YOU write, that “the besieged have solicited a capitulation, through “the Aumil of Bâdâmy, stipulating only for their lives and honour,(1) “but requiring the guarantee of the Mâgrycotah man.” In answer to this proposal, they must be told, that if they are willing to treat with the commanders of our army, you are ready to grant them a capitulation, but that the Mâgrycotah man, not being a servant [a subject] of ours, his agency in the affair cannot be admitted.
We formerly issued orders for your dispatching your cavalry to graze [or forage], and we now repeat those orders. We also direct, that strict injunctions be given to the baggage department, for sending all the lean Tatoos,(2) bullocks, &c. to grass, the rainy season being now at hand.(3)
The Sultan would not, for reasons sufficiently obvious, agree to any guarantee which he could not subsequently violate with perfect impunity. The garrison of Nergûnd knew whom they had to deal with; and, therefore, naturally sought to obtain a better pledge for their security, than they could receive from the “commanders of his army,” or any other person depending upon him. They were, in the end, however, compelled to trust to the good faith of the commanders, and the event was such as they seem to have anticipated.
YOUR letter, containing an account of your welfare, adorned the face of arrival, and imparted joy and pleasure to us. What the pen of friendship has traced, in excuse for past offences, is comprehended. Of this matter not the slightest impression remains on the mind of this friend: the only fault (or failure) imputable to that friend being, that he did not examine with care and diligence into the state of his revenue accounts; the consequence of which has been, a heavy deficiency in the amount realized. Our accomptants have made themselves thoroughly acquainted with the details of the territory held conditionally by you;(2) and after making every fair and proper deduction for military charges, have ascertained the balance justly due to us from you.(3) You must, therefore, agreeably to your former promises, speedily pay the amount into the hands of the bankers, and dispatch the latter to us. You must not suffer any delay to take place in this matter. With respect to the accomptants and others in your employ, who have been guilty of the malversations [in question], you should compel them, by rigorous proceedings, to make restitution of the sums of which they have plundered you.
In regard to the servants and Taalûkdârs of that friend, we assure him that no interruption or disturbance shall be given to them by any one.
YOUR letter of the 9th of Jaafury, was received on the 18th of the same month [or this day]. You write, “that in the course of a conference which you had had with Râo Râsta, Hurry Pundit(1) being “present gave a licence to his tongue, of a nature that tended to lower “and disgrace you; and that, in consequence, you thought it utterly “inexpedient to remain there any longer.
It is known. Such being the ungracious and unpalatable state of things, what advantage can arise from it? That friend, therefore, together with Noor Mahommed Khân, must, at any rate, and without leaving a single individual of your mission behind you, set out for our Presence, nor wait for any farther orders.
It might be supposed, from the recital here made by the Sultan of the letter of the envoys, that the latter had not communicated the offensive observations of Hurry Pundit in detail, but satisfied themselves with stating, that they had been of the most affronting nature. Be this as it may, it is clear that the Sultan`s warmest indignation was excited on the occasion: nor did it immediately subside, since we shall presently see him repeating his order for the return of the envoys, in a still more peremptory tone than in the foregoing dispatch. But however wounded his pride might have been at first, by the injurious language imputed to Hurry Pundit, he seems ultimately to have subdued, or at least to have repressed, his anger; inasmuch as he thought proper, at no great distance of time, to change his mind with regard to the recall of his agents.
[AFTER compliments]........ We have just learned, from the report of the Deputy Governor of Gujunder-ghur, that that friend, having collected together a body of troops, maintains himself with great firmness in the fort of Mudgul; soliciting, however, at the same time, our assistance: we therefore write, to desire that you will, without any reserve or ceremony, state to us what succours you require, when, with the blessing of God, the same shall be effectually furnished.
I am not quite certain with regard to the real name of the fort here mentioned, since, in the original, it is written both Mudgul and Nudgul. From the style and general tenor of this letter it might be concluded, that it was not addressed to any person in the service of the Sultan, but rather to the governor of a fort (belonging either to the Mahrattahs or to the Nizâm) who had entertained a traiterous correspondence with the Sultan. I am not, at present, sufficiently informed on the subject to clear up this point satisfactorily; but if, in the course of this work, I should meet with any new light respecting it, I will communicate it in the Appendix.
YOU write “that the Piâdehs from Surhutty, who were stationed “with Kumrûddeen Khân, have run away, and that light of our eyes(1) “has placed a Dalwâr(2) and a Vakeel in custody of a guard.” It is known. Furnish Kumrûddeen Khân with other Piâdehs, in the room of those who have deserted; keep the two persons you mention in irons; and seize, for the use of the Sircar, the horses and camels belonging to them.
The context would, in this place, seem to imply, that the Dalwâr and Vakeel, here mentioned, belonged to Surhutty, and were seized and confined by Bûrhânûddeen, as a sort of hostages for the fugitive Piâdehs. If this was not the case, it is impossible to say, at this time, who the persons in question were. The rigorous proceeding against them, here directed, may seem to exceed the measure of justice; but it is probable, that it was not designed so much as a punishment, as a means of accomplishing the recovery of the deserters, Such expedients are but too common, in similar cases, throughout Hindostan; the East-India Company`s possessions excepted.
YOUR two letters, of the 12th and 14th of Jaafury [25th and 27th June] have been received. You write, “that what Hurry Pundit and “the rest of them propose is, to dispatch Noor Mahommed Khân to us, “and to take an engagement from you to pay down the money [claimed “of us], if, after his departure, there should be any delay in the transmission of the same from hence.” It is known. If any message, to the above effect, should be actually sent to you, your answer must be, “that you are our servants, and therefore dare not enter into any “engagement whatsoever without our orders; but that it was most probable, that after Noor Mahommed Khân`s arrival, and when we “should have ascertained from him the [true] state of things, we should “consider the means of transmitting the money.”
You moreover write, “that Râo Râsta has desired you to represent to “us, that the Zemindâr of Nergûnd, having been brought to agree to “the payment of a lack and seventy-five thousand rupees, by way of “amercement, it is wished that we would direct the siege of Nergûnd “to be discontinued.” It is known. The aforesaid Zemindâr has collected from our dominions ten lacks of pagodas: waving, therefore, all consideration of an amercement, let him make restitution of what he has levied from our dominions, and then we will certainly raise the siege of Nergûnd.
It is observable, that, in the present dispatch, the Sultan is far from repeating his orders of the 1st July, for the immediate departure of both his agents from Poonah: on the contrary, he seems satisfied with the idea of Noor Mahommed Khân`s return singly, and thereby tacitly approves of the continuance of Mahommed Ghyâs at his post. His indignation at the behaviour of Hurry Pundit had probably cooled in the interval; but it was soon revived, as we shall see, by a fresh affront from the same quarter. It must be allowed, that the answer directed in the foregoing letter to be returned to the expected message, or proposal, from the Mahrattah ministers, was not much calculated to produce any favorable change in the deportment, either of Hurry Pundit or of his colleagues.
YOU write, “that you never buy caravan horses.” It is known. But though you never purchase any, you must direct the Silahdârs to do so.
You further write, “that the labourers with you receive their daily “subsistence from the Aumils of the districts which have supplied “them.” But there is no necessity for this. Let them be paid by you, from the day on which they joined you, and as long as they may remain with you.
We have learnt from our beloved son,(1) Meer Kumrûddeen, that a camel-courier, belonging to Râo Râsta, has arrived with a letter addressed to you and him. Having duly considered the contents thereof, you will dispatch such an answer by the courier, as you shall judge proper.
I was in some doubt, respecting the meaning of Caravan horses, till Colonel Wilks, the author of the admirable History of Mysore, recently published, informed me, that the strings of horses brought for sale by the northern merchants, and others to the south of India, were so called. It would not be easy to guess why Bûrhânûddeen made it a rule (as he would appear to have done) never to buy horses from these dealers. But whatever objection that commander might have to such purchases, the Sultan appears to have had none; as otherwise it is not probable that the merchants would have resorted to his dominions, or that he should have been desirous that the Silahdârs should deal with them.
What is said here of the letter from Râo Râsta, seems to confirm, in some measure, the idea suggested on a former occasion,(2) viz. that Bûrhânûddeen exercised the chief authority in the army employed at this period on the Mahrattah frontier. His name probably stood foremost in the superscription of Hurry Pundit`s letter; which, on that account, or because he was generally considered as commander-in-chief, was, in the first instance, carried and delivered to him.
The authority given to Bûrhânûddeen, by the last paragraph of the foregoing letter, seems to exceed the usual measure of the Sultan`s confidence in his servants, of whatever rank they might be.
BY a letter from Ibrâheem Ali Khân it appears to us, that the Risâladârs, Syed Humeed, Bubi Ali Baig, and Ibrâheem Khân, have received bribes, &c.(1) from various persons. A copy of this letter, the original of which has been deposited in the Kuchurry of the Jyshe, is enclosed. We, in consequence, direct, that the aforesaid Risâladârs be divested of their commands,(2) that they be confronted [with their accusers], obliged to refund to the Sircar the money [they have corruptly obtained], and finally, that they be kept under restraint, and the matter reported to us; when we will send other Risâladârs from hence [to supply their places].
This letter does not afford a very favorable specimen of the Sultan`s notions of justice, or of his mode of proceeding against persons charged with crimes or misdemeanors. He acts upon the bare information of Ibrâheem Ali Khân, as if the truth of the charge preferred by the latter were already undeniably established, inflicting every penalty upon the accused before trial, that could be inflicted, in the event of their guilt being completely proved. It is true, that he directs a kind of trial to be instituted; but the possibility of the innocence of the accused is neither contemplated nor provided for. The result is to be communicated to the Sultan; not in order that he may, in case of the acquittal of the accused, give directions for their restoration to their rank, liberty, and property, but only that he may immediately send new officers to supply their vacant places. All this is at variance, not only with common justice, but even with the usual mode of proceeding against military offenders of the rank of officers, prescribed by the Sultan`s own regulations; one of which appears to have directed, that “the sword “of the accused officer to be taken from him, and deposited in the guard-room, there “to be kept during the trial of the accused, and till ordered to be restored to him “by the Sultan.” On the other hand, it must be acknowledged that the enquiry commanded to be made, and the postponement of the appointment of successors to the accused till the result was known, are circumstances, which seem to show that the Sultan, notwithstanding the precipitancy and irregularity of his proceeding, on this occasion, did not deem it absolutely impossible that the Risâladârs might be able to clear themselves; in which case it is, perhaps, only fair to suppose, that he would have made them suitable reparation for the injury they had suffered.
WE have learned, by a letter from the Sipahdâr, Mahommed Ali, “that he has carried his approaches to the edge of the ditch; that “the walls and batteries on his side are levelled to the ground; and “that the ditch only remains to be filled.” That, then, is a trifling affair. Let the ditch be filled, and, with the consent and concurrence of all, let the place be stormed and taken. If, however, the garrison will capitulate, it will be well: and [in this case] with the exception of Kâlâ Pundit, the rest may be allowed their lives and arms; but the Pundit`s person must be secured. In the event, however, of [your being obliged to proceed to] the assault of the place, every living ereature in it, whether man or woman, old or young, child, dog, cat, or any thing else, must be put to the sword, with the single exception of Kâlâ Pundit. What more?
The sanguinary and ferocious disposition of Tippoo Sultan is here displayed in the most glaring and odious colours. The spirit of Nâdir Shâh appears to breathe through every line of the concluding sentence of this memorable letter. Kâlâ Pundit was, most probably, reserved for some signal punishment; or, perhaps, he was exempted from the general carnage here directed, because his immediate death might have frustrated the Sultan`s views to pecuniary indemnification. It is rather extraordinary, that this last consideration did not also lead him to make an exception, in his exterminating mandate, in favor of the wealthy merchants and bankers of the place; to secure whose persons he was subsequently extremely anxious.
