Letters - Select Letters of Tippoo Sulṭān (Kirkpatrick)

MY LORD:

IT is neither for the ostentatious purpose of gracing the front of my book with an illustrious name, nor, by thus giving it the apparent stamp of your approbation, to promote its favourable reception with the public, that the present work is dedicated to your Lordship. It is equally remote from my intention, either to offer it as a tribute of gratitude for former, or to employ it as a passport to future obligations. The first of these objects would be but feebly answered, and the latter could not, in any degree, be advanced, by such inadequate means. It is a principle of justice, and of justice alone, which has prompted me to address it to your Lordship.

I am far from the vanity or presumption of imagining, that the introduction of your name, on this occasion, can be in the least flattering to your Lordship. No, my Lord; I am only anxious to avoid the manifest impropriety of which I should be guilty, if I were to dedicate to any but your Lordship, a work, which, in truth, owes its existence to you.

This is no compliment, my Lord, but a mere historical fact: for who does not know that it was your Lordship’s political sagacity which penetrated, and your prompt and energetic measures which defeated, the hostile designs of Tippoo Sultan against the British Dominions in India? Who is ignorant, that it was those measures which led to the rapid annihilation of the most formidable power with whom we ever had to cope in that quarter of the globe, and which substituted in its place an order of things, redounding no less to the glory, than conducing to the solid interests, of your country?

To the complete success which, under Divine Providence, crowned the wise and vigorous conduct of your Lordship, in this short but arduous contest, is the public indebted, among other inestimable advantages of the most important and durable nature, for the possession of the archives of Seringapatam. To whom, therefore, can a work, compiled from those archives, be so appropriately addressed, as to him who procured us access to whatever information they contain?

Having thus, I presume, satisfactorily established your Lordship’s public claim to the present humble tribute, it only remains for me to shew, that you possess still another title to it, which though of a private nature, is equally imperative upon me, as the compiler of the following sheets: for if that tribute would have been due to your Lordship from any person whatsoever, who might have casually obtained possession of the documents composing this work, and have anticipated me in the publication of them, how much more is your Lordship entitled to receive such an acknowledgement from one, who is, in fact, indebted for his materials to the official situations in which he had the honor of being employed under your Lordship’s administration in India?

Exeter,
1st February, 1811.

IT is already generally known, that upon the reduction of Seringapatam, in the year 1799, all the public records of the then existing Government of Mysore passed into the possession of the captors. It is also, however, but too certain, that many of these precious documents were accidentally burnt, or otherwise destroyed, in the confusion and disorder which unavoidably ensued upon the assault of the fort: nor is it improbable, that some portion of them has disappeared, in consequence of falling, on the same occasion, into the hands of private persons, ignorant of the value, and indifferent to the preservation of their prize. But whatever loss may have arisen from the last mentioned cause, it is, nevertheless, owing to the active care, and intelligent research, of an individual, that several of the most important of the Mysore papers, now remaining, have been rescued from oblivion; and, among the rest, the very Register of public Letters, from which the correspondence, contained in the present volume, has been extracted. The gentleman here alluded to is Lieutenant-Colonel Ogg, of the East-India Company’s Madras Establishment,^* to whose kindness the Translator is indebted for the chief part of the interesting materials relative to Tippoo Sultan, of which he is in possession.

Of the state papers discovered at Seringapatam, immediately after the capture of that place, many have been already communicated to the Public, through official and other channels.^* Those, in particular, which served to develope the more recent intrigues of Tippoo Sultan with the enemies of Great-Britain, were published, soon after his overthrow, by authority of the Supreme Government of India, and subsequently in this country. A report of the general nature of these documents was drawn up, at an early period, in pursuance of directions from Marquis Wellesley, by the present writer, who had been employed to examine them, and who suggested, at the time, the expediency of having the whole translated, preparatory to a proper selection being made from them, for the information of the public.^† The great pressure of business in the Persian Department, prevented, however, the adoption of this recommendation, when first submitted to the Governor General; and the same cause has probably continued to operate, to the disappointment of the expectation which may be presumed to have been excited on the occasion. By none can this disappointment be more severely felt or regretted, than by the compiler of these sheets, who is too well acquainted with the eminent talents of the gentleman^‡ then at the head of the Persian Office in Bengal, not to appreciate duly the heavy loss sustained by the literary world at large, but more especially by such as are fond of enquiries into the Modern History of India, in consequence of his having been precluded, by his official avocations, from undertaking the task alluded to.

But it may still, perhaps, be permitted us to hope, that this object has not been absolutely relinquished; and that some portion, at least, of the extensive and valuable documents, enumerated in the report just referred to, may at no distant period, be submitted to the public eye, which, in the mean while, may possibly view with indulgence, the present specimen of the less copious, but equally curious and interesting materials, discovered subsequently to the date of that report. Of those materials, (or, rather, such of them as have reached the Translator’s hands) the following sheets constitute only a part. The remaining letters of Tippoo Sultan, to say nothing of other documents in the writer’s possession, would, after due selection, furnish abundant matter for another volume: but enough, probably, is here done, for the immediate gratification of the public curiosity. It must rest on the reception given to the present work, and on the state of the Translator’s health, whether he shall hereafter attempt a continuation of it. However this may be, as the other materials, alluded to, have no necessary dependence, either upon those employed in the ensuing pages, or upon one another, no inconvenience can result to the reader or purchaser from their separate publication.

The Translator will probably have reason to regret, that he has allowed so long a period to intervene, between the publication of the present volume and his acquisition of the materials which principally compose it. It would, no doubt, have excited a stronger interest than it can now be hoped to do, if it had appeared, while the public curiosity, with regard to whatever related to Tippoo Sultan, was still eager, and while the memory of the events connected with his name was yet recent. But various circumstances, with which it is unnecessary to trouble the Reader, combined to prevent the Translator, till within the last twelvemonth, from undertaking to arrange the documents in his possession for the press. He will only mention one; which is, that during the whole of the intermediate time, he was constantly in expectation that the work in his contemplation (for he confesses to have always had it in view) would be anticipated from some other quarter. Notwithstanding, however, the unfavourable effect, but too likely to be produced by the delay which has occurred, the Translator is willing to flatter himself, that, even at this late period, the attempt to illustrate a character, so conspicuous in modern days as that of Tippoo Sultan, and to throw light on transactions, so closely connected, as those of his reign are, with the history of the British Empire in India, is in little danger of being deemed entirely destitute, either of interest or utility. In this humble confidence are the following sheets now presented to the Public, whose judgment concerning them will be awaited by the Translator with no inconsiderable anxiety.

THE Register from which the following letters have been taken, and which has been cursorily noticed in the Advertisement, is the fragment, only, of a record, which, if it had reached us in a perfect state, would probably have exhibited copies of all the public or official correspondence of Tippoo Sultan, from the commencement to the close of his reign. Unfortunately, however, the portion of these highly interesting documents which has been preserved, or, at least, hitherto discovered, is not so extensive as could have been wished; the correspondence, in question, not beginning till February 1785, and ending with November 1793. But, even in this period, considerable chasms occur; while, from 1794 to 1799, is an absolute blank. In short, we are, at present, in possession of little more than a third part of the correspondence, which may reasonably be supposed to have taken place within the time spoken of: in which account, however, I do not include such detached letters of the Sultan as have come to us through other channels, and all of which are of a subsequent date to the latest of those recorded in the Register.

But whatever cause we may have to regret the actual deficiency of our present materials, we ought not, perhaps, absolutely to despair of its being yet supplied by the successful diligence of future enquirers. Adverting to the extreme regularity observed by the Sultan in the registry of his official correspondence, little doubt can be entertained of the existence of the now missing part of it, at the time of his death. Supposing it therefore, to have escaped the destruction, which, as was stated in the Advertisement, swept away but too many of the archives of his government, it is still possible, that it may be recovered, out of the private hands into which it has probably fallen. In the mean while, the value of the portion actually preserved, is not, perhaps, essentially diminished, by the loss that appears to have been sustained. Enough remains, if not to elucidate every transaction of the Sultan’s reign, at least to develope his singular character in the most satisfactory manner. The importance of these letters, indeed, does not consist so much in the light which they are calculated to shed on several material occurrences of the period they relate to (though, in this respect, they will certainly be found a useful guide to the future historian of Mysore) as in the vivid illustration which they afford of the genius, talents, and disposition of their extraordinary author, who is here successively and repeatedly delineated, in colors from his own pencil, as the cruel and relentless enemy; the intolerant bigot or furious fanatic; the oppressive and unjust ruler; the harsh and rigid master; the sanguinary tyrant; the perfidious negociator; the frivolous and capricious innovator; the mean and minute economist; the peddling trader; and even the retail shop-keeper. The painter will not be suspected of overcharging the unfavorable traits of the picture, when it is considered that that picture is his own.

In making the present selection from about a thousand letters,^* I have confined myself, almost entirely, to such as either appeared to exhibit the Sultan in some new light; to unfold some of his political, financial, or commercial views; or to elucidate some historical fact. Those which merely related to the details of ordinary business, without eliciting any thing peculiarly characteristic of the writer, have been passed over. I have also judged it unnecessary to insert any part of the Sultan’s correspondence with the several British Governors of India, as most of these documents are already in the possession of the Public.

I will now proceed to give some account of the rules, by which I have, in general, been guided in the course of the present translation.

My principal object, in this work, being to present as striking a likeness of Tippoo, as the nature of my materials, and the extent of my ability to employ them advantageously, would admit, I thought it essential to this end, to render his sentiments, on all occasions, as closely as the different idioms of the two languages would allow, without involving the sense in difficulty or obscurity. In short, what I wished, but cannot hope to have attained, is, that the reader, losing sight entirely of the translator, should fancy himself in presence of the Sultan, listening to the latter, while dictating to one or other of the different secretaries by whom he was usually attended.

Proceeding on this principle, I have, for the most part, adhered more strictly to the phraseology or diction of my original, than is usually deemed necessary, or expedient, in translations from a foreign language; and I am ready to admit, that my unwillingness to relinquish the slightest turn of expression, appearing particularly to denote the feeling which suggested it, may have sometimes led me too far. Still, however, my translation is not absolutely a verbal one; since I have not scrupled to exercise a certain license, as often as either our language could not be easily bent to the form of the Persian, or ambiguity was likely to result from the attempt. There are, indeed, two points, in which I acknowledge to have uniformly deviated from the strict letter of the original, and on which it may not be improper, in this place, to submit a few observations to the notice of the Reader.

One of the points alluded to consists in my making the writer of these letters almost constantly use the first person plural, when speaking of himself; but though it is true, that the precise words, corresponding to we, our, and us, are not employed by the Sultan, yet are the latter entirely agreeable to the genius of the language, in which nothing is more common than the substitution of the plural for the singular pronouns, unless it be that of the third for both the first and second.^* In these letters, however, the pronoun of the first person, whether singular or plural, scarcely ever occurs,^† the words Hûzoor (Presence), and Sircar (state or government), being every where used instead of them. As, therefore, the perpetual recurrence of such terms would have had a very awkward appearance in English, if it would not, also, have sometimes embarrassed the sense, I did not hesitate at converting them generally into pronouns. It may be further urged, in justification of the liberty I have taken, that while, on the one hand, the style of majesty, thus assigned to the Sultan, is in perfect conformity with the usage of the East, it is also the best suited to the mandatory nature of the chief part of the letters, and to the actual rank of the writer. In a few instances, where the persons addressed are of a different description from the generality of his correspondents, I have judged it right to make the Sultan descend (as, indeed, he more or less does himself in the original) to the customary style of equality.

The second point, in which I have ventured to depart pretty constantly from the manuscript, respects the tense, as the preceding one does the person. Instead of the perfect, or preterpluperfect tense, in which the letters of his correspondents are always spoken of by the Sultan, I have adopted, as more agreeable to the idiom of our language, the use of the present and compound preterite: thus, for it was written (by you), or you wrote, I have put, you write. In the same manner I have rendered passed under view, by, has passed under (our) view;^* and so in other similar cases.

With the exceptions which have been stated, and scarcely with any other, my general rule has been, to retain, as nearly as possible, every word and thought, that seemed to mark, in any prominent degree, the peculiar cast of the writer’s mind.

Tippoo Sultan, indeed, rarely took up his pen, without its laying open some recess or other of his various and irregular mind. He seldom issues an order, that does not bespeak, either the general tone of his nature, or the particular impulse of the moment. He seems to have felt no hesitation in avowing, in the course of the letters which follow, the most flagitious sentiments; and this may be accounted for on one or other, or on both, of these principles. The letters being, in the first place, addressed, with few exceptions, to persons in absolute dependence on him, he consequently would be wholly free from that sort of reserve, which arises from the fear of incurring the censure or reproach of the world. He knew his will to be a law, the propriety of which, as it might concern others, would never be canvassed or doubted by any of his slaves. In the next place, he probably measured the sentiments in question, by a different standard from that with which we estimate them. Thus, the various murders and acts of treachery, which we see him directing to be carried into execution, were not criminal, but, on the contrary, just, and even meritorious, in his eyes. They might, and most likely did, in a great degree, proceed from a disposition naturally cruel and sanguinary: but, perhaps, an intolerant religious zeal and bigotry were not less active motives to them. The Koran taught him, that it was not necessary to keep faith with infidels, or the enemies of the true religion, in which class it was not difficult for him to persuade himself that it was right to include all who opposed, or refused to co-operate in, his views, for the extension of that religion; or, in other words, for his own aggrandisement. Hence it was, that our Musulman allies and subjects were scarcely less obnoxious to his hatred and vengeance than ourselves. With regard to the secret murder of his English prisoners, his dreadful slaughter of the Koorgs and Nairs, and his forcible conversion of so many thousands of the two latter tribes to the Mahommedan faith, he most probably thought such enormities no less warranted, both by the example and precepts of the founder of his religion, than the infraction of oaths and engagements in transactions with unbelievers.

It may be thought, that admitting the propriety of a close adherence, in general, to the original of a work of the peculiar nature of the present, still there was no necessity for retaining, so scrupulously as I may seem to have done, its numerous pleonasms and tautologies, both in matter and expression. With respect, however, to the former of these defects, (namely, the perpetual reiteration of the same opinion or direction) I confess I did not deem it right to retrench superfluities, which did not appear as such to their author; who, though he undoubtedly too often wearies us with a repetition of the same thing, might, nevertheless, in so doing, have had it in view to stimulate the diligence and zeal of his servants: and where the fault may not seem to have proceeded from this cause, it at least marks an earnest solicitude of mind, for the accomplishment of the objects so incessantly impressed on the attention of the persons addressed. These observations will be found, perhaps, more especially applicable to the letters written to Kumrûddeen Khân, to Bûrhânûddeen, and to the diplomatic agents at Poonah.

