Letters - Select Letters of Tippoo Sulṭān (Kirkpatrick)

NOTWITHSTANDING that, owing to various causes, it has so happened, that no epistolary correspondence has hitherto taken place between us, yet having, at this time, heard from the lips⁽¹⁾ of Bâl Mukn Doss, of your highness’s⁽²⁾ laudable qualities, and [particularly] of your courteousness, eminent courage, and political knowledge; my friendly mind⁽³⁾ has derived therefrom the highest satisfaction and most abundant delight. Hence, agreeably to [the saying], “that all true believers are “brethren,” the fervor of religious affection⁽⁴⁾ has moved me [to the present attempt] to form an intimate and amicable connexion [with you].

The manner in which your friend [or I] punished the Nazarenes is so well known as not to require any [further] statement. No doubt you must have learned all the details [thereof] from common report.⁽⁵⁾ I am now employed in chastising certain Musulman rulers; who, engaging in measures contrary to the rules of Islâm [or the institutes of the faith], are become the allies and supporters of the reprobate⁽⁶⁾ infidels. In consequence hereof, I have lately caused to be drawn up and dispatched to all quarters, an abstract of God’s ordinances, and of the commands of his Prophet [on this article]; of which a copy is enclosed for your perusal. It is requisite, for the support of [our] religion, that all Musulmans should unite together; and, considering the annihilation of infidels as a sacred duty, labour, to the utmost of their power, to accomplish that object: to the end that the Ahmedy faith may, day by day, acquire fresh lustre; that the weakness of the empire of Hindostan may be changed for efficient dominion and power; that the abominations of the wicked may find neither habitation nor retreat⁽⁷⁾ within the kingdoms of his Majesty (the Shadow of the Divinity), who is the chief of the vicegerents of Mahommed; and [finally] that the rulers of Islâm may not be put to the blush⁽⁸⁾ before the holy Prophet, on whom be the peace and blessing of God!

In token of my cordial regard [for you], I have written to Moal Chund and Soojân Râe, desiring them to deliver you a [complimentary] dress, which you must do me the pleasure to accept. You must, likewise, constantly make me happy, by the receipt of your delightful epistles.

WE have received your letter, representing, “that if of the two “Dufturs,⁽¹⁾ attached to the Ehshâm Kuchurry, one be transferred to “the Dewân Kuchurry, the consequence must be, that while the accounts of the latter department cannot be completely and properly “kept [with such incompetent assistance], neither can the business of “the former be rightly managed [by the remaining one].” It is known. Whatever is written in your Hûkm-nâmeh [or instructions], do you act conformably thereto. Too much self-conceit is needless.⁽²⁾

NOBLE-MINDED and elevated in rank,⁽¹⁾ of powerful and exalted degree,⁽²⁾ chief⁽³⁾ of the sovereigns of the realms of Europe, and eminent among rulers, the peace of Almighty God be with you!

After presenting the customary compliments of regard and affection, and [after tendering] the due observances of friendship and union, it is made known to your odoriferous [or noble] mind.⁽⁴⁾

Some time since two letters, with Khilaats [or dresses], were forwarded [to you], by [the hands of] Monsieur Souriac,⁽⁵⁾ which, no doubt, have been received. After that, Ghûlâm Ali Khân, Lûtf Ali Khân, and other Sirdars [or commanders] of the Sircar,⁽⁶⁾ were dispatched in the ship..........,⁽⁷⁾ with letters and rarities, by the way of Bussorah, to that [personage] of noble rank, [at whose court] they will [in due time] safely arrive.

At this time I have learned, from the communication of Monsieur Cossigny,⁽⁸⁾ the Governor of Pondicherry, that that kind friend has written to him, directing him to settle the accounts of the advances of money made by the Sircar [i. e. me], for defraying the expences of the troops belonging to you, which were under the command of Messieurs Du Chemin and Souffrein, and of Monsieur Bussy; and [having done so] to repay the amount to the Sircar [or to me]. This circumstance has occasioned me the utmost surprise.⁽⁹⁾ It was purely from motives of regard, and a desire to improve the friendship subsisting of old between us, that I sent to the Mauritius for the troops of that friend, and expended crores [of money], and sacrificed lacks of my people, in the course of five years that I was engaged in chastising the English; whom, at last, I was on the point of expelling from this country [or India]. During this period, the English repeatedly made overtures of peace to me; to which, however, I would not agree, returning [always] for answer, that I would make no peace, excepting in concert with the French, and never separately. Notwithstanding this,⁽¹⁰⁾ Monsieur Bussy, the commander of the forces of that [personage of] noble rank, did, without my knowledge, conclude a peace [with the enemy]. The fact is known to every Frenchman in this country [i. e. India]. Thus I incurred all these expences, and made all these exertions, for the purpose of increasing our mutual friendship and renown;⁽¹¹⁾ and if such be still the desire of that friend, his enemy shall [again], if it please God the most high, be signally chastised.

A double-barrelled gun, made in the arsenal⁽¹²⁾ of the Sircar, together with an embroidered dress, is sent for that [personage of] noble rank, and will arrive⁽¹³⁾ [in due season].

I⁽¹⁴⁾ frequently indulge an inclination for the arts,⁽¹⁵⁾ and am fond of collecting artists together [or about me]: if [therefore] that friend, out of his ancient regard, would dispatch [to me] some persons skilled in every art, I should esteem it as [a proof of] the most perfect friendship.

Ghûlâm Ali Khân, and the other Sirdars, will arrive [at your court] in due season;⁽¹⁶⁾ and it is in my mind to dispatch another confidential person, on one of that friend’s ships. If, therefore, you will write orders on this subject [or to this effect], to your [different] governors,⁽¹⁷⁾ another confidential person shall be deputed on one of that friend’s ships.

Exclusively of the gross impropriety of designating the King of France by the title of Râjah (on which I have already had occasion to animadvert) it may be observed of the present letter, that it is extremely deficient in the forms of respect and complimentary phraseology, invariably observed in the correspondence between Eastern princes. Of the justice of this remark, the Oriental reader will be sufficiently satisfied by its general style and contexture, as preserved in the translation, which I have made as literal as I could. The expression of “that “friend,” is, in particular, extremely exceptionable in an address to a crowned head, as being too familiar and common. Neither is the “Ulkâb,” or address, free from objection, since the phrases of “of noble rank,” “of powerful degree,” &c. are very usually applied, not only to dependent or subordinate chieftains and rulers, but even to distinguished servants of a certain class. Thus Tippoo himself occasionally addresses one of his Sirdars by the style of “of pompous or magnificent degree;” another, by that of “of powerful degree,” &c.

These deficiencies cannot, I think, be reasonably attributed to ignorance; since it would be difficult to believe, that there was not a Mûnshy, or secretary, or other literary person, at the court of the Sultan, of sufficient learning to frame a letter, in a proper style, to a monarch of the rank and consideration of Louis XVIth. It is much more probable, that the Sultan himself dictated, or drafted, this epistle; and that, in doing so, he permitted the same spirit of animosity and aversion towards all the professors of Christianity, which led him to bestow the degrading title of Râjah on his royal correspondent, to regulate its general construction. It is also possible, that he might, on the present occasion, have been actuated, in some degree, by the notion, that his own importance was raised, in proportion as that of the French monarch was lowered: a notion which, in fact, has given rise to the well-known practice at Eastern courts, of taking every opportunity of assuming what may be called a technical superiority, in their epistolary intercourse with each other. But it is not in the style of their letters, alone, that they exercise this sort of address, and labor to obtain this paltry species of advantage, though the nice and numerous distinctions of language, depending on the gradations of rank, are more particularly favorable to the attempt. It is pursued, with equal industry and perseverance, in the presentation of complimentary gifts, and in the performance of visits of ceremony.

It may appear strange, that the Sultan should, for the gratificationof his spleen or his pride, have run the hazard of giving offence, by this proceeding, to a prince with whom, if it was not his real interest, it was, at least, his apparent wish, to establish an intimate political connection. But Tippoo was not accustomed to look deeply into any subject; he was content to view things superficially: and hence it is probable, that it never occurred to him, that there was any danger of the disparaging style of the letter being detected in France; and that, even if any exception had been made to it, he would not have found it difficult to satisfy his royal correspondent, that no slight, or disrespect, to him, had been intended. In the meanwhile, his importance would be magnified in the eyes of those, among his own subjects, who should be admitted to a knowledge of the letter in question.

Judging by the context of the fourth paragraph, and especially by the words, “this circumstance has occasioned me the utmost surprize,” it might almost be inferred, that the proposal of the French King, to reimburse Tippoo for the advances which the latter had made, for the use of the French forces, during the second war in the Carnatic, proved offensive to the Sultan, and that the payment, thus honourably tendered, was actually declined. What the fact was, I do not possess the means of ascertaining, for none of the documents found at Seringapatam (at least to my knowledge) throw any light upon the subject. I incline to believe, however, that the offer of the French government to liquidate its debt was not accepted, and that the Sultan was led to the adoption of this liberal proceeding, by the hope that it might conduce, with other motives, to make the French monarch consent the more readily to the renewal of hostilities against the English in India; an object which, as is abundantly shown by the foregoing letter, the writer had very much at heart at this time. His wishes on the subject were, no doubt, more fully stated through Ghûlâm Ali Khân and the other embassadors, dispatched to France by the way of Constantinople, as well as by those whom he sent thither by sea, subsequently to the date of the present letter; towards the close of which he intimates his having the latter deputation in contemplation. Fortunately, perhaps, for the British interests in India, these invitations to a new effort for their destruction arrived in France, when that nation was no longer able, however willing it might have been, to enter into the Sultan’s views.

It must be acknowledged, that the Sultan complains, in this letter, of his desertion by the French, in the year 1783, in terms sufficiently moderate. He, however, indulges his natural resentment, on the occasion, more freely in his Memoirs; where, in his account of the siege of Mangalore, he thus expresses himself on the subject:

“Carrying on a mine by a double shaft to the foot of the wall, I only waited “the proper moment for springing it. I had also erected a battery opposite to “the gate, and on the edge of the ditch, in so elevated a situation, that not being “able to stand the fire of musquetry and cannon, which was kept up from it, not “a single Nazarene dared to appear on the walls or bastions of the fort. Thus “circumstanced, the Nazarenes demanded a capitulation, and were disputing “respecting the article of delivering up their arms, when letters reached me from “Cuddalore, written by the worthless commander⁽¹⁸⁾ of the French, and by Meer “Moaayenûddeen, whom I had left at the head of a division of my army to assist “the aforesaid worthless commander. These dispatches purported, ‘that in a single “[or in the only] action⁽¹⁹⁾ which had taken place between the French and English “before the fort of Cuddalore, the former, to the amount of five thousand men, “had been defeated, with the loss of fifty guns; in consequence of which they “had been compelled to flee, and shut themselves up within the fort: that the “army of the Sircar, though placed at the disposal of the French for their “assistance, had not been required to join them upon this occasion, but were “left standing⁽²⁰⁾ four or five coss in the rear of the English: that the second “day following this defeat, the English had sent into the fort of Cuddalore a “letter of peace⁽²¹⁾ from the French Râjah: that Bussy, the worthless commander “of the French, who was very old (being eighty or ninety years of age), “and being in his dotage, had lost his wits (at least, two-thirds of them),⁽²²⁾ “‘immediately at sight of his Rajah’s letter of peace complied with its contents: “and that, finally, the two accursed ones had discontinued hostilities, and “concluded an accommodation.’

“These advices were accompanied by an order from the worthless French commander to Cossigny,⁽²³⁾ who was, at this time, at the head of three-hundred “French Fringies, serving immediately with myself, directing him and his party “to leave me, and repair to [Cuddalore]. At the same time, several Nazarenes, “who had served during twenty years with the Usud-Ilhye army, quitting me “without any notice, at the instigation [or hint] of the accursed and worthless “commander, set out with the rest. It was to no purpose that I remonstrated on “the occasion with Cossigny, and the faithless set so long in the employ of the “Sircar. Nay, they were ripe for sedition [or treachery].⁽²⁴⁾ No doubt, there “would have been but little difficulty in putting Cossigny and his companions to “death; but, inasmuch as they had eaten [my] salt, I did not think proper to “act by them⁽²⁵⁾ in that manner.

“Two days after this, the aforesaid Nazarenes, procuring passports from the “English, and supplying themselves with some few necessaries, set out from “Kûriâl [Mangalore] for Mahe, a sea-port belonging to the French, which they “reached in five or six days. They left behind them in their camp about a “hundred sick, whom I furnished with provisions, and embarked on a ship, which “conveyed them to the place of those accursed ones (i. e. Mahe).”