You write, “that, in conformity with our orders, you have transferred the Sipahdâr Mahommed Ali and his Kushoon to Bûrhânûddeen, and in his place have taken Shaikh Unser and his Kushoon, “which you have posted in the trenches.” It is known and approved. You will cause the pay abstracts of Shaikh Unser`s Kushoon to be made out, and issue the amount. Bûrhânûddeen will issue the pay of Mahommed Ali`s Kushoon.
You further state, “that Syed Meerân, the Kilaadâr of Dhârwâr, “has replied to your letter to him, ‘that all the powder and shot at that “place had been dispatched to Bûrhânûddeen, and that it would not “be in his power to furnish another ball or grain of powder, till a “fresh supply reached him from Nugr.’” It is known. Orders, both to Syed Meerân and to the Taalûkdâr of Nugr, are gone from us, to send you powder and shot, which will reach you in due time.
You have also written, “that the works on your attack are completed, but that those on the side of Bûrhânûddeen want two or “four days(1) of being finished: at the end of which time, after due “consultation with the Sipahdârs and other commanders of the army, “an assault would be made, and the fort of Nergûnd be conquered.” It is known. If the garrison will surrender the place upon terms, it will be well, as, in this case, the loss of men will be avoided. You must, otherwise, advancing your works on every side, breaching the walls, and filling up the ditch, proceed, with the advice and concurrence of the Sipahdârs and commanders of the army, to storm the place; which should be done the first favorable opportunity, either at day-break or at noon.
The tank-diggers(2) must, on their arrival from Shânoor, be placed under a guard, and dispatched to the Presence.
You write, “that a camel-courier, belonging to Râo Râsta, had “arrived with a letter, addressed to you and Bûrhânûddeen, who, you “conclude, had forwarded the same to us.” It is known. The letter in question has not been received: had it reached us, we should immediately have replied to it. You and Bûrhânûddeen [therefore] after [duly] considering the contents of the aforesaid letter, must dispatch such an answer to Râo Râsta, by his courier, as you shall judge to be proper
YOU write, “that you have carried on your approaches to the edge of “the ditch, the filling of which is the only thing remaining to be “done.” It is known. Where is the great difficulty of filling the ditch? That, therefore, being done, let the place (every one concurring in the propriety of the measure) be stormed and taken.
It might almost be inferred, from the tenor of this letter, that Mahommed Ali, though a raw and inexperienced officer, was co-ordinate in authority with Bûrhânûddeen and Kumrûddeen. But the only conclusion to be justly drawn from this document is, that the Sultan was in the habit of corresponding, separately, with the superior officers of his army, who probably acted as so many spies upon the chief commanders. Such a wretched system would be naturally enough suggested, by the characteristic jealousy and distrust of the Sultan.
[AFTER an immaterial passage, respecting a supply of money, the letter thus proceeds:]—
All the operations of the siege are completed, and the walls of the place demolished: why, then, this delay? If the garrison will evacuate the fort on terms, it will be well; otherwise, watching a suitable opportunity, and acting with the concurrence of the Sipahdârs, and other commanders of the army, you must take the place by assault.
YOU write, “that placing yourself at the head of five companies(1) “from the Jyshe-Risâlas, you advanced into the ditch; from whence, “after putting to the sword every man of the enemy found there, some “of your Kushoon pushed on, and ascending the walls, planted their “colours on one of the towers [or bastions]. Here, however, the “enemy`s people, assembling in great numbers, and assailing ours with “musquetry, hand-granades,(2) &c. you [thought proper to] recall “your men from the tower, [and to content yourself with] making a “lodgement in advance.(3)”
It is known. Your duty is to perform such services as you are ordered to execute, and not to act according to the suggestions of your own mind. You must not again proceed in this idle manner, but regulate your conduct by the general opinion.
If Mahommed Ali was a raw and inexperienced soldier,(4) he seems, at least, to have been a bold and enterprising one. The action here described would appear to have been performed without the knowledge, or orders, of his superiors; and is, therefore, very properly condemned by the Sultan, whose reproof on the occasion was, perhaps, sufficiently mild.
YOU write, “that your approaches are carried to the foot of the wall, “and that it is determined to storm the place in two or three days; that “Dileer Dil Khân says, he must go and forage with his people; that a “numerous force is required for the approaching assault; and that, “with our permission, you will detain the said Khân, together with the “dismounted men of the cavalry Kuchurry, until the conclusion of the “business.” It is known: and we, in consequence, direct that you detain the aforesaid Khân, as well as the men you have mentioned, till the period you propose; when you will allow them to go and forage.
The two preceding letters satisfactorily prove, how independently the superior officers of the army sometimes acted, and how feeble Bûrhânûddeen’s authority over them was. But this is an evil inherent in the constitution of all Indian armies: and, perhaps, it was less prevalent in that of Mysore, than in any other native army of Hindostan.
It might at first view, and on general principles, be supposed, that it was much easier to introduce strict military discipline into the armies of arbitrary states, like those of the East, than into any other: and so, no doubt, it would be, if it were not for the distrust and jealousy natural to the rulers of such states, who fear to invest their commanders with the powers necessary to the due maintenance of subordination, lest the latter should, on any occasion, be tempted to employ them for traiterous purposes. Instead, therefore, of strengthening the hands of their generals, by concentrating in them the powers which they are compelled to delegate (but which they circumscribe as much as possible), they judge it expedient, with a view to their own security, to divide and parcel them out among the different commanders; and, in fine, to establish in their armies such a system of checks, as leaves but little efficient or useful authority any where. To this more general and remote cause of the great insubordination observable in the armies of the East, may be added another, more particular and immediate (arising, as it were, necessarily out of the former); and that is, the total want of fixed or written rules for their government: the consequence of which, of course, is, that disorder and confusion pervade the whole body, almost every thing relating to which, is made to depend on the caprice and partial views of individuals.
Tippoo Sultan, as if sensible of this last defect in the constitution of his army, in common with those of his neighbours, would appear to have aimed at correcting it in some measure; and for this purpose (though, probably, not with any very deep or accurate views of the subject) caused to be compiled and disseminated a military code, or treatise, which he entitled Futhûl’ Mûjâhideen, or, “the “Triumph of the holy Warriors.” I have not, hitherto, had an opportunity of examining this work, with attention; but the impression made on me by a cursory inspection of it, some years ago, inclines me to think, that it treated chiefly of the manual exercise, evolutions, and similar details, and contained but few regulations, calculated to ascertain and uphold the authority of the superior, or to inculcate and enforce the obedience of the inferior ranks of the army.(1)
YOUR letter of the 23d of Jaafury has been received. You write, “that Hurry Pundit sent a message to you, through Râo Râsta, “desiring you to send away the musqueteers(1*) with you, as it was not “proper that they should remain at Poonah.”
It is known. We have already repeatedly written, and we now again write to say, that the hostile intentions of the chiefs in that quarter are evident; that the longer residence of that friend and of Noor Mahommed Khân there, is consequently in the highest degree improper;(2) and that you must, therefore, both set out for our Presence, with the whole of your retinue. This order is accordingly to be considered by you of equal force with a hundred orders. You must not wait for any other; but, immediately on receipt of our present commands, proceed with Noor Mahommed Khân, and all the people attached to you, to the Presence. We shall write no more on this subject.
The only remark necessary to be made on this letter is, that notwithstanding the apparently inflexible resolution of the Sultan, to withdraw his agents from Poonah immediately, they both appear to have continued there till the month of May in the following year (1786), or nearly a whole year after these peremptory orders for their recall.
IT has been reported to us, that the besieged are desirous of capitulating, and have opened a negociation for the purpose: it is therefore written, that if they will surrender on terms, there is no use in an assault. You and Kumrûddeen must jointly treat with the besieged on the occasion, and, by every practicable means, induce them to deliver up the place. Failing in this, you will, with the concurrence of all the Sipahdârs and commanders(1) of the army, (after having ascertained from what point the attempt can be made with the least loss of men) seize the proper moment for proceeding to the capture of the place by open assault.
We are here likewise prepared to move at the head of our forces,(2) and shall shortly arrive in that quarter. In the mean while, you must temporize, and employ every means, fair or foul,(3) which may induce the besieged to surrender the fort: because, in an assault, many lives would be lost; while a long detention before the place would also prove extremely destructive to the army. It is, moreover, in our blessed contemplation, to engage, after the rainy season, in a certain weighty enterprize: you must, therefore, try every means of effecting the [early] evacuation of the place; acting at the same time, in all our affairs, in [perfect] concert with each other.
The fluctuating orders of the Sultan, respecting Nergûnd, as well as his impatience to obtain speedy possession of the place, have appeared in several of the foregoing letters. It has also been seen, that his solicitude, on this occasion, led him, more than once, to authorize, and even to direct, in sufficiently explicit terms, the adoption of the most unjustifiable measures for the attainment of his object. But it was reserved for the present dispatch, to display, in the most glaring colours, his unprincipled and profligate policy. He is no longer satisfied with vague and distant intimations of his wishes; but here, throwing off all reserve and disguise, openly and boldly declares, that there is no act of treachery, deception, or perjury, by means whereof the conquest of Nergûnd could be achieved, to which he was not ready to give an unqualified sanction.
The weighty enterprize, alluded to in this letter, can, at this time, only be guessed. It could hardly be the surprize of Adoni; which, though it might possibly be in his contemplation at this juncture, he did not attempt till the month of May of the following year (1786).(4) Neither could he well mean a sudden attack of the Mahrattah army, to be conducted in person by himself; as this was not carried into effect till a still later period: and, consequently, both events were considerably posterior to the “close of the raing season.” There remains, therefore, no other known occurrence, to which the expression in question can be so well referred, as to his short expedition against the Koorgs, in the following month of November; when he marched suddenly and rapidly to Zuferâbâd, in which quarter the Koorgs had recently appeared in open revolt; and owing to the incapacity of the officer whom he had left in charge of that ever turbulent and never completely settled portion of his territories,(5) had obtained some advantages over the Sultan’s troops.
AGREEABLY to your desire, we have transmitted to Bûrhânûddeen an answer to the Urz(1*) which he forwarded to us from Kâlâ Pundit. The aforesaid Pundit, for his complete satisfaction [or security] demands the sanction of oaths, &c. [to our engagements]. But where is the necessity for oaths and the like, in an affair of this kind? You and Bûrhânûddeen must, by every possible artifice and deception, get the garrison to quit the place.
We have written a letter to Shaikh Unser, which is enclosed.
The true meaning of what the Sultan here says is, that as he depends on his generals for circumventing the garrison, he sees no necessity for personally perjuring himself for the purpose: he thinks the end in view may be sufficiently answered by their doing so, and is therefore averse to a waste of perfidy. But although he did not think proper to pledge himself to the extent required by Kâlâ Pundit, it is highly probable that, in his letter to that person (referred to above), he was not at all backward in giving him such assurances, as would be best calculated to dispel any fears he might entertain for his personal safety and honour.(2)
YOUR letter, enclosing a paper, containing the demands of the people of the fort, has been received; and, in consequence thereof, we now transmit to you, in answer to these demands, an engagement from us to Kâlâ Pundit.(1) We also enclose three letters for Mahommed Ali and the other Sipahdârs.
The aforesaid Pundit has, for his greater satisfaction [or security], demanded the sanction of oaths, &c. [to our engagements]. But what is the use of oaths on this occasion? You must, conjointly with Kumrûddeen, by every possible artifice and deceit, persuade the besieged to evacuate the fort.
[After compliments].......... You write, “that in obedience to the “dictates of honor, you shall exert yourself, to the best of your power, “in chastising the seditious.” It is comprehended. Verily, such is the obligation of honor, and such the true character of courage. If you should be desirous of obtaining any assistance, we request you will not scruple or hesitate to consider our Sircar [state] as your own, but [freely] signify to us your wishes, which you may depend upon our fulfilling to your satisfaction.
N.B. A letter, of the same tenor and date, was written to Mukhun Laal (probably the agent of Jusâret Jung.)