With regard to the mere verbal tautologies, I am ready to admit that they might have been considerably abridged, without any injury to the general sense of the original, and certainly with advantage to the style. As, however, they appeared to me, in many instances, strongly characteristic of the genius and temper of the writer, I have, on such occasions, thought it right to preserve them in the translation, though somewhat at the expence of good taste and brevity. On the other hand, where the perpetual recurrence of an unmeaning form of speech would have become grating to the ear, or tiresome to the eye, I have not scrupled to vary it occasionally. I shall be found to have exercised this liberty most frequently in the introductory part of these letters, where, instead of “your humble address has passed under view, and the circumstances set forth therein are manifest, or duly comprehended, &c.” with which, or similar words, they usually begin, I have generally contented myself with a simple notification of the receipt of the letter referred to. Now and then, only, for the sake of variety, I have retained the circuitous phraseology of the original. On the whole, however, I have no where, for the mere sake of improving the general style of the translation, or of infusing more spirit into any particular passage or expression, deviated intentionally from my manuscript, of which my endeavour has been to give as faithful a version as was compatible with a due regard to perspicuity. If I have not always succeeded in this object, I am willing that the failure should, for the most part, be attributed to my incompetency. At the same time, I owe it to myself to observe, and trust my readers will believe, that it has sometimes proceeded entirely from the obscurity of the original, occasioned either by the carelessness of my author, or by the errors of transcribers.

Notwithstanding the few redundancies of style which have been noticed as pervading the following letters, their general characteristic is certainly brevity, which, perhaps, might proceed, in some degree, from a notion of the writer, that the laconic manner was the one best suited to the authoritative nature of his dispatches, as well as to the relative situation of the persons to whom they were chiefly addressed. It was certainly, too, well adapted, if not absolutely necessary, to the purpose of one who had his pen for ever in his hand, and who himself (whether from inclination, or from an universal distrust of all whom he employed, or from a passion to be thought, not only the principal, but the sole originator, of every thing) directed, either by writing or orally, the most minute details of his government. Such a one could not have had leisure to compose long letters, had they been necessary; which, however, would rarely be the case. But be this as it might, the Sultan does not appear to have possessed a sufficient stretch of thought upon any subject (even those that he most delighted in or affected) to enable him to discuss it, either with logical force or precision. A consecutive train of argument was a thing of which he no where seems to have had an idea: yet some of the occasions, on which he wrote or dictated, certainly afforded ample scope for the display of the reasoning faculty. His writings, however, furnish as little proof of his having possessed this faculty, as his actions in general did. Even in his own Memoirs, which he did not begin to compose till he was past forty, we meet with nothing indicating capacity of any kind. He did not even write with facility. This is clearly shewn, by various memorandums in his hand-writing, which, though very short, and on subjects of no difficulty, abound in erasures and corrections. One, in particular, relating to the question, whether Major Doveton should be allowed to accompany the hostage princes, on their return from Madras? is nearly unintelligible, in consequence of the interlineations which disfigure, and the general confusion of ideas and dates which pervades it. As this curious document, besides serving to establish the truth of the position just advanced, is, in some other respects, extremely interesting, the Persian reader may not be displeased to see a fac simile of it, which has been engraved for this work, and forms Appendix A.

Although the authenticity of these letters will hardly be disputed, even by the most sceptical, yet the reader may hesitate to believe, that, with the exception, perhaps, of those addressed to the Emperor of Hindostan (the late Shah Allum), and a few others of the more elaborate or finished kind, if any of them may be so considered, they were either dictated by the Sultan, or actually proceeded from his pen. Nor, indeed, does this notion admit, at present, of any direct or positive proof. Its probability only can be contended for; and that, I think, sufficiently deducible from the internal evidence afforded by these documents themselves. Their laconic and abrupt style, their commanding and peremptory tone, and the asperity of language which distinguishes so many of them, all abundantly indicate their origin. No Mûnshy, or secretary, in short, can be reasonably supposed to have drafted such letters; while, as to the labour attending the composition or dictation of so many dispatches, as sometimes appear under the same date, it will scarcely be thought to constitute any objection to the present hypothesis, in the case of one so addicted to writing, and so indefatigable in business, as the Sultan was.

To return from this digression, to the account I proposed giving of the plan of the following translation. The notes which I have annexed to it are of two kinds: those merely explanatory of a single word, or phrase, or referring to other letters, or relating to dates, appear at the bottom of the page. When, on the other hand, a particular letter or passage has suggested to me any reflections, to which I wished to draw the reader’s attention, I have, instead of encumbering the page with them, placed them under the title of “OBSERVATIONS,” at the end of the letter giving rise to them. Upon this commentary, if I may so call those observations, I have taken occasion to engraft, besides other original matter, a considerable portion of a highly interesting manuscript, purporting to be a Memoir of Tippoo Sultan, written by himself. This curious document was among the numerous papers discovered by Colonel Ogg. The copy with which that gentleman favored me was entitled Tareekhe Khodâdâdy, i. e. the Khodâdâdy Annals, or History of the Khodâdâd Sircar. The work was, from the beginning, in an imperfect state; the narrative being brought down to no later a period than the termination of the Mahrattah war, or the month of February 1787. My copy, however, has been rendered still more incomplete, by an unfortunate accident, which occasioned the destruction of several leaves of it. The original Memoir evidently formed, as far as it went, the ground-work of the more diffuse and elaborate history of Zynûl Aabideen Shoostry, mentioned by Colonel Wilks, and called by its author, in allusion to his master’s name, “the “Sultan of History.” I am not enabled to say, whether the copy of the fragment found by Colonel Ogg was in the actual hand-writing of the Sultan: but, however this may be, I venture to think, that no just doubt can be entertained of its genuineness. It was discovered in the palace of the Sultan, and along with other documents of unquestioned authenticity. The style and matter of it, moreover, abundantly support its claim to credit. It is written throughout in the first person; and while it states some facts which could be known only to the Sultan, it every where breathes the same over-weening spirit, which so strongly distinguishes almost every production of his pen. The Persian scholar, however, who may wish to judge on this point for himself, will have it in his power to do so, by inspecting the manuscript in question; which, together with the original of the following letters, will be deposited in the East-India Company’s Library.^*

Such technical terms (and especially the names of offices and employments) as I could not render into English, with perfect reliance on the fidelity of my interpretation, I have retained in the original, and subjoined, by the way of notes, the best explanation of them in my power to give I may add here, that whenever I have been in any doubt, with respect to the sense of a particular word or phrase, I have usually noticed it, offering, at the same time, the interpretation that seemed to me to be nearest the truth, and not unfrequently putting the original Persian at the bottom of the page. Where the meaning, on the other hand, owing to some error in the manuscript, or to my insufficiency, has appeared utterly inexplicable, I have thought it best to pass over the unintelligible part altogether, but never without announcing the omission.

This seems the proper place for apprizing the reader, that the words enclosed in hooks, or crotchets, are not strictly warranted by the original, but have been supplied, in order to complete the sense, and prevent the obscurity which their omission would have been liable to produce: for, however diffuse or exuberant the usual style of Persian composition may be, that language abounds in phrases and modes of expression, which, owing to their concise structure, leave much to be understood, and which can be rendered intelligible in English, only by such means as I have occasionally adopted.

I could have wished it had been in my power to have elucidated the geography of the present work, in a more satisfactory manner than has been done. In fact, I have been enabled to afford the reader little or no additional information on this subject, in aid of what is to be obtained from the latest maps of Mysore, of which I consider the one, given in Colonel Wilks’s valuable History of that state, as the best. What has increased my difficulty, on this occasion, is, that the names of many places, occurring in the Persian manuscript, are written so indistinctly, that I could only guess at them; which, however, I have never done, without noticing the circumstance. Besides this, there are several forts and towns mentioned in the following pages, which would be sought for in vain in any map or gazetteer, hitherto published; because, in the rage for innovation, which never ceased to actuate the Sultan, he was led, among other reforms of a similar nature, to change their ancient and still generally prevalent names. Thus, to Chittledoorg he gave the name of Furrûkh-yâb Hisâr; to Gooty, that of Fyze-Hisâr, &c. Some of these innovations are officially announced, in the course of the present work. It appears somewhat singular, that in his childish eagerness to give new denominations to every thing, he should have suffered Seringapatam and Bangalore to retain their old names; especially as the former appellation, having been derived from an idol, might, on that account, be supposed to have been particularly offensive to a bigotted Musulman. It is not, therefore, improbable, that some superstitious notion may have restrained him in these instances, and saved those ancient cities from the transformation experienced by so many others.

On the subject of the oriental orthography of the present work, it is the more necessary to submit a few remarks to the reader’s consideration, as these letters abound so greatly in proper names, and other Persian or Hindivi words. Such a diversity of opinion and practice prevails in this respect, that it would not be possible to adopt any scheme entirely acceptable to all. That which I have, for the most part, endeavoured to follow, is the one introduced at the College of Fort William, on the first establishment of that admirable institution, which appears to me better adapted than any other, to convey to the English reader an accurate notion of the pronunciation of the Persian language, as spoken in India. I have not, however, rigidly adhered to the scheme in question, having, for instance, rarely followed it, in opposition to any very prevalent or general practice, however incorrect the latter might be. Thus I have always, in compliance with the common usage, written Mahommed, instead of Muhummed; Mysore, instead of Mysoor; Bangalore, instead of Bungloor; Seringapatam, instead of Sri-rung-putn, &c. On the same principle, I have preferred Tippoo Sultan to the more correct spelling of Tipoo Sûltaun or Sûltân; though I observe that the latter mode of writing the word Sultan has been adopted by Major Stewart and others. Still, however, as the short, or quick sound, of the last of the two syllables composing it, is almost in universal use, I have thought it right to preserve the spelling which best expresses that sound.^*

Before I conclude these introductory remarks it may be proper to state, that my chief trouble, in the present work, has arisen from the difficulty I have had in adjusting the Kalendar introduced by the Sultan. On this subject I have found it necessary to enter into a distinct discussion, which, accordingly, immediately follows the Preface. It may here suffice to say, that though I am, by no means, confident of having completely succeeded in my endeavors on this occasion, I nevertheless trust, that none of my dates will be found materially wrong. I also deem it requisite to observe, that notwithstanding the pains which I have taken to arrange these letters in the regular order of time, I am apprehensive that some of them will be found out of their proper place. The reason of this is, that with a view to dispatch, the original was distributed, for copying, among several transcribers; and that, on the completion of the work, the different portions of the copy, instead of being carefully disposed, according to their respective dates, were bound up promiscuously together. Owing to this inadvertency, I constantly found, when I came to examine them in a collected form, that two letters which, agreeably to their dates, should have stood together, were separated, perhaps, by a hundred pages: consequently, before I could proceed satisfactorily with my translation, I was obliged to reduce this chaos to some order; and if I have not been entirely successful in the attempt, the indulgent reader will make due allowance for the difficulty and irksomeness of my task.

Besides the extensive obligations which I have declared myself to be under to the liberal kindness of Colonel Ogg, it is incumbent upon me to acknowledge, on the present occasion, the great assistance I have derived, in several instances, from another source. I here allude to various valuable communications with which I have, at different times, been favoured, by my very able friend, Lieutenant Colonel Colin M‘Kenzie, of the Madras Engineers; to whose indefatigable and laudable researches, respecting the History and Antiquities of the South of India, such just and honorable testimony has been borne by Colonel Wilks, in the valuable work which that accomplished writer has lately presented to the public.

The list of those, however, to whom I owe the humble tribute of my thanks on the present occasion is not yet closed. I am proud to add to it the name of Dr. Wilkins, the learned and ingenious Librarian of the East India Company, to whose friendly assistance and advice, at the outset of my undertaking in particular, I consider myself to be much indebted. I am also eager to acknowledge my obligations to Charles Stewart, Esq. the learned Professor of Arabic, Persian, and Hindostâny, at the East-India Company’s College at Hertford; and to Sir Charles Warre Malet, Bart., who filled with distinguished reputation, during a period of ten years, the important station of Resident at the Court of Poonah. The nature of the communications with which I have been favored by the two latter gentlemen, will appear more fully in the sequel.

But to none of my literary friends do I feel more deeply indebted, for aid afforded me in the conduct of the present work, than to John Shakespear, Esq. of the Honorable East-India Company’s Military Institution at Croydon, in Surry; for if that able Orientalist had not most kindly undertaken to superintend it in its progress through the press, I must, of necessity, on account of my unavoidable absence from town, have postponed its publication to an indefinite period, if I had not even been induced, by the difficulties arising from this circumstance, to relinquish my design altogether. I would fain, therefore, enlarge, in this place, on the advantages which my book has derived, from the indefatigable care bestowed upon its revision; but I am restrained from indulging my inclination, in this respect, by knowing that I shall best consult the satisfaction of the gentleman in question, by abstaining, on the present occasion, from any more particular acknowledgement of my obligations to him.

To the names of the persons already announced, as having contributed, by their communications, to whatever value the present work may be thought to possess, I am bound to add those of Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Munro and Lieutenant Colonel Mariott, both of the Madras establishment. I must, at the same time, lament, that circumstances should not have admitted of my profiting by their extensive information, in the degree which an earlier application to them might have enabled me to do.

BEFORE I could proceed in the translation of the following letters, it was necessary that I should acquire some insight into the construction of the Kalendar instituted by Tippoo Sultan, and always employed by him, excepting in his correspondence with persons not subjected to his authority, when he condescended to use the common Mahommedan reckoning. Till I could attain this knowledge, it would neither be possible for me to rectify the confusion in the arrangement of the manuscript, occasioned by the accident noticed in the Preface, nor to convert the Sultan’s dates into the corresponding English dates. Of the necessity of the first of these operations, or the classing of the letters in the order of time, there could be no doubt, since this was absolutely necessary to the right understanding of many of them; while the utility of others, in an historical view, depended, in some measure, on the degree of accuracy with which the dates of the original might be reduced to our chronology.

When, however, I came to examine the means I possessed for this purpose, I found that they were much more scanty than I had supposed them to be: nor have I been so fortunate as to supply the deficiency, by such enquiries as it has been in my power to make in this country. No doubt, the requisite information might have been obtained from India; but the fact is, that it was not until very lately that I discovered the want of any. As it is, I trust that I have, at least, made such an approximation to the truth (if I have not actually arrived at it), as will sufficiently answer the main ends in view.