The Sultan then proceeds to state, that disregarding the ungrateful and perfidious conduct of the French, he determined to add to the obligations they already owed him, by consenting, at the instance of their worthless commander, Bussy, to make peace with the English: and that, in consequence hereof, he discontinued the war in the Carnatic, and relinquished his design upon Mangalore, at the moment that he was about to reduce the place; contrary to the advice of his Sirdars, who strongly urged him [to prosecute the siege and] to put the garrison to the sword.

The circumstance of the Sultan’s sending a double-barrelled gun in a present to Louis XVI is worthy of notice; because it strongly marks his desire to impress the French monarch with a high opinion of the military establishments and resources of his country.

This letter, it will be observed, places, beyond all doubt, the fact of the ostensible mission of Ghûlâm Ali Khân to Constantinople having been actually destined for the court of France: and it may hence be safely inferred, that the preceding deputation of Othman Khân to the Sublime Porte was, in like manner, originally intended to proceed to Paris, whatever was the reason of that object’s being afterwards relinquished. The same Othman Khân made one of the subsequent embassy announced in the present letter, and finally sent to France, in 1787

WE have received the letter you sent us by Pierre Monneron, requesting that we would cause an account to be drawn up, and delivered to him, of the advances made by us, whether of money or general supplies,⁽²⁾ to Monsieur du Chemin, Monsieur Suffrein, and Monsieur Bussy, in order that you might, in pursuance of your Râjah’s commands, discharge the amount.

We have long⁽³⁾ entertained the most cordial regard for the Râjah of the French, whose honor we have always considered as our own. Accordingly, during a period of five years, we expended crores of rupees,⁽⁴⁾ and lost lacks⁽⁵⁾ of men; proposing, by these sacrifices and this labor, nothing else but the increase of our mutual friendship and renown. God pleasing, we will, hereafter [or still], make the most strenuous efforts for the same purposes.

The five hundred musquets, which you sent us by the way of Nuzr,⁽⁶⁾ are arrived; and, in consideration of our friendship for the Râjah of the French, and of your good will⁽⁷⁾ towards us, they are accepted.

Some time since we dispatched Ghûlâm Ali Khân, Lûtf Ali Khân, and others of our principal officers, (charged with several rarities, and an elephant with a silver canopy) to the French Râjah. They will proceed, by the route of Juddah,⁽⁸⁾ to Constantinople, and from the latter place to France. We are about to send another deputation, consisting of certain persons of rank, and also charged with presents. These embassadors will, in the first instance, proceed to Pondicherry, from whence it is our request that you will send them by sea to France, accompanied by Pierre Monneron.

Agreeably to the representation of the above named [i. e. Monsieur Monneron] we have written and enclose an order to the Taalûkdâr of Calicut, commanding that no molestation be given to the villages depending on Mahé. We have likewise instructed the Taalûkdâr of Selim to attend strictly to such passports, written in the French and Arwi languages, and having your signature to them, as you may grant. These passports, besides the names of the merchants receiving them, must specify the number of the bullocks [laden]. Let your passports be regularly made out in the foregoing manner.

Certain secret particulars, of a nature conducive to the interests of the French Râjah, have been stated to Pierre Monneron, who will communicate them to you. A dress and a horse⁽⁹⁾ have been sent to you, in token of our friendship.

Of Pierre Monneron, I am unable to give any other account, than that he was a French merchant, employed either by the Governor of the Isle of France, or by the Governor of Pondicherry, in the transactions which took place, about this time, between Tippoo and the French nation. He appears, on the present occasion, to have had a personal interview with the Sultan.

Notwithstanding the proposed embassy by sea is thus early announced, it did not actually proceed from Pondicherry, according to Major Stewart, till the month of July in the following year (1787); that is to say, about eleven months after the date of the present letter.

To the DÂROGHAS of the JINSY (probably SHUMSÛDDEEN KHÂN and GHÛLÂM HYDER); dated from HEMSÂGUR,⁽¹⁾ 6th HÂSHIMY. (7th August.)

DIRECTING them to dispatch ten copies of the Mûfurrihûlkûloob. Five of them containing the work at large,⁽²⁾ and to have silver locks [or hasps]: the other five to be abridgements,⁽³⁾ without silver locks [or hasps].⁽⁴⁾

The book here mentioned is, according to Major Stewart (Catalogue of Tippoo Sultan’s library) a collection of fables, in imitation of Pilpay’s. It may be inferred, from the Sultan’s sending for so many copies of this book, that they were designed as presents. If I understand the original rightly, there must be two editions of the work in question: one containing the fables at large, or complete; the other an abridgement.

OUR special retinue is arrived at⁽¹⁾ Kurknâth, and we shall presently⁽²⁾ cross the Tungbuddra. Send some men to procure intelligence⁽³⁾ of the enemy’s army; and communicate, occasionally, to the Presence, such accounts as you may receive.

VERSED in theology and in the sciences, the peace of Almighty God be with you!

Our special retinue happening, at this time, to come into the vicinity of Kurknâth, we have dispatched Abubekr Khân, with a Dooly,^(1*) for [the conveyance of] that [person] conversant in the sciences, who must afford us the pleasure of an interview.

My information does not enable me to state, whether or not there is any Durgâh, or shrine, of particular sanctity, within the neighbourhood of Kurknâth: but it is not improbable that there is, and that Shâh Abdullâh Sâheb was the presiding priest of it. But whatever his office might be, it may be inferred, from the circumstance of the Sultan’s sending a Dooly, instead of a Palankeen, for him, that he did not hold the first rank among the order of the religious.

REDUCE the monthly wages [or pay] of Shaikh Ali; take back the bounty⁽¹⁾ of a hundred pagodas [advanced to him]; and giving the same to [or distributing it among] those who shall raise men, fill up [by this means] the vacancies in your corps.

YOU write, “that Moosa Khân, Risâladâr of Jyshe, and Abdûl “Ruheem, Kilaadâr of Soândeh, who were dispatched, for the purpose “of chastising the insurgents^(1*) of Soopah, had seized upon a place in “the possession of the latter, who had [thereupon] taken to flight.”

It is known. Ten years ago, from ten to fifteen thousand men were hung upon the trees of that district; since which time the aforesaid trees have been waiting for [or been in expectation of] more men. You must [therefore] hang upon trees all such of the inhabitants of that district, as have taken a lead in [or been at the bottom of] these rebellious proceedings.

The dreadful executions, here spoken of with so much levity by the Sultan, must refer to the time of his father, in the year 1776: but if the latter was actually guilty of the cruelty indirectly imputed to him by his son, it is more than any of his biographers (at least to my knowledge) have recorded of him. It must, however, be allowed, that it would not be easy to assign any satisfactory reason for Tippoo’s purposely exaggerating the fact in question.

YOUR letter, conveying the account of your welfare, and containing certain particulars, together with two other papers [which accompanied it], has adorned the face of arrival, and afforded me delight.

Forasmuch as the requisites⁽¹⁾ [or reciprocal duties] of union and concord are firmly established between us, how is it possible that our mutual regard should give way to estrangement and misunderstanding? That friend must, in all respects, keep his mind at perfect ease: nor imagine that, in any shape whatsover, the least diminution can take place in our friendship. With the blessing of God, your friend will presently arrive in that quarter, and apply himself to the chastisement of the enemy.⁽²⁾

This is, perhaps, the most civil of all the letters addressed to the Patan chieftain by the Sultan; who, however, as there is reason to believe, was at this very time firmly resolved upon his destruction.

YOU must send for the families of all the Aumils, who are natives⁽¹⁾ of the Payen-Ghaut, and, together with the Aumils themselves, keep them at Chittledoorg.

THERE are heavy balances [of revenue] due from the country [i. e. from your district]. These must be realised; and, with the produce, you must procure provisions for the Ahmedies from some other district.^(1*) In case you should have no assets [for the purpose], apply to Râjah Râm Chundur, who will give an assignment to the amount he may judge proper.

THE account of Gunaish Bhyroo’s arrival in hell^(1**) has been received. We [only] require the blessing of God to attend us, in order to the [speedy] removal of whatever superfluous hairs are remaining.⁽²⁾ Many such are [always] coming, and many going. The favour of God constitutes our aid and support.

I can give no account of the Gunaish Bhyroo, whose death is here so exultingly noticed by the Sultan. He may either have been an insurgent Polygar or a Mahrattah commander. If the official designation of Meer Jaafur had been given, it might have thrown some light on this point. The addition of Wuffa Khâny, which follows the proper name of this person, is, if I am not mistaken, an appellation, by which a particular tribe, or family, of Moghul descent, was distinguished.

YOU must not be in a hurry to give battle; but if the enemy should advance upon your army, you must chastise them effectually.⁽¹⁾ Our special retinue will shortly cross the Tungbuddra, and arrive at that place [i. e. will join you]. Abdûl Ahmed Khân,^(2*) together with his family, must be taken into custody, and dispatched to Nugr.

THE chastisement of the enemy’s cavalry is approved. We, too, shall shortly cross the Tungbuddra, and arrive [or join you]. What is the amount of the enemy’s forces? Mere hearsay is not entitled to credit.⁽¹⁾ You must view them with your own eyes, and report what you see, without addition or diminution. We some time ago wrote to Bûrhânûddeen, directing the punishment of the Jowkdar [or captain] of the Jyshe.

The task here assigned to Syed Ghuffâr would appear to have been no easy one. Indeed it is inconceivable, how he could execute it with the accuracy required. The difficuly would, no doubt, have been less, if he had had to estimate, by inspection, the amount of an European army, the regular array of which is favorable to such computations. But, even supposing an army, constituted like that of the Mahrattahs, to be viewed, under every possible advantage, by a distant observer, such as Syed Ghuffâr must necessarily have been, it would hardly be in his power to determine its numbers with any degree of exactness. A judgment formed, in the manner prescribed by the Sultan, would seem to be, at least, as liable to error, as one founded on the “hearsay intelligence” alluded to by him; and by which he probably meant the reports of neighbouring villagers, of casual travellers, and of the itinerant Fakeers or Jogies, who are usually permitted to pass unmolested from one army to another.⁽²⁾

Here follows in the manuscript a letter addressed to the Dâroghas of the Tosheh-khâneh, containing directions for the composition of a particular dentifrice, with which the Mahls or Harams at Seringapatam and Bangalore were to be supplied, for the use of the ladies occupying them. I am prevented from translating this curious document, by my inability to give the names of the ingredients specified, in English. Some of the composition is ordered to be sent to the Sultan.

BY the Divine favour, the passage of the Tungbuddra is effected; and in two or three days, please the Almighty, we shall summon you and your army to the Presence. Proceeding by the road of Nushapoor,⁽²⁾ and arriving in the vicinity of your camp, we shall send for you. If, in the meanwhile, any other force besides Holkar’s [as that under Hurry Pundit, &c.] should make its appearance in any considerable numbers, with a view to attacking you, you must withdraw three or four coss, and take up a position among the woods: but if a superior force should not advance against you, and Holkar’s only should present itself, you must remain where you are; and procuring constant intelligence of the enemy’s army, keep on the alert, and write regularly [of what passes] to the Presence.

Another letter appears, dated 29th Hâshimy (30th August) directed to “Bûrhânûddeen, Budr ûl Âman Khân,⁽³⁾ and the Sipahdârs,” announcing, in like manner as the preceding one, the passage of the Tungbuddra; so that either there is some mistake in the dates, or this operation must have occupied the Sultan during the period between the 23d and 29th of Hâshimy: in which case the letter of the 23d may be supposed to have been written on the passage of the van of the army, and that of the 29th when the whole of the army had crossed the river. In the latter dispatch the Sultan says, “We shall proceed from hence to-morrow or the “next day, and soon arrive with you.” And yet he would appear, by another letter, to have been still encamped on the banks of the Tungbuddra as late as the 7th of Wâsaaey (or 6th of September). Possibly, the line of his march, after crossing the river, might have been for some days in the direction of its course.

Tippoo, in his Memoirs, plumed himself considerably on the military operation in question, and, apparently, not without reason; since besides being undertaken at a time when the river was at its greatest height, it was performed, according to his account, in the face of the main body of the enemy’s army, which, nevertheless, would not seem to have offered any opposition to this bold movement. The following is the manner in which the Sultan states this occurrence:

“Marching from thence [i. e. Adoni] I arrived on the bank of the Tungbuddra. “It was now the rainy season, and the river was at a great⁽⁴⁾ height. I sent for “boats from the country of Nugr, and consulted with the commanders of the “Usud-Ilhye army on the subject of crossing [the river], when all of them stated “it to be their opinion, ‘that the attempt was on no account advisable, inasmuch “as Hurry Pundit Phurkia, and the commanders of the army of Nizâm Ali “Khân, to the amount of a hundred thousand horse, besides numberless foot “forces, were posted on the opposite side, for the purpose of preventing our “passage.’ To this they added, ‘that the river was at its greatest height; that “the rains were extremely violent; and that, as the army of the Sircar would “be obliged to cross in small bodies at a time, [it was to be feared that] the “enemy, apprized of this circumstance, would bring a heavy [i. e. superior] “force against [the divisions as they crossed].’