I am not enabled to say who this Jusâretûddowlah was; but there can be little or no doubt of his having been a subject of the Nizâm, and (to judge by his titles) a person of distinction. He was, most probably, an immediate dependent of Busâlet Jung, the brother of the Nizâm, and the Jagiredâr of Adoni.
YOUR two letters, of the 23d and 28th of Jaafury [6th and 11th July] have been received. You write, “that they are about to require “of you to send away your escort, and that their ungracious deportment towards you is beyond measure.”
It is known. You and Noor Mahommed Khân must repair to the house of Râo Râsta, and, placing yourselves opposite to him, say to him, “that you have nothing to do with the minister (Nana Furnaveese) “or any one else, and that all you have to desire is, that he will procure “you the necessary passports, in order that you may return to us.” In short, let them be pleased or displeased, you must, at any rate, get passports, and set out with all your retinue for our Presence. This order must be considered as if it were a hundred orders. Two letters for Kishen Râo Nârâin and Râo Râsta, on the subject of your dismission, are enclosed. You must bring Syed Zynûl Aabideen Khân along with you.
You write for a supply of money, and represent the dearness of every thing there. Now that you are about to return hither, where is the necessity of making you a remittance for your expences?
Let us know the name and rank of the Hâkim [ruler] of Cambay, as we purpose writing to him.
We, also, are prepared for war. Fear not, but speedily commence your journey hither, and bring the Mûnshy, Peer Mahommed, as well as———,(1) with you.
The former part of this letter is in substance, and indeed nearly in terms, the same as Letter XCI. In fact, the envoy’s dispatch of the 23d Jaafury is acknowledged in both; and, probably, that of the 28th of the same month (which would seem to have led to the present letter) did not differ materially from it.
The letter to the Nabob of Cambay (his intention of writing which is here announced) will be further noticed under Letter CXVIII.
YOUR letter, written in the Hindivy character, and informing us that there was a prospect of Budl Nâig’s coming in to you, has been received and understood. When the said Nâig arrives, you must confront him with Tummycoor,(1) and after establishing his guilt, and placing him under a guard, tell him, “that you will release him, provided he sends “for his family.” Having induced him, by means of this artifice, to send for his family, you must put the whole of them in confinement, and make a report of the circumstances to us.
The instances of the Sultan’s treacherous and unprincipled conduct, in his negociations, multiply so fast, as to make it difficult to avoid the appearance of sameness and repetition, in the remarks to which they naturally give rise; I shall, in future, therefore, instead of obtruding my sentiments, leave the reader to his own reflections on such occasions.
YOU write, “that, in conformity with our orders, you have established shops, on our behalf, in every Taalûk [under your authority], “and engaged in our service a Surrâf(1) and accountant, for conducting “the concerns of each: but that, in some districts, the object of profit “is completely frustrated; while, in others, the gains are so very small “as to be even inadequate to the monthly pay of the Surrâfs and “accountants; owing (as you say) to the more considerable towns, “where, heretofore, gold and silver, bullion and specie, to the amount “of thousands of pagodas, used to be brought for the purposes of “traffic, being now forsaken by the traders, who taking alarm at the “establishment of our shops [or warehouses] resort, in consequence, “to other places; none but the poorer classes, in short, ever dealing “with them, and then only to the amount, perhaps, of six or seven “fanams.”
It is known. Admitting that the profits, for instance, are only seven pagodas, and that the expence, on account of the wages of the Surrâf and accountants, amount to ten, how long can this last, or the dealers continue to carry their money and bullion to other places? They will, finally, come and make their purchases at our warehouses: you will, therefore, [proceed to] establish Surrâfs and accountants in every Taalûk, according to the amount of its [saleable] produce.
You suggest the establishment of banking-houses on the part of the Sircar, and the appointment of a banker, with a salary, to superintend them. You also propose, with our permission, to open warehouses for the sale of cloths at Bangalore, Ouscottah, and other places. It is comprehended. There is no regulation issued by us, that does not cost us, in the framing of it, the deliberation of five hundred years. This being the case, do you perform exactly what we order; neither exceeding our directions, nor suggesting any thing further from yourself.
The fact of Tippoo Sultan having established such shops, or warehouses, as those mentioned in the foregoing letter, was, I believe, very well known, before the commencement of the last war, to those persons most intelligent in the affairs of Mysore. The present dispatch, by fortunately reciting at so much length the representation of Râjah Râm Chundur on the subject, furnishes a tolerably clear idea of the institution, of which I have no where else met with any account. Till I saw this document, however, I had supposed, that the Sultan’s views in this scheme embraced nothing more than a monopoly of the wholesale trade of his dominions; but it is evident, from Râm Chundur’s statement, that the retail trade also was proposed to be engrossed. “None but the poorer classes,” says the Râjah, “deal at our shops; and then only to the amount, perhaps, of six “or seven fanams.”(1)
I do not clearly know what the result of this extraordinary project was, or whether the establishment, which has been described, continued in existence at the period of its founder’s death. I rather think, however, that Râm Chundur’s prognostic regarding it was verified, and that, though framed “with the deliberation of five hundred years,” it was soon found impracticable, and ultimately abandoned.
Râm Chundur certainly could not have chosen a more unpropitious occasion for submitting his own project of banking-houses, than the one he embraced: nor would he seem to have at all adverted to the character of his master, when he could have the temerity, in one and the same moment, to condemn pretty plainly a favorite scheme of the Sultan, and to offer to his acceptance another of his own devising. The result was such as he might have expected. The Sultan would, at no time, have been likely to listen with complacency to the uninvited suggestions of any of his servants; but least of all, when proceeding from one, who had ventured to question the policy of a measure, on which he would seem to have plumed himself in no small degree.
YOU write, “that in concert with Bûrhânûddeen, you are treating “with the besieged for the surrender of the place, which you expect “will submit in two or three days.” You must, by any means, whether by engagements or by artifice, get the garrison to evacuate the fort, in order that our troops may obtain a little respite from fatigue, as we have it in contemplation to employ them, ere long, on a weighty service.(1)
You state, “that yourself and Bûrhânûddeen labour diligently together, and in perfect concert, in the conduct of our affairs; but that, “possibly, some envious persons, incapable of viewing things clearly, “may have made a different representation to us.” It is understood. How shall any one [presume to] represent to us, that any disagreement subsists between that light of our eyes and Bûrhânûddeen, since both are our beloved sons, and have been brought up alike under our care: we therefore entertain a confident persuasion, that you will both, with one heart, exert yourselves earnestly in the service of the Sircar.
A letter of the same date, and nearly of the same tenor as the preceding one, was addressed to Bûrhânûddeen, who likewise appears to have assured the Sultan, “that he conducted all affairs in concert with Kumrûddeen.” But though the Sultan thought fit to intimate to these commanders his belief that a proper harmony really subsisted between them, it appears, I think, sufficiently clear, from the tenor of his letters, that he was far from being entirely satisfied of the fact; and it may, at least, be confidently assumed, that there were those who thought otherwise, and who endeavoured to impress him with their opinions.
YOU write, “that on the day following [the date of your letter], “or the 22d of Dârâey, the enemy were to evacuate the place, when, “having put a garrison of ours into it, you would report the same to “us.”
Having got the besieged to evacuate the fort on terms, and having placed a garrison of our troops in it, let the Piâdehs, &c. who composed the enemy’s garrison, be set at liberty, according to the capitulation: but Kâlâ Pundit, and three of the most opulent bankers, together with all the Brahmens and Mûtusuddies of any consideration (to whatever class or description they may belong) must be placed in confinement, and most carefully guarded, and the same be reported to us.
YOU write, under date of the 22d Dârâey [4th August], “that on “that day our colours were hoisted on the walls of the fort, and a party “of our troops admitted into the place, which was to be evacuated by “the garrison on the following day.”
It is known. Kâlâ Pundit, with his family and kindred, four(1) of the most opulent bankers, and the most distinguished of the commanders of cavalry, as well as of every other class or department, must be placed under guard: the remaining persons, of inferior description, are to be set free, according to the capitulation.(2)
You must dispatch Doolies(3) to Dhârwâr, to bring back the wounded men who were sent thither [during the siege]; in order that, being placed, together with the wounded now with your division, under the care of their respective relations, they may be the more at their ease. The wounds of these men must also be carefully attended to, and properly treated. The army likewise, with horses, cattle, &c., must be encamped in some good spot, abounding with water and grass, and where but little rain lies. Having undergone such fatigue, let them now enjoy some repose.
You write, “that you had dispatched one Risâla of Sair(4) cavalry, “and the horses of one stable,(5) towards Kunnekgeery, &c., and given “an order for their pay upon Mohyûddeen Ali Khân, the Dewân of “Kurpah, who, however, had returned the same.” We have, therefore, signified our pleasure to the aforesaid Khân, who will, in consequence, furnish the pay of the cavalry, and the subsistence of the horses, &c., agreeably to your requisition.
We, some time since, dispatched money for the payment of your army: it has, probably, reached you before now. The returns which you sent of the troops have been received. To-morrow we purpose sending you an additional supply of money.
The orders here given, respecting the wounded, as well as the consideration which the Sultan appears to have had for the ease and comfort of the army at large, are creditable to his character as a military commander. They would have been still more so, had they comprehended the sick in general.
[AFTER compliments]........ Your letter, informing me of your welfare, was delivered by Khâjeh Lûtfûllah, and afforded me much pleasure. I have also learned, from the said Khâjeh, the particulars which you entrusted to his verbal communication. Of the eleven lacks of rupees, to which I had a just claim, I have been induced, by consideration for the attachment which that friend has so long borne to me, as well as for the sake of the true faith, and on account of the eminence of your family,(2) to remit four lacks: you must, therefore, put the remaining seven lacks of rupees in a speedy course of payment, by which means our mutual regard and friendship will be augmented. Further particulars will be imparted to you by the above-named Khâjeh. Continue always to afford me the satisfaction of hearing of your welfare. For the rest, may you be joyful!
Runmust Khân was a Patan chieftain, who possessed the district of Kurnool.(3) Hyder Ali compelled him to agree to an annual tribute; though he was, at the same time, a feudatory of the Nizâm, to whom, when required, he was bound to render military service. By the partition treaty of 1792, his son and successor, Alif Khân, was released from his dependence on Tippoo Sultan, and the tribute payable to the latter transferred to the Nizâm; by whom (if I mistake not) it was ceded to the East-India Company, by the treaty of 1800. For a more particular account of the dynasty the reader is referred to Appendix, G.
YOUR letter has been received. You may pass twenty days or a month longer there, in an evasive and procrastinating way;(1) but, at the end of that time, you must, in whatever manner may be [necessary], set out for the Presence, since your remaining there is incompatible with our dignity.
YOUR longer continuance there is destitute of graciousness [or dignity].(1*) The dishonour arising from your residing there, upon this unhandsome footing,(2) is now become manifest: you must, therefore, at any rate, repair to the Presence.
As the Sultan would not appear to have received any fresh dispatch from the envoys, between the 3d and 4th of Hâshimy, it may be supposed, that the directions contained in the present letter (revoking, in a certain degree, those of the former day) arose from a reconsideration of the subject; which probably, for a moment, revived his indignation at the behaviour of the Mahrattah ministers. I say, for a moment, in reference to the counter-orders which soon followed.
DIRECTING him to repair, with the troops under his command, to the Presence, and to leave Shaikh Unser’s Kushoon with Bûrhânûddeen
WE have received your letter, wherein you write, “that Tâj Khân “and Abdûl Ghufoor Khân, the Kilaadârs(1) of Kishngeery, have sent a “requisition to Wunkut Râo, the Aumil of the Bâreh-mehâl,(2) for five “hundred hired bullocks and five hundred labourers.” We have considered your letter, as well as that of Wunkut Râo, which was enclosed in it. No other bullocks, besides those belonging to the Sircar, are wanted, excepting on urgent occasions, when it may be proper to hire additional ones. In fact, the public establishment of bullocks is not large, and our service sometimes demands more than it can provide: in such cases it is allowable to hire bullocks, as otherwise our service might suffer by delay. We have accordingly written, and enclose a letter to the above-named [Kilaadârs], which you will forward to them. This will prevent them from making any further demand for hired bullocks.
