Khilaat of the value of one hundred and fifty rupees.
After these details, the dispatch proceed thus:
The five Khilaats, above-mentioned, must be delivered secretly, and at night, together with this message, viz. “that Nizâm ûd Dowlah, “having united with the Mahrattahs, and engaged in war against us, “and this proceedimg being manifestly contrary to [the interests of] “Islâm, it is due to the support of [our] religion, that you, who are “near the person of his Majesty, the Divine Shadow,(5) and are moreover Musulman leaders, should pursue such effectual measures as may “[at once] bring the............(6) to ruin and disgrace, and impart “additional strength to the true Ahmedy faith.”
The letter concludes with directing the agents to send off a pair of Kâsids(7) once a month; and with stating, that the present dispatch consists altogether of seven letters, namely, the five already specified, an Urzdâsht(8) [to the address of the Emperor], and a letter to Munsoor Ali Khân(9)
A note, or memorandum, follows next, of the different Ulkâbs, or addresses, used in the five letters to the persons enumerated above; as also of the particular sort of paper on which each was to be written, and the kind of bag in which they were severally to be enclosed. On this occasion, the precedence appears to be assigned to Mahommed Baig Humdâny, to whom the Sultan writes in terms of entire equality. The others, though honorably addressed, are not equally distinguished.
For the gratification of those curious in such matters, I subjoin the directions relative to the paper and bags.
To Mahommed Baig Humdâny, the paper used was of the kind called Zurafshâny, or “sprinkled with gold:” the Khureetah, or bag, was of Mehtâby, a sort of silver tissue.
To Budl Baig Khân and Kâsim Khân, silvered paper and Kumkhâb bag.
To the rest, Kumkhâb bags; but paper not specified.
It is evident, from the foregeing letter, that the Nuzr formerly sent by the Sultan to Shâh Allum (see Letter LXXI) had been objected to, because the inscription on the coin, of which it was composed, did not contain the Emperor’s name, which, it seems, was inserted in the gold mohrs, now transmitted. The words, in which the Sultan’s apology for the disrespect alluded to is conveyed, imply that the second Nuzr (or that forwarded with the present dispatch) consisted of the new coinage, with the addition of the Emperor’s name: but if this was actually the case, there is reason to believe that the die was formed expressly for this occasion, and that no more gold mohrs were struck from it, than were required for presentation to his Imperial Majesty.
The apology here tendered by the Sultan, for the affront which he had offered to the Emperor, in the instance of the Nuzr formerly sent to his Majesty, though too flimsy to impose on the Imperial Court, was probably accepted as a sufficient atonement for the offence; since it was now no time for the reduced representative of the royal house of Timur to assume a lofty or inflexible tone in the assertion of any of its rights.
I am unable to say, whether or not the application, here directed to be made to the Emperor, for mandatory letters to the Nabob, Nizâm ûd Dowlah, and the other Musulman chiefs of the Decan, enjoining them to co-operate with the Sultan against the Mahrattahs, was actually submitted to his Majesty; but, considering the situation of Shâh Allum at this time (as described, only the day before, by Tippoo Sultan himself, in his letter to Kûtbûddeen Khan), it is not likely that any attention was paid to it. Indeed, the absurdity of such a proposal to a prince, so completely in the power of Saindeah as the Emperor now was, and who was placed so much out of the reach of any assistance from the proposer, could only be equalled, by the infatuation of employing two Hindoo agents in a negociation, the object of which was to exalt the Mahommedan at the expence of the Brahmenical religion. It was as if a Catholic state or sovereign were to depute a Protestant ambassador to the Pope, for the purpose of engaging his Holiness to exhort all the princes of the Romish persuasion to unite together, for the purpose of making a crusade against some neighbouring power of the reformed religion. So egregious a blunder could be committed only by such an eccentric character as Tippoo Sultan.
The great distance, joined to the difficulties of communication (arising from that and other causes) between Seringapatam and Dehli, sufficiently accounts, perhaps, for the circumstance of the Sultan’s directing the presents, which he thought proper to make to the nobles of the Imperial Court, to be purchased at the metropolis, instead of sending them immediately from himself; which would, no doubt, have been the greater compliment. From the more than usual respect with which the Sultan mentions the Emperor in this dispatch to his agents, it appears probable, that he intended such parts of it as related to his Majesty, to be communicated, if not directly to himself, at least to his ministers.
Mahommed Baig Humdâny had been one of the principal commanders under the celebrated Nujuf Khân; after whose death he obtained, amidst the distractions which followed that event, still greater consideration and authority. He opposed, for some time, a firm resistance to the encroachments of Saindeah in the Dehli quarter; but at length fell, in one of the battles which took place between the Moghul and Mahrattah powers. Budl Baig Khân, Kâsim Khân, and Siddeek Baig Khân, were likewise leaders who had risen to distinction, while Nujuf Khân exercised the chief military authority under the court of Dehli.
“By intelligence from the Decan, dated about the 29th of August, it appears, that a “report prevailed there, that Noor Mahommed Khân, and the other Vakeels of Tippoo “Sultan, (who, some time before, had been sent away by Nana Phurnaveese from Bâdâmy, “because that minister did not approve of their remaining any longer in the Mahrattah “camp), were accused by the Sultan, on their arrival in his presence, with having betrayed “his interests, by secretly encouraging the Mahrattahs, who otherwise would never have “hazarded the measure, to pass the Kishna, and advance into his country; and that, not “being enabled to give a satisfactory answer to this charge, the Sultan had caused them to “be put to death, as a public example to others.”
↩“After sending off the Ahmedies [in the way that has been related] ((See Observations on Letter XLII.)), the special retinue “[or cavalcade] proceeded to the seat of the Sultanut, Putn. Here, with a view to the “[proper] arrangement of affairs, great and small, I framed various Hûkm-nâmehs [or ordinances] and numerous other things; all in the very best manner, and comprehending institutes, civil and fiscal, general as well as particular rules for war and peace [literally, “for the battle and the banquet], and regulations for the government of the people at large. “They moreover treated of the [proper] mode of dealing with the noble and the ignoble “[or the high and low], of taking [or levying] tribute from the subject, and of affording “protection to the people; of making progress through the country, and inspecting the “fortresses; and of duly guarding the kingdom on all sides. In fine, they comprised numerous new inventions, and fresh contrivances without measure: and I ordained that the “same should be preserved in our elevated family, and [be transmitted through] our eminent race, to the end that our sons of exalted degree, and our grandsons of illustrious “descent, generation after generation, deriving from their perusal of the abundant benefits “and ample advantages with which they are replete, may be thereby enabled to administer “the various affairs of state, and the important concerns of sovereignty, with due order “and regularity. Therefore, whatever ruler, not being of our line, shall surreptitiously “adopt these our ordinances and institutes, will, in consequence thereof, be reckoned as “one of our offspring.”
The substance of the latter part of the foregoing extract has been given by Colonel Wilks (in the Preface to his History of Mysoor) from the Sûltâné Tuwâreekh of Zynûl Aabideen Shoostry, the ground work of which production, as has been already observed elsewhere, was the Târeekh e Khodâ-dâdy, or Tippoo Sultan’s Memoirs, as written, originally, by himself.
↩