I have no means of ascertaining with precision, at what period of his reign Tippoo Sultan introduced his first innovation in the Kalendar; but there is good reason to believe, that it was about a year after his accession to the Musnud. The earliest document in my possession, dated according to his new Kalendar, is an edict, or regulation, of the 15th Jaafury of the year Uzl (or thirty-eighth of the cycle hereafter explained), corresponding, as I reckon, to the 10th of June 1784: but another, issued about six months anterior to this, or in January 1784, shows that the reformed Kalendar was not in use at the latter period, since the edict in question bears no other date than the Mahommedan one of Zilhijjeh, A.H. 1197.⁽¹⁾ From these data it may be inferred, that the new Kalendar was established some time between January and June 1784.

There is no doubt, that this Kalendar was founded on the reckoning in common use in Mysore, which was that of the Malabar cycle of sixty years. To the years composing this cycle, the Sultan gave new names; as he did to the months of the year. But though he took the Hindoo computation for his ground-work, he would not appear to have adhered strictly to it, since disagreements between the two reckonings sometimes occur. Thus the 14th Tûlooey (or 9th month of Tippoo Sultan’s year), which was the Sultan’s birth-day, did not coincide with the 14th, but with the 17th of Mârgaiser or Ughun (9th month of the Hindoo year). The cause of this discrepancy may probably be traced in the following division of the year, according to the Sultan’s first regulation of it.

Though the foregoing names are not absolutely unmeaning, yet they would not appear to have had any appropriate signification attached to them; with the exception of the first, called by one of the names of Mahommed, and of the eighth, or Hydery, which might possibly have been so denominated in honor of the Sultan’s father, as Tûlooey might likewise have been, in allusion to its being the month in which the Sultan himself arose, or was born. Whether Behâry had any reference to the spring, in which season it always occurred, is uncertain. Of the whole of these months it is, however, to be observed, that the initial letter of each denotes its place in the Kalendar, according to the well-known notation called or Ubjud, which assigns a certain numerical power to every letter in the alphabet.⁽²⁾ There being no single letter to express either 11, or 12, the two first letters of Eezidy and Byâzy, added together, denote the place of each, respectively, in the order of months, viz. 1 + 10 = 11. 2 + 10 = 12.

I cannot state positively, whether or not these months invariably consisted of the same number of days; but, as far as the documents in my possession enable me to judge, it would not appear that any fluctuation took place in this respect. It is here, however, proper to notice, that in the Appendix to Colonel Beatson’s book, a memorandum of the Sultan’s appears (respecting the battle of Suddasir), according to which the month of Râzy would seem to have consisted of thirty, whereas my table assigns to it only twenty-nine days. I have not the means, at present, of consulting the original document; but it occurs to me as being possible, that the Sultan may have written Sulkh, or, “the last day,” and that the translator may have supposed the thirtieth to be meant. If this should not be the case, it will not be easy to reconcile the disagreement in question.

The names given to the years of the cycle were formed also on the principle of the Ubjud notation, with the exception of the two first years, which were denominated Ahd (one or unity), and Ahmed (Mahommed), in honor of God and the Prophet; and implying that the latter was the second, as the Almighty was the first object of veneration. The rest of the names, though like those of the months, not entirely destitute of meaning, had no specific import. They merely denoted the order of each year in the cycle, which was found by adding together the numerical powers of the several letters composing the name, the amount being the number of the year. Thus Uzl (the name of the year with which the following correspondence commences) is equivalent to 38 (1+7+30), and denotes that the year, so called, is the thirty-eighth of the cycle (corresponding to A.D. 1784-5.)

But this arrangement was, after some time, superseded by another; the Sultan having, as there is reason to believe, made a second reform of the Kalendar, in the forty-first year of the cycle (or AD. 1787-8). The latter alteration, however, would not appear to have extended further than to the substitution of new names to the months and years, in the place of those first assigned to them. These new names possessed the same property as the old; namely, that of severally indicating the number of the year, and the order of the month, by virtue of their numerical power. The notation, however, now used was different from the Ubjud, and has been called by some Ubtus (an unmeaning word, formed by a combination of the first four letters of the alphabet⁽³⁾); but is, by the Sultan himself, in one of the letters of the present collection, denominated (if there be no error in the manuscript) Zur, and derived by him, but I do not distinctly understand how, from the Koran. The difference between the two schemes consists in this: in the Ubjud, the numerical powers of the letters depend on the order of the latter in the arbitrary verse already referred to; whereas, in the Ubtus, or Zur, they depend on the order of the letters of the alphabet: as

If, as there is reason to think, and as I shall presently endeavour to show, the new era invented by the Sultan, and which he sometimes called the era of Mahommed, and sometimes the Mowloody, or era of the birth (i. e. of Mahommed), was introduced at the same time with the change in the names of the years and months, just described; his motive for the latter innovation was not, perhaps, entirely capricious, but may be safely referred, in some measure, to his zeal for the glory of his religion. As the new epoch was, no doubt, designed to do honor to the Prophet, whom he seems to have thought degraded by the designation given to that in common use,⁽⁴⁾ so, probably, were the new names of the years and months, which, instead of being formed upon a vulgar or profane practice, were now constituted upon a principle, sanctified, as it would seem, by the word of the law. Be this, however, as it may, there are good grounds for believing, that the new era, and the second regulation respecting the names of the years and months, took place together, and that the use of both commenced with the forty-first year of the Malabar cycle.

It happens unfortunately, that one of the chasms in the following correspondence occurs at that very period; there not being a single letter of the forty-first year in the collection, nor any document whatever, of that date, among the papers in my possession. But though we are, by this means, deprived of any direct or positive proof on the subject, yet there are not wanting circumstances that afford, what will probably be deemed a sufficient presumption in favor of the opinion I have offered.

1st. In a letter to his diplomatic agents at Dehli, dated in Hydery (or eighth month) of the fortieth year (Dullo), the Sultan enumerated the names of the years and months, according to the second or new arrangement, which he had then probably determined on, but which he certainly did not carry into effect during the remainder of the fortieth year, as abundantly appears from existing documents. The letter here referred to is manifestly imperfect; otherwise we might have learnt from it, why the arrangement in question was announced so long before the period of its actual adoption. Possibly the great distance of Dehli may have suggested the expediency of an anticipated communication.

2d. It is established by a variety of documents, that both the new nomenclature and the new era were in use in the forty-second year of the cycle, which was accordingly called Sârâ; whereas, under the preceding arrangement, it would have been named Kubk.

3d. It is improbable, that the Jultan, after announcing the new nomenclature, so early as Hydery of the fortieth year, should have delayed the introduction of it till the forty-second year, or Jârâ: it is, therefore, most likely, that it commenced with the forty-first year, which, in this case, would be called Shâ, while, according to the former rule, it would be Mâ.

4th. In a letter, dated the 29th Eezidy (eleventh month) of Dullo, or the fortieth year, the Sultan directs an enquiry to be instituted among the learned men in different parts of his dominions, for the purpose of ascertaining, with exactness, the respective dates of the birth, mission, and flight of the Prophet. An explanation of the cause of the Higera, or flight, is also required by this letter. This investigation seems to have been preparatory to the establishment of the epoch under consideration.

5th. But the most unequivocal proof of the Mowloody era having been established in the forty-first year, is furnished by a decree, or regulation, of the year Râsikh, or forty-eighth of the cycle (corresponding to the 1209th year of the Higera), to which a seal is affixed, bearing the date 1215.⁽⁵⁾ Now as this date could not be meant for the Higera, it must, of necessity, have been intended to denote the year of Mahommed. The 1215th year of Mahommed co-incided with the forty-first of the cycle: and as we know that the Mowloody era was not in use during the fortieth of the cycle (or Dullo), it necessarily follows, that the seal in question was engraved in the first year of the institution of that epoch.

I will add here the few remaining observations that I have to make on the subject of the Mowloody era, and then return to the consideration of the Kalendar.

As this era was not adopted till after the time to which the letters in the present volume reach, it was not absolutely necessary to my immediate purpose, to have offered any explanation of it: but being upon the subject of the Sultan’s Kalendar, I thought it right to state what I knew, respecting so prominent an article of it. Even in the later documents, wherein it pretty constantly occurs, it is of little or no use in fixing the date of any letter, regulation, or transaction; since it is generally, if not invariably, accompanied by the year of the cycle. The first time that I meet with it is in an edict of the year Sârâ, or forty-second of the cycle (and 1216 of Mahommed). It is continually employed, however, in the Sultan’s Memoir of his own reign, where it is applied even to events which took place many years before its actual introduction. Thus, among other instances, Hyder Ali Khân is said to have died on Saturday, the 3d of Zâkiry “of the year of Mahommed 1209.” But of these Memoirs it is to be observed, that they bear internal evidence of having been composed subsequently to the peace of Seringapatam, in 1792.

The term Mowloody, strictly considered, is certainly not applicable to the era in question; according to which there would appear to have been no more than an interval of thirteen years between the birth and flight of Mahommed. It has been conjectured, that, instead of the birth, this era was, in fact, reckoned from the mission of Mahommed, or the period when he first announced himself as the messenger of God: and this notion receives some countenance, from the tenor of the enquiry spoken of above, which strongly implies a dislike of the term Higera, and an intention to sink the event it alludes to, in a reference to one of a more dignified and memorable kind. But, even in this view of the matter, it is difficult to account for the new era being called Mowloody, rather than Nûboowet; unless it be supposed, that the birth was put as a metonymy for the regeneration of the Prophet, which might be reckoned from the commencement of his mission.

I now resume my account of the Kalendar, which was interrupted by this digression concerning the Mowloody era.

The names of the months, according to the second and latest arrangement, became as follows:

The eleventh and twelfth months are here indicated, as in the former scheme, by the first two letters of their respective names, (râ), being 10+1; and r(u)b, 10+2.

Although I could present the reader with a table, exhibiting the names of every year in the cycle, according to both the schemes which have been described, yet it would answer no useful purpose, that will not be equally accomplished by the following abridgement, including only the years of Tippoo Sultan’s reign.

It is worthy of remark, that the name of the last of these years, or Bârish, signifying rain, was changed by the Sultan, only a short time before his death, to Bâshir;⁽⁷⁾ which meaning joyful, or auspicious, he thought a word of better omen than the other. But it did not prove such to him; for on the last day of Ahmedy (first month) of that very year, he lost his life, and the sovereignty of Mysore passed away from the Khodâdâd Sircar,⁽⁸⁾ to the hands of those, towards whom he ever cherished the most deep and irreconcileable hatred; paralleled, perhaps, only by that borne, in ancient times, by Hannibal against the Romans.

It will be seen, by the table of months inserted at page xxvii, that the Sultan’s year, though considered by him as solar, consisted of no more than three hundred and fifty-four days. In order, therefore, to correct this reckoning, and to approximate it to the true solar time, he occasionally added a thirteenth month to the year. I say, occasionally; because I have not been able to discover (if, as is probable, there existed) any fixed rule for determining either the return of the leap year, or the period of such year, at which the intercalary or supplementary month was to be introduced. It is stated in some of my notes, collected at Seringapatam, that every third year was considered as embolismal, and that the supplementary month was always inserted, according to one account, after the tenth, and, according to another, after the eleventh month. But each of these statements is clearly proved to be wrong by a variety of authentic documents, showing that the thirty-ninth, forty-fourth, forty-seventh, forty-ninth and fifty-second of the cycle were leap years. On what year, between thirty-nine and forty-four, leap year fell is not known, owing to the want of documents for that period: but whether we suppose it to have been the forty-first or forty-second year, it will be equally manifest, that the embolismal year did not uniformly occur every third year. The same thing is shown by the fact of the forty-seventh and forty-ninth years having both been leap years.

It is a known rule, that to make the solar and lunar years accord, seven returns of the intercalary, or supplementary month, are required in the course of nineteen years, Now from the thirty-fifth to the fifty-third year of the cycle (both inclusive) is a period of nineteen years, in the course of which seven leap years occur, (viz. five which are clearly ascertained, and two which have been assumed). But, notwithstanding this apparent conformity, the two reckonings do not co-incide, when, according to this rule, they might be expected to do so. The reason of this disagreement, no doubt, is, that though the months established by Tippoo were ordinarily called lunar, they were not strictly so; six of the twelve months of the year having consisted of thirty, and the other six of twenty-nine days each: the common year, therefore, comprizing three hundred and fifty-four days, was, in fact, neither lunar nor solar.

The documents abundantly prove, that the intercalary, or supplementary month, called by the Sultan Zâid (as zâid Ahmedy; zâid Behâry, &c. according to the month before⁽⁹⁾ which it was inserted) was not added at any fixed or regulated period of the year, but, apparently, according to his fancy: at least I have not met with any clue to the principle (if principle there was) on which it was arranged. All that is certain is, that in the thirty-ninth year the Zâid, or adscititious month, was Ahmedy; in the forty-fourth year, Sumry; in the forty-seventh year, Behâry; in the forty-ninth year, Hydery; and in the fifty-second year, Jaafury: by which unquestionable facts it appears, that in no one instance, in so many years, did it happen to fall either on the tenth or eleventh month.

But although so much uncertainty prevails on this article, yet being apprized, as we are, that the first day of the fifty-third year co-incided with the 6th April 1799, and knowing, also, both the names of the leap-years, and of the supplementary months which occurred between that time and the forty-fourth year, inclusive, we are fortunately enabled to convert the Sultan’s dates, during that period, with sufficient accuracy, into our own. It is after passing, in a retrogade progression, the forty-fourth year, that the principal difficulty commences; since there are, at present, no means of ascertaining in what year, between that and the thirty-ninth, the leap-year occurred, or at what period of such year the intercalary month was added.

In this difficulty I could only arrive at the fortieth and thirty-ninth years (so essential to my immediate purpose, on account of the principal portion of the following letters belonging to those years) by assuming, at a venture, one of the intervening years, between forty-four and thirty-nine, as the leap-year. I therefore fixed upon Sârâ, or the forty-second year, by which means something like system and regularity is made to appear in the recurrence of the embolism; which, by this distribution, would seem to have returned (as far as our materials enable us to judge) alternately, every third and every second year: that is to say, in the thirty-ninth, forty-second, forty-fourth, forty-seventh, forty-ninth, and fifty-second. With regard to the supplementary month of the assumed leap-year, I was obliged to resort to the same expedient; and, accordingly, fixed on the third month, or Tuky. By this means, each of the first six months of the year (though not in regular succession) will appear to have served as the intercalary months, three of them being months of thirty days, and the three others months of twenty-nine days. Hence the leap years, thirty-nine, forty-four, and fifty-two, are made to contain each three hundred and eighty-three days; and the leap years, forty-two, forty-seven, and forty-nine, each three hundred and eighty-four days.⁽¹⁰⁾

Having constructed my table of corresponding dates in the best manner I could, with the imperfect materials in my possession, I was, fortunately, enabled to verify or correct the same, by means of a practice occasionally observed by the Sultan, of giving the day of the week along with the day of the month. An instance of this kind occurs in Letter CCCIV, which led to the discovery of an error I had committed, in converting the 18th of Jaafury of the year Dullo into our reckoning. I had made it agree with the 20th June, which fell on a Tuesday; while the 18th of Jaafury being expressly stated to have been a Wednesday, must, of course, have co-incided with the 21st June 1786. The detection of this mistake necessarily led to an alteration of the whole series of my dates for the two years comprized in the present volume, every one of which it became requisite to advance one day. This correction leaves scarcely any doubt of the perfect accuracy of the dates as now adjusted. The only point in which any mistake can have occurred, is in the number of days assigned to extra Ahmedy of the year Jullo: for though it is known, that regular Ahmedy consisted of twenty-nine days, it is not certain, (however probable) that the extra, or supplementary month, always had the same number of days as the regular month of the like name.