[AFTER some minute directions, respecting the fabric of Bubry cloths for the use of the troops (patterns of the kinds required being enclosed)(1) the letter proceeds thus:]—
It has been reported to us, that you sit constantly at home, without ever appearing at the Kuchurry. This is not well. You must pass [a proper portion of] your time [daily] in the Kuchurry, and there diligently apply to the affairs of the Sircar, without suffering any one to come to you at your own house [on public business]. It would appear, that you never look into the [written] instructions which you received from us. If you act in conformity with our orders, it will be well: otherwise, you will assuredly incur the penalty therein specified.(2)
[AFTER compliments]........ The letter which you sent us, by the hands of the Vakeel, Râm Râo, containing accounts of your welfare, and informing us of your arrival at Pondicherry, for the administration of the affairs of that place, was duly received by us; and an answer thereto (accompanied by a dress) was dispatched some time since, and will, of course, have reached you.
Our earnest wish and object is, that the strong and sincere friendship which has, from former times, subsisted between us and the Râjah of the French, should daily increase; and that, by the divine favour, the affairs of France should attain fresh splendour and prosperity. It is most manifest, that the Râjah of the French is lying in wait for a favourable opportunity;(2) and as that eminent person(3) is a leader of political experience, we assure ourselves that the means of attaining this object will not have failed to engage your attention.
At a former period, when the English army had advanced within eight Coss of Poonah, and the Mahrattah chiefs, not finding themselves able to cope with the enemy, meditated on setting fire to their houses, and taking to flight; in this crisis they humbly solicited our aid and support, which, relying on their engagements and promises, we afforded, by waging war [against the English] in the Carnatic for some years, during which period their lives and property, their country and honour, remained in safety. These facts are more manifest, even than the sun. Nevertheless, a certain Zemindâr (among the Zemindârs subject to our authority) having lately been instigated, by a contumacious and insolent disposition, to lay waste our country, and we having, in consequence, sent our army to chastise him and to reduce his place, the aforesaid Mahrattahs, forgetting the numberless obligations conferred on them by us, dispatched their army to the assistance of the said Zemindâr. Hostilities have accordingly taken place between the two armies, and the Mahrattahs are meditating further mischief against us. With the blessing of God, however, you shall [soon] hear in what manner we have chastised these people. Further particulars will be detailed to you by the Vakeel, Râm Râo. We have sent, as a token of friendship, a few pieces of cloth.
It is observable, that the Sultan, in this letter, entirely sinks the name of his father, whose actions he applies to himself. Whether such a mode of expression was absolutely warranted by custom, or by the idiom of the language, may be doubted: but, however this might be, there is no reason to suppose that any slight was intended by it to the memory of Hyder; of whom he has, on many occasions, spoken with suitable demonstrations of filial regard and respect.
Having already had occasion to remark on the studied but disguised affront put upon the King of France, by stiling him a Râjah,(4) it is unnecessary to say any thing, in this place, on the instance of it afforded by the foregoing letter. We shall hereafter see this degrading title applied to the French King, in an epistle addressed directly to himself.
There can be little or no doubt, that a renewal of the war with the English is alluded to, in the second paragraph of the present letter. No other satisfactory explanation can be given of the “opportunity” which the French monarch is represented to be “waiting for,” or of “the attention” which Monsieur Souliac is presumed to have bestowed on “the means” of promoting his sovereign’s views. In short, except for the purpose of aiding his hostile designs against the English, what motive could the Sultan possibly have for cultivating the friendship of the French?
WE approve of your having sent Shaikh Unser’s Kushoon to join Bûrhânûddeen.
You write respecting a supply of money for the pay of your troops. At present we have taken up our residence, with a small retinue,(1) at Bangalore: we are, consequently, unable to supply you from hence;(2) but have sent necessary orders for the purpose to our treasury at Seringapatam............(3) We enclose a Purwâneh to the Zemindâr of Annagoondy, directing him to supply you with baskets(4) and boat-men, and otherwise to assist you in crossing your army at the Kûmply Ghaut.(5)
Another Purwâneh is enclosed for the Aumil of Hurriâl, directing him also to send baskets and boatmen for you to the same Ghaut. Join us speedily with your army, and make no delay.
YOU write, “that having collected together some baskets, you have “begun the passage of the Tungbudra, and daily cross some part of “your army.” You also mention, “that a Vakeel and Hurkâreh “belonging to the Kunnek-geery man, accompanied by a banker’s “Gomâshteh,(1) had waited on you, and acknowledged the justice of our “claims upon that Zemindâr: [in consequence of which] you had [at “their desire] detached a Risâla of Jyshe, and a Risâla of Sair cavalry, “to chastise Eeri Nâik, a Polygar dependant on the said Zemindâr, but “who had [recently]revolted against his authority.”
It is known. We approve of your having made this detachment, and direct that, on its return, the troops composing it be likewise made to cross the river, and proceed [hither] with you.
We some time ago dispatched money for the payment of the troops commanded by that light of our eyes. This money is arrived at Dhârwâr, whither you must send an escort to bring it to you.
THREE letters have been received from you. You write, “that the “minister manifests an inclination to procrastinate, with respect to “your dismission.” It does not signify. You must remain there as long as he is disposed to detain you, and not precipitate your departure. Whenever he dismisses you, you will proceed to the Presence.
WHATEVER circumstances we judged it necessary to communicate to you, have been written at great length and distinctly in Hindivy: the perusal of it [i. e. of the Hindivy dispatch] will make you acquainted [with every thing].(1) You must ascertain its contents by means of a secret and trust-worthy Mûnshy: one in all respects entitled to credit and belief, and who shall be incapable of revealing the secrets [entrusted to him.]
It has been already seen, that Tippoo Sultan occasionally sent his orders in the Hindivy language, even to persons whom he usually addressed in Persian. Here we have another example of this extraordinary and unaccountable practice, but still more striking and embarrassing than the former one; in which we were at liberty to suppose, that the envoys could read a Hindivy as well as a Persian letter, and only left to wonder why the Sultan should, at any time, prefer writing in the Hindivy. But it now appears, that his ambassadors were ignorant of that character; and that, in order to possess themselves of their master’s instructions, it was necessary for them to have recourse to an interpreter. It might have been expected, that under these circumstances, the envoys would, at least, have been spared the trouble and responsibility of procuring such a person, by having one of that description regularly attached to their mission. But this was evidently not the case: nor is it ev enabsolutely certain, that the person to be employed on this occasion was to be found among the servants of the embassy; though we must either assume this as the fact, or adopt the monstrous supposition of the envoys being obliged to seek, in the capital of their master’s enemy, for an interpreter of his most secret and important orders. To conclude, I must acknowledge that there is nothing in the whole correspondence, which appears to me so completely inexplicable as this matter we have been considering: nor can I help regretting, that the difficulty did not occur to me before my departure from India, where I might possibly have been able to obtain a solution of it.
YOUR letter, stating the distress of your troops for money, has been received. Previously to your writing, we had, in contemplation of this distress, dispatched a supply to you, which is, accordingly, now lying at Dhârwâr, to which place you must send a party of horse to escort it to you. Besides this money, we have now sent you from hence a further supply of twenty thousand pagodas. When the whole amount shall have reached you, distribute it among your people, and report the same to us
IT has been represented to us, that Owbultia,(1) a Mûtusuddy belonging to the Tosheh-khâneh, is on the point of death, and that his brother-in-law is at Oussoor: we therefore write to direct, that you cause guards to be placed over his brother-in-law and Gomâshtehs; and that, having made enquiries respecting his substance(2) and property, you proceed, by means of scourging [the parties], to obtain possession of the same. Let the utmost diligence and exertions be employed in this business.
Lutchmun, another Mûtusuddy of the Tosheh-khâneh, possesses a full knowledge of the particulars of Owbultia’s substance: you must, therefore, make enquiry of him also; and send and secure the goods and property [in question] wherever they may be.
You and others formerly represented to us, that [this man] possessed property to the amount of a lack of pagodas. Let the same be sought after and discovered, and the whole be brought to the account of the Sircar. What more?
It does not appear, from any thing contained in this document, that Owbultia was a public defaulter, or stood charged with any malversations; and yet, considering the rigour of the proceedings directed, it is difficult to believe otherwise. There is a pretty plain hint in the concluding paragraph, that Meer Sâdik would be held responsible for the realization of the supposed amount of Owbultia’s property. Perhaps, however, this was only meant as a stimulus to the Dewân’s exertions in the business.
Meer Mahommed Sâdik was the Sultan’s principal Dewân, and, in that character, presided over the revenue department of Mysore. Europeans commonly considered him as Tippoo’s prime minister; but Tippoo’s government recognized no such officer. For a curious engagement which the Sultan made this person enter into, toward the end of the year 1798, the reader is referred to the Appendix, H. Meer Sâdik lost his life in the assault of Seringapatam. He was believed by many persons to have been a son of the celebrated Bussy; nor was the uncommon fairness of his complexion the only circumstance that gave weight to the report, of which more particular mention is made in the Appendix.
IT has been reported to us, that the Mûtusuddy of the Jyshe, Kishn Râo, has been bitten by a mad dog: we therefore write to desire that you will give the aforesaid [Mûtusuddy] in particular charge to the physician, Mahommed Baig, who must administer to him the proper medicines in such cases, and restore him to health. He must also be told not to let the discharge from the wound stop, but to keep it open for six months.
N.B. A letter, to the above effect, was likewise written to the physician, Mahommed Baig.
This is not the only letter in which the Sultan has exhibited himself in the character of a physician. A still more curious instance of the same kind will appear hereafter. It would be well, if we could attribute his interference in such matters to any particular solicitude for the welfare of the patients. This motive would, at least, be creditable to his humanity: but humanity, or sympathy in the sufferings of others, was not, it may be safely affirmed, among the Sultan’s virtues. His conduct, therefore, on the occasions in question, can only be referred to the vanity, which made him desirous of appearing to know, as well as to direct, every thing.
The Syed Mahommed Khân, to whom this letter is addressed, continued to be Kilaadâr of Seringapatam, to the period of the capture of that place by the English; and was among the few persons of distinction who survived its fall. He stood high in the confidence of the Sultan, who speaking, in his Memoirs, of the manner in which he disposed of some of the principal offices of state on his accession to the Musnud, says: “the Kilaadâry of Putn I consigned to Syed “Mahommed, a man long distinguished for his fidelity and courage, and one of “[our] most ancient adherents.” The situation held for so long a period by this person, must necessarily have made him a participator in many, or most, of the cruelties committed within the walls of Seringapatam, by order of his master: he has, nevertheless, obtained credit, for having often granted to the English prisoners confined there, at different times, indulgencies by no means authorized by the Sultan’s instructions.
WE have, of late, repeatedly heard, that Râo Râsta having sent for you, you declined waiting upon him, on account of a dispute that had arisen respecting a woman belonging to some Musulman; returning for answer to his message, “that if they would let the woman in “question go,(1) you would attend him.” This account has occasioned us the utmost surprise and astonishment. This is a domestic disturbance among the inhabitants of their own country. Where was the necessity of your interfering in this matter, or of your refusing to wait upon Râo Râsta when he sent for you? thereby throwing our affairs into confusion. It seems to us, that old age(2) must have produced this deviation(3) [or change] in your conduct [character or disposition], and rendered you thus unmindful of your lives and honor. It would have been most consonant to the state of the times, and to the regard you owed to our interests, if, considering their dissensions as beneficial to Islâm, you had [secretly] encouraged [or excited] the Musulmans [in their proceedings], while you [apparently] looked on as [unconcerned] spectators, instead of interposing with such an extraordinary recommendation(4) as you did; and which was, indeed, altogether, unworthy of your understandings.(5) When the Nazarenes seized upon hundreds of Musulman women, where was the zeal for the support [or honour] of Islamism, which you are now so desirous of manifesting there?