“Disregarding⁽⁵⁾ these opinions, and collecting all the boats together, I embarked, early in the morning of the second day [after my arrival on the banks “of the Tungbuddra], with two Kushoons, with which I crossed the river, and “took post in a favourable situation, where I caused the standards of the army to “be erected. By evening, the passage of all the remaining Kushoons, together “with their guns and stores, was accomplished. On the following day, the boats “being distributed among the cavalry, the rest of the army began to cross, “and in three or four days the whole were over. Hereafter, let whosoever “shall happen to be similarly circumstanced,⁽⁶⁾ proceed in the same manner, “viz. by first crossing the infantry in force, and afterwards the cavalry and “others.

“Hurry Pundit Phurkia, and the other commanders [of the enemy], on “hearing of the passage of our army, retired with their forces to the distance of “four coss, and encamped on the skirts of the [adjacent] hills and woods; from “whence, at the end of three or four days, they came and drew up before our “army, with their guns and other appurtenances of war, [apparently] with the “intention of offering us battle. Whereupon, giving orders to the eight Kushoons “that were with me to hold themselves in readiness [for action], I advanced, in “person, with a Kushoon of Usud-Ilhyes and another of Jyshe, towards the infidel “forces: before which movement, however, a picquet, which had been pushed “on in front, was obliged, by superior numbers of the enemy, to fall back. Just “at this moment I arrived, and opened a fire upon the enemy from some guns “and rockets, which soon made them flee in disorder.⁽⁷⁾ After an interval of “a day, the infidels once more advanced with the intention of attacking us: “when the Usud-Ilhye army met them as before,⁽⁸⁾ and they, according to “their usual practice, turned their backs, and withdrew in confusion to their “camp.⁽⁹⁾

“On the following day, about five o’clock in the afternoon, making ready three “Kushoons, and placing them under the command of Mâh Mirzâ Khân, I “directed a night assault to be made [on the enemy], and proceeded myself “with this detachment halfway towards their camp. Here I halted, keeping “with me [only] a few men and a [single] gun, for the purpose of making “signals. The Sircar’s troops [i. e. the detachment under Mâh Mirzâ Khân] “advanced; but on approaching the enemy’s army became alarmed,⁽¹⁰⁾ and “stopping short, opened a fire from their guns. I concluded, from the circumstance of my troops keeping up this cannonade, that they did not mean⁽¹¹⁾ to “advance farther [to the attack of the enemy], and therefore I fired the gun, as a “signal for them to rejoin me, which they accordingly doing, I returned with “them to our camp, which we reached the following morning.

“The next day, in order to strengthen the hearts⁽¹²⁾ of my people, I distributed “presents of horses, money, gold and silver wrist-rings, &c. to the value of near a “lack of rupees, among the officers and men of the three Kushoons, according to “their respective merits.

“The following day the Mahrattah army, with a train of artillery, came and “presented itself in order of battle before the Usud Ilhye tygers, on whom they “commenced a distant fire from two or three guns. The men of our victorious “army hereupon placing themselves in a state of preparation, received the enemy, “with the same kind of cry [or noise] that is employed to frighten [or drive “away] hogs and the like; upon hearing of which, the enemy returned shamefully by the same road they had come. After remaining another day in their “burial place,⁽¹³⁾ they marched the ensuing morning, like so many ill-omened “owls, and took up a position at the distance of eight or ten coss from their “former camp.”

The Sultan next proceeds to relate his further operations against the enemy, in the same barbarous and perplexed style, which distinguishes the narrative from whence the preceding extract has been made. Nothing, however, of any moment, or indeed very intelligible, appears, till the period of his arrival at Shânoor; when he gives an account of the general engagement which was fought in the neighbourhood of that city, and of which I will, in its proper place, present the reader with a translation.

THE list of Soandeh and other captives has been received. The aforesaid captives must be dispatched to Nugr, and [there be] incorporated with the Usud Ilhyes; to such of whom as are without wives, the females among the prisoners are to be given in marriage.

Entrenching yourself strongly,⁽¹⁾ you will remain [at all times] in readiness to co-operate with Bûrhânûddeen in the chastisement of the enemy.

ON the subject of getting four intelligent children⁽¹⁾ of the Usud Ilhye band [or body] instructed in the encomiastic Raikhtehs [or odes], otherwise called Bhât. Desiring copies of the collection of the said odes to be made from the set transmitted with the present letter, and delivered to them. Another copy to be given to Uzeemûddeen, the Taalûkdâr [or superintendant] of the dancers⁽²⁾ there [i. e. at Seringapatam], in order that the latter may teach the same to the said dancers.

Of the encomiastic odes here spoken of, I think I am in possession of a copy; for which I am indebted, as for many other interesting communications, to the kindness of my friend, Lieutenant Colonel Ogg. With the exception of the concluding distich of each ode, which is in Persian, the rest of the composition is in the Hindivy dialect, which is, indeed, denoted by the term raikhteh. These odes are ninety-six in number; and consist, on the one hand, of the most fulsome and hyperbolical praises of the Sultan, and on the other, of disparaging allusions to the English, the Mahrattahs, and the Nizâm. The style is extremely unpolished; and though I will not pretend to have given them more than a superficial and cursory perusal, or to understand perfectly all that I have read, I have no hesitation in affirming, that they are utterly destitute of every kind of poetical merit.

Of these curious compositions, which were set to music, and sung, or recited, at appointed seasons and hours of the day, the following extracts may suffice as a specimen.

“When the Rûstum-hearted king rushed forward [or charged] on the Rukhsh⁽³⁾ “of his anger, then did the hearts of the lions of Europe [i. e. the English] quake “with dread.

“The flash of his sabre struck the army of Bailey like lightning: it caused “Munro to shed tears, resembling the drops distilled from spring clouds.⁽⁴⁾

“On Lang’s heart was fixed a stain, like that of the tulip: Coote was made, “by this calamity, to lament like a hyacinth.”⁽⁵⁾

There follows here an allusion to General Matthews, who is distinctly named, the nature of which I do not comprehend. Bussy and Lally are likewise mentioned; but I am too doubtful, regarding the sense of the passage in which they are introduced, to offer a translation of it.

“When the Mahrattahs behold this army of our King, the dread thereof “causes them to flee like deer.

“The Fringy [i. e. the European] and Nizâm ûl Mûlk pass night and day “together trembling with fear of our King.

“The kingdom flourishes, and the army increases daily, through thy munificence and justice.

“The Hujjâm’s⁽⁶⁾ army flees through dread of thee, as the hunter does when “he beholds the lion.

“The Nazarenes, on contemplating from the sea shore the sagacity of our king, “forget their own schemes and counsels [i. e. despair of their success].

“When mankind behold the liberality and munificence of our king they “exclaim with one accord, “Hâtim was an absolute miser⁽⁷⁾ compared to him.”

“Socrates, Hippocrates, all the sages of the earth, appear before him like to “the most ignorant children.

“Mars dwindles before the valor of our king to a mere infant: Sâm, Nureemân, “and Rûstum,⁽⁸⁾ are of no account.”

But, perhaps, none of the flights, with which this extraordinary performance abounds, are equal in extravagance to the following one, with which I will close these extracts.

“Owing to the justice of this king, the deer of the forest make their pillow of “the lion and the tiger, and their mattress of the leopard and the panther.”

YOUR humble address has passed under our view, and the account [therein given] of the enemy’s force, and of the issue of two months’ pay to the Jyshe troops stationed [in garrison] at Nergûnd, from the produce of the collections of that place, is understood.⁽¹⁾

You write, also, “that in addition to the month’s pay already issued “to the above mentioned troops, you have since⁽²⁾ sent orders to the “Kilaadâr of Nergûnd to give them another month’s pay, and [at the “same time] have desired a small advance to be made to the Ehshâm “troops: but as the latter belong [properly] to Nugr, you suggest to “us, that Budrûz Zumân Khân should be directed to transmit the “pay of these people to them.”

It is known. Nugr and Nergûnd are one and the same.⁽³⁾ Let the troops of the Ehshâm be paid out of the collections made from the districts depending on Nergûnd, in the same manner as the Jyshe have been paid.

Our special retinue has passed the Tungbuddra, and will shortly shed lustre on that quarter.

A PIECE of Bubry has been [or is herewith] sent for that light of our eyes. You must get a vest made of it for yourself.

N.B. A similar letter follows here, addressed to Meer Moaayenûddeen Khân.

The Bubry was a kind of printed cotton, of a particular pattern; consisting of a stripe, resembling in form, and sometimes in color, the stripe on the skin of a tyger, one of the names of which animal is Bubr. Tippoo Sultan is well known to have considered the tyger as emblematical of his own family or government: probably on account of its affinity to the lion, by which appellation the Caliph Ali has been distinguished. Indeed the tiger and lion are so often called in India by the same name, that it would have been quite uncertain which of the two animals in question was meant by the Sultan, under the appellation of Bubr, if the distinctive mark of the stripe had not placed the matter out of doubt. This stripe, in short, may be said to have constituted the crest, or armorial bearing, of Tippoo; who caused it to be introduced into almost every article belonging to him. Hence it was found stamped on the binding of his books, engraved on his plate and his fire-arms, woven in his standards, &c. It even formed the watermark of the paper manufactured for his use.

Orders for the fabrication and distribution of Bubry cloths appear in several of the letters forming the present collection. I believe it constituted the uniform dress of a considerable portion of the Sultan’s regular troops.

IT has come to the knowledge of the Presence, that the Dâroghas and Mûtusuddies, as well as Suddanund, and other servants of the jewel office, do not attend [there properly], in consequence whereof the business of one day is protracted to ten. Those [persons] must be strictly enjoined [or severely admonished]: nay, they must be scourged, and made to give [due] attendance, so that the jewellery articles⁽¹⁾ [upon which they are employed] may be speedily finished.

WE have heard, that a Mahrattah Vakeel has resided, for some time past, at that place [i. e. Pondicherry]. As this circumstance is not suitable to the friendship subsisting between the Sircar [i. e. us] and the Râjah of the French, we therefore write to desire, that the aforesaid [Vakeel] may be dismissed, and not allowed to remain [there any longer]. What more shall be written?

The style of this letter must be admitted to be sufficiently arrogant and peremptory; and was, certainly, but ill calculated to conciliate the good-will of the French governor, however it might serve to impress others with a high notion of the power of the writer. Either the Sultan must have trusted greatly to M. Cossigny’s ignorance of the Persian language, as well as of the respect due to his rank and station; or else so deep and inveterate must his dislike to Europeans or Christians of every denomination, whether friends or foes, have been, that he could not always abstain from letting it appear in his intercourse with them, even when it was palpably (as in the present case) his interest so to do. It may indeed be doubted, whether he hated the French less than the English: and however he might wish and hope to render the former subservient to his views against the latter, still he would never seem to have forgotten, that they were both Nazarenes, and enemies of the true faith; and, consequently, alike the just objects of his abhorrence and contempt.

I do not possess the means of ascertaining what degree of attention, if any, was paid by the French governor to the extraordinary demand contained in the foregoing letter.

YOU have humbly stated, “that you have instructed five youths of the “Usud-Ilhye band [or corps] in the royal praises.⁽¹⁾ It is known and approved. Herewith is sent a copy of encomiastic odes, which you are likewise to teach to those five youths.

YOU write, “that you have determined to stop a month’s pay, by way “of amercement, from those concerned in the late brawl⁽¹⁾ [or disturbance] of the two Kushoons commanded by the Sipahdâr, Syed Humeed, and the Sipahdâr, Syed Ghuffâr.” You moreover state, “that “the Jowkdâr who excited the quarrel, and over whom a guard had “been placed, made his escape the second day after, being the day on “which you had the engagement with the enemy,⁽²⁾ accompanied by his “guard, whom he had contrived to seduce.”

It is known. Where are the women, the relatives, and brethren of the persons in question? Ascertain this point, and report accordingly to us. Take a muster also of the troops, muskets, and other stores, and specify distinctly, in a memorandum to be transmitted to the Presence, the number of muskets, of men, and of cartouch-boxes. You were, some time ago, directed, and we now write again to direct you, to transmit the aforesaid memorandum.

Neither the cause, nor the nature, any more than the extent of the disturbance alluded to in this letter, is any where stated: but there is no reason to suppose, that it was any thing more than a private dispute between some individuals of the two Kushoons in question, fomented by one of their officers. A mutiny of the troops would not have been expressed by the word kuziah.

But of whatever kind the disturbance was, the punishment of those concerned in it was not light; and a still more rigorous course was probably adopted in regard to the fugitives, whose offence it appears to have been the Sultan’s intention to visit, in some way or other, upon their innocent families. In this instance, however, no particular injustice is imputable to him, since similar proceedings are but too usual with all the native governments of India.