This is all that it has been in my power to do, with a view to the attainment of the accuracy so desirable on the present occasion. I trust I have not fallen into any material error. For the rest, I rely on the indulgence of the reader.

To MIRZA MAHOMMED ALI, Superintendant of the Elephant Stables at NUGR;⁽¹⁾ dated PUTN (or Seringapatam), 2d of BYÂZY, Year UZL. (17th February 1785.)

THE humble address [you] sent [us] has passed under [our] view, and the circumstances submitted [therein] are duly comprehended.⁽²⁾ You write, “that the Mûtusuddies⁽³⁾ attached to you have adopted habits “of ease and of lounging in Nugr, pretending that it is necessary for “them to see and confer with the Taalûkdar⁽⁴⁾ of Nugr; the consequence of which is, that fifteen days are consumed in preparing the “accounts of one,⁽⁵⁾ and that nothing is done excepting at Nugr, “though a Kunry Mûtusuddy⁽⁶⁾ (agreeably to our orders) attends on the “part of Nursia⁽⁷⁾ to assist in the business.”

This [representation] has caused [us] the utmost surprize. Whenever the Mûtusuddies belonging to your department cease to yield you proper obedience, you must give them a severe flogging;⁽⁸⁾ and making them prepare, with the greatest dispatch, the lists and other papers required by our former orders, transmit the same duly to the Presence.⁽⁹⁾

To understand the foregoing letter properly, it is necessary to suppose, what, indeed, is most probable, that the Elephant Mews, or Stables, were situated at some distance from the town of Nugr.

This letter furnishes a proper occasion for cautioning the reader, who may not be conversant in the history, or acquainted with the genius, or frame, of the native governments of India, against hastily drawing any general conclusions, with respect to the latter point, from the particular practice, or maxims, of Tippoo Sultan. The conduct of this prince was too commonly governed by caprice, and was too often the mere result of individual feelings and character, to afford a just criterion of the generality of Asiatic sovereigns, or Asiatic states. Thus, any one who should be led to infer, from the punishment here directed to be inflicted on the idle clerks of the elephant department, that it is customary in India (as in China and Russia) to flog any but the menial servants of government for neglect of duty, would be greatly mistaken: as he would, also, if he supposed that castration was no uncommon penalty in that country, for corruption, or other misdemeanors in the administration of public affairs, because the Sultan sometimes thought proper to threaten official delinquents with that punishment. The fact is, that all his Hookm-nâmehs, or instructions to the governors of provinces, and others, conclude with a denunciation of the penalties to which they will be liable, in case of disobedience or disregard of the orders contained in them. Sometimes these are generally stated, under the vague, but emphatic, term of “the worst of punishments:” at others, they are specifically named; as crucifixion, in one or two instances, and emasculation, in others. Whether or not the latter menace was ever, in any case, actually executed, I am not able to determine; but there is nothing in the character of Tippoo Sultan to render the affirmative unlikely. Colonel Munro assures me, that it is an absolute fact that on one occasion he ordered all the male population of a particular village, which had given him offence, to be castrated.

What the practice of Hyder Ali was on similar occasions, I have not the means of stating; but there is sufficient reason to suspect, that the example of the father was not much calculated to restrain the severity, or cruelty, of the son. It is certain, indeed, as I learn from Colonel Wilks, that Tippoo himself was once publicly bambooed (or caned) by order of Hyder, in whose good graces he would never appear to have stood very high. This opinion is strongly confirmed, by a most curious original document, which I met with at Seringapatam, in the year 1799, while employed in examining the mass of papers discovered more immediately after the capture of the place. I found it amongst a variety of other papers of the time of Hyder, deposited in a basket or box, where it had probably remained undisturbed and forgotten ever since his death. It is a narrow slip, about twelve inches in length: is entitled, at top, or “an agreement;” beneath which words is the impression, in ink, of a small square seal, resembling, in all respects, the usual signet, or ring-seal, of the Sultan, and bearing, together with the name “Tippoo Sultan,” the date “1184” (Higera).⁽¹⁰⁾ The instrument itself is without date; but it must, of course, have been executed some time between the year 1769 (the period when the seal was engraved) and 1782, in which last year Hyder died. On the back of this paper is a short endorsement of two or three words, in Canarese, which, I am sorry to say, I cannot explain.

I am equally unable to determine, whether this interesting document is in the hand-writing of the Sultan. It certainly bears but little resemblance to the specimens exhibited in a great variety of notes and memorandums, written by him in the latter part of his life. But his hand-writing might well undergo a material change in a period of twenty or thirty years: besides which, I suspect that most of the articles of his writing which happen to be in my possession, were written with a gold or silver pen, which he was much in the practice of using, and of which I obtained two or three at Seringapatam that had belonged to him. This occasioned his later writing (at least what I have seen of it) to have an air of stiffness and crabbedness, of which there is not near so great an appearance in the document under consideration.

But it is not essential to the authenticity of this paper that it should have been written in the Sultan’s own hand. The place in which it was discovered, joined to the seal and internal evidence furnished by its extraordinary tenor, sufficiently establishes its genuineness; but whether the engagement it contains was voluntarily entered into by the Sultan, or exacted by Hyder, does not appear. The latter, however, is not unlikely to have been the case, notwithstanding what the writer himself declares in the eighth article. After this general account of the document in question, I proceed to present the reader with a translation of it; and, for the satisfaction of those conversant in the language of the original, a fac-simile of it is given in article C. of the Appendix.

“1.⁽¹¹⁾ I will not do [any] one thing without the pleasure of your blessed Majesty, Lord of Benefits [or my bountiful Lord]: if I do, let me be punished, in “whatever manner may seem fitting to your auspicious mind.—One article.⁽¹²⁾

“2. If, in the affairs of the Sircar, I should commit theft, or be guilty of “fraud, great or small, let me, as the due punishment thereof, be strangled.⁽¹³⁾ “— One article.

“3. If I be guilty of prevarication, or misrepresentation, or of deceit, the “due punishment thereof is this same strangulation.— One article.

“4. Without the orders of the Presence, I will not receive from any one, “Nuzzers, &c. neither will I take things from any one [meaning perhaps forcibly]: if I do, let my nose be cut off, and let me be driven out from the city. “— One article.

“5. If, excepting on the affairs of the Sircar, I should hold conversation “[probably cabal or intrigue] with any person, or be guilty of deceit, &c., let “me, in punishment thereof, be stretched on a cross.— One article.

“6. Whenever a country shall be committed to my charge by the Sircar, “and an army be placed under my command, I will carry on all business regarding the same, with the advice, and through the medium of such confidential “persons as may be appointed [for the purpose] by the Sircar; and if I transact “such affairs through any other channel than this, let me be strangled.— One “article.

“7. If there should be any occasion for correspondence by writing, or to buy “or give [away] any thing, or any letters should arrive from any place, I will do “nothing [in such matters] without the concurrence and advice of the person “appointed by the Sircar.— One article.

“8. I have written and delivered these few articles of my own free will: “keeping the contents whereof in my heart’s remembrance, I will act in each “article accordingly. If I forget this, and act in any other [or different] manner, “let me be punished, agreeably to the foregoing writing.”

It will not, perhaps, be wondered at, that one, to whom the idea of corporal punishment, even in his own person, would seem, from the preceding instrument, as well as from Colonel Wilks’s report, to have been familiar, before his accession to the Musnud, should, after that event, have applied the practice, with similar disregard to the rank or station of offenders, to those then subjected to his authority.

Before I dismiss this subject it may be proper to notice, that the style of the foregoing document (and especially of the seventh article) is extremely perplexed and indistinct: but, even at a more advanced period of the Sultan’s life, most of the productions of his pen (as was observed on a former occasion) were characterized by the same involved structure of sentences, frequently creating considerable obscurity in the sense.

PROPOSE to the merchants of Muscat, (and get the Imaum⁽¹⁾ to issue orders to the same effect,) to bring hither, on the empty Dingies,⁽²⁾ such horses as they may have for sale; which being sold to us, the owners can carry back the produce in rice.

Several letters in this collection, as well as the present one, are dated at night, a circumstance that does not denote them to be of any urgency or particular importance (as one might be led to suppose), but merely shows the diligent application of the Sultan to business; the word night here implying some time after midnight.⁽³⁾ Its insertion in such a dispatch as the preceding one, certainly carries with it an air of affectation.

Tippoo Sultan was very desirous of establishing a commercial intercourse with Muscat; not, perhaps, without some ulterior view to a political connexion with that petty state. The encouragement which he held out, for this purpose, to the merchants of Muscat, as well as his own particular notions of trade, will appear in the sequel.

YOUR letter of the 19th of Eezudy [5th of February] has been received, and the whole of its contents are comprehended. The fixed or regulated money is ready. Whenever the chiefs of that place [Poonah] demand it, bankers’ bills to the amount shall be forwarded.

Representations of the contumacious conduct of the Zemindâr of Nergûnd were frequently transmitted [by us], in the course of last year, to Noor Mahommed Khân, who, no doubt, communicated the same to all the chiefs there [Poonah]. If a petty Zemindâr, and a subject of our government, like this, may not be punished, how shall our authority be maintained? The justice of this argument was admitted, even by Râo Râsta.⁽¹⁾ Thus the chastisement of this Zemindâr became necessary. If he is brought to reason from thence [i. e. by the Mahrattah chiefs] it will be well; otherwise he will be exterminated.

Let the Gûmâshteh⁽²⁾ of Apâjee Râo receive a monthly stipend of four pagodas.

You must not admit the Brahmens⁽³⁾ to a participation in the conduct of any secret negotiation. You and Noor Mahommed Khân [alone] are jointly to transact [all such affairs].

If the chiefs of that place, forgetting our past favors, should dispatch an army to the assistance of the Zemindâr of Nergûnd, what will it signify? We have, under the divine blessing, sent a strong force to reduce Nergûnd, and are in no fear of its suffering any misfortune from their army.

N.B. A letter, to the same effect as the above, and of the same date, was written to Noor Mahommed Khân (the colleague of Mahommed Ghyâs) with an immaterial addition, respecting some bills of exchange.

Mahommed Ghyâs Khân and Noor Mahommed Khân were, at this time, the diplomatic agents of Tippoo Sultan, at Poonah. The former of them was, probably, at the head of the mission, since many of the letters are addressed singly to him, and in all of them his name stands first. Noor Mahommed Khân, however, would seem to have resided longest at the Mahrattah court, to which, there is reason to believe, he had been originally deputed by Hyder Ali.

The present correspondence commences just at the period when the war of 1785 broke out between the Sultan and the Mahrattahs; the latter of whom were, after some time, joined by Nizâm Ali Khân, who sent a considerable body of troops to act with their army.

The ostensible, or more immediate cause of the present rupture, is to be traced, on the one hand, to the right which the Sultan assumed of chastising a contumacious tributary; and, on the other, to the protection which the Mahrattah Government thought, or affected to think, it incumbent on them to extend to this offender; who was, perhaps, a feudatory of the Mahrattah Empire, in like manner with many other Zemindârs and Polygârs, who depend, in various shapes, and at the same time, on different superiors; rendering to one Paishcush, or tribute, and to another military service.⁽⁴⁾

But it was not merely, or perhaps principally, for the purpose of supporting the Zemindâr of Nergûnd, that the Mahrattah Government took up arms against the Sultan. They had claims on him for considerable arrears of tribute, the discharge of which he had hitherto refused or evaded; and it was, probably, less with a view of befriending the obnoxious Zemindâr, than of enforcing these claims, that they appealed to the sword.

It will be seen in the sequel, that though the Sultan succeeded in inflicting a signal chastisement on his rebellious tributary, he was, nevertheless, obliged to pay the Mahrattahs a considerable sum of money; not less, according to some accounts, than forty lacks of rupees.⁽⁵⁾ Whether this was the whole, or only part of the arrears of tribute claimed by them, is unknown to the translator, who has never met with the treaty concluded between the belligerent powers, about the beginning of the year 1787. The Nizâm, during this war, lost Adoni; which, however, was restored to him by the peace.

By the fixed, or regulated sum, spoken of by the Sultan in the present letter, he means the Paishcush, or tribute, which he was bound by former treaties to pay to the Government of Poonah; but which he does not think proper to recognize, or designate, by any term denotive of inferiority, which the word Paishcush certainly is. Those who negociated our first treaty with the court of Hyderabad were less nice, since they agreed to pay an annual Paishcush to the Nizâm: by which concession they virtually, but, no doubt, unconsciously, placed the East-India Company in the situation of a vassal to that chieftain; the term Paishcush, in its restrained sense, and as used in India, signifying tribute; and in no case being applied to presents, excepting to those of a subject to his lord, or from an inferior to a superior. It might be difficult now, and may be deemed needless, to obtain the suppression of this degrading appellation. The usurpers of this, and similar vain distinctions and marks of preeminence,⁽⁶⁾ in proportion as they have lost, in the revolutions of time, the substance, may be more safely indulged in the possession of this shadow of power. There is, happily, no longer any danger of the abuse being extended: this is equally precluded by our increased political consideration throughout India, and by our improved knowledge of its languages and usages. The time is past, when the general ignorance that prevailed, in these respects, among the Company’s servants, placed the interests and the honor of their employers and of the nation, but too much at the mercy of native agents and interpreters.