For the future, it will be proper that you should never take any share in their domestic concerns, but attend [exclusively] to whatever may promote the success of our affairs. Let the fire of discord, therefore, be again kindled amongst them, to the end that they may, in this manner, waste [their strength upon] each other.
If I understand the foregoing letter rightly (of which, however, I must confess myself to have some doubts) the Sultan’s meaning was, that both his own personal interests, and those of Islâmism, would have been better promoted, by a continuance of the feuds and animosities which seem to have arisen between the Musulman and Hindoo inhabitants of Poonah, in consequence, apparently, of some female intrigue, than by the interposition of the envoys; which, if it succeeded, would have the effect of terminating the disputes in question. Instead of this, he would have had his agents secretly foment and encourage them, and therefore concludes his dispatch, by broadly desiring them “to rekindle the fire “of discord,” in order that his enemies may be consumed therein: that is to say, to measure back the false steps they had taken, and let the quarrel which had sprung up take its natural course. At the same time, he seems to have thought, that the interference of the envoys, besides being impolitic, was indecorous and presumptuous, as encroaching on the rights of an independent state. “It is a “domestic difference, (says he) concerning only the inhabitants of their own “country.”
It is uncertain to what particular transaction the Sultan alludes, in the passage mentioning the Nazarenes, or English. The violence, however, here imputed to them, is mentioned on other occasions, as well as the present.
IT has lately been represented to us, that the Koorgs have committed some excesses(1) at Zuferâbâd. We have, in consequence, written to the Buktshy of the Jyshe, to dispatch you with two guns and your Kushoon to that place. He is also ordered to advance you two thousand Behâdury pagodas, on account of the pay of your Kushoon; as well as a thousand rupees, to be applied in compensations to the wounded.(2) After leaving a guard over such of Othman Khân’s Kushoon as are not to be trusted,(3) you will proceed, as above directed, to Zuferâbâd; to the Foujdâr of which place, Zynûl Aabideen, we have addressed another letter, which is enclosed. You are, in conjunction with him, to make a general attack on the Koorgs;(4) when, having put to the sword, or made prisoners of, the whole of them, both the slain and the prisoners are to be made Musulmans.(5) In short, you must so manage matters, as [effectually] to prevent them from exciting any further sedition or disturbance.
Obtaining from the treasury a copy of our regulations respecting the wounded, let your wounded be paid in conformity thereto. Rewards to those men, who may be entitled to them, must also be given from the money in your hands; from which you must, likewise, make such advances [of pay] to your Kushoon, as shall seem proper to you.
I am doubtful, whether by the Zynûl Aabideen, mentioned in the title of this letter, is meant Zynûl Aabideen Shoostry (to whom Letter CXXVIII is unquestionably addressed) or a distinct person, bearing the same name. Though the former is usually distinguished by the addition of Shoostry (denoting him to be a native of Shuster or Suza, in Persia) yet the appellation might have been accidentally omitted in the present letter, as it most clearly appears to have been in the title of Letter CXLV. If this conjecture were well founded, it would follow that Zynûl Aabideen Shoostry was a Sipahdâr, or a commander of a Kushoon, which, however, I have no authority for supposing him to have been.
The
The reader will probably be startled at the order contained in the foregoing letter, for making Musulmans, not only of the living, but of the dead Koorgs, who might fall into the hands of the Sipahdâr; and the extravagance of the proceeding may even lead him to suspect, either the correctness of the manuscript, or the fidelity of the translation. With respect to the former, it will be sufficient to say that there is not the slightest ground for supposing any error of the manuscript in this passage; and as to the latter, I will only observe, that nothing can be expressed with more plainness, or freedom from ambiguity, than the original, which, for the satisfaction of the oriental reader, at least, shall be inserted at the bottom of the page.(6)
YOU write, “that a very great intimacy and friendship subsists “between Syed Zynûl Aabideen Khân and Noorûddeen Hûsain Khân, “the latter of whom is come there [i. e. to Poonah] on a mission from “Mr. Boddam, the Governor of Bombay; and that the aforesaid Syed, “actuated by his attachment to our Sircar, furnishes you, privately, “with the secret intelligence of that quarter, and is furthermore ready, “if it meets our approbation, to take steps towards establishing a friendship between us and the said Governor.” It is well. We have no objection to your agitating this affair, as you propose, with the Syed. You must also obtain the most accurate intelligence from thence, and regularly communicate the same to us. You will, likewise, take the same occasion to represent,(1) that our territories and those of the English are contiguous to each other;(2) and that, at the time of the treaty concluded between us and the English, it was stipulated, that no assistance should be afforded, either openly or secretly, to our enemies: and, accordingly, we are in possession of copies of the said treaty, containing the aforesaid stipulations, under the respective seals of the Governors of Bengal, Madras, and Bombay. This being the case, it is unsuitable to the rules of friendship, and is even a violation of good faith, that notwithstanding his delivery [to us] of a treaty under his own seal, the Governor of Bombay should afford assistance to our enemies. Such conduct is abundantly remote from the usages and conduct of great chiefs.
Agreeably to your suggestion, we enclose a letter to the address of Nujmûd’ Dowlah Behâdûr,(3) which you will forward [to him].
I believe that the Zynûl Aabideen, mentioned in the foregoing letter, was an agent employed at the court of Poonah by the Nabob of Cambay. The Sultan’s letter to the latter, being merely complimentary, and only designed to lead to a further intercourse, is omitted.
The treaties with the English, spoken of in this letter, must, of course, refer to the separate treaties concluded at different times between Hyder Ali and the respective British presidencies. The treaty of Mangalore, likewise, contains a stipulation to the same effect as that so much insisted on here by the Sultan. The Governor of Bombay was not, however, a subscribing party to that treaty.
I am ignorant to what circumstance the Sultan alludes, where he charges the Governor of Bombay with affording assistance, at this period, to the Mahrattahs.
We have, at this time, thought proper to employ you, and the troops under your command, in the reduction of the fort of Oalpilly.(1) The Sipahdâr, Shaikh Omar,(2) with the troops belonging to him, is already before that place, where you will be joined by him, as well as by four thousand Kuchurry Piâdehs from Bangalore. Part of this force is already arrived at its destination, and the remainder is on its way. On your arrival at Oalpilly, you must, in conjunction with the said Sipahdâr, proceed to dislodge and chastise the Piâdehs of the Zemindâr of Punganoor; who have posted themselves in the neighbouring woods, from whence they [issue forth and] commit depredations. Having cleared these woods, you must move forward, and taking up a position near Oalpilly, open trenches against that place.
Shaikh Omar has with him four large guns, two field-pieces,(3) and two howitzers.(4) If any more heavy guns should be wanted, Turbiyut Ali Khân, the Buktshy of Ehshâm,(5) has been instructed to dispatch them upon your requisition. Mounting these guns in the batteries, you must open a fire upon the fort; which being taken, you will put into it a garrison of our troops. In the fort is the Zemindâr, Chukra Mull, together with several Nâigwâries(6) of note. You must take especial care that these persons are made prisoners, and report to us all the particulars respecting them. If, however, the above named persons should escape through the woods, and take refuge in the districts of Chundrageery, Chittoor, or other Polygars depending on the Fringy,(7) you must write to the Taalûkdâr of such district, informing him that the fugitives are robbers of our Sircar,(8) and requiring of him not to protect but to deliver them up. You are, at the same time, to report these circumstances to us, in order that we may make a representation of the matter to the Governor of Madras, and endeavour to obtain possession of the person of the aforesaid Polygar.
If any of the Piâdehs of the Polygar of Punganoor should be still concealed in the adjacent woods, you must contrive to discover their haunts, and to make prisoners of them.
You have with you fifty bullock-loads of gunpowder, each load being a hundred and twenty seers, making together six thousand seers.(9) You have been also furnished with twelve thousand seers of Carnatic lead, and four thousand gun-flints: these articles you will preserve carefully, expending them [only] in battle. If you should be in want of more lead, powder, or shot, apply to the aforesaid Buktshy, who has our orders to supply you; and when such supplies reach you, you must transmit to him a receipt for the same.
Mohyûddeen Ali Khân, the Dewân of Kurpah, and Râjah Râm Chundur, have been directed to supply you with gram(10) for the consumption of the horses of your Kuchurry. They will, at the same time, each send a Mûtusuddy in charge of the gram, who will remain with you, and serve out the gram as it may be wanted. Receipts for the same, under your seal and signature, must be regularly given by you to the aforesaid Mûtusuddies, who will deliver them to their respective principals.
The country of Punganoor appertains to our Sircar, and we have appointed Dâsiâ to collect the revenues of it; you will, therefore, issue strict orders to your people not to commit any ravages or depredations there; nor are you to make any incursions into the country of the Fringy, which adjoins to Punganoor, or to give it any disturbance. On this head you must be very strict: and if the Aumils of the Fringy should write to you, to desire you not to make any incursions in their country, or to give it any molestation, you will send such an answer as may be proper, and at the same time report the circumstances to us.
The pay of the troops under you and Shaikh Omar, will be sent to each of you respectively. You will distribute the pay of your own people, man by man; and he will distribute the pay of the Jyshe under his command. Such Piâdehs, or others, as may be wounded, you will remunerate according to the separate regulations on this head, with which you have been furnished. You must also apply yourself to the procuring of secret intelligence from the Ryots and others, in that quarter, giving to those who communicate it from five to ten rupees, as you may judge proper.
Dâsiâ is the Umldâr of that place [i. e. Punganoor]: you will, therefore, afford him every [necessary] encouragement and countenance, and make yourself acquainted, by his means, with the [different] roads leading through the hills of Oalpilly. The country of the Fringy adjoins to Oalpilly; so that, in order to satisfy or tranquilize the Fringy Taalûkdârs, you must, immediately on your arrival there, write to them saying, “that the Polygar of Punganoor having contumaciously raised his head, “you have been sent by us to chastise him; and therefore request that, “if he should take refuge in their country, he may not receive protection.”
Let a reward of five rupees be given to every man of our people bringing in the head of a Piâdeh belonging to the rebel Polygar; and let the same reward be granted for every prisoner brought in alive.
The foregoing document is denominated in the original a Hûkm-nâmeh, or “mandate;” by which name all the formal or set orders, with which public functionaries were furnished, either at the time of their appointment to office, or subsequent thereto, were usually called, to distinguish them from the current and occasional instructions transmitted to them. They were sometimes divided into articles which were regularly numbered; and, as observed on a former occasion, generally concluded with a denunciation of the punishment appointed for a neglect or disobedience of the directions contained in them.
The term Fringy, applied in this dispatch to the English, is generally used (by the superior classes among the natives of India, at least) in contempt; as Nusâra, or Nazarene, also is for a Christian. Strictly speaking, however, there is nothing reproachful or degrading in the former appellation, as it properly means nothing more than a Frank, or European.
WHAT you have written, relating to Kâlâ Pundit, is duly understood. A letter to him, framed in the manner suggested by you, is sent herewith. Let it be delivered to him: and if, notwithstanding this letter, he should still prove disinclined to repair to our Presence, and persist in his contumacy, an hundred men of the Uskur,(1) armed with swords and daggers, but without firelocks, must be sent, with orders to approach him gradually, while he is held in conversation [by persons to be instructed for the purpose]. They must then suddenly rush forward, ten men upon every one of his(2): and, disarming the Pundit and all his party, bind them hand and foot, put the whole in irons, and [in this manner] dispatch them to the Presence. We enclose a letter of the above tenor to Syed Ghuffâr,(3) to whom you will deliver it.
IT has been represented to us, that you have, in a most rigorous and peremptory manner, required of several of our servants at Kurpah to evacuate houses which they have occupied for years past, and in the erection of which they have expended considerable sums of money. Such improper proceedings are of evil tendency, and directly contrary to our pleasure: you must, therefore, desist from them, nor again require of any of our servants to quit their habitations. Act according to the instructions which have been delivered to you, and do not pursue the suggestions of your own fancy.