It is not quite clear, whether or not the muster, or inspection, directed to be taken in the foregoing letter, had any reference to the disturbance mentioned in the same letter; but the following dispatch, to Budrûz Zumân Khân, makes it most probable that it was unconnected with that occurrence.

WE have received your humble address, wherein you solicit the favour of some muskets, for the use of the Uskur troops⁽¹⁾ [under your command]. That eminent person must remain vigilant and careful.⁽²⁾

We wrote some time ago, and we have now written again, to our beloved son,⁽³⁾ Bûrhânûddeen, desiring him to transmit to us a return of muskets, cartouch-boxes, men, and stores, &c.⁽⁴⁾ After receiving the aforesaid return, the muskets [you require] shall be granted you, from such place [i. e. store] as shall appear expedient.⁽⁵⁾ At present there are no superfluous [or spare] muskets with the victorious army.

TWO Urzdâshts [or humble addresses] transmitted by you have passed under our view. You write, “that, agreeably to our directions, the “rations and monthly pay of the Ahmedies belonging to Little Balapoor, Hûscotah, and Khân Khânhully, are issued, at the computation “of thirty days [to the month]; but that having heard that Pitumber, “the Aumil of Yoosûfâbâd, had [lately] received orders to issue the pay “of the Ahmedies [depending on his jurisdiction] at the computation “of thirty-six days [to the month], you were, in consequence, doubtful whether to issue the same [for the future] at the rate of thirty or “thirty-six days, and would act therein as we should command.”

It is known. Do you act conformably with the directions which you have received. What business have you with [the orders given to] others?

In regulating the monthly pay of servants and others in India, the length of the month is not necessarily determined, either by the lunar or solar reckoning. Indeed, it is very rarely that either domestics or military persons, in the country service, are paid at so favorable a rate. On the contrary, the month is sometimes arbitrarily made to consist of forty days, and very commonly of thirty-five. By this means the actual falls far short of the nominal pay; the difference, when forty days are assigned to the month, being no less than three months in the year. Thus a Sepoy, apparently rated at twelve rupees a month, would, in fact, receive only nine.

This practice, which does not obtain among the English in India, enables a master, when he wishes either to reduce or raise the pay of his dependants, to do so, without making any alteration in its established or nominal amount: and though there is, in truth, no delusion in the device, there is something in it that appears to gratify the vanity, both of the servant and of his employer; the importance of each being supposed to be increased, in a certain degree, by the ostensible amount of the regulated salary.

However officious or supererogatory the representation of Râjah Râm Chundur might have been, it hardly merited the sharp reproof which it received from his master; especially as its tendency was to effect a reduction of the public expence. But this is only one, among a variety of similar instances, of the excessive irritableness and austerity of the Sultan’s disposition, which seems to have rendered him, at all times, more prone to censure than to commend his servants.

YOU write, “that Poonia [or Pootia], the Serishtedâr of that place “[i. e. Nâgmungul] is an unfaithful person,⁽¹⁾ and that the Ryots, owing “to him [i. e. to his mal-practices], will [assuredly] turn their faces to “flight [or abandon the country].” It is known. Whatsoever you have to write [on this subject], let it be written to the Dewân of the mansion of sovereignty, Putn.

It must not be inferred from this letter, that the affair to which it relates was intended by the writer to be referred to the decision of the Dewân. The Sultan was far from being in the habit of delegating his authority on such occasions: nor does he, in general, appear to have had any objections to being addressed directly on matters of business. On the contrary, he seems to have encouraged this practice, which was calculated to operate as a check upon his official servants. His object in the present instance was, probably, to obtain fuller information, preparatory to the enunciation of his pleasure on the subject.

It is not certain who was meant by the Dewân of Seringapatam; but I am inclined to think that the designation could apply only to Meer Sâdik.

YOUR letter, containing an account of the victory obtained by our triumphant army, and of the flight of the enemy to the distance of a Fursung,⁽¹⁾ has passed under our view. You must, hereafter, whenever the enemy makes his appearance, and an opportunity offers, chastise him effectually, in the same manner that you have now defeated him. By the favor of God the Aider, the infidels here⁽²⁾ shall also receive the due reward of their misdeeds.⁽³⁾

WE have received your three letters, together with those addressed to you by Ali Râjah⁽¹⁾ and the Kâzy of Nugr, and also the statement of the peculations of the Kilaadâr of Bullaraedoorg.⁽²⁾ You write, “that the “aforesaid Kilaadâr is a cheat⁽³⁾ and an oppressor;⁽⁴⁾ and that, with “our permission,⁽⁵⁾ you will appoint and send [thither] Kureem Khân, “who, agreeably to our orders, has [lately] joined you from Luddasheoo-ghurr.”

It is known. It is well.⁽⁶⁾ Displace the aforesaid Kilaadâr; and, according to your proposal,⁽⁷⁾ appoint and dispatch the above named [Kureem Khân] to [take charge of] the fort [in question.]

On the night⁽⁸⁾ of the 13th of the month Wâsaaey, we detached two Kushoons [with orders] to make a night-attack upon the enemy. The detachment accordingly surprized the enemy,⁽⁹⁾ poured such a discharge of cannon and musquetry among them, that the reprobate crew,⁽¹⁰⁾

unable to support [it], fell into the utmost disorder, and dispersed⁽¹¹⁾ with cropped ears and tails.⁽¹²⁾ This is written for your information.

WRITE out, and send to the Presence, a copy of the Hûkm-nâmeh [or instructions] with which you have been graciously furnished, the same being wanted, for the purpose of bestowing [i. e. transmitting] it to the Kâzy of Zuferâbâd. Observe that the name of the Kuchurry of Zuferâbâd is to be inserted in the [first] line of the first page [of the copy], instead of the name of Bangalore, and that the name of the Kâzy must be omitted.⁽¹⁾ For the rest, all that relates to fees, &c., and whatever else is written therein, must be copied verbatim,⁽²⁾ and transmitted to us.

Let the copy of the Hûkm-nâmeh [herein-mentioned] be bound,⁽³⁾ previously to its being dispatched to us.

N.B. There follows next a letter to Syed Peer, the Kilaadâr of Bangalore, informing him of the orders sent to the Kâzy, and desiring him to see that they were duly complied with. The document in question was, when ready, to be forwarded to the Presence by him (Syed Peer.)

It might be inferred from the foregoing letter, that no copy of the instructions to the Kâzy of Bangalore had been preserved, and that hence arose the necessity of calling upon that officer to furnish one: but, considering the great regularity with which official documents, in general, appear to have been registered under Tippoo Sultan’s government, it can hardly be imagined, that an entry of the instructions in question should not have been duly made among the records of the proper department. Nor is such a supposition at all requisite, in order to account for the present directions; since there is no difficulty in conceiving, that the register, containing the document wanted, might have been left at Seringapatam, in which case, no doubt, a copy would be more easily and speedily obtained from Bangalore than from the capital. The thing chiefly remarkable, therefore, in the letter before us, is the direction which it contains, for sending the instrument specified, in a form which should save the trouble of preparing in camp any other copy for the Kâzy of Zuferâbâd: for such would seem to have been the sole object of the minute instructions given on this head. By this means, nothing more would be necessary, on the receipt of the document in question, than to fill up the blanks left in it, and to affix the usual seal and signature to it. Such an expedient, for the economizing of time and labour, would scarcely occur to any but a very eccentric mind.

It might have been expected, considering the particular design which the Sultan would appear to have had in requiring the document in question, and adverting to the minuteness of his directions respecting it, that he would not have forgotten to order a blank to be left for the date of the instructions, as well as for the name of the Kâzy to whom they were to be transmitted. But this omission is only one of various instances of similar inadvertency and inconsistency, with which all the productions of his pen abound, and which may be safely referred to the indistinctness of his views, and the crudeness of his conceptions on the generality of subjects. To the same causes (originating in an understanding naturally contracted) still more, perhaps, than to caprice and levity, are to be ascribed most of the trivial and indigested regulations, as well as many of the incongruous and vacillating measures, which marked the course of his bustling but ruinous reign.

THE abstract of this letter, as given in the manuscript, appears to have been inaccurately copied, for which reason I have not attempted a regular translation of it. The subject of it, however, is too remarkable to be entirely passed over. It relates to the establishment of a kind of school in certain of the Risâlas composing the garrison of Seringapatam: and from the context I infer, that the Risâlas in question were some of the Usud Ilhye or Ahmedy corps. The number of pupils in each Risâla was fixed at twenty, who were ordered to be selected from the most promising youths belonging to it. Besides being taught to read the Koran, they were to be instructed in the Persian language and in accounts.

There is reason to conclude, from a curious memorandum among the Sultan’s papers, in which the qualifications of several of his principal servants are specified, that those of the military class were, for the most part, utterly illiterate. It was probably, therefore, with a view to the correction of this evil, and to the formation of a more intelligent and respectable description of officers, that he instituted the schools here spoken of. I am unable to state, what effects resulted from this regulation, or whether, indeed, it continued in force long enough to lead to any. It was, no doubt, well calculated, if steadily pursued and duly executed, to produce a considerable improvement in the character of the superior ranks of the army; and particularly, if it was extended, or intended to be extended, to all the garrisons, among which the Ahmedies and Usud Ilhyes were distributed. But whether or not this was the case I have no means of judging.

The letter, which we are now considering, contains also a paragraph to the following effect:

“You did right, in committing five youths to the charge of Uzeemûddeeen,⁽¹⁾ for the purpose of their being taught the encomiastic odes; “but there is no need for adding four more to the number.⁽²⁾ The former “are sufficient.”

YOU write, “that agreeably to [our] orders, the Pagoda which was “in front of the blessed Durgâh [or shrine] has been demolished, but “that the Aumil will not resign [to you] the ground [on which it stood].”

It is known. The Aumil will make over the aforesaid ground [to you], when you must annex the same to the premises of the Durgâh.

You have requested of us “to issue our orders to the Aumil of Selim “..........⁽¹⁾ to put you in possession of [or continue to you] the [usual] fees,^(2*) &c.” It is known. Whatsoever was thought proper to be directed on the subject of fees, &c. has been directed. It is not our custom to repeat our orders.⁽³⁾

Whatever might have been the bigotry of the Sultan, it would appear, from the general style and tenor of the foregoing letter, that his respect for the priesthood was not of a nature to prevent their experiencing, occasionally, together with the other orders of his subjects, that acerbity of manner, which so much distinguished his character. Nubby Shâh is one of those, to whom the circular proclamation, or manifesto, against the infidels (inserted at page 293) was forwarded; and was, probably, the governing priest of the principal Durgâh at Bangalore.

Although the present collection furnishes several instances, in which the Sultan is seen to repeat orders already issued, yet it is certain, that he was not in the habit of doing so; and that is probably all that he meant, by saying that “it was “not his custom.” His commands were, in general, too peremptory, and the consequences of disobeying them too well understood, to make it often necessary to reiterate them.

[AFTER compliments].......... A long period has elapsed, during which I have not had the happiness of hearing the glad tidings of the health and welfare of the Nabob, Nizâm ûd Dowlah, and of that exalted [person]. May the cause which has prevented it be no other than good.

It is a [just] ground of wonder and amazement,⁽¹⁾ that at this time, the above described⁽²⁾ Nabob should unite himself to the rulers at Poonah, and without any cause proceed to the infraction of the treaties and friendship subsisting between us, and determine upon committing hostilities against me. Some time ago I dispatched Mahommed Iftikhâr Khân, after personally explaining to him various particulars, calculated to promote and preserve the mutual friendship and interests of both our states, as well as that of Poonah. If the aforesaid Khân had faithfully detailed these particulars, there can be no doubt that the above described Nabob, who is a great lord⁽³⁾ [or nobleman] and a profound statesman,⁽⁴⁾ would have acquiesced therein;⁽⁵⁾ and have applied himself to reconcile the differences which have arisen at this time between me and the people of Poonah,⁽⁶⁾ to strengthening the foundations of union between the three states, and to promoting their joint prosperity and splendor.

The case, with regard to Adoni, is briefly this. How much soever I made pacific propositions founded in reason and sincerity, the ministers on that side [or the court of Hydrabad] constantly returned harsh answers, calculated [only] to embroil⁽⁷⁾ [matters further]. The business would require a long explanation, and is beyond the limits of a letter. All the particulars will be made known to you verbally, by the Mûtusuddy, Luchman Râo, who is a man of understanding, and a person possessing my confidence. You will be pleased to make him acquainted with the views and wishes of the above described Nabob, and send him [back] speedily hither.

A Mehtâby dress is herewith sent, in token of our abundant regard. For the rest, may joy and happiness be yours!