There is only one more remark suggested by the preceding letter. If the Sultan be allowed credit for sincerity, when he declares himself ready to pay the arrears due by him to the Mahrattahs, immediately on demand, it will necessarily follow, that the question of tribute was not the principal one with that state, any more than with its ally the Nizâm, whom, indeed, it could only remotely concern. Both governments, possibly, thought to oppose some check to the rising power of the Sultan, whose ambitious views had begun to develope themselves, in a manner that might well awaken the jealousy, and excite the fears of his neighbours. In this case, it will be easy to account for the Mahrattahs not being satisfied with the Sultan’s professed readiness to discharge their pecuniary demands (however sincere they might think him in that respect), but insisting on his relinquishing his designs against Nergûnd. On the whole, it seems highly probable, that he would have avoided a war at this time, if he could have done so consistently with the “maintenance of his authority” (as he himself expresses it), or without submitting to the disgrace of being prescribed to by a foreign power. His favorite object, and most ardent desire, was to resume, at the earliest possible moment, hostilities against the English; and though he might think himself equal, without the help of the Mahrattahs and Nizâm, to the successful prosecution of that design, yet he would, at least, wish for the neutrality of those powers during its progress. With a view to the undertaking alluded to, he had already resolved upon reverting to his former alliance with the French; and he cherished the hope of being soon enabled, by the renewal of his connexion with that nation, to give vent to his always ill-concealed hatred of their rivals. To this ever-predominating bias of his mind, and to his eager anticipation of the period, when the successful termination of his negociations with France would put him in a condition to execute his projects against the English, may, perhaps, in a great measure, be ascribed the advantageous peace which he granted to the courts of Poonah and Hyderabad, at the end of a war, in which he certainly gave such proofs of military superiority, as made his enemies very willing to retire from the contest. The reader already knows, that his expectations from France, and his hopes of conciliating his neighbours, proved alike fallacious; and that, in the end, he was compelled, prematurely and single-handed, to commit his fortunes in an unequal struggle with the combined forces of all the powers of the Peninsula.

YOUR letter has been received. You write, “that the European “[formerly] taken prisoner in the Pâyen-ghaut,⁽²⁾ and whose original “allowance of two fanams⁽³⁾ a day had been, in consequence of his “misbehaviour, reduced to one, being skilled in the mortar practice,⁽⁴⁾ “you proposed converting him to the faith, and wished for our orders “on the subject.” It is known (or understood).

Admitting the aforesaid to the honor of Islâmism, you will continue to pay him, as before, two fanams a day. Let him also be employed in firing at the flag.⁽⁵⁾ We have ourselves, however, brought the mortar practice to that degree of perfection, that children, of ten and eleven years of age, are taught to hit the point of a spear.

You may, as you propose, engage a sweeper, at the monthly wages of ten or twelve fanams, and employ him in sweeping out the Rung-mahl,⁽⁶⁾ and the public halls of the Dewâny and Ehshâm.⁽⁷⁾

The European here spoken of was, no doubt, one of those unhappy British soldiers who had the misfortune to fall into the hands of this cruel enemy; and numbers of whom he forcibly detained, in spite of the stipulations of the treaty of Mangalore. It is not quite clear, whether the subject of the present letter was to be compelled to embrace Mahommedanism, or had expressed a readiness to do so. The latter, however, is not so likely as the former; though there is reason to believe, that some few of our wretched countrymen were induced to apostatize, with the view of alleviating the intolerable hardships of their situation.

The reader will be amused by the ostentatious boast made by the Sultan, of the perfection to which he had brought the practice of gunnery: but though there is, probably, some exaggeration in his statement, it cannot be denied, that he had accomplished much in this respect.

The directions, relative to the sweeper, show to what low and minute objects, particularly in matters of economy, the mind of the Sultan was accustomed to stoop. Other instances, of the same kind, will appear in the course of these letters; but a still greater number are omitted.

It may seem rather extraordinary, that a Hindoo (as Râjah Râm Chundur was) should be joined with a Mahommedan, in a commission for converting a Christian to the Mussulman faith: but this proceeding, however strange, will probably be thought much less so, than another of a somewhat similar nature, noticed under Letter CCCXXXIII.

WE have had the pleasure to receive your agreeable letter, informing us that peace has lately been concluded in Europe, between the King of France and the English, in consequence of which the port of Pondicherry has been restored to the French. This information has afforded us much satisfaction. You must let us know [what you learn] respecting the [expected] arrival of ships belonging to you [i. e. your nation], as well as how far Monsieur Suffrein is advanced in his voyage.

I believe this letter contains almost the only instance in which the title of Bâdshâh, or King, is bestowed upon any European sovereign by Tippoo Sultan, who appears, on all other occasions, to have thought as if this designation would be degraded, by being applied to any but a prince professing the Mahommedan faith: he, therefore, generally affected to call, not only the King of England, but his own friend and ally, the King of France, Râjah; intending, by this ingenious contrivance, to intimate (though, of course, not to those so addressed) that he considered them as nothing superior to the petty Hindoo Râjahs of India, and, in fact, as Idolators. What rendered this appellation the more insulting was, that though originally, and strictly, signifying a King, it had now become extremely common, the title being borne, as has been seen, by one Hindoo, at least, in the service of the Sultan himself, and being frequently bestowed on their subjects of that religion, by the different upstart rulers of the dismembered empire of Hindostan.

For a more distinct view of the sentiments entertained by Tippoo Sultan, with respect to Christians in general, the reader is referred to the Preface to Colonel Wilks’s History of Mysore, where they are exhibited in the most undisguised manner, in an extraordinary letter from the Sultan to the late General Macleod. The same letter occurs, with very little variation from Zynûl Aabideen’s copy, in the Sultan’s own Memoirs.

YOUR letter has been received, and its contents are duly understood. You write, “that the Bâzâr price of Kûrg pagodas was thirteen “fanams and three-quarters, but that you had advanced the same one “fanam and four annas, and issued them, at this rate, to the Piâdehs “of the Ehshâm.”⁽²⁾ It is known. You will fix the value of the pagoda at one fanam above the market price, or exchange, and issue it, at that rate, to the servants of the State. There is no necessity for raising the exchange higher than this standard; and, accordingly, this has been heretofore repeatedly signified to you. It surprises us extremely, that you should nevertheless pursue the suggestions of your own fancy.

No prospect of advantage could tempt the Sultan to wink at any contravention of his positive orders. The financial operation, here spoken of, is not an uncommon one in India. The Sultan’s displeasure was not occasioned by the oppression, but by the disobedience, of which the Darogha had been guilty.

ENCLOSED is a letter which has been received from Othmân Khân, &c. reporting their arrival at Bussorah, and subsequent departure from thence for the presence of the King.⁽¹⁾ You will learn [further] from its perusal. The Governor of Bussorah has likewise written an answer to our letter to him, saying that he had sent forward the aforesaid Khân and the others [i. e. his colleagues] to the Court of the King.

Such being the case, that eminent person⁽²⁾ must use the utmost expedition, agreeably to our former orders, in docking the ship Fukhurûlmûbâruk, and giving it such repairs as may be required.

The embassy, here alluded to, was that which the Sultan dispatched to Constantinople, some time in the year 1784. At the head of it was Mahommed Othmân Khân, who had formerly filled the station of Hyder Ali Khân’s Vakeel at Madras, and was afterwards associated with Mahommed Durwaish Khân, and the other ambassadors, sent in the year 1787, by sea, to France. What was the object of his mission to Constantinople, I am not able to state, having met with no documents regarding it. On the return, or recall, of Othmân Khân, Ghûlâm Ali Khân, together with Shah Noorûllah, was dispatched ostensibly to supply his place; but, in fact, with instructions to proceed from Constantinople to France. This design, however, was subsequently relinquished by the Sultan, who substituted, in its stead, the more direct mission by sea, noticed above.⁽³⁾

IN consequence of the chiefs of that place [Poonah] forgetting their obligations to us, we have come to the positive determination of taking possession of the territory situated on the banks of the Kishna.⁽¹⁾ It is therefore written, that if your negociation proceeds according to our heart’s desire, it is well: if not, you and Noor Mahommed Khân, taking leave of Râo Râsta, must repair to the Presence.

The 14th of Ahmedy⁽²⁾ is fixed on for our marching; in case, therefore, of ungraciousness⁽³⁾ [on their part], you will proceed with all haste to our Presence.

You write, that Peer Mahommed Mûnshy (who, when he accompanied the Mahrattah minister in the field received sixty rupees) being now reduced to forty rupees a month, and having the incumbrance of a large family, finds his salary inadequate to their support. It is known. If the aforesaid should intend to accompany you to the Presence, let him be paid sixty rupees a month; but, otherwise, forty rupees is sufficient.⁽⁴⁾

The Sultan’s instructions to his envoys at Poonah will be found to be marked throughout with considerable indecision. In speaking of the Mahrattah Government, he assumes, in general, a very lofty and menacing tone; it is, notwithstanding, pretty evident, that he is not averse to reconciliation. He frequently betrays the irritation of his mind, and, in these moods, issues the most peremptory orders to his agents to quit Poonah. They, nevertheless, remain at their post, where they appear to have continued till the month of May of the following year (1786), or during the greatest part of the war. The reason of this fluctuation in the conduct of the Sultan, would, no doubt, be more intelligible than it is, if we were in possession of the dispatches of the envoys, as well as those of their master. It is true, that the substance, and perhaps the entire contents of many of the former, is (agreeably to the common practice in the epistolary correspondence of India) recited in the answers to them; but still it is reasonable to suppose, that many particulars are unnoticed in these brief capitulations, or summaries, the knowledge of which would materially elucidate the transactions in question.

The Râstas are a family of considerable eminence and weight in the Mahrattah empire, being nearly allied to the Paishwa. They have, generally, been distinguished for their favourable disposition towards the Mysore ruler, in consequence of which, it was usual for most negociations between the latter and the government of Poonah to be conducted through them.

The obligations of the Mahrattah state to Hyder Ali Khân and his successor, are often alluded to in the course of the following letters. They are more particularly stated in his letter to the King of France;⁽⁵⁾ and he thus expresses himself, on the subject, in his Memoirs.

“Previously to the resolution of making war against the Nazarenes (i. e. before “the commencement of hostilities against the English by Hyder Ali Khân) the “Mahrattahs being reduced to great straits, and defeated by the English, had “[actually] filled their houses with straw, and prepared to burn the city of Poonah. “In this situation they dispatched four of their principal and confidential people “to our late father, with letters, accompanied by oaths and deceitful engagements, “soliciting the grant of a fort within our dominions, wherein they might lodge “their chief (more worthless, in truth, than a horse keeper).⁽⁶⁾ Accordingly these “trusty persons (who, in fact, were not to be trusted) arriving in the presence of “our deceased father (whose place is in Paradise) represented, that being broken “down [or discomfited] by the English, they were on the point of abandoning their “country, within eight coss of [the capital of] which the Nazarenes were arrived: “that, in these circumstances, they could look for help to no one but his Highness; that their master was a child, the preservation of whose life, honor, “country, and wealth, by the Ussud Ilhye⁽⁷⁾ state, would confer an obligation, “which would continue to be acknowledged, as long as any of the Mâdho Râos “existed; and, finally, imploring his Highness to consider their chief in the light “of a son. These representations were seconded, on the part of Nizâm Ali “Khân,⁽⁸⁾ whose country had also been threatened by the English, and whom “the Mahrattahs had prevailed on, by promises and engagements, to espouse “their cause, and to interest himself in their favour (with our late father); in “consequence of which he, accordingly (through the Mahrattah Vakeels), made “certain proposals, ratified on the Koran, to his Highness, our father. Hereupon “our father (who reposes in Paradise) agreed to their propositions, and resolved “on war with the English, notwithstanding the opposition made to the measure “by the chiefs of the state, who represented that the war would prove arduous “and tedious; that there was no necessity for his drawing the misfortunes of “another’s house upon himself; that these two impure ones (namely Mâdho Râo “and Nizâm Ali) were both of spurious origin, and neither their words nor actions “entitled to the least credit or faith. Our illustrious father replied, ‘that it was “a traditionary saying of the Prophet:—“Verily only by deeds, and not by “thoughts, [shall ye judge].” We lay them under this obligation: if they “have any evil designs in their hearts, the Almighty will requite them with evil:’ “and, so saying, he prepared for war.

“It was further stipulated by the treaty concluded [on this occasion] between “these two bastards and the Hydery state, that no peace should be entered into “with the English, except with the knowledge of all three. Accordingly, while “Sadlier was still on his way, we wrote to the chiefs who accompanied him, “desiring that his progress might be retarded, by amusements and entertainments “at every stage. In the interim, we wrote ten or twelve letters to Mâdho Râo, “the chief of the Mahrattahs, stating, that though he had, upwards of a year “ago, and during the life-time of our illustrious father (who reposes in Paradise) “secretly, and without our knowledge, concluded a separate peace with the English, yet he had not, to that moment, made any communication on the subject “to us. ‘It is well [we proceeded]: our pleasure is yours. The confidential “agents of the English are on the way from their own country to our Presence, “to solicit peace: if such be your pleasure, signify your demands to us by “letter, that we may treat for you at the same time that we treat for ourselves. “If, on the other hand, you should have actually concluded a separate peace “without our knowledge, let us be informed thereof, in order that we may set “about a peace for the Hydery Sircar.’ To no one of our letters was any answer “sent: neither did they write a word to their own Vakeel, residing with us, “though he was a kinsman of theirs [i. e. of the Paishwas].⁽⁹⁾

“In this manner did we, for six months, contrive to put off the arrival “of the English ambassador; at the end of which we wrote to the Mahrattah “Vakeel at our court to this effect: ‘We have, by different means, managed “to detain the English ambassador six months on the road; in which period “we have written about fifteen letters, on the subject of peace, to your “master. You, also, have repeatedly written; but to neither has any answer been “given. Now that the English ambassador is at hand, what would you advise “to be done? Let us know your opinion.’ To this the Mahrattah Vakeel, who “was among the nearest of [the] relatives [of the Paishwa], replied by letter: “‘that his master was an infant; that his ministers, &c. were whoresons,⁽¹⁰⁾ on “whose words and actions no reliance was to be placed; and that six months “had already passed, in expectation [of hearing from thence]. ‘How much “longer [continued he] are you to wait? Conclude your peace with the “English; and, dismissing me, let me proceed to those good-for-nothing “fellows,⁽¹¹⁾ in order that I may be enabled to deal with them personally, either “by reproaches or a sound bastinade;⁽¹²⁾ and, by this means, bring forward “some person, who shall prevent, for the future, the recurrence of such “shameful conduct.’”

“After this, we protracted the negociations for peace with the English for two “months longer, during which time we again wrote [to Poonah], but without any “better success than before: whereupon we proceeded to conclude the treaty with “the English, &c.”

Such, according to his own account, were the grounds of Tippoo Sultan’s complaints against the Mahrattah Government, at the period of the treaty of Mangalore, and it would not appear that any attempts were subsequently made, either by the court of Poonah, or by that of Hyderabad, to appease him. At this rate, it would be difficult to acquit these courts, and especially the former, of the charge of bad faith towards their ally: but we must not, too hastily, give credit to the Sultan’s statement of facts. Some of these are manifestly exaggerated, and others may be misrepresented: but however this may be, it is pretty clear, that the Sultan really thought himself the aggrieved party; and this being the case, it is not, perhaps, so much to be wondered at, that he should have taken up the question concerning the Zemindâr of Nergûnd in the manner he did, as that he should have so long repressed the resentment he appears to have felt at the conduct of his late allies.