AGREEABLY to your request, we have written, and enclose an order to Mohyûddeen Ali Khân, the Dewân of Kurpah, directing him to desist from disturbing our servants in the possession of their houses. You must forward the same to him.
What you write, respecting your desire to proceed unattended [or by yourself](1) to pay your respects to us, is understood. Repair straight, yourself and army, to Seringapatam,(2) whither we ourselves are proceeding.
YOU write, “that in consequence of the Cutwâl being included in “the pay abstracts of the Kundachâr, the Kilaadâr of Hûscotah “[conceiving the office to be in his disposal] had placed a very low “and improper person in the Cutwâly, to the great detriment of the “business of your department.” It is known. The appointment and removal of the Cutwâl rests with you: you will, therefore, replace [as you propose] the former Cutwâl, and taking the payment of his monthly stipend upon yourself, see that he applies himself with diligence to the business of the Sircar. We have written to the aforesaid Kilaadâr on the subject of the Cutwâl, whose appointment, we have told him, is to depend upon you.
WHAT you have written, relative to your having paid twenty thousand rupees to Meer Zynûl Aabideen, the Foujdâr of Zuferâbâd, is understood, and meets our approbation. You must, in like manner, discharge the remaining balance due by you. Upon your arrival at the Presence, we will personally state all matters to you. Tillicherry is situated near the Taalûk of that refuge of chastity:(1) you will, therefore, regularly transmit to us whatever intelligence you may [from time to time] be able to procure from thence.
Ali Râjah Beeby was the same person, whom the English, in the west of India, sometimes dignified with the title of Queen of Cannanore, of which petty state she was the hereditary ruler. I am ignorant, at what period Cannanore became tributary to the Mysore chief: but it continued so till the cession of Malabar to the English, by the partition treaty of 1792; when all the rights and authority claimed by Tippoo Sultan in that province, were transferred to the East-India Company.
Ali Râjah Beeby was a Mahommedan; and on this account, perhaps, was treated by the Sultan with somewhat more distinction and lenity, than he was accustomed to show to his other tributaries in Malabar. He would not seem, however, to have succeeded in his endeavours to conciliate her good-will, or to inspire her with confidence in him. This fact is deducible from the constant repugnance, which she evinced to complying with his desire of seeing her at Seringapatam; and which will appear, on more than one occasion, in the course of the subsequent correspondence.
[AFTER authorizing him to entertain in his service a Hindivy Mûnshy, the letter proceeds as follows]:—
It appears, that Kâlâ Pundit is attended by ten or twelve [armed] followers: let [therefore] a hundred men of the Uskur, armed with swords and shields, be sent [to his habitation or quarters], with instructions to close in with the party, and, overpowering, seize on the whole. The aforesaid Pundit, together with his adherents, must then be dispatched to the Presence, as before directed.
This letter is little more than a repetition of Letter CXX, addressed to the same person, and written only two days before. Such an early re-iteration of his orders on the subject, strongly marks the impatience of the Sultan to get possession of his victim.
YOU will proceed from thence to the Presence, whenever the minister shall give you your dismission.
On the anniversary of the Dusharrah,(1) you will distribute among the Hindoos, composing your escort, a goat to every ten men; and on the anniversary of the festival of Zilhijjeh,(2) the like number of goats among the Musulmans of your party.
YOUR letter, inclosing a list of the arms of Kâlâ Pundit, &c. has been received. What you write, respecting the seizure and confinement in irons of the said Pundit and his adherents, is understood and approved. We shall shortly direct you to repair to our Presence: be quick, therefore, in dispatching what business you have there.
This is the last occasion on which Kâlâ Pundit is mentioned. Of his ultimate fate I know nothing: but it may be safely conjectured, that it was not a mild one.
YOUR letter has been received. How came it, that notwithstanding your knowledge of the rainy season, you did not take Kûndilehs(1) with you? This circumstance occasions us great surprize. Let the grain, furnished by such of the Ryots as have submitted to your authority, be paid for. On the other hand, let that belonging to those Ryots who have adopted a rebellious course, be plundered, and applied to the use of your army.
Let assistance be afforded to Lucherâm, the Huzâry.
The person to whom the foregoing letter is addressed was a brother of Meer Allum, so well known as minister for English affairs at the court of Hyderabad. I do not know at what period he engaged in the service of Tippoo Sultan; but I believe, that no intercourse, of any kind, subsisted between the brothers. Zynûl Aabideen, though occasionally employed by the Sultan in situations of trust, would appear to have been principally esteemed for his supposed literary qualifications. He it was who composed the Futhûl’ Mûjâhideen,(2) under the immediate direction of the Sultan himself. He was also the author of the Sûltâne Tuwâreekh, mentioned by Colonel Wilks, in the Preface to his valuable History of Mysore: but this work appears to have been little more than a rhetorical amplification of the Sultan’s own Memoirs, as far as the latter went. The reproof given to Zynûl Aabideen, in the present dispatch, is mild in the extreme, compared with the invectives which we shall hereafter see bestowed upon him.
YOUR letter, informing us of your arrival with your army on the banks of the Tungbudrah,(1) and of your intention to repair speedily to the Presence, has been received. You must hasten your arrival here; and order things in such a manner [on your march], that no desertion may take place from your army, which [you know] is composed of men from all the four quarters, ———— as Kurpah, &c. You must, therefore, employ some of the Jyshe troops to look after them, so that no desertions may happen, but the whole join us in safety. On this head the utmost care and strictness are necessary.
It would appear, from this and other letters in the present collection, that desertions were frequent in the armies of the Sultan: but so they are in all the native armies of India. It is probable, however, that the evil might be experienced, in a peculiar degree, by Tippoo Sultan, since he would seem to have been in the habit of occasionally recruiting his ranks by forced levies; a practice, of which I am not aware that any other example is to be found among the princes or states of India.
YOUR letter, stating the insolvency of the late postmaster(3) of Mânâwâr,(4) &c., has been received. What was necessary to be said, regarding the above-mentioned postmaster, as well as the postmasters of Runhully,(5) was heretofore written at the greatest length. It is wonderful that you should not have acted conformably [to those directions:] but that, instead of doing so, you should repeatedly address us on the subject, and pursue [in this manner] your own fancies. For the future, you must not write to us on such matters, but conduct yourself agreeably to our former orders.
AHMED BAIG has been dispatched [to you], and other troops will shortly follow. In the mean while, you must not remain idle, but pursue, exterminate, or make prisoners of the rebels, wheresoever they may take refuge. You must also quickly inform us of the state of the rains in that quarter.
YOUR letter has been received, and its contents are duly understood. What you write, concerning your operations [against the enemy]; your want of gunpowder and grain; the violence of the rains; and, lastly, your opinion, that though ten more Kushoons were to be sent thither nothing could be effected, unless we ourselves should proceed in person to that quarter, in which case, you think, that every thing would be speedily accomplished. All this is known.
You have with you fifteen hundred bundles of gunpowder, thirty rounds of ammunition, and two thousand men of the Jyshe. That you should not, with such a force, have made any effort to chastise the enemy, but should be waiting for our arrival, occasions us the utmost amazement, is utterly irreconcileable with [every idea of] courage, and warrants a strong suspicion of absolute cowardice [in you]. If this were not the case, two hundred Jyshe would be fully adequate to the suppression of this revolt.(1)
We therefore order, that, uniting your force with that of Meer Zynûl Aabideen, the Foujdâr,(2) you do together exert yourselves in the signal chastisement of the Koorgs. You must, in particular, be careful, that your people do not disperse, and, by this means, expose themselves to be cut off. That country is populous. Collect together such of the inhabitants as are well disposed to our government, and giving them encouraging assurances, buy their grain, and distribute it among your troops. As to the rebels among them, you must pursue them wheresoever they can be found, and chastise them effectually.
Strong as the censure, conveyed in the preceding letter, undoubtedly is, it will presently be seen, that the full measure of the Sultan’s anger against this unfortunate commander was not yet dealt out. Vide Letters CXXXVI and CXXXVII.
YOUR letter has been received. What you write, respecting your having made up and delivered to your followers new flags, banners, &c., is understood, and meets our approbation. You must take care, that the [regular] infantry, attached to your escort, perform their exercise regularly. You must not, however, expend any powder on these occasions.
Noor Mahommed Khân being indisposed, it would be highly improper that you should, at such a time, be separated. Under these circumstances, you must take up your residence in the same place with him, and exert yourself for his recovery. In fine, you must, conjointly, discharge all the duties of attachment and fidelity that you owe to us.
YOU write for instructions, with regard to the prices at which you should buy certain articles for our use,(1) in order that you may regulate your purchases accordingly. Old age has certainly made havock on your understanding, otherwise you would have known that the Mûtusuddies here are not the proper persons to determine the market prices there. It is the Mûtusuddies there, and the instructions given to them on this head, which should be referred to on this occasion. Seek the necessary information from the Dewâny Kuchurry, and act accordingly.
YOUR letter has been received. Your longer continuance at Nergûnd, is needless; while it is also productive of the ruin and destruction of your army: we therefore write, to desire(1*) you will remove with your forces into the country of Kittoor, where forage and grain will be found in abundance. Let orders be given to the Kilaadâr of Nergûnd, to make the necessary repairs to the fort.
The troops of the Uskur,(2) and others which have been sent [ostensibly] to forage at Dhârwâr, are, in fact, stationed there only to create disorder and disputes: these men must, therefore, be recalled. The place in question appertains to the cavalry foragers, and not to you [or to your people.]
What you say, of the assembling of the enemy’s forces, is known. Do you keep your mind collected, and entertain no apprehensions. Thousands of this kind of people are [constantly] coming and going.
It will be seen, hereafter, that the real object of the Sultan, in directing Bûrhânûddeen to remove his camp to Kittoor, was not to facilitate the procuring of supplies, but to obtain possession of that place.
The indifference, if not contempt, with which the Sultan here speaks of the movements of the Mahrattah army, is strongly expressive of the low estimation in which he always either actually held, or affected to hold, the military character of that nation. Of the Nizâm’s troops he certainly did not entertain a more favorable opinion. With respect to the English, it is hardly credible that, with the impression which the successes obtained over him by Lord Cornwallis must necessarily have produced, he should really have thought so meanly of them, as, to judge by the sentiments he has left on record, he would appear to have done, even at a period posterior to the war of 1791-2. Spleen, arising from disappointed hopes, from baffled ambition, or even from a narrow policy, such as usually regulated his conduct, might have led him to write, and perhaps also to speak, in a more disparaging strain of his European neighbour and antagonist, than accorded strictly with his inward conviction or feeling. Arrogance and vanity were, undoubtedly, among the most prominent features of the Sultan’s mind: but however those passions, seconded by the flattery of the people surrounding him, might encourage him to believe himself superior in military skill and prowess to the English, it seems impossible that his infatuation should have been so great, as to inspire him, in reality, with that contempt, which he occasionally professed to entertain for them as rivals in arms.
YOUR letter has been received, and the particulars therein stated are fully revealed.
It appears, from the tenor of all the letters which have successively reached us from you, that you have conceived a mortal dread of the accursed tribe [to which you are opposed]. This being the case, neither the chastisement of the worthless crew, nor the proper settlement of our affairs [in that quarter], can be expected from you: we therefore direct, that you proceed, with the force under your command to Periapatam, and there remain [till further orders].
YOUR two letters, of the 2d and 5th of Zuburjudy,(1) have been received, and their contents are duly understood. We enclose two Purwânehs, one for the Aumil of Hybutpoor, the other for the Aumil of Koondnoor, directing them each to dispatch a thousand goonies of grain(2) to that person of mighty degree.(3) You will forward these Purwânehs to their address; and, on receiving the two thousand goonies of grain, dispatch the same to Zuferâbâd. Your wounded you are to send to Hybutpoor, the Aumil of which place has been written to respecting them. Of the two surgeons with you, one must accompany the wounded to Hybutpoor: the other will remain with you.