Mûsheerûl Mûlk was, at this period, and continued to be till his death, in the year 1805, the principal minister at the court of Hydrabad; having been confirmed in that office by the present Nizâm, Secunder Jâh, on the accession of the latter to the Musnud, in 1804. During the whole of his long administration, which though in the main prosperous, was, nevertheless, considerably checquered by untoward events, he steadily and successfully cultivated a good understanding with the British Government in India; between whom and his own court he had finally the credit and satisfaction of establishing the strict alliance now happily subsisting between them, and which is the more likely to prove permanent, inasmuch as it is erected upon the basis of reciprocal advantage and security.

It is not pretended, that the views of Mûsheer ûl Mûlk, in this instance, were influenced by any feelings arising out of private partiality for the English; though there wants not ground for believing, that this minister not only duly appreciated the character of our nation, but also entertained sentiments of personal regard for many individuals of it. But, on the occasion at present under consideration, he was guided solely by the suggestions of his political sagacity, which taught him that, placed as the state of Hyderabad was, between two powerful and encroaching neighbours,⁽⁸⁾ both of them watchful for the opportunity of acquiring a predominancy in its councils, or, in other words, of rendering it entirely subservient to their interests, there was no security, either for the integrity of its dominions, or the independence of its sovereignty, but in the protection of the British government. This, then, was the object of his constant solicitude: an object of which he never appears to have lost sight, though repeatedly disappointed in his endeavours to attain it; and to which, it is probable, that the events of the war in which his master was engaged, at the date of the foregoing letter, more than ever disposed him.

Of that letter it may be remarked, that it seems to indicate a desire in the writer to open a negociation for a separate peace with the court of Hyderabad; for which purpose it is also not improbable, that Luchman Râo was charged with some specific propositions. If such, however, was the object of the Sultan, in the mission of that agent, it certainly failed; since the Nizâm, though, perhaps, now become rather lukewarm in the common cause, did not absolutely abandon it, or make peace with the Sultan, but in conjunction with the Mahrattahs.

The Mahommed Iftikhâr Khân, mentioned in the foregoing letter, was the Vakeel, or minister, of the court of Hyderabad, residing with Tippoo, at the period of the negociations at Mangalore in 1784. The Sultan, in his Memoirs, calls him Mûftukhir Khân; and on occasion of his dismission (which took place at the same time that the majority of the English prisoners were released, in consequence of the treaty of Mangalore) speaks of him in the following terms:

“At this period Mûftukhir Khân, the Vakeel of Hujjâm Nully, solicited an “audience of leave. Sending, in consequence, for the aforesaid, I presented him “with a Khilaat and five thousand rupees in money, and gave him his dismission. “On this occasion I demanded of him what Hujjâm Nully Khân⁽⁹⁾ was at that “time employed about? To this Mûftukhir Khân replied, that as it was then “the season of the No-roze,⁽¹⁰⁾ his master was most probably seated at that “moment [in Durbar]. Hereupon I rejoined: ‘does your master, on occasion “of the No-roze, sit, all standing, or is there any elevated structure upon which “he is seated during nine days? State every particular at large.’⁽¹¹⁾ The aforesaid not comprehending what I said, repeated his former answer. In this manner we two or three times bandied the subject about: when, at length, the “Vakeel perceiving my drift, and being covered with shame and confusion, said, “that he wished for an answer to the propositions which he had delivered to me “from his master, on his first arrival in my Presence at Mangalore. To this I “replied, by desiring him to state again what his master had proposed. Hereupon he said, that his master was ready, on learning my wishes, to give me the “most satisfactory proofs of his pacific [or amicable] disposition, and to bind “himself to the performance of his engagements by oaths: in return for which “he entertained the hope, that I would join with him in chastising the Mahrattahs. As soon as I heard this, I said, ‘I give you full power to decide for me “on this occasion, and to say how I am to trust to the pacific professions of your “master, who has in so many instances violated his solemn engagements with “others.’ To this Mûftukhir Khân, who was a man of strict veracity and pure-breasted,⁽¹²⁾

However, difficult it may be to believe that Iftikhâr Khân should have so far betrayed the trust reposed in him, as to have expressed himself, regarding his master, in the gross terms ascribed to him by the Sultan, it must, on the other hand, be owned, that it would not be easy to assign any satisfactory reason for the latter’s absolute fabrication of so extraordinary a story, which somewhat resembles the account he has been seen to give on another occasion, of the declarations of the Mahrattah Vakeel with respect to the rulers of the state. However this may be, it does not appear probable, from what is here related, that Iftikhâr Khân should have been charged with any communications to the court of Hyderabad, of a tendency much calculated to conciliate its good will, or “to promote and “preserve the mutual friendship and interests of the two states.”

YOUR letter, representing “that the Risâladârs of the Ahmedy “[corps stationed in your jurisdiction] refuse to receive any other sort “of Dâl than [that called] Toor,” has passed under [our] view. You must serve out to the Risâladârs of the Ahmedy such Dâl as may be procurable, whether it be Toor, Moong, or Mâsh.⁽¹⁾

To SHUMSÛDDEEN KHÂN and GHÛLÂM HYDER, DÂROGHAS of the TOSHEH-KHÂNEH at SERINGAPATAM; dated 22d WÂSAAEY. (21st September.)

DIRECTING them to advance to three certain Usud-Ilhyes the sum of three hundred rupees [i. e. one hundred to each], on occasion of their approaching marriage; and, moreover, instructing them to give strict injunctions to the Dârogha of the Mint to furnish every thing necessary for the celebration of their nuptials.

This letter furnishes an additional proof of the lively interest taken by the Sultan, in whatever related to this favorite corps, the establishment of which he appears to have always considered with peculiar self-complacency, as bearing indubitable testimony to his zeal for the propagation of the Mahommedan religion. The same observation is applicable to the Ahmedies, for whom he manifested, on various occasions, an equal partiality. Even Letter CCCLXVII, affords an instance of this favorable disposition towards them: for it is highly probable, that if any other description of his troops had presumed to express the same dissatisfaction with the rations served out to them, which was declared by the Risâladârs of this body, they would have received a similar answer to that given to Shâh Noor Ullah, when the latter ventured to represent the badness of the rice delivered for the use of his retinue (see Letter CLXXVII). Here, on the contrary, the Sultan, so far from reproving the complainants, seems to have been sufficiently willing to indulge their preference for Dâl of Toor, provided that article happened to be in the market or in the public store.

DESIRING him to offer up his prayers for the prosperity of the faith, and for the destruction of its enemies.

IN conformity with your wishes, orders have been sent to the Foujdâr of Adoni,^(1*) desiring him to give particular instructions to the persons employed by him in collecting horsemen [for our service, within your territories], to proceed in the business with all possible secrecy. Be you, Sir, likewise aiding and assisting on this occasion.⁽²⁾

It appears by this letter, that though the chief of Kurnool had found himself under the necessity of permitting the Sultan’s officers to recruit within his territories, he was not without apprehensions of incurring thereby the displeasure of the court of Hyderabad, whose vassal he was. While, however, Tippoo seemingly concurs in the reasonableness of the Patan’s desire to guard against any suspicion of acting collusively in this affair, he, in the same instant, calls upon that chieftain to promote its success, by his personal authority and influence; which, with whatever secrecy it might be employed, could not fail to expose him, still more, to the imputation which he was so anxious to escape. Whether this was merely one of those inconsistencies, or contradictions, which so often marked the conduct of the Sultan, and so frequently occur in his writings; or whether it proceeded from a latent design of embroiling Runmust Khân with the Nizâm, and, by that means, compelling the former to throw himself upon his (the Sultan’s) protection, is a point, which it is now, perhaps, impossible to determine.

YOUR letter, reporting, among other things, “that four months had “elapsed without Mahommed Ali Khân’s making his appearance at “Onore,⁽²⁾ whither, however, he had sent his brother,” has been received. What business is it of that asylum of nobleness,⁽³⁾ whether the aforesaid Khân comes or stays? Do you apply yourself diligently to the discharge of the trust reposed in you, and see that the ships are equipped with the utmost dispatch. You must, moreover, take care that they are coppered, agreeably to our former orders.

I am ignorant of the amount, as well as of the nature, of the Sultan’s naval force, at this period. If we were to judge by the designation (Armada) which he has thought proper to apply to it, we might be led to conclude, that it was of considerable strength. But no inference can be safely drawn from so slight a circumstance; while, on the other hand, there is more than one reason for believing, that his marine must have been very insignificant at the time referred to. In the first place, it is pretty certain that Hyder Ali had bestowed little or no attention on this object; and it is equally clear, that his successor had not hitherto had either time or means to do much in pursuit of it. Besides, nothing was either known or seen of his Armada, during the war which ended in the partition treaty of 1792; and though, after that event, he applied himself seriously (as will appear by Appendix K.) to the formation of a respectable navy, he had, happily, not been enabled to effectuate his purpose, before his restless and impatient spirit plunged him into another premature war; in the short course of which, as little was heard of his navy as during that which preceded it.

IN a letter which we dispatched to you by Eeeroo Pindâreh,⁽¹⁾ and the Hurkâreh, Munchajee, you were furnished with a route. You must, accordingly, proceed, either by the route indicated in that letter, or by some other road, leading through a [close or] woody country; and taking up a position within six or seven coss of Deogurry,⁽²⁾ where our victorious army is [at present] encamped, report your arrival to the Presence.

Ghâzy Khân⁽³⁾ is a person of extensive knowledge and experience, and [particularly] well acquainted with the roads [of this country]. He has, on this account, been sent with his Risâla to join you; upon his doing which, you are to regulate your march by his advice and opinion.

FOUR Kushoons have likewise been dispatched [to you] with Ghâzy Khân. You must leave all the women and other rubbish,⁽¹⁾ together with the superfluous baggage belonging to your army, at Unwutty,⁽²⁾ and crossing the river with the above-mentioned [Ghâzy Khân], repair directly to the Presence, instead of halting [as directed by our letter of yesterday], at the distance of six or seven coss from the victorious army. You will bring on with you, however, your light baggage, as well as all your warlike apparatus,^(3*) with the exception of one of your three great guns. This, with whatever spare wheels you may have,⁽⁴⁾ you must leave with your heavy baggage: with which, such of your bullocks as are in bad condition must, likewise, remain. The two Lumchurs⁽⁵⁾ are to accompany you.

On the 25th of Wâsaaey (or 24th of September), the Sultan had determined to send Ghâzy Khân, with no more than his own Risâla of Kuzzâks, or Looties, to join Bûrhânûddeen’s division: but, either in consequence of some intelligence of the enemy’s motions, received subsequently to the dispatch of Letter CCCLXXII, or with a view to render the junction of his brother-in-law with his own army more secure and easy, he next day changes his plan, and resolves on re-inforcing the latter, to the extent which has been seen. It does not appear, either from the correspondence or from the Sultan’s own Memoirs, where Bûrhânûddeen was at this time, or when his junction with the “victorious” army was effected.

YOUR letter, acknowledging the receipt of our orders for putting Meer Ali, the second Bukhshy of the Ehshâm, into possession of a spacious dwelling-house [at Bangalore], has passed under [our] view. You state “that the aforesaid Bukhshy has pointed out the house of the “Khidmutgâr Behâdûr, as being, on account of its size, well suited to “the accommodation of his numerous family, and that he has accordingly “applied for the same.”

You must inform us,[previously to our giving our orders on this subject], in which ward, and what street, the house in question stands; as well as how many fountains, and how many apartments it contains.

N.B. A letter, requiring the same information with regard to this house, was written to Peer Khân, the Kilaadâr of Bangalore. It may hence be inferred, that the Sultan, however willing he might be to accommodate the Bukhshy with a suitable residence, suspected the one pointed out by the latter himself to be too good for him. It also appears, that the Sultan did not think proper to rely on the single report of Râm Chundur, even in so trivial a matter.

BUHÂÛDDEEN and Kustoory Runga, who were sent [some time since] to Bengal, for the purpose of procuring silk-worms, are now on their return [to Seringapatam], by the way of Sedhout. On their arrival, you must ascertain from them the proper situation in which to keep the aforesaid worms, and provide accordingly. You must, moreover, supply for their food [leaves of] the wood or wild mulberry-trees, which were formerly ordered to be planted [for this purpose]. The number of silk-worms brought from Bengal must likewise be distinctly reported to us. We desire, also, to know, in what kind of place it is recommended to keep them, and what means are to be pursued for multiplying them.