I abstain from many other reflections, naturally suggested by the curious extract just given from the Sultan’s own Memoirs; both because a fitter opportunity than the present may hereafter offer for them, and because it is time to proceed with the correspondence.

TWO letters from you have passed under our view. The note containing sundry propositions, which you addressed to Râo Râsta, and of which you transmitted a copy [for our information], was highly proper, and is much approved by us. Both of you are experienced in the business, and in the paths [of politics]; and we are persuaded that there is no point, however minute, that will be neglected by you.

[AFTER some immaterial directions, the letter proceeds as follows:]—

If you should receive intelligence of the approach of any considerable force of the enemy, you must raise the siege of the fort, and taking your heavy ordnance with you, proceed and encamp near Dhârwâr. With the will of God the helper, we also shall march on the 14th of Ahmedy, and soon arrive there, when what may be proper shall be done. Nobody is going to lift the hill of Nergûnd to [his] head and carry it away: it is where it is. [i. e. it will remain where it is.]⁽²⁾

Bûrhânûddeen was the brother-in-law of Tippoo Sultan, who had married a sister of his. He appears to have possessed a great share of the confidence of the Sultan, who frequently intrusted him with important military commands, but not without placing him (at least at this period) in a certain degree of tutelage. He lost his life in the battle of Sattimungalam, in the year 1790. Of that battle the Sultan has given a partial and exaggerated account in one or two letters; in which it is remarkable, that he speaks of the death of this gallant commander without a single expression of regard or regret.

The fort, the siege of which is here provisionally directed to be relinquished, was no doubt Nergûnd.

YOUR letter, informing us of your arrival at Chekry,⁽¹⁾ and applying for a supply of gun-flints, powder, &c., has been received, and its contents are duly understood. Send to Bûrhânûddeen for gun-flints, powder, and whatever else you may want. The Sipahdâr⁽²⁾ Mahommed Ali, has no doubt joined you by this time with the troops under his command, orders for this purpose having been repeatedly dispatched to him. That part of your forces which was at Kurpah⁽³⁾ has also marched from thence, and will soon join your army. What more?

Meer Kumrûddeen Ali Khân was the son of Meer Ali Rizâ Sâheb, commonly called Meer Sâheb, who fell at the battle of Porto Novo, in the year 1781. Hyder Ali Khân, who was married to his sister (the mother of Tippoo Sultan), is reported to have immediately conferred all the honors and appointments enjoyed by his brother-in-law upon his son, Kumrûddeen, then a young man, whom he, at the same time, committed in a very public manner to the especial care and favor of his cousin, Tippoo Sultan. The latter, however, would not appear to have had much confidence in him at any period of his reign. He was sometimes, indeed, ostensibly placed at the head of an army; but he was always under the direction of some more experienced person. Upon the death of the Sultan, the British Government, in conjunction with the Nizâm, provided for Kumrûddeen Khân in the most liberal manner. He did not, however, long survive his cousin and master, dying very soon after he had taken possession of the Jagire bestowed upon him.

IT has been represented to us, that Tumanâ Nâikwâry,⁽¹⁾ the warden of the Kurbnâth Pass, receiving bribes [for his connivance], suffers people to proceed to the Pâyen-Ghaut: we therefore write, to desire you will station two respectable and sensible men, with some trust-worthy Piâdehs,⁽²⁾ in one of the forts [commanding the said pass] for the proper care and regulation of the same. This guard must be relieved every three months.

This letter furnishes one among numerous proofs, of the unceasing jealousy and dislike, with which the Sultan viewed any sort of communication between his territories and those of the British Government, or of the Nabob of the Carnatic. He anxiously laboured to keep all his neighbours (but particularly the English) in as complete ignorance as possible of every thing that passed in Mysore: and to this object he unreluctantly sacrificed whatever advantages, either his subjects or himself might have derived, from a free commercial intercourse between the countries.

YOU wrote stating, “that Râo Râsta had said, ‘that if the design “against Nergûnd were relinquished, the Vakeel⁽¹⁾ of the Zemindâr “of that place was empowered to pay us a certain fine; by which “mode of adjustment we should not only be the gainer, but “appearances would likewise be saved with the world.’” It is known. You must say, in answer to Râo Râsta, that what we demand is, that not only the Paishcush due by the said Zemindâr be discharged, but that he shall also make due compensation for the ravages he has committed within our dominions; and that, on this condition, we will wave our purpose of reducing the place.

You further write, “that Râo Râsta had told you, ‘that you must “apply to have the amount of the arrears due for past years remitted “in specie, as bills would not be accepted by the bankers there.’” It is understood. We wrote before, and we now write again, to desire that Noor Mahommed Khân, who is well acquainted with all matters in that quarter, may be dispatched to the Presence. A verbal communication from him will best enable us to judge of the truth of their professions, and the rectitude of their proceedings, as well as to ascertain the extent of the Durbâr charges; after which we can consider what is to be done. What more?

By “Durbâr charges” is here meant the douceur to be paid to the Mahrattah ministers upon the conclusion of a settlement. This is a matter of course in the negociation of all treaties, and in the adjustment of differences between the native powers of India. Sometimes the presents, or largesses, made on these occasions, are, to a certain degree, reciprocal; but it is generally on the weaker, or yielding party of the two, that the chief burthen falls.

YOUR two letters, dated the 14th and 16th instant, informing us of the junction of the Sipahdâr, Mahommed Ali, with his Kushoon, have been received. What you write, respecting the audacity and contumacious conduct of the Zemindâr of Surhutty, and your receipt of letters from Ghûlâm Hûsain and Ghûlâm Mohyûddeen, the Kilaadâr of Lukhmaiser, on the subject of chastising the said Zemindâr, is comprehended.

Notwithstanding the said fort is situated in your road, yet as you have no heavy [or battering] ordnance with you, it is to be apprehended, that if you were to attack it, you might be detained before it, and thereby prevented from advancing. We write, therefore, to desire our dear Son⁽¹⁾ will merely encamp his army near the fort, and endeavour, by striking an awe into the garrison, or by stratagem, to get possession of it. If this should not appear to be practicable, you must proceed straight forward, without making any delay.

YOUR letter of the 9th instant was received this day, and the whole of its contents are understood. The translation of our Persian letter,⁽¹⁾ which that friend,⁽²⁾ of his own suggestion, made and sent to Râo Râsta, and a copy of which was enclosed for our information, was a highly judicious and commendable proceeding. What you say in so much detail, respecting the communications of Râo Râsta on the subject of Nergûnd, and [particularly] of his proposal that we should, for the present, accept, in the way of mulct, and as an adjustment [of the past], eighty thousand rupees, with an assurance of being paid hereafter, year by year, the established Paishcush of former times, is understood; and, together with your account of his importunate instances for our raising the siege of the place, has been duly considered.

The friendship we bear Râo Râsta makes us willing to remit the proposed mulct on the aforesaid Zemindâr; but let the latter make due compensation for the ravages he has committed within our dominions, and let him pay up the arrears of Paishcush due to us: we will then send the necessary order to our commanders for raising the siege of Nergûnd, which, by the divine favour, is on the point of being reduced.⁽³⁾

You must not communicate in writing to Râo Râsta every proposition you may have to make to him, or transmit to him copies of our dispatches to you. On such occasions you are to send for Râo Râsta’s Mûtusuddy, and make him commit to paper whatever may be proper to be written: by this means you will avoid pledging yourself under your own hand.⁽⁴⁾

You judged right, in keeping back the letter which we enclosed for Râo Râsta, and which you must return to us. We now send [instead of that letter] one framed agreeably to your suggestion, which you will deliver to him.

What you have stated so much at length, by desire of Râo Râsta, on the subject of our remitting specie [and not bills], in discharge of the yearly money,⁽⁵⁾ and for the Durbâr charges, is understood. As Noor Mahommed Khân is well acquainted with all the circumstances of that quarter, as well as with whatever relates to the subject of Durbâr charges, he must be dispatched to us; in order that, ascertaining from him the true state of things, we may pursue such measures as shall be necessary.⁽⁶⁾

We hear that eight or ten thousand of their horse have crossed the Kishna, with hostile intentions against our army. Hitherto, notwithstanding their forgetting what they owe to our kindness, we have not in a single article broken the treaty [subsisting between the two governments]; but if, in spite of the numberless favours we have bestowed upon them, and contrary to their solemn engagements, they become the aggressors, and proceed to improper lengths, it will then behove us to repel such aggression. After repulse and chastisement, there will no longer remain any appearances of good-will or amity.⁽⁷⁾

It is not very clear what translation of the envoy’s is alluded to in the beginning of the present dispatch (whether a letter to themselves, or of one to the address of Râo Râsta); nor is it worth while to offer any conjectures on this subject.

It is rarely that the Sultan condescends to bestow the title of Mehrbân, or friend, upon any of his servants, however high in his confidence; yet he has applied it, no less than three times, in the present letter, to Mahommed Ghyâs. It is probable, that the envoy knew his master too well to exult much in this uncommon mark of favour; but if he was weak enough to do so, he was not suffered to enjoy the dream of honour long.⁽⁸⁾

The directions here given to the envoys, respecting the mode in which they were to communicate with Râo Râsta, will prepare the reader for the still further developement of the Sultan’s crooked and unprincipled politics in his subsequent correspondence, as well with his agents at Poonah, as with others of his servants.⁽⁹⁾

The Mahrattah government and Tippoo Sultan differed too widely, on the subject of Nergûnd, to afford any prospect of amicable agreement between them. Of this both parties were probably equally satisfied; and therefore neither of them is to be supposed to have been very serious in the discussions which took place, relative to the mode in which the money, claimed by the Mahrattahs, should be paid. The fact was, that neither the latter expected, nor the Sultan intended, any payment at all, as long as the question regarding Nergûnd remained at issue.

BÂBOO RÂO, RÂM RÂO, and the other Mûtusuddies, whom you deputed hither for the purpose of adjusting the accounts of your conditional Jagire,⁽¹⁾ have accordingly come to a settlement, by which it appears that there is justly due to us the sum of 38,40,785 rupees. Of this amount we have excused [you] (or abated) two lacks of rupees: for the remaining 36,40,785 rupees we have received the engagements of the aforesaid Mûtusuddies, which we have lodged with our bankers, who are now, together with the said Mûtusuddies, dispatched to you. Be expeditious in putting the payment of this money in train, and in sending back the bankers to us. It will not be well, that any delay, or procrastination, should take place in this matter. You must likewise discharge the separate obligation for ten lacks of rupees, entered into by that friend’s Mûtusuddies and ratified by you.

Abdûl Hukeem Khân was a Patan chief, who possessed the principality of Sânore, Shânoor, or Savanore,⁽²⁾ called here by Tippoo Sultan a Jagire Mushrooteh; by which is meant, a Jagire held under specific stipulations, to distinguish it from a free Jagire or Jagire in ordinary. This principality was compelled to submit to the superior power of Hyder Ali Khân in the year 1764, when Abdûl Hukeem agreed to pay to the Mysore chieftain a certain proportion of his annual revenue. A double alliance by marriage was, at the same time, concluded between them; Hyder bestowing one of his daughters upon the eldest son of the Patan, who, in his turn, gave one of his to Kureem Saheb, the second son of Hyder. This connexion, however, was not productive of any advantage to the Patan; who, at length, revolted from Tippoo, and sought the protection of the Mahrattahs, to whom the district of Shânoor, including Bankypoor, was finally ceded, by the partition treaty of 1792; when its dispossessed chieftain became wholly dependent on the government of Poonah.⁽³⁾

YOUR letter has been received, and its contents are duly understood.

You write, “that having reduced your baggage as much as you “could, you were prepared, with the victorious army [under your “command], to chastise the enemy, and that, if the latter made their “appearance in force, it was your intention to raise the siege,⁽¹⁾ and “send off your heavy ordnance to Dhârwâr.” It is well: be it done as you propose. In the mean while, being careful to procure constant information of the enemy’s motions, you will act as circumstances may render expedient, taking counsel herein from the three commanders [attached to you], whose opinions being committed to writing, must regulate your proceedings. We have here the fullest intelligence regarding the enemy’s forces, which we are persuaded dare not look at our army: caution and vigilance are nevertheless necessary. Agreeably to your desire, letters have been written to Dileer Dil Khân, &c. Doubtless they will discharge the obligations of fidelity and devotedness; and you will all, in conformity with our instructions, conduct matters in concert, and after mutual consultation. Hereafter, what is behind the veil of invisibility will be displayed.⁽²⁾

It appears from this, and several other letters, that Bûrhânûddeen (as well as Kumrûddeen), had a council of war assigned him, without whose advice and concurrence he was not at liberty to take any material step. His council, at this time, was composed of Dileer Dil Khân, Syed Humeed, and Syed Ghûfâr, three Sipahdârs, or commanders of Kushoons, whose military reputation stood very high, and who possessed a considerable share of the Sultan’s confidence. Syed Ghûfâr fell with his master in defending Seringapatam. Of the fate of the other two commanders I am uninformed.

CONSULTING together on the contents of our written instructions to you, committing the result of your deliberations to writing, and confiding in the divine goodness, you will prepare to approve your fidelity and devotion to us. You must do nothing without holding counsel of each other. Hereafter, what is at present concealed by the curtain of invisibility will be displayed. In this matter there is no room for hesitation or remissness.⁽¹⁾

Two letters from you have been received. You write, “that vermillion is not procurable within our dominions, and is only to be got at “Pondicherry, &c.” This being the case, you must send money, and buying it at those ports, dispatch it to the Presence. There is no necessity for sending [thither] goods [or merchandize] to barter for it.

You further write, “that the Serishtedârs⁽¹⁾ of —————,⁽²⁾ incited “thereto by others, have preferred various complaints against you, with “the intention of bringing upon you our displeasure.” It is known. You have had instructions given to you. Acting in conformity therewith, and attending diligently to the business of the state, you may rest perfectly confident and easy in your mind: if, however, complaints and accusations should be preferred against you, they will not be regarded or meet our approbation. Esteeming you to be intelligent and solicitous for our prosperity, we have entrusted you with an important office, in which we have no doubt of your proving your attachment and zeal for our service.