A hundred Clashies(4) have been sent to you from the Presence: a thousand bundles of cartridges have likewise been dispatched. Your detachment took with it, in their cartridge-boxes, forty-eight thousand musket-cartridges, besides fifteen thousand spare cartridges, making together sixty-three thousand cartridges. You write, “that you have “not remaining more than from fifteen to twenty cartridges in each “cartouch-box:” at this rate, the expenditure of cartridges has been very great. We are curious to know, and desire you will inform us, how many of the enemy have been sent to hell, by the expenditure of such a number of cartridges. We also desire to be informed of the amount of the rebel force. One hundred of your men being wounded, no doubt great numbers of the enemy must have been killed and wounded.
It is truly wonderful, that you, whose pen was employed in describing, in the Futhûl’ Mûjâhideen, the mode of making war in a close and woody country, should, at the moment of your being yourself engaged in conducting a similar warfare, have forgotten the rules there laid down. If you had carried on your operations according to those rules, you would never have sustained the loss you have done.(5)
With respect to your reiterated representations of the expediency of our repairing, in person, to that quarter, we answer, that (God willing) we shall shortly arrive there with an inconsiderable force, with which we trust we shall be enabled utterly to kill and destroy the enemy.
Now that you are about to proceed with grain, and other supplies, to Zuferâbâd, be mindful to regulate your march according to the rules laid down in the Futhûl’ Mûjâhideen for operations in a close country; and to conduct the convoy, with circumspection, to its destination.
It may be inferred, from the foregoing dispatch, that Zynûl Aabideen had received rather a serious check from the Koorgs. This conjecture derives the more support, from the circumstance of the Sultan’s judging it necessary to proceed in person against the insurgents. I have, at this time, no means of ascertaining what force he actually took with him on this occasion; but though he affected to make so light of the business, it is not probable that he would put any thing to hazard, by proceeding against such a determined enemy with a very inconsiderable force. I am ignorant of the sequel of Zynûl Aabideen’s history. It is, however, probable, that the Sultan did not again entrust him with the management of the sword, but confined him, for the future, to the exercise of his pen.
It seems impossible, that any thing, like that nice sense of honour which usually distinguishes persons of a liberal education, and particularly those of the military profession, should have existed in an army (or indeed in any other branch of a government) the superior officers of which were accustomed to be addressed by their sovereign in such coarse and degrading language, as that adopted by Tippoo Sultan in expressing his occasional disapprobation of their conduct; accordingly, few, if any, men of superior birth or elevated sentiments were ever known to have appeared amongst the higher classes of his subjects. These classes, in fact, were almost exclusively composed of persons of humble origin, and mere adventurers; who having been trained in implicit submission to the will of a cruel and unprincipled tyrant, could not be expected to exhibit any portion of that loftiness of spirit or generosity of disposition, which still adorn many of the genuine descendants of the ancient nobility of the Moghul empire; and would still make them spurn at any action, by whomsoever commanded, which they thought incompatible with their habitual notions of honour, or with the obligations of family pride. It was not so with the nobles (if nobles they might be called) of Tippoo Sultan’s court. They were, on all occasions, the passive instruments of the irmaster; at whose nod they were used to murder, betray, and pillage, certainly without remonstrance, and, most probably, equally without repugnance.
But however deficient this order of men may have been in the species of spirit and honor which we have been considering, they would not appear to have been wanting in fidelity to his government, not to say attachment to his person. With this last sentiment, it was not, perhaps, in the nature of things, that a man of his harsh and unconciliating disposition should he capable of inspiring them:(6) but their general character of loyalty must be allowed to have been unimpeachable. To what degree this adherence to him might proceed from a real sense of duty and gratitude, is a question not easy of decision. No doubt, some of his principal servants might have been, and probably were, influenced by such motives: yet, I confess, I am of opinion, that it was owing less to considerations of this kind, than to the precautions adopted by the Sultan for its prevention, that so few instances of defection occurred among them, during the different wars in which he was engaged. It was his practice to oblige all the chief officers of state, and others holding employments of material trust, to fix the residence of their families permanently in Seringapatam; from whence their removal, without his knowledge and concurrence, became impossible. This expedient may be easily conceived to have had the effect of confirming the fidelity of many, who might otherwise have been prompted, by discontent, or other reasons, to quit Mysore. But if this miserable policy answered the Sultan’s immediate purpose, it also promoted one, which he little contemplated at the period of its adoption. The final conquest and settlement of Tippoo Sultan’s dominions by the English, was facilitated by nothing so much, as the circumstance of the families of most of the principal men of the country having fallen into their hands, along with the fortress of Seringapatam.
DESIRING him to repair with his army, as expeditiously as possible, to the Presence: and signifying, that the design of reducing Adoni was dropped.
This dispatch was not in my recollection, at the time of my writing my observations on Letter XCII, or I should have been inclined to refer the weighty enterprize, there spoken of by the Sultan, to a meditated attack upon Adoni, with more confidence than I then thought it right to do. It now clearly appears, that this enterprize had certainly been in his contemplation, previously to the date of the foregoing letter, and very probably as far back as the end of July. Why the attempt was dropped at this time, cannot now be satisfactorily shown: but it is not improbable, that the necessity which arose, for his directing his attention to the Koorg quarter, might have obliged the Sultan to suspend the execution of his purpose for some time longer.
ANNOUNCING to him the intended arrival of the Sultan, in person, [at Zuferâbâd], after the festival of Zilhijjeh; but desiring that the circumstance should not be made public.
WHAT you write, on the subject of having made up and delivered new flags and banners to your people, is understood and approved. You and Noor Mahommed Khân must reside together in the same place, and display your zeal in our service on all occasions. What more? You must see, that your men regularly perform their exercise, but without using gunpowder.
This letter is nearly a transcript of letter CXXXIII, written only four days before. Other instances of the like repetition occur in the course of this correspondence.
The injunction against expending powder on the field days of the escort, may have proceeded either from an economical motive, or from an apprehension that the use of it, in the city of Poonah, might have given umbrage to the Mahrattahs. There can be little doubt, that this would have been the consequence of such a military display, in the present humour of that government: and as, notwithstanding all his orders to the contrary, it is very certain that he wished his agents to remain at Poonah, it behoved him the more to beware of furnishing the ruling power there with any fresh ground of complaint or irritation.
DIRECTING him again(1) to remove with his army into the Kittoor country, and to report to the Sultan the state of affairs in that quarter Telling him, also, that after receiving an order from the Presence, he must be careful to act in conformity with it.
The concluding sentence of the foregoing abridged dispatch is somewhat ambiguously expressed in the original. It might either have been meant as a rebuke, for the general’s not having marched to Kittoor, in pursuance of the former orders for that purpose; or it may have signified, that he was to be prepared to execute such future directions as the Sultan might send him immediately upon the receipt of the same, (contemplating, probably, the subsequent orders of the subject of Kitloor.)(1) I incline to prefer the latter interpretation.
THE Governor of Madras has written to us, “that, agreeably to our “desire, he has sent strict orders to the Taalûkdârs of Sâtghur not to “afford protection to the Zemindâr of Punganoor, or to any people “of the latter district.” We therefore direct, that you give no disturbance to the country of the English, but pursue the business you have been sent upon. You will be speedily joined by the Sipahdâr, Imâm Khân, who has been sent with his Kushoon to reinforce you.
The Sultan would appear to have been put into better humour than usual with the English, by the ready compliance of the government of Fort St. George with the application he had made to it, respecting the Zemindâr of Punganoor. He drops, in the present letter, the disrespectful appellation of Fringy, and (grounding his order, as it were,(1) on the British governor’s amicable conduct) directs Mâh Mirzâ Khân not to give any disturbance to the English territory. It will be recollected, however, that the same order was issued to this officer, on his first appointment to proceed against Oalpilly. (See Letter CXIX.)
YOU will put into [or enroll in the corps of] Usud-Ilhyes, as many Hindoos, male and female, as are willing, of their own accord, to enter into the same: and you will then transmit a return of them to us, it being our intention to augment their pay.
Whether the Usud-Ilhyes, here mentioned, were a distinct body from the Ahmedies, spoken of in Letter XLII, or whether this was only another appellation for the latter corps, I am unable to say. I rather think, however, that they were separate institutions; but that both were military, and both composed of proselytes to the Mahommedan faith, though of different descriptions. It is true, that there is nothing distinctly said of the conversion of the Hindoos, mentioned in the text, to Islâmism: but I think the context, as well as the name given them, sufficiently shows, that their embracing the Mahommedan religion, was a necessary condition of their incorporation with the Usud-Ilhyes. This term signifies the Divine Lion, or the Lion of God, and was one of the appellations bestowed on Ali. It has been already seen, that Tippoo sometimes designated his own state, or country, by this name; calling it, occasionally, the Sircar Ussud-Ilhye; as well as Ahmedy, Hydery, and Khodâdâd.
It has struck me as possible, that the Ahmedies might have consisted exclusively of Christian converts (including the native Christians of Malabar or Canara), and the Usud-Ilhyes of Hindoo proselytes only. It will be easy for any of my Indian readers to ascertain what grounds there are for this conjecture.
With respect to the order for enrolling women among the Usud-Ilhyes, I conclude that it referred to the wives of such men as might qualify themselves for admission into the corps: but why they should have been enrolled, as if constituting part of the corps, it is not easy to comprehend. No one ever heard, I believe, of a female regiment in the service of Tippoo Sultan; though it is a certain fact, that the late Nizâm had a body guard composed of women, armed with muskets, and partly clothed in the manner of Sepoys.
THAT which is contained in our instructions, respecting the transactions of the Surrâfs [or money-brokers,] is to be considered as an absolute [or irrevocable] decree,(1) according to which you must act in all matters, great or small.(2)
DESIRING him to send back to Madras [i. e. to dismiss] the Brahmen news-writer residing at Pondicherry [on the part either of the Nabob of Arcot, or the English government]; and signifying the Sultan’s wish, to purchase [at Pondicherry] seven or eight thousand firelocks.
The objection taken by the Sultan to the residence of a news-writer from Madras at Pondicherry, could proceed only from an anxiety to prevent the English Government from obtaining information, from the latter place, of the correspondence he was at this time carrying on with the French. If such an application, as the one here recorded, had come to the knowledge of the British government at the period it was made, it would certainly have justified, and probably have led to, the gravest suspicions of the Sultan’s designs. Yet it would not appear, that any doubts were entertained, at the period in question, of his disposition to maintain the peace, which he had not long before concluded with us.
I have no means of ascertaining, whether the Sultan’s request to the French governor, respecting the news-writer, was complied with or not. It is not, however, likely that it was; since the governor could have assigned no plausible reason for a proceeding, so unusual among friendly powers in India.
DIRECTING them to dispatch four hundred Goonies of grain to Zuferâbâd; and to leave a gun and guard(1) from each of their divisions at Hybutpoor, from whence the Sultan would bring them on, when he arrived there, which would be soon, as he had that day [viz. the 22d Zuburjudy] entered his tents, for the purpose of proceeding against the rebels.
Meer Zynûl Aabideen Shoostry, was informed, in Letter CXXXI, that Ahmed Baig had been sent to join him; so that it is probable, that he is meant by the Zynûl Aabideen, named in the title of the present letter, though the usual addition to his name, or Shoostry, has been omitted. If omitted in this instance, it may also have been omitted in the title of Letter CXVII, which see.
YOUR letter, informing us of the arrival of yourself and army near the fort of Kittoor, has been received. You must, in the first instance, send and invite the Daisye(1) of that place to an interview, and give encouraging assurances to his managing servants. You will next dispatch some rocket-men for the protection(2) of the country. After the aforesaid Daisye shall have arrived at your quarters, let the fort be occupied by a party of the Sircar’s troops.
If the reader should be at any loss to comprehend the drift of the Sultan in the preceding letter, his difficulty will be entirely removed, on a perusal of Letter CLVII.