There is a vacant spot of ground behind the old palace, lately used as a Tosheh-khâneh, or store-house, which was purchased some time ago with a view to building upon it. Prepare a place somewhere near that situation, for the [temporary] reception of the worms.⁽¹⁾

When the peculiar circumstances, under which the foregoing letter was written, are adverted to, it will, no doubt, be allowed to furnish a striking proof, both of the coolness and activity of the Sultan’s mind. He was, at the date of it, not only deliberating on the measures to be pursued with respect to Shânoor; in planning the future operations of the war in which he was engaged; and in providing for the safety of Bûrhânûddeen’s army; but he was, in fact, on the eve of a general engagement with the Mahrattahs. Yet all these important and urgent considerations united, were not capable of diverting his attention from any of the minor objects of his interest. Thus, in the bustle of a camp, and in the face of an enemy, he could find leisure, and was sufficiently composed, to meditate on the rearing of silk-worms. This, indeed, was a very favorite, though, I believe, an unsuccessful pursuit with the Sultan; who actually established, or proposed to establish, no less than twenty-one principal stations within his dominions, where the breeding of the silk-worm was directed to be attended to with the utmost care and diligence. These stations are specified in one of the sections of the instructions issued to the Meer Asof, or revenue department, in the year 1794.

WE hear that, besides Holkar, another body of the enemy’s force is in motion towards you: you must, therefore, be extremely vigilant. We have dispatched Ghâzy Khân with four Kushoons to re-inforce you. Uniting this detachment to your army, you will come on [towards us] with the utmost circumspection.

YOUR two letters, accompanied by a sample of the provisions laid in at Sâwundy-doorg [Sevendoorg], and by an inventory of the same, have been received. The answer, however, to all the long and tedious stories⁽¹⁾ contained in those dispatches, is to be found in the written instructions to your Kuchurry [department]. Peruse, and act in conformity with them.

You write, “that the Piâdehs who arrived there [at Sevendoorg], “wounded, from Badâmy, are without arms.” It is known. Direct the Kilaadâr to buy arms for them, and let the price of the same be deducted, by instalments, from their pay. This, too, is contained in your instructions.

After inspecting Sevendoorg, you must hasten back to Bangalore, and there apply yourself, conjointly with the First Bukhshy [of Ehshâm], Turbiyut Ali Khân, to the examination and settlement of the accounts of the several forts, &c. How can these accounts be adjusted, while you go about singly to the forts.

BY the favor of the Divine Aider, what you related respecting Roopa is about to take place. Almighty God has always governed, and will continue to govern, the seven climates^(1*) of the earth, by the hands of his own [true] worshippers. The Nuzr of five rupees, which you sent on occasion of the aforementioned omen, has been received.

Tippoo Sultan is well known to have been extremely superstitious, and to have placed great faith in dreams and omens; and Syed Mahommed was, probably, no less prone to believe in them than his master. The omen here alluded to was, of course, an auspicious one; and, accordingly, the prognostic, whatever it was, would be supposed to have been in part fulfilled, by the victory which had been obtained over the Mahrattahs, only a few days before the date of the present letter,⁽²⁾ and of which we shall soon have occasion to take more particular notice.

WHAT you mention, respecting your having advanced fifty thousand rupees to Kûtbûddeen Khân, the Jagiredâr of Adoni, as well as what you state with regard to your having seventy thousand rupees more ready, in your Tosheh-khâneh [or treasury], and to the dispatch of your people [into the country], for the purpose of collecting the revenues, has afforded us satisfaction, and meets our approbation.

You write, “that, owing to the want of rain, it is to be apprehended “that there may be some delay in realizing the revenue.” It is known. You must write to the Aumils of the several Taalûks, and direct them to distribute grain, &c. in charity. Almighty God will, in his great goodness and mercy, bestow the rain of his bounteousness [upon us].

AT this time, the rulers of Poonah, notwithstanding the innumerable favors [for which they are indebted to us], uniting with the forces of Nizâm Ali Khân, came and confronted our victorious army. With the aid and power of God, we were enabled, in a single assault, to establish our camp on the ground which they had occupied, and to give them a signal defeat. Upon this they took to flight, and we are now engaged in a close pursuit of them.

It is probable, that the action, here alluded to, was brought on by an attempt, on the part of the Mahrattahs, to prevent the junction of Bûrhânûddeen with the army of the Sultan. However this may have been, it seems pretty clear, from the words, “came and confronted our army,” which occur in the foregoing brief notice of this engagement, that the Mahrattahs had advanced to meet the Sultan, in the position which the latter had taken up near Shânoor.

In a letter addressed to the Governor of Madras, under the same date as the preceding one to M. Cossigny, and written on the same occasion, the Sultan affirms, “that his quarrel with the Mahrattahs and the Nizâm had arisen without “any cause:” that is to say, without any provocation on his part. He likewise (speaking of the battle which had recently taken place) observes, “that, actuated “by the hope of being enabled to accommodate matters with the enemy, he “would fain have restrained his troops from attacking them; but that, when two “armies are brought to confront each other, this is a thing absolutely impracticable.” The former of these assertions is not, perhaps, entirely destitute of foundation: but it will be difficult to give credit to the latter, on any other supposition, than that of his being anxious to conclude a speedy peace with the Mahrattahs, in order that he might be the sooner in a condition to make war upon the English. This suggestion, indeed, derives considerable support from the following passage of a letter written by the Sultan, soon after settling his differences with the enemy.

“In the end, by the divine power and strength, and through the aid of the “firm faith of Mahommed, joined to the auspicious intercessions of the sages [of “our holy religion], the enemy, after sustaining repeated defeats, and being “driven to the banks of the Kishna, implored peace of us, in the most earnest and “humble manner. Upon this, having in view the ease and security of mankind, “I granted them such terms as were agreeable to me: and now my fixed determination is, to proceed to the chastisement and extermination of those, who prohibit the calling to prayer [from the Minarets], and who are the most inveterate “of Infidels. It is on the utter extirpation of these that my mind is now intent. “Such being the case, do you, reverend Sir, employ yourself in prayer for the “success of the champions of the faith, and the destruction of the wicked unbelievers; to the end that the Mahommedan religion may flourish.”

The following letter, though dated nearly a month later than the foregoing one to M. Cossigny, is inserted here (and consequently out of its proper place), because it contains a more particular account of the engagement in question, and of its immediate consequences, than that given in the dispatch to the French governor. It was addressed, mutatis mutandis, to Mahommed Baig Khân Humdâny, and several others, to whom he thought it fit to announce his recent successes; among which number was the Emperor Shâh Allum. It bears date the 9th Hydery, or 6th of November 1786, and is to the following effect.

NOT long since, the ministers⁽¹⁾ of the state of Poonah, forgetting their innumerable obligations to me,⁽²⁾ and joining with Nizâm Ali Khân, advanced with a hundred thousand horse, and [a numerous train of] artillery, into the country belonging to me, spreading destruction wherever they came. Upon this I marched to repel the aggression; proceeding, in the first instance, against Adoni, a strong place in the possession of Nizâm Ali Khân, to which I laid siege. About the same time, Nizâm Ali Khân, apprehensive for the security of his nephew, and of the females of his late brother’s [Busâlut Jung’s] family, who were then shut up in the fort [of Adoni], dispatched his whole army, under the command of his [youngest] brother, Moghul Ali Khân, for the purpose of removing them from thence. This army proceeded accordingly by a route leading along the skirts of the mountains, which served to cover their march. In this manner they reached Adoni [in safety], and taking from thence Mohâbut Jung⁽³⁾ and the women, hastened with them, night and day,⁽⁴⁾ and [as before] under the protection of the mountains, to Hyderabad. I pursued the fugitives to the banks of the Tungbuddra; much of their baggage and cattle falling, by the way, into the hands of my people. The fort of Adoni was likewise captured on this occasion.

I next marched to chastise the ministers of Poonah, who, together with the forces of Nizâm Ali Khân,⁽⁵⁾ had established themselves⁽⁶⁾ at [or near] Shânoor. On this occasion I crossed the Tungbhudra with my whole army and artillery in boats, and proceeding with rapidity against the enemy, suddenly appeared before them. On the 7th Zilhijjeh [1st October 1786] an engagement ensued. Before, however, my troops could come to close action with them,⁽⁷⁾ the fire from our guns sent such numbers of the infidels to the abode of perdition [or hell], that leaving their camp standing, and abandoning great part of their baggage, they took the road of flight. Shânoor became, in consequence, an [easy] conquest. Please God, the Aider, I shall again apply myself, after the celebration of the Mohurrum, to the chastisement of the enemy. All these particulars have been communicated to give delight to your odoriferous [noble] mind.

The following passage from the Sultan’s Memoirs will be found to contain some further particulars, respecting his operations against the Mahrattahs at the present period. It is in immediate continuation of the extract formerly given under Letter CCCXLIX.

“Having, in this manner, put the enemy to flight, I moved, at three o’clock “in the afternoon [of the same day], and encamped three coss in advance of my “former ground. On the following day I proceeded three coss farther; and, pursuing my march, on the third took up a position on this side, and within one “coss, of Shânoor.

“By this movement, the death-devoted Mahrattahs, who, favored by the Shânoor-man,⁽⁸⁾ had established themselves behind a stream which passes close to “Shânoor, were placed in the situation of an ill-fated bird, caught in a snare, “whose own feet may be said to conduct it to its doom;⁽⁹⁾ the fact being, that “Shânoor [where they had voluntarily cooped themselves up] did actually prove “such a snare to them.

“It being an established rule under my government, for every Kushoon⁽¹⁰⁾ to “cover its camp with batteries,⁽¹¹⁾ I, in pursuance of this system, caused entrenchments to be thrown up around and in front of my position near Shânoor. “Having done this, I proceeded to attack the enemy,⁽¹²⁾ with which view, after “allotting two Kushoons of regular, and ten thousand Ehshâm infantry, for the “protection of my lines and camp, I formed the remainder of my army (consisting, besides six Kushoons of regular infantry, of [a considerable force in] regular “and irregular cavalry, Ehshâm troops,⁽¹³⁾ &c.) into four divisions, one of which “I placed under the command of Mâh Mirzâ Khân,⁽¹⁴⁾ whom I directed to charge “across the river. Another division, conducted by Bûrhânûddeen, was to fall “upon the enemy’s left flank; while Meer Moaayenûddeen, at the head of the “third, was to attack their right. A fourth division⁽¹⁵⁾ was led by myself.

“Every thing being thus prepared, and the third night after my arrival at “Shânoor being dark and rainy, and therefore favorable to my purpose, I put my “troops in motion for the assault of the enemy’s position. The distance between “the two armies not exceeding a coss [or two miles], the advanced picquets of “each were posted close to one another. Upon my reaching those of the enemy, “the latter, to the amount of about two hundred horse, came forward, and “demanding who we were, and what we wanted, forbad our advancing. I was “myself, at this time, in front of the column thus challenged. To these questions no one presuming to reply without my authority, those scorpions advanced “still nearer⁽¹⁶⁾ to us, and repeated their enquiries. Upon this I directed a company of my advanced guard to reply to them with fire;⁽¹⁷⁾ when a volley was “instantly discharged amongst the scorpions by the foremost company of the “victorious army, which sent numbers of the said scorpions to hell. Of the “remainder, some escaped to their own camp, while others of the infidels were “made prisoners.

“I followed the fugitives till I approached very near their camp, when I made the “[appointed] signal by gun⁽¹⁸⁾ for the other three divisions of the army to advance “with speed [to their respective attacks]. To this signal, however, no answer “being given, I concluded they must have encountered some [unforeseen obstacle, “such as a] river or mirey road, which had occasioned their present failure. I “continued, nevertheless, my way to the enemy’s camp; on reaching which I “repeated the signal to the three other divisions, which was now answered by one “of the commanders, but still no notice was taken of it by the other two. Under “these circumstances, I became apprehensive lest the opportunity [of attacking “the enemy] should slip through my hands:⁽¹⁹⁾ exclaiming, therefore, Allah-yâr! “[or, God is our friend!] I rushed forward into the camp of the infidels, and “opened upon them a [brisk] fire from my artillery.⁽²⁰⁾ Soon after I had thus “penetrated into the enemy’s camp, the commanders of two of the other divisions “likewise arrived there, at the points respectively assigned to them.

“It was just day-break when I entered the camp of the infidels, at which time I “had only about three hundred Jyshe and a single gun with me. I was soon after, “however, joined by others. The flight of the unbelievers resembled that of “kites and crows; and, after some time, they stood viewing from the summits “of the distant eminences, the plunder of their deserted camp.

“An hour and a half after the victorious army had taken possession of the “enemy’s camp, the fourth division, under the the command of Mâh Mirzâ Khân, “which, proceeding from the vicinity of Shânoor, had fallen upon and routed the “army of Holkar, likewise joined me.