The preceding letter affords a fresh proof of the unremitting jealousy and dislike with which the Sultan, at this time, viewed any intercourse between his subjects and those of the neighbouring countries, but particularly the English possessions. He here objects to the exportation of the produce of Mysore even to Pondicherry; not so much, probably, on account of its being an European settlement, as because no trade could be carried on with it, that would not almost necessarily lead to some commercial intercourse with the Carnatic, through part of which the trade in question must unavoidably pass. Rather than incur this risk, we see him sending away the specie of his dominions for the purchase of the commodities he required, and which he could, no doubt, have obtained on more advantageous terms by barter. At a subsequent period he would appear to have acquired rather juster notions of what was essential to the prosperity of his country; having, in the year 1794, issued some commercial regulations, tending to encourage a limited trade with his neighbours. Still, however, his natural distrust of those neighbours predominated; ultimately superseding, or rendering null, the expectations which seemed to have been held out by the edicts referred to.⁽³⁾

My information does not enable me to say, how far the Sultan fulfilled the promises made in the present dispatch to Râjah Râm Chundur. I think there is a passage in a subsequent letter to another of the Sultan’s officers, that points at some secret impeachment of the Râjah’s integrity, and encourages the informer to pursue his inquiries. Colonel Munro, indeed, acquaints me, that being a native of Arcot, he finally became suspected of disaffection to the Sultan, who put him to death. However this may be, it is certain, that he continued in office, and apparently in the full possession of his master’s confidence, as late as the year 1791.

YOUR letter, informing us of your arrival at Koodry-hâl,⁽¹⁾ together with its enclosure, has been received, and its contents are understood. You must proceed with the force under your command, and encamp near Bûrhânûddeen. Last night, whatever was necessary to be written, was fully written: to that dispatch we therefore refer you.⁽²⁾ The enemy’s force is inconsiderable. It is not to be supposed that they will presume to look at our army.^(3*)

[AFTER compliments]. You write “that the Bouparies^(1*) of the port “of Pondicherry, who come into our dominions to purchase articles of “merchandize, are, on their return with their goods, molested by the “Taalûkdâr of Selim, who will not suffer them to proceed; in consequence of which, you request of us to direct him to let the aforesaid “merchandize pass.” It is known: and, agreeably to your desire, we enclose an order to the Taalûkdâr of Selim, commanding him to release the goods in question. Let the same be forwarded to him.

In future, when you dispatch Bouparies into our dominions to purchase goods, you must give them a letter from yourself to the Taalûkdâr, written either in Urwy⁽²⁾ or Telingy;⁽³⁾ when he will, in conformity with your desire, suffer the specified articles to pass. The reason of the orders which we have issued on this subject is, that of late certain strangers have come into our dominions; where borrowing money of the Ryots⁽⁴⁾ and others, they have been guilty of various unwarrantable practices. Always continue to delight and rejoice us with accounts of your welfare.

As a personal compliment to the Governor of Pondicherry (whom he probably, at this time, wished to conciliate) we here see the Sultan relaxing, in some degree, the severity of the regulations spoken of under the nineteenth letter. It is most likely, however, that the concession was only temporary, and that the French governor was frequently obliged to renew his present application.

The allusion to strangers is, no doubt, pointed at the English, and thesubjects of the Carnatic. It is not equally certain, that the cause here assigned by the Sultan for the prohibition in question was the real one, or that the accusation, thus made, had any foundation in truth.

YOUR letter, filled with complaints and accusations against the Kushoon of the Sipahdâr, Mahommed Ali, has passed under our view. The particulars therein set forth are distinctly perceived. The aforesaid Sipahdâr is still ignorant [of many parts of his duty], and but imperfectly acquainted with the manner in which the business of our government is conducted. Hence it is, that although employed on [actual] service, he has neglected the proper equipment of his Kushoon, and, in this manner, shown his worthlessness.⁽¹⁾ Bearing in mind the expediency of the moment, you must issue the necessary orders for his being supplied with such stores as may be requisite, and then employ him [as you may think fit].

The Kurpah troops have reached Gooty, and will soon join you. You are not, however, to wait their arrival, but to proceed straight to Nergûnd, and there unite yourself to the army of the Sircar.⁽²⁾

You did right in purchasing the iron, and other articles you mention, for the use of the aforesaid Sipahdâr’s Kushoon. You will furthermore furnish whatever stores may be required, for repairing any damages which his gun-carriages may have sustained.

You write that the enemy, to the number of sixteen thousand horse and sixteen thousand foot, with five pieces of light artillery,⁽³⁾ are encamped at the distance of sixteen coss from the fort of Nergûnd. It is revealed. By the favor of God, the force appointed for the reduction of that fortress is so strong,⁽⁴⁾ that though there should be fifty thousand horse of the enemy, it will suffice for their effectual chastisement. This being the case, how will they dare to look at our army? Let that beloved son, then, hasten with his corps to join [the rest of] our forces: and if the army of the enemy should show itself in your way, take counsel of each other, and with one accord inflict due punishment upon them. What more needs proceed from our pen?

The lenity with which the Sultan here notices the remissness of the Sipahdâr, Mahommed Ali, is the more remarkable, as it was his general practice to animadvert, with the greatest severity, on every instance of neglect or disobedience of his orders, and particularly of his military regulations. His moderation, on the present occasion, might possibly have arisen from something like a personal partiality towards the offending officer; but it may also have had no other foundation than caprice. From whatever cause it proceeded, similar instances will be rarely met with. It is true, that the conduct of the Sipahdâr is spoken of with strong disapprobation; but this still falls very short of the usual measure of the Sultan’s anger on such occasions. The inexperience imputed to the officer in question, rather countenances the idea of his having been prematurely raised, through private favor, to the important command he enjoyed. In the regular course, a Sipahdâr, or brigadier (and especially in an army so actively employed as Tippoo Sultan’s generally was) could not be inexperienced. Still, however, no distinct traces are observable in the written documents, nor did I ever hear a report of the Sultan’s being influenced by favorites of any kind.

Two letters have been received from you, and their contents are understood.

[After some directions on certain trivial points, like those remarked on under Letter IV. page 13, the letter proceeds:]

You write, “that wishing to marry your daughter,⁽¹⁾ and there being “none of her cast in this country to contract her to, there is a necessity “of sending for a proper person for the purpose from the Pâyen-Ghaut: “and you therefore solicit passports for the ingress and egress of parties, “whom it will be requisite to invite on the occasion, according to the “list which you have enclosed.”⁽²⁾

It is known. A passport for the persons who are to come from the Pâyen-Ghaut to Bangalore, on this occasion, is enclosed: you will, therefore send for some person of your cast, and giving your daughter in marriage to him, detain him near you. Where is the necessity for sending him back to the Pâyen-Ghaut? If this, however, should not be practicable, you must seek for one of your own cast in this country to betroth her to; when [having found such a one] you will celebrate their nuptials. What more?

The Sultan would not appear to have had any objections to the entrance of strangers into Mysore, provided they came thither for the purpose of settling; but it was extremely difficult for any, who had found admission into his dominions, to quit them again. That he should have insisted on the detention of Râm Chundur’s intended son-in-law, in the event of the latter being brought from the Carnatic, is not to be wondered at, considering the distrust with which he habitually viewed all intercourse between that country and his own. To have allowed the son-in-law, and perhaps the daughter, of a person of the rank and authority of Râm Chundur, to reside in the territories, and be liable to the influence, of the power of whom he was most jealous and apprehensive, would have been entirely at variance with those maxims of policy, which constantly governed his conduct in regard to the English.

YOUR letter has passed under our view; and what you have written, respecting your having withdrawn from before Nergûnd, and of Bûrhânûddeen’s having occupied, with his army, a position on the banks of the Punâhileh,⁽¹⁾ is understood. It is fit that you also speedily join the army; and, according to our former directions, apply yourself to the chastisement of the enemy

What you say, regarding the reduction you have made in the baggage of your troops, is revealed, and meets with our approbation.

YOUR letter has been received. What you state, respecting your having withdrawn from the trenches,^(1*) and taken up a position with your army on the banks of the Punâhileh, is understood.

You must give orders to the predatory cavalry to harass the front and rear of the enemy, and to seize on all the horses they can; the present being the proper time for collecting together and obtaining horses.

Nursia, the Taalûkdâr of Nugr, has sent you, by our direction, forty thousand Behâdury pagodas,⁽²⁾ for the pay of your army, which you will, of course, have received. What more?

YOUR letter of the 25th Extra Ahmedy, (11th April), informing us of your arrival, with the forces under your command, at Nergûnd, and of your interview with Bûrhânûddeen, has passed under our view, and the particulars contained in it are fully revealed to us. Uniting yourself to the division belonging to Bûrhânûddeen, you must advance in open day against the enemy, and attacking them with vigour, chastise them in a manner that shall deter them from confronting you again.

WE have received your letter, and its contents are understood. In conformity with the wishes of Râo Râsta, the siege of Nergûnd has been relinquished, and our victorious army has encamped at the distance of two or three Coss from thence. You must state to Râo Râsta, that a mulct is not what we want from the Zemindâr, but due compensation for the injury sustained by our dominions [in consequence of his depredations], and payment of the arrears due by him for [several] years past.

The movements and near approach of the Mahrattah army, which had now advanced in considerable force to the support of the Zemindâr of Nergûnd, appear to have rendered it inexpedient to prosecute the siege of that place, which was, therefore, relinquished for the present; the Sultan, at the same time, taking credit for having, in this instance, yielded to the wishes of Râo Râsta; who, however, was not to be so easily duped, as may be seen by Letter XXXVII to Mahommed Ghyâs. No material progress could have been made in the siege at the time it was relinquished.

YOUR encamping at Misrycôtah, as well as your dispatching of the Kâzy of Toorkul to the Presence, was proper. According to your request, Purwânehs⁽¹⁾ are enclosed for the Aumils⁽²⁾ of the several Taalûks, and for the Kilaadârs, directing them to furnish you with intelligence of the enemy.

Let loose the plundering cavalry, and other predatory troops, upon the enemy’s army, with orders to seize and bring in horses without number.⁽³⁾ Take care, also, of your own army, and be always prepared.

YOUR letter, proposing “to open⁽¹⁾ trenches against Nergûnd, and “applying for Purwânehs to the Aumils in the vicinity [of your camp] “to collect fascines and scaling ladders,⁽²⁾ for the attack and reduction of “Râmdoorg, and the other forts situated on that road,” has been received, and is understood. You must not, at present, lay siege to Nergûnd; but pursuing the army of the enemy wherever it may be, drive it beyond the Kishna, and deal with it in such a manner, as shall deter it from facing our troops again.

Purwânehs are enclosed for the Aumils of Dhârwâr, Bâdâmy, and Gujunder-ghur, directing them to supply the necessary materials for scaling ladders, &c. When these things are wanted, forward the orders, and apply for what you require.

Describe particularly, for our information, what sort of a place Râmdoorg is.

The army of the enemy is encamped at the distance of a gun-shot from Râmdoorg. In conjunction with Meer Kumrûddeen Ali Khân, lead our victorious army against it, and chastise it in such a manner, as shall break its loins, and render it incapable of facing you again. You must take fifteen days’ grain with you. The aforesaid Khân is indisposed; you will, therefore, dispatch Kishna Pundit, the physician attached to that dear son,⁽¹⁾ to administer to him. What more?

Do you, our dear son, repair to our beloved son, Meer Kumrûddeen Ali Khân, and, consulting together, act according to your united judgment; pressing the enemy in such a manner, that they may not be able to take breath on this side the Kishna. Having accomplished the chastisement of the enemy, you will resume your position before Râmdoorg.

Although the authority vested in Bûrhânûddeen, on the present occa sion, appears to have been very limited (Kumrûddeen, even when actually united with him, receiving his orders, on various occasions, directly from the Sultan himself) yet there is some reason to believe, that he was considered as the principal commander of the forces opposed, at the commencement of this war, to the Mahrattah army.^(1*) The circumstance of his being directed, in the foregoing letter, to repair to the camp of Kumrûddeen, for the purpose of consulting with the latter on the operations of the campaign, does not at all invalidate this opinion; since the order in question is sufficiently accounted for by the indisposition of Kumrûddeen, noticed in Letter XXX: besides which, it will be seen, by the following Letter, that it was the express wish of the Sultan, that they should keep up an intercourse of mutual visits. But, however this may have been, it is certain, that a considerable jealousy subsisted between these two commanders, of which some proofs will appear in the sequel.

WHAT you write, respecting the flight of the enemy’s army, and of horses taken by our troops, as also your application for Purwânehs to Ibrâheem Ali Khân and Râjoo Pundit, directing them to dispatch supplies to you,⁽¹⁾ is understood. With regard to the horses, you must take them [from the captors,] at a valuation;⁽²⁾ and, after placing such as are strong and in good condition in our stables, distribute the rest among the Silahdârs,⁽³⁾ to be mounted by men out of employ. You will, in conjunction with Bûrhânûddeen and the other [commanders], chastise the enemy in such a manner, that they may not be suffered to take breath before they reach the river Kishna. Having thus soundly beaten them, you will again encamp before Râmdoorg. You are also, from time to time, to repair to the quarters of Bûrhânûddeen; and to act in concert with him, and all the rest of the commanders, in whatsoever relates to occupying the necessary positions, and to the opening of the trenches. On the other hand, if you should, upon any occasion, find it necessary to do so, you will send to Bûrhânûddeen to come to you. The latter, as well as the Sipahdârs attached to him, has been instructed to the same effect.⁽⁴⁾ Ibrâheem Ali Khân and Râjoo Pundit have likewise been written to, according to your desire.

YOUR letter, reporting the sickness of Meer Kumrûddeen Ali Khân, and containing an application for two Yoonâny (or Greek) physicians,⁽¹⁾ and some Telingy doctors, to attend him, has been received, and is understood. Let the said Khân be attended by the physician Kishna Pundit, who is with you; and write to Abdûl Hukeem Khân,⁽²⁾ to desire he will send a doctor from thence.⁽³⁾ These two, being appointed to administer to the said Khân, must be so strictly enjoined on the occasion, that his restoration to health may speedily be effected.^(4*)

Enclosed is an order to the Kilaadâr of Dhârwâr, where there are a number of gun-bullocks, directing him to dispatch them to you: you will, accordingly, send for them, and, on their arrival, select such as are stout and young, and most fit for the draught of artillery, and deliver them over to the Sipahdâr, Syed Ghûfâr.

YOUR letter has been received, and its contents are understood. What you say, respecting your having left the Kushoon of the Sipahdâr Syed Ghûfâr for the guard of the baggage, and taken the Kushoon of the Sipahdâr Mahommed Ali along with yourself, is known. With the exception of tents and pawls⁽¹⁾ and other articles of indispensable necessity, there is no baggage attached either to you or to the division of Bûrhânûddeen; therefore the leaving the Kushoon of the said Sipahdâr for their protection is absolutely superfluous. Besides, adverting to [the near approach of] the rainy season, it is of importance, on the score of health, that you should have your tents and pawls along with you. Such being the case, you will take the Kushoon of Syed Ghûfâr also with you, as well as your tents and pawls.