I am ignorant of the situation of Kittoor, if I rightly read the name, which, however, is extremely doubtful; the characters, in which it is written, being susceptible of at least a dozen different readings. It may be the Kittoor of Captain Moor’s map, which is placed north-west of Dhârwâr, about twenty miles. The Polygar, or Zemindâr, of Kittoor, is mentioned in the tenth article of the treaty of Poonah (concluded between the British government and the Mahrattahs, in June 1790) as one of those feudatories, dependent, at the same time, both on the courts of Poonah and Hyderabad. It is very possible, that he might also have been among the tributaries of Tippoo Sultan; as the Nabob of Shâhnoor certainly was, though declared in the treaty, just referred to, to be “subject to service with both “the Nizâm and the Paishwa.
[After compliments] ........ A Dow, the property of Rutn Jee and Jeewun Doss, merchants of Muscat, having in these days [i. e. lately] been dismasted in a storm, came into Byte-Koal,(1) a sea-port, belonging to the Sircar. Although, in such cases, it is customary for the prince, or ruler of the place, where a ship happens to be wrecked, to take possession of it, and whatever it contains; yet, as there is no distinction between the country of the Sircar and Muscat, and as the above mentioned merchants declared themselves to be your subjects, the vessel in question, together with all the stores contained in it, has been restored to the aforesaid merchants, and is, accordingly, now dispatched to you, along with this friendly epistle. For the rest, peace be with you.
The word, which I have rendered wrecked, is in the original
AGREEABLY to your suggestion, we have written to Bûrhânûddeen, desiring him, in the event of the hat-wearer,(1) Monsieur Tuviâs,(2) passing over to our army from the forces under Kishn Pundit, to advance the aforesaid [hat-wearer] something to defray his expences [on the road], and dispatch him to the Presence.
N. B. A letter, of the same tenor and date, was written to Bûrhânûddeen.
The person here spoken of was probably some French adventurer in the Mahrattah service, who may have made overtures to the Mysore envoys at Poonah for deserting to their master, or may have been tampered with by them for that purpose.
Kishn Râo, I believe, commanded the division of the Mahrattah army, which passing the river Kishna, had advanced, towards the end of February of this year (1785), with the ostensible view of supporting the Zemindâr of Nergûnd; but which would appear to have very soon retired again, leaving Bûrhânûddeen at liberty to resume the siege of that place, and subsequently to reduce both it and Ramdoorg, as well as to seize upon Kittoor, without offering him any interruption. I am unable to account for the apparent inactivity of the Mahrattahs during so many months. They were, probably, waiting to concert a plan of operations with the Nizâm. In the mean while, the Sultan seems to have contented himself with acting on the defensive. It was not, accordingly, till the month of October in the following year (1786), that the main armies of the contending powers could be said to have come into contact with each other, or to have entered upon offensive operations, on a large or general scale. What had preceded, was considered mere skirmishing; and, indeed, Tippoo himself appears, in his Memoirs (as will hereafter be seen), to have dated the actual commencement of the present war, from the period when the Mahrattahs, in conjunction with the Nizâm, proceeded to the attack of Bâdâmy.
YOUR agreeable letter has been received. You write, “that you have “discharged to the amount of eighteen lacks of rupees [of our claim “upon you] by bankers’ accepted bills, and request that we will either “excuse you the remaining eight lacks [due to us] or allow the payment “of it to be postponed to next year.”
It is known. A statement of the sums, of which that friend was, through his own negligence, defrauded by his servants, specifying the amount of each individual’s malversations, was submitted to him. Where, then, was the difficulty of making the several plunderers refund their plunder, and of paying the same to us [in discharge of our claims]? We desire you will also raise the remaining eight lacks of rupees, and transmit the amount, in bankers’ bills, by the hands of our bankers, whom we wish you to send back to us immediately.(1)
DISPATCH to Nursia, the Dewân of Nugr, one lack of pagodas, on account of annual Paishcush for the year Jullo, (1*) and take his receipt for the same.
The year Jullo had still more than four months to run; consequently, so far from granting Abdûl Hukeem any indulgence of the kind he had solicited, the Sultan appears determined to make him pay his Paishcush in advance, or, at least, before it was fairly due.
The style of Letter CL was tolerably civil: that of the present letter (written only the day after) is abrupt, and rudely peremptory. I cannot account for so sudden and striking a change in the Sultan’s mode of address in any other manner, than by supposing that he might, in the interval (though only a single day), have received some information, tending to excite a suspicion of Abdûl Hakeem’s attachment to the Mahrattah interests; which that chieftain certainly not long after embraced openly, though, probably, driven to do so by the rigorous proceedings of his relative.
ORDERING the Hydery and Kuntarâey fanams to be put in circulation, throughout all the districts depending on Bangalore.
To the same effect as the preceding letter; with this addition, viz. “that no other but the Kuntarâey and Hydery fanams shall be allowed “to pass current”
DIRECTING him not to dispose, hastily or immediately, of the black pepper and sandal wood [in his charge], but to wait till they had attained a desirable price. [Literally, “till the selling price of them “equalled his heart’s desire.”]
N.B. The Sultan, not thinking, perhaps, the preceding orders sufficiently explicit, repeated them two days after, in Letter CLVI.
JUZEERAH DIRÂZ [or Long Island] is in that quarter.(1) Silk-worms and their eggs are produced there. We wish you to procure some of both, and to dispatch them to us, together with five or six men, acquainted with the proper mode of rearing them.
We direct, that such of our vessels as import at Muscat be unloaded in two days; and that their export lading of sulphur, lead, copper, &c., be also completed in two days, and the vessels dispatched to Mangalore. If more than four days be consumed in lading and unlading the vessels, you shall be responsible for the extra expence [that may be incurred in consequence]. You must regularly report to us the day each vessel arrives at Muscat, and also the day on which it is dispatched from thence.
N.B. A separate letter to the same person, and of the same date, directs him to engage as servants, and dispatch to Mangalore, ten persons experienced in the pearl fishery.
The Sultan’s distrust of the integrity or diligence of his agent is here strongly manifested; as is also his own want of reflection, in attempting to regulate, with such strictness and precision, the business of loading and unloading vessels, which must necessarily have depended, in a great degree, on the state of the weather and other circumstances, which it might not be in the power of the consul to controul.
The Sultan’s anxiety to establish a pearl fishery on the Coast of Malabar, as well as to introduce the culture of the silk-worm into his dominions, appears to have been very considerable; but I believe that he failed entirely in both attempts.
YOU must not be in haste to dispose of the cinnamon, sandal wood, black pepper, and rice, imported at Muscat from Mangalore and Khooshhâlpoor. Keep them carefully, till they become dear, and will yield a [good] profit, and then sell them.
WE sometime since wrote, to desire that possession might be obtained of the fort of Kittoor. You must (no matter by what contrivance or pretext) get possession of it for the Sircar. If some degree of violence even should be requisite for the purpose, let it be employed: and let the present be considered as a most urgent injunction.
N.B. Two letters, to the same effect as the foregoing one, were written to Syed Humeed and Syed Ghuffâr, both of them belonging to Bûrhânûddeen’s army.
YOUR letter has been received. Keeping a strict watch(1) upon Luchmun Râo, the brother of Sumâjee Pundit,(2) you must encamp with your army within gunshot of the fort of Kittoor, and send for the Daisye and Sumâjee Pundit. If they should come [to you] it will be well; otherwise you must, with the advice of Syed Humeed and Syed Ghuffâr, contrive, by some means or other,(3) to obtain possession of the said fortress for the Sircar.
HAVING ascertained in what part of that country saffron is cultivated,(1*) engage two persons in our service, and send them thither to purchase one or two maunds(2*) of the seed, which [when procured] is to be dispatched to us. You must also procure silk-worms, and send them hither, together with some men acquainted with the mode of managing them, to whom you will make an advance of money for their support.
N.B. A letter, to the same effect, was written to the Dulâl (or public broker) at Muscat.
YOU are to buy yearly, and send to the Aumil of Mangalore, a hundred Utls(1) of almonds, and thirty Utls of pistachio-nuts.
You have still [on hand], of former importations, both Sandal wood and black pepper: you will now receive more of each. This stock you must not [immediately] expose to sale; but give out, that you have received our orders to discontinue the sale thereof [at Muscat], and to dispatch it to Juddah (where also we have a factory), and that you are, in consequence, about to do so. Having circulated this report, you must keep the goods by you, till the price of them advances twenty-five or thirty pagodas [the candy,] when you will sell them [without further delay].
YOU have done well in making prisoners of the turbulent and seditious, including Kurry-tummah,(1*) with their women and children. These last must be detained. With respect to Kurry-tummah, if he be one of the insurgents he must be suspended on a tree.
[A verse.] “The head of an enemy is best when hurled from the “point of a javelin: as a path-way is best, from whence the bramble “has been rooted out.”
After properly securing the passes, you must proceed, with your collected force, in quest of the rebels, making prisoners of as many of them as possible. We some time ago wrote to you, desiring you would contrive some means of getting possession of the person of Moona Kool;(2) and we now again write, to say that he must be secured, by stratagem or deeeit. Let a roll, moreover, of the number of men and women already made captives, be transmitted to us.
The foregoing letter commences with three or four words, of which I am not
able to make any sense. The transcriber may, probably, have miswritten them.
They appear thus in my manuscript:
With respect to the Kurry-tummah (as I have written it) mentioned in this letter, I am not clear whether it is the proper name of an individual, or an official designation. However this may be, it seems extraordinary that the Sultan should be under any uncertainty with regard to his being one of the seditious, or insurgents; a doubt of which would seem to be implied, by the qualifying word, if. The meaning, however, might be, that if Budrûz Zumân Khân had any reason to believe him to have been particularly forward or active in the insurrection, he was, in that case, to be hanged.
Budrûz Zumân Khân was one of the principal men at the court of Tippoo Sultan, and seems to have possessed the confidence and esteem of his master in a considerable degree.(3) He commanded at Dhârwâr, when that place was besieged by the united English and Mahrattah forces, in 1791; and though it appears, by the correspondence of that period, that the Sultan was not perfectly satisfied with his defence of that place, yet it may be inferred, from subsequent events, that no permanent impression to his disadvantage was produced on the occasion. Budrûz Zumân Khân, and his son, Mirza Bâkir, were among the chiefs of Mysore who survived their sovereign; and who, submitting to the British authority, were liberally pensioned by the Company’s government.
We have, in the present letter, another example of the flagitious policy which the Sultan was, at all times, ready to pursue, for the accomplishment of his views. Provided Moona Kool was seized, he did not care by what atrocity that object was effected.
WRITE a letter to Moona Kool, inviting him to come to you, and then seize upon his person.
WE have lately learned from Khâjeh ———, “that you have it in contemplation to come, with ships laden with merchandize, to our ports, “for the purpose of trading; and that you wish to sail under English “or Portuguese colours, and to obtain our special license(2) for these “purposes.” We highly approve of your intention, and desire you will repair, in the utmost confidence, with your merchandize, either to the port of Mangalore or to the port of Calicut; where landing your goods, you shall, in the first instance, supply us, at a fair price, with such articles as we may want, after which you shall be at liberty to sell the remainder at your pleasure, and to take your departure when you like.
We have accordingly written, and herewith enclose, two Purwânehs to the above effect: one of them to Urshud Baig Khân, the Foujdâr of Calicut, and the other to Ghûlâm Hyder, the Aumil of Mangalore; to either of which ports you may resort, as you shall think proper.
N.B. Then follow the two Purwânehs, referred to in the foregoing letter. In these, the Sultan directs an invoice, or list, of the goods imported, to be transmitted to him on the arrival of the ships; in order that he may signify his pleasure respecting the articles which he may wish to purchase, previously to a free and general sale of the cargoes taking place. It does not appear by the subsequent correspondence, whether or not the merchants, in question, thought proper to open a trade with Mysore, on the discouraging condition stipulated by the Sultan.