“About nine o’clock in the forenoon, the whole of the unbelievers, re-assembling like so many gnats and flies, advanced towards us, and drew up, as if with “an intention of offering us battle; commencing, at the same time, a distant “cannonade from six pieces of artillery. On my part, I forbad my people to “throw away their ammunition in this manner, directing that the short light guns “attached to the different divisions should alone fire upon such of the enemy as “approached extremely near: and, even in this case, they were ordered to discharge only a single shot at a time, and that very deliberately. My object, in “this manœuvre, was, to make the infidels believe that I had none but short field “pieces with me. This notion would encourage them [I thought] to draw nearer “to us, when, suddenly opening a heavy fire upon them from our long guns, we “should be sure to put them completely to the route. It happened exactly as I “foresaw. The infidels came close up to our line, in the manner of crows; when “all four divisions of the army opening their long guns together, gave them, “agreeably to my instructions, such a general discharge, as instantly made them “disperse on all sides, and fly in despair,⁽²¹⁾ like a flock of the same crows, in the “midst of which a stone has been thrown.

“In this action⁽²²⁾ the enemy lost about two thousand horse and three elephants, “killed by cannon shot: great numbers of their people, horse and foot, likewise “speeded on this occasion to hell.⁽²³⁾ The remainder of their army, turning their “faces to flight, retreated to the distance of four or five coss, where they again “encamped. I also, with my whole army, returned to my [entrenched] camp, “where I continued two days, till I could ascertain where the infidels were. At “length I received intelligence, that they had moved to a new position, near “Shânoor, where they were encamped, with the river on their left flank. Upon “this I also shifted my camp, and took up a fresh position directly in their front.

“Here, the festival of Zilhijjeh being at hand, I halted two or three days, for “the purpose of celebrating it; and having accordingly done so, I prepared the “following day for action. For this purpose, drawing up my army with the “whole of the Behropeahs⁽²⁴⁾ in front of the different Kushoons, and throwing my “right flank upon Shânoor, I advanced against the enemy. The moment the “infidels perceived this movement, they withdrew what troops they had placed in “Shânoor, and then, taking the Shânoor-man along with them, fled, without “fighting, to the distance of six coss, when they again halted. In the meanwhile, “I encamped near the ground which the enemy had occupied, still covering my “right flank with Shânoor.

“It was on this occasion that the destitute chief of that place, who had allowed “himself to be seduced [from his allegiance to me] by the insidious representations of the Mahrattahs, experienced the nature of the protection he had to “expect from these perfidious friends, to whose camp he had lately removed, together with his family and effects. Of the latter of these he was now openly “plundered of the chief part, by the people of the Mahrattah army, who even “carried off some of the women belonging to him. The next day, this senseless “creature,⁽²⁵⁾ together with what remained of his property and women, and with “no other clothes than those which they wore at the time, was sent off, under a “guard of five thousand horse, to Mirich. The Mahrattahs themselves made, at “the same time, two or three successive marches [in a retrograde direction].⁽²⁶⁾

“After this, breaking up my camp at Shânoor, and leaving a small garrison in “that city, I proceeded to the [adjacent] town of Bunkapoor, near which I lay “encamped during the first fourteen days of Mûhurrum, performing at this place “the mournful ceremonies of the season. Here also the commanders of the “Hydery army presented me with three Nuzrs: one on occasion of the birth “of the prince⁽²⁷⁾ Nizâm ûd deen; another, for my late victory; and the third, on “account of the Eed (or festival).

“It was at this time that I came to the determination of communicating with “the infidels, on certain points which had suggested themselves to my mind. In “pursuance of this design, I sent a person of respectability,⁽²⁸⁾ accompanied by one “of the chief of my spies, to Tukojee Holkar, who had the reputation of being “the most valiant among the infidels; and to whom I directed the following “message to be delivered.

“‘Nizâm Ali Khân, to whom, if he had been here, I should have addressed “myself, is not present. It is for this reason I send to you to say, ‘wherefore “should we any longer suffer hundreds of thousands of men to be killed and “wounded in battle? What is most desirable is, that you and I should draw “up our respective armies in two lines............’ ’ ”

The sequel of this curious and interesting passage is unfortunately wanting, having, as already alluded to in the Preface, been torn out at this place. My recollection of what followed the words with which the preceding extracts ends, enables me, however, to state generally, that the message in question conveyed such another challenge to Tukojee Holkar, as that which was sent by the Sultan (according to his own account) to General Macleod, during the siege of Mangalore, in 1783, and of which a translation has been given by Colonel Wilks, in the Introduction to his valuable History of Mysore. The two armies were to be drawn up opposite to each other, for the purpose of witnessing the combat; in which, however, they were, on no account, to interfere. The questions in dispute between the contending states were to be decided according to the result of the battle; that is to say, the vanquished party was to accede to such pretensions, or demands, as had been previously set up by the adversary. Holkar, as might be expected, treated the proposal with derision; observing, on the occasion (among other things), “that “it was not the custom of his nation to refer their claims to the issue of a single “engagement, but, on the contrary, to attack and retreat, retire and advance, as “the nature of circumstances required.” Such is the substance of what I remember of this singular occurrence, as related by the Sultan himself: the deficiency in my account of which will, it may be hoped, be supplied in due season by Colonel Wilks, from the Sûltân ût Tuwâreekh, referred to by him in his Preface, and which is very likely to have recorded the transaction in question, as well as the similar bravado already noticed. At all events, there can be little doubt, that there are other copies of the Sultan’s Memoirs in existence, besides the mutilated one in my possession. In the case here supposed, it may still be reasonably presumed, that this curious document will, at some future period, be offered to the public, in a more perfect and connected form, than that in which I have judged it convenient to exhibit it in the present work.

I have not, at this moment, the means of ascertaining what credit is due to the Sultan’s account of the treatment experienced by Abdûl Hukeem Khân at the hands of his Mahrattah allies. The probability of the fact is, no doubt, supported, in some degree, by the general character of that people for rapaciousness and bad faith. It is, at the same time, very possible, that the prejudices of the writer may have betrayed him into some exaggeration on the occasion.

The Sultan would not seem, even by his own narrative, to have followed up the advantage which he states himself to have obtained over the Mahrattahs at Shânoor, either with the celerity or the vigour which might have been expected. Besides the delay occasioned by the celebration of the festival of Zilhijjeh, he remained stationary during a great part of the ensuing month, for the purpose of fulfilling the customary rules of the Mûhurrum. Though not acknowledged, it is, nevertheless, not unlikely, that some other considerations, as well as those of superstition, may have led to this extraordinary inactivity; which, if it had not a tendency to damp the zeal of his own army, at least afforded time to that of the enemy, to recover from the effects of their recent discomfiture.

YOUR going about to the forts by yourself, and your investigating the accounts of the same, without being accompanied by the first Bukhshy, is not proper. Repair to Bangalore, and after finally settling the accounts of that fort, proceed with the first Bukhshy, and in conjunction with him, examine minutely into those of the other places [within your jurisdiction].

N. B. Several letters appear at this period, acknowledging the Sultan’s receipt of Nuzrs transmitted to him, in compliment to his recent victory over the Mahrattahs. In one of these, addressed to Râjah Râm Chundur, the Dewân of Bangalore, he approves of that officer’s having distributed sweet-meats on that occasion, and desires him to do the same thing in future.

Do you remain on the borders of Soandeh, Kittoor, Dharwâr, &c. and there apply yourself to the effectual chastisement of the turbulent wretches who infest those parts.

N. B. There follows here an order to Budrûz Zumân Khân, directing him to examine and make a report on a certain spot, situated in a part of the country comprehended in his government (but the name of which I am unable to make out), where the Sultan seems to have been desirous of erecting a fort. Besides possessing great natural strength, the position was further recommended by its proximity to the frontier of the Kokun. Indeed it is intimated to be the proper route for an army proposing to penetrate into that country. Budrûz Zumân Khân is accordingly instructed to procure and transmit to his master, the fullest information in his power on the subject.

This letter then proceeds as follows:

Demolish the fort of Kittoor. Seize upon the disturbers of the country, and incorporate them with the Ahmedies [i. e. make Musulmans of them]. Write letters of peace [or amity], in the first instance, to the Polygar of .......... ,⁽¹⁾ and afterwards, sending a person of respectability to him, bring him over to the interests of the Sircar. Having done this, you must ascertain [through him] what strong forts there are in the Kokun, and what villages occur in the road leading thither. You are to be very particular in your enquiries [on this subject]; and you are to keep the matter quite secret. You are, moreover, to make your communications to us, regarding it, in the Persian language.⁽²⁾

Whether Budrûz Zumân Khân joined the Sultan’s army at the same time with Bûrhânûddeen, and was now sent back to his government; or whether he had, all along, continued there, I am unable to determine. The circumstance, however, of his not being named by the Sultan, in the latter’s account of the battle of Shânoor, strongly indicates, that he did not participate in the honors of that day, since, if he had been present, it is most probable that he would have had a conspicuous station assigned to him on the occasion. I am equally ignorant, where Kumrûddeen Khân was at this period: but as it may be presumed, that, if he had been employed on a separate command, some letters to his address would have appeared in the collection, it is most likely, that he had remained in attendance upon the Sultan since the time of his return from the siege of Nergûnd. There is, indeed, reason to believe, that although he was occasionally placed at the head of an army, he was never much trusted by the Sultan, who appears to have entertained no very favorable opinion of his talents. This is particularly evinced in some minutes of a consultation, dated in 1794, in which the Meer’s incapacity is pretty plainly insinuated by the majority of the subscribing counsellors.

THE persons to be dispatched to Europe have been fixed on by the Presence, and will accordingly soon proceed from hence, and arrive [at Pondicherry]. When they arrive [there], you must send them to Europe, along with M. Perron,⁽¹⁾ who [we understand] is about to repair thither.

To SYED AHMED SAHEB, BOODHUN SHÂH, NUBBY SHÂH, KULEEMÛLLAH SHÂH, and others (PEER-ZÂDEHS or Devotees); dated from SHÂNOOR, 24th ZUBURJUDY. (23d October.)

BY the blessing of God and the aid of the Prophet, the forces of the accursed having experienced a signal defeat and chastisement, have turned their faces to flight, leaving the troops of Islâm victorious over the enemies of the faith. Thus has the army of the accursed infidels been trodden under foot by the hoofs of the horses of Islâm, and rendered vile and miserable; while the religion of Mahommed has been thereby made to flourish.

You, Sir, are one of the elders [of the faith], and will therefore apply, with all your heart, to the best means of advancing the religion of Mahommed, and of administering to the support of Islâm.

N. B. Here follows an inventory of the presents, respectively, sent to the persons addressed; by which it would appear, that the highest in the Sultan’s estimation were Boodhun Shâh and Nubby Shâh.

To MOHYÛDDEEN ALI KHÂN, DEWÂN of KURPAH, CHISHTY-YÂR KHÂN, RÂJAH RÂM CHUNDUR, NURSIA, and others; dated from SHÂNOOR, 26th ZUBURJUDY. (25th October.)

A PAPER, containing the Khûtbah [or form of prayer to be read in the mosques], is enclosed. Give strict orders to the Khâtibs [or reciters of the Khûtbah] belonging to your Kuchurry, to recite the Khûtbâh regularly, after the praises of God and the Prophet, according to the accompanying form.

The form of prayer here referred to does not appear; but it is most probable, that it appointed the Sultan’s own name to be substituted in place of Shâh Allum’s. If such was the case, it may be presumed, that, although this measure seems to have been determined on by Tippoo, so far back as July 1786,⁽¹⁾ he had not hitherto carried it into effect; at least not throughout the whole of his dominions. Being now elated with his recent successes against the Mahrattahs, he might, perhaps, think the occasion peculiarly favorable to the complete and final execution of his purpose.

YOUR intention of coming [hither] has been verbally communicated to us by Kureem Khân, and the account has afforded us pleasure: notwithstanding, the ungracious proceeding⁽¹⁾ of which you have [recently] been guilty is such, as I could never have imagined to be possible. It is well. My friendly disposition towards you still continues: repair hither, therefore, with a confident mind. The house and place are both yours.⁽²⁾ The remaining particulars will be imparted to you by the bearer of this letter.

Whatever message Abdûl Hukeem Khân may have sent to the Sultan, it is difficult to believe, after what had passed, that he should have entertained a serious intention of putting himself again in the power of the latter. He may, indeed, have been disappointed in his expectations from the Mahrattahs; but he probably knew the Sultan too well, to hope for any better treatment, in the event of his return to Shânoor. Be this as it might, it is certain that he did not return thither till the conclusion of the war.

DIRECTING him to issue strict orders to the different Aumils within his jurisdiction, to enroll [or impress] all such Piadehs⁽²⁾ and Coolies as might be found concealed in the dress [or under the disguise] of peasants.

This letter would seem to show, that it was not unusual with Tippoo Sultan’s government to press into the public service, not only labourers and carriers of burdens (a custom, by the bye, very generally obtaining throughout India), but also fighting men, for the purpose of recruiting the army. It might likewise be inferred from this document, that neither of the oppressive practices in question was liable to affect the real peasant. I am, nevertheless, doubtful, how far either of these conclusions would be correct; and am, indeed, rather led to think, from various passages in the correspondence, that there was no period of the Sultan’s reign, in which the peasantry, or Ryots (as they are called in the original), were bonâ fule exempt from compulsory service, as laborers or artizans. It is, on the other hand, not impossible, that the present order for impressing soldiers might be no more than a temporary expedient, suggested by the exigencies of the war: and, at any rate, it would appear to have extended only to such persons as had formerly borne arms, but were become, from whatever motives, averse to the resumption of them.

DIRECTING him to chastise the turbulent [or seditious] wherever they raised the head of revolt; and after making them prisoners, to place those under age [or of tender years] in the Ahmedy band, and to hang the remainder.

WHAT you have represented, regarding the flight of the Ryots belonging to the district of Great Balapoor, on account of the increase of six or seven thousand pagodas produced in the revenue, in consequence of our having fixed the exchange of the royal pagoda⁽¹⁾ at twelve Cantarai fanams, together with the excuse which you have offered for the Ryots on the occasion,⁽²⁾ is understood. Where is the hardship or difficulty in a Ryot [or renter, having] to pay an additional fanam or two upon his rent, which is the most that can fall upon the individual, when the tax [complained of] is divided among the whole?

YOUR letter, praying to be allowed the use of ten Bândârs [rocket-men] for the services of your house and gardens, has passed under our view. Bândârs are entertained for fighting, not for looking after houses and gardens. You must employ the Piâdehs stationed with you in the services you mention.

SEND and station the bullocks belonging to the great guns, and also those attached to your own Kushoon, together with their Dâroghas and drivers, into the rear of our special tents [or of the head-quarters], where, at the extremity of the army encampment, there is a spot abounding in grass, which will afford the cattle [good] pasturage. In that friend’s present situation, there is no grass but what is at a great distance. Here it is at hand; by which means the cattle will [soon] get into good condition. When you march again, or if you should want them for any particular purpose, you can send and order them to rejoin you.

N.B. A similar order appears to have been addressed, at the same time, to Bûrhânûddeen; but afterwards revoked, in consequence of its being ascertained and reported to the Sultan, that the situation occupied by Bûrhânûddeen afforded sufficient pasturage for the cattle of his division.

YOUR letter, enclosing a statement of the demands against the superseded Aumil of Sumrputn,⁽²⁾ has been received, and has made us acquainted with the particulars of his embezzlements. Let the claims of the Sircar upon the aforesaid Aumil and others be realized, by means of flogging.

IN compliance with your application for an order to the Aumil of Khan-Khanhully, to furnish you with two more iron boilers,⁽¹⁾ which you represent to be necessary, on account of the increase in the number of horses under your charge, we have written, and now enclose, the requisite letter to the aforesaid Aumil, to whom you will forward it. The boilers in question must, however, be paid for, at the time of their being delivered to your people.

There appears to have been a great iron-foundery and manufactory established at Khan-Khanhully,⁽²⁾ the business of which was, I believe, conducted on account, and for the exclusive benefit of, the Sultan’s government. There is, no doubt, some difficulty in understanding why an article, purchased, in fact, of the Sultan, and for his service, should be actually paid for in money, when a simple order to the directors of the works to furnish such articles, would apparently have answered the purpose as well. A similar practice, however, seems to have prevailed in other departments of the government; and the object of it might possibly have been to preserve the accounts of the proceeds or profits of the monopolies in question, as distinctly as possible.

AFTER a similar account of the battle of Shânoor with that given to Mahommed Baig Khân Humdâny and others, under the same date (see Letter CCCLXXXI), the present letter proceeds to give some immaterial orders, respecting the periodical dispatch of Kâsids (or messengers) from Dehli. Then follows an explanation of the new notation, according to which the Sultan had recently named the months and years of the Malabar cycle, and of which this is the substance.

The letters to which numerical powers are assigned are stated to be thirty; being the number, including (lâm-alif) and (humza) which occur in the Koran. Of the two last mentioned letters, the former, or , represented a half, and (humza) a quarter. The powers of the remaining twenty-eight letters were regulated according to their order in the alphabet; the first nine, to (zal) inclusive, representing units; the next nine, to (ain) inclusive, tens; the third series to (hé) inclusive, hundreds; the last letter, or (yé), standing for a thousand.

The foregoing rule is conveyed in the following verses, which are inserted here for the gratification of the Persian reader. Whether they may be considered as a specimen of the Sultan’s poetical talent I cannot affirm; but, however this may be, they do no great credit to their author.

It would appear by these verses, that this scheme of notation was invented, or, at least, first established, by Tippoo Sultan, who may possibly have given it the name of Hisâb e Zur, or the golden computation, in allusion to the circumstance of its being composed of the letters used in the Koran; which is not so exactly the case in the Ubjud scheme, as by that both lâm-alif and humza are rejected.

The remainder of this letter is occupied by an enumeration of the names of the months and years, according to the new nomenclature. The former of these, and as many of the latter as were deemed necessary, have been already given in another place.

YOUR humble address has passed under our view, by which we perceive that you have dispatched the account [of sales] of the shops⁽¹⁾ belonging to the Sircar [i. e. to us].

You write, that “there is no Mûtusuddy appointed for keeping the “accounts of the Tosheh-khâneh, and that, with our leave, you will “employ a Serishtedâr⁽²⁾ for the purpose; otherwise, you request that “some one may be nominated and dispatched from the Presence.” It is known. If you will refer to your Hûkm-nâmeh [or instructions] you will find it written there, “that a separate Mûtusuddy for keeping the “accounts of the Tosheh-khâneh is unnecessary, and that this duty is “to be performed by one of the numerous Serishtedârs of the Muhâls “[or revenue officers].” That you should propose, notwithstanding this [regulation], to employ a separate Mûtusuddy, can be attributed to no other cause than ignorance and want of understanding. Look into your instructions, and act agreeably to them.

YOUR letter, enclosing one to you from the Aumil of Kunucky, on the subject of the disturbances excited by the fugitive Polygar of that district, has been received. What are you and Turbiyut Ali Khân about, that you do not issue the most rigid orders on this occasion, and see this business properly settled?

THE names of the chiefs of the enemy, who are, at this time, suffering under the wounds inflicted upon them by us, are Bâlâjee Phurnuweese⁽¹⁾ and Mâdho Râo⁽²⁾. Be your reverence earnestly intent on [praying for] the confusion [or disgrace] of the enemy, and the splendor and increase of the true religion of Mahommed.

THE humble address which you sent [to us] has passed under our view; and what you represented therein has been comprehended. Your account of passing occurrences, and of your having written, and dispatched to Europe, all particulars relating to our friendly disposition [towards the French nation], as well as your information regarding the ships of war coming to these parts, are all made known.

You write “whenever the chiefs of the Sircar, selected for the embassy to Europe, shall arrive at Pondicherry, M. Cossigny will dispatch “them thither, with all the respect and honor [due to their rank and “station].” It is known. In conformity with the orders which we issued in your presence, and agreeably to what you have written, Mahommed Durwaish Khân, Akbar Ali Khân, Mahommed Othman, and other chiefs, charged with letters and presents, have set out [for Pondicherry], where they will [in due time] safely arrive. We have no doubt that you will take care that the above mentioned chiefs are properly supplied with whatever they may want, payment being made for the same; and that, providing in the best manner for their accommodation, you will convey them in perfect ease and comfort, along with yourself, to Europe.

We have learned by letters from Ghûlâm Ali Khân, Lûtf Ali Khân, Noorûllah Khân, and other Sirdârs [or chiefs] formerly sent [to Europe], of their safe arrival at the port of Bussorah, and of their departure from thence [in prosecution of their journey].

You write, “that during the stormy weather which prevails at sea “[about this time], and which may be expected to continue for two “months longer, ships cannot remain at their [usual] anchorage [on “the coast]; but that M. Cossigny having [some time since], with a “view to this circumstance, given you orders to prepare and bring a “good ship from the Mauritius, you should accordingly arrive from “thence at Pondicherry with one by the first of..........”⁽¹⁾ It is known: and we assure ourselves, in consequence, that you are by this time arrived at Pondicherry with a good ship.

We observe the desire you have expressed, that we would write to your Râjah in recommendation of M. Cossigny’s confirmation in the government of Pondicherry; and we have, accordingly, in the letter which we have sent to your Râjah by the Sirdârs of our Sircar, not only made the request suggested by you, but have, moreover, taken that occasion to speak [in due commendation] of the courage and knowledge of business⁽²⁾ which distinguish the said Monsieur.

We received the copy which you sent us of M. Cossigny’s letters to Nizâm Ali Khân and to the Mahrattahs, and all the particulars thereof are become known [to us].

You write, “that five thousand soldiers’ musquets will arrive immediately, either at Calicut or Mangalore; and that you will bring five “thousand more along with yourself, when you return [to Pondicherry] “from the Mauritius.” It is understood. We have written to the Taalûkdârs of Calicut and Mangalore, directing them to receive the musquets you may send, whenever they arrive, provided you shall have fixed a proper [or just] price upon the same.

To SHUMSÛDDEEN, and others (DÂROGHAS of the TOSHEH-KHÂNEH at SERINGAPATAM); dated from SHÂNOOR, 22d HYDERY. (19th November.)

YOUR humble address, accompanied by a statement of the quantities of gold and silver remaining in the Tosheh-khâneh and mint, together with an account of receipts and balances, has passed under our view. We wrote to you, some time since,⁽¹⁾ directing you to prepare and keep together, in a separate coffer, the sum of five lacks of rupees, which it was our intention to appropriate to the construction of a canal [or aqueduct] at the holy Nujuf. This money was to consist of such Hyderies, half rupees, and quarter rupees, as were in the treasury or the mint, or might come in with the collections from the country. We now repeat those orders; and also direct that, having placed the money in question in a distinct coffer, you affix a label on the said coffer, containing these words. “In this chest are deposited the rupees composing the Nuzr to “be appropriated to the construction of an aqueduct [from the Euphrates] “to the sepulchre of the holy Ali.” Not a single Dâm [or farthing] of this money is to be expended [for any other purpose than the one which has been indicated].

Notwithstanding these ostensible, and, perhaps, sincerely-meant preparations for executing the pious work alluded to, there is reason to believe, as has been elsewhere stated, that it was never carried into effect.

YOUR humble address was received [by us] on the 5th of Hydery [2d November] of the year Dullo. You write, “that, by the blessing of “God, you were well, and at Muscat, on the 22d of Jaafury (A.H. “1200), and that you were to proceed onward to Bussorah on the 25th “of the same month.”⁽¹⁾ You refer us, in the same dispatch, “for “further particulars, to a separate letter, addressed to us by Shâh Noorûllah; and moreover mention, your having, some time before, transmitted to the Presence, by a pair of Hurkârehs, an account of your “arrival at Muscat, together with two other packets, containing copious “details [of your journey and proceedings].” It is known. The aforesaid Hurkârehs have not hitherto arrived.

We desire you to let us know what persons you have sent by the ship [which is on its return hither]. It is astonishing, that notwithstanding the written instructions [which you have received on this head], you should, instead of writing to us in detail, refer us to a letter from Shâh Noorûllah. It appears by this, that you never look at your instructions; agreeably to the saying, “the epistles of lovers [are hung or placed] upon “deer’s horns.”⁽²⁾ Do not again lose your wits in this manner, but act according to your instructions.

You have written, “that Mûbaruk Khân, the Jowkdâr, is dead; and “that you will, with our permission, promote Mahommed .......... “in his room.” It is understood. We have invested you with full powers; you should, therefore, act in all matters according as you may think best suited to the circumstances of the moment, and not wait for our orders.

We have, at this time, in consequence of the late period to which your arrival in France will be protracted, dispatched Mahommed Durwaish, Akbar Ali Khân, Othman Khân, and other Sirdârs, to the Râjah of the French, for whom they are charged with letters and presents. They are to proceed in a French ship from Pondicherry. This is written for your information.

We have learned from report, that one of the elephants which you took with you died on your way to Muscat. It is astonishing that you should not have mentioned this circumstance.

N.B. There was added to the foregoing letter a similar account of the battle of Shânoor with that given in Letter CCCLXXXI and others.

It is remarkable, that although the Sultan had, at this time, dispatched another embassy, by sea, to France, he does not, on the present occasion, intimate any intention of recalling Ghûlâm Ali and his associates. On the contrary, he speaks of their arrival in France as an event still in his contemplation, though apparently distant. The reason, perhaps, of his not yet revoking the mission of the latter, was, that the new embassy, though appointed and now actually on its road to Pondicherry, was likely to be detained a considerable time at that place, and might, by a variety of accidents, be eventually altogether defeated. In fact, it did not take its departure from the French presidency till the middle of the year 1787.