You and Bûrhânûddeen must live together in harmony, and not thwart or oppose one another in the conduct of our affairs, but apply yourselves to the chastisement of the enemy. It will also be suitable to the friendship [which should subsist between you,] and will contribute to the success of our affairs, if you sometimes visit his quarters: nor will it be amiss if you occasionally invite him to yours.

It is abundantly evident from the foregoing letter (and will appear still more from some others that follow) that no very good understanding subsisted between the cousin and brother-in-law of the Sultan; whose admonitions, on the occasion, being mostly addressed to Kumrûddeen, it may, from thence, be inferred, that the fault was chiefly on the side of the latter; who might probably think that his nearer affinity to the Sultan, as well as the services of his father, gave him a claim to superior consideration.

YOUR two letters have been received. What you write, respecting the excuses made by the manufacturers of the district [under you] for declining to weave the stuffs we require, has excited our astonishment; we therefore direct, that they be compelled, by menaces, to prepare the number of pieces required, with the utmost expedition, and agreeably to the pattern [heretofore] sent. If, notwithstanding your injunctions and menaces, they persist in their false pretexts and disobedience, they must be well flogged.

What you write, regarding the affair of the Hurkâreh⁽¹⁾ Râmâ, who has been propagating false reports to the prejudice of the people of Punganore,⁽²⁾ is understood. Let the said Hurkâreh be put in irons and confined; and after taking security from the bankers of Punganore, let them be released, as their further detention would be idle.

Revolting as the idea of flogging a body of weavers, for being averse to undertake a fabric, with which they were probably unacquainted, or which they might not be able to execute without detriment to their ordinary occupations, must appear to every English reader, we are obliged, in fairness to Tippoo Sultan, to acknowledge, that similar acts of oppression and violence are, by no means, uncommon, under the native governments of India. Still, however, such acts usually proceed from subordinate officers, or persons exercising, and perhaps abusing, delegated power; and rarely, if ever, distinctly and immediately, as in the instance before us, from the sovereign himself. Thus the evil, generally speaking, is to be traced to the despotic nature of the government; while, in the case under consideration, it may justly be referred, in a great measure, to the personal character of the ruler.

It is impossible not to be struck, in the foregoing letter, by the sudden transition which it exhibits, from flagrant oppression to rigorous justice. Imprisonment and chains are not thought too severe a punishment for calumny by the man, who in the same breath, as may be said, consigns a numerous class of industrious artisans to the scourge, for refusing to relinquish their accustomed pursuits, in order to administer to his caprice. But such inconsistencies are constantly presenting themselves in the conduct of Tippoo Sultan; whose irregular mind was, at no time, under the influence of any fixed principle, if bigotry, and still more, hatred of the English, be excepted. To humanity of disposition, or to a love of justice, in the abstract, he certainly could lay no claim; and, therefore, in punishing the Hurkâreh Râmâ as he did, it is much more probable that he was actuated by resentment, at the imposition attempted to be practised upon him by that informer, than by any feeling for the injury which his slander might have done to the objects of it.

Two letters from you have passed under our view, and the particulars therein stated are duly perceived. With respect to the war which you two are conducting in conjunction with the three Sipahdârs, (that is to say, Syed Humeed, Syed Ghûfâr, and Shaikh Unser), all of them prudent and intelligent men, our desire is, that acting in concert together, you should pursue the object of chastising the enemy with the utmost vigor and sagacity, and in an effectual and glorious manner: accordingly, we have transmitted strict orders to this effect to the aforesaid Sipahdârs; who will, in consequence, be obedient to you, and co-operate on all occasions with you.

What you say of the scarcity of grain [in your army,] notwithstanding your having a Cutwâl⁽¹⁾ and [so many] Lumbânehs⁽²⁾ with you, has astonished us; you must, therefore, denounce the heaviest threats against the said Cutwal, and make him provide abundance of grain, agreeably to our regulations on this head, to the end that your people may suffer no distress for that article.

By the Divine favor your health⁽³⁾ is now re-established, and it is, consequently, no longer proper that you should have a physician attending you, or that you should take any more medicines; let him, therefore, be sent back to Shahnoor.

After chastising the enemy in a signal manner, and driving him to the other side of the Kishna, you will take up a position for the attack of Nergûnd.

Your sending away your baggage is a proceeding in no respect proper: you must keep it with you. Indeed, where is the great quantity of baggage belonging to you, seeing that you have nothing besides tents, pawls, and other such necessary articles?

The cavalry attached to you have been very remiss in skirmishing and marauding, and in having suffered the enemy to flee without making booty of any of their horses, and finally to escape by the pass of Râmdoorg, although they might have taken numberless horses. It is well. You must now give the most peremptory orders to the Risâladârs of cavalry to go forth on separate parties, and exert themselves properly to make prize of the enemy’s horses; the present being a favorable opportunity for getting together a great number of horses. Scouring, likewise, the enemy’s country, they must seize on all the grain, &c. they can discover.

The present letter is somewhat at variance with the thirty-second, on the subject of horses captured from the Mahrattahs; since, from the latter, it would appear, as if some success had attended the Sultan’s army in this respect, whereas he here complains of the enemy’s having been suffered to escape, without “any horses” having been taken from them. It is probable, that the first report of the commanders, on this head, did not descend to particulars; and that, when they subsequently stated the specific number of horses actually taken, the Sultan might have been disappointed at the result; and, under this impression, have been led to under-rate the little that had been done. The great solicitude which he betrays for procuring horses, would, of course, enhance his disappointment on the occasion.

YOUR letter, dated the last day [or 29th] of Extra Ahmedy,⁽¹⁾ has passed under our view, and its purport is duly understood. An answer has been written, on all points, in our Hindivy letter, to which you are referred for particulars.

The villainy and bad faith which they⁽²⁾ have manifested, in spite of the most solemn engagements, is abundantly well known. Upon what grounds then, [or, with what confidence,] can we, all at once, send thither a large sum of money? Noor Mahommed Khân has been sent for by us, merely for the purpose of our ascertaining [through him] their treaties and engagements, and with no other view. You must state this matter distinctly to Râo Râsta, and, removing all suspicions of a different tendency from his mind, dispatch Noor Mahommed Khân to the Presence; and if [at the same time] they should [think proper to] be very urgent for your departure also, assuredly you, too, must repair hither.

You write, “that Râo Râsta observed to you, on occasion of the “siege of Nergûnd having been raised, that if the orders for that measure had been previously communicated to his government, according “to his suggestion, such a proceeding would have had the best effect, as “it would have tended to strengthen his hands in the management of “the negociation; but as things had happened, they bore a very ungracious appearance, inasmuch as he had been led to declare repeatedly “to the minister,⁽³⁾ in the most positive manner, that if the Mahrattah “army ventured to meet ours they would inevitably be put to shame; “whereas, in fact, the very reverse of all this had taken place, to his “great disturbance and confusion.”

It is known. We have not deviated a hair’s breadth from the suggestions of Râo Râsta: nor, though we have raised the siege [of Nergûnd,] has there been any deficiency,⁽⁴⁾ on our part, in chastising the enemy’s army. This is a fact of such abundant notoriety as not to require any other evidence. What more?

It is not easy to conceive, what motive the Sultan could have for addressing his agents on any occasion in the Hindivy, rather than in the Persian language; in which last, it may be safely presumed that he usually conveyed his written orders to such of his servants as understood it. It could not be with a view to secrecy; since a Hindivy letter, supposing it to fall into improper hands, would at least be as generally intelligible as a Persian one. Possibly the Hindivy letter, referred to in the present instance, might have been dispatched, for the express purpose of being communicated to Râo Râsta; though, in this case, some intimation of that design would, it may be thought, have been given in the Persian letter. But whatever the reason of the proceeding under consideration might be, it is proper to observe, that it was not confined to the present occasion, or to the persons of the envoys at Poonah; since other examples of the practise in question will be met with in the course of this work.

It would seem, by the second paragraph of the foregoing letter, that some sinister interpretation had been put by the court of Poonah, or at least by Râo Râsta, upon the desire expressed by the Sultan for the return of Noor Mahommed Khân. What the particular nature of the suspicions entertained on this occasion by the Mahrattahs was, does not appear; but it is not improbable, that, they may have apprehended the real object of the envoy’s recal to be connected with some secret intrigue of the Sultan’s at Poonah: nor is it likely, that the latter’s disavowal of any improper view in the matter would have the effect of removing those doubts or fears; especially, as the two states were now at open war. Be this as it may, it is certain that Noor Mahommed Khân did not, at this time, obtain leave to obey the summons of his master; and that, both he and his colleague, were detained at Poonah, till the month of May in the following year.

I am not sufficiently acquainted with the details of this war, to be enabled to decide between the opposite pretensions of Râo Râsta and of Tippoo Sultan, respecting the success of the earlier operations of it. It is clear, however, that the Sultan had, at this period, been compelled to relinquish the siege of Nergûnd, by the menacing position of the Mahrattah army, and that Râo Râsta was not to be persuaded, that the measure had been adopted purely at his instance. The truth, indeed, would appear to be, that, hitherto, no material advantage had been obtained by either side.

WHAT you write, regarding the variations of the temperature⁽¹⁾ in your quarter, is revealed. Our physicians have thoroughly ascertained the proper mode of treating⁽²⁾ the diseases in question. The first thing to be done is, to draw off, by bleeding, all the corrupt humours; by which means an effectual improvement will be produced in the general constitution of the patient. The body of the diseased party being thus completely brought under subjection,⁽³⁾ the next step must be to expel from it every remaining seed of the distemper, administering, in the meanwhile, whatever medicines may be found necessary. What more?

This curious enigmatical letter is sufficiently intelligible. The unwholesome temperature of Poonah, alludes to the hostile disposition towards the Sultan, which had latterly superseded at that Court the amicable sentiments, formerly entertained for himself and his father by the Mahrattah rulers. By his physicians, the Sultan means his counsellors, or perhaps, the commanders of his army. The disease to be cured is, of course, the enmity of the Mahrattahs; and the mode of cure, that which he had begun to pursue; namely, an active war against them. The remaining allusions are equally obvious; and, indeed, so much so, that it can hardly be imagined that the Sultan proposed to disguise his instructions under this metaphorical cypher, which could not fail to be immediately understood by any person, knowing who the writer, or even the party addressed, was: it is, therefore, most probable, that nothing more was intended by it, than a display of the writer’s ingenuity.

THE letter you sent us has passed under our view, and its contents are understood. Whatever was necessary to be said, has been written at length to Mahommed Ghyâs; our letter to whom will inform you [of our sentiments], agreeably to which you will act.

IT has been represented to us, that the garrison of Râmdoorg proposed to capitulate, but that you intimidated them [by your answer], and thereby threw away the favorable opportunity [or the advantage thus offered]. Where was the propriety of this [proceeding]? It is well. You must still encamp before the said fortress; and sending for battering guns from Dhârwâr, and collecting together the materials for trenches, by these means strike such a terror into the garrison as may induce them to submit: upon their doing which, you may permit them to march out of the fort with their arms. After putting a proper garrison in the place, you are to direct such of the enemy as are included in the capitulation, to be conducted, with their arms, beyond the Kishna.

Nursia, the Taalûkdâr of Nugr, has, of course, sent you, in pursuance of our orders, two hundred Coolies.⁽¹⁾ Let their arrival be reported to us.

You and Meer Kumrûddeen Khân must keep united, both in word and thought, and execute every business of the Sircar in an able and creditable manner,⁽²⁾ agreeably to what we have formerly and repeatedly written on this subject.

N. B. A letter of the same tenor and date was written to Kumrûddeen.

The foregoing letter furnishes a clear proof, that whatever the degree of general confidence reposed in Bûrhânûddeen by the Sultan might be, the latter, nevertheless, kept spies upon his brother-in-law; who were encouraged to animadvert freely on his conduct; and to whose representations considerable attention was paid. Indeed it appears, from several of the documents among the state papers found at Seringapatam, that the Sultan had organized a very extensive system of espionage throughout his dominions, and in almost every department of his government.

His envoys at foreign courts, his military commanders, his governors of forts and districts, were all diligently watched; or, at least, ordered to be so: but as the spies, thus employed, were, in general, very well known, it may be safely presumed, that their integrity was often corrupted, and their vigilance as often eluded. The practice of placing spies over public functionaries is, no doubt, very common under all the governments of India: but I am inclined to think, that few of them have carried it so far as was done by Tippoo Sultan; of whose regulations for this department an outline (consisting of a short edict on the subject), will be found in Appendix F.

YOUR letter has been received; and your account of the reduction of Râmdoorg, and of your having placed a garrison therein, is understood.

Sending for the battering guns from Dhârwâr, and collecting together the necessary materials for the erection of batteries, &c. you will proceed against Nergûnd, and lose no time in reducing it.

Nursia, the Taalûkdâr of Nugr, has, by our order, sent you two hundred Coolies, who have most probably joined you. You will report their arrival. The Coolies belonging to Kopul and Bâdâmy are already with you: be expeditious, therefore, in collecting together every thing necessary [for the early siege of Nergûnd]. A Hindivy order has been sent, for placing two Jowks,⁽¹⁾ &c., in garrison at Râmdoorg, agreeably to which you will act.

You and Kumrûddeen Khân, agreeing in word and thought, must execute the business of the Sircar in a splendid [or creditable] manner.

N. B. A letter of the same tenor and date was dispatched to Kumrûddeen.

YOUR letter has been received. You have written, that nine Frenchmen, together with their captain, had embraced the faith, and that the said captain humbly hoped to be honored with the command of of a Risâla of⁽¹⁾ Ahmedies. It is known: and our pleasure is, that ten rupees be given to each of them, and that they be all dispatched, under an escort [a safeguard], to the Presence, where, on their arrival, the aforesaid captain shall receive the honor he solicits. Peremptory orders for the payment of the above stipends, and for furnishing the necessary escort, have been sent to the Kilaadâr of Nugr.

The Ahmedies here mentioned were a military corps, composed of the converts (whether forced or voluntary) to the Mahommedan religion. It was instituted by Tippoo Sultan, with whom it seems to have been a favorite establishment; of the origin of which he himself gives the following curious account in the Memoirs already referred to:

“The Portuguese Nazarenes⁽²⁾ established themselves, about three hundred “years ago, in a factory situated near the sea shore, and on the banks of a large “river. This place they obtained of the Râjah of Soondah, under the pretext of “trading [with his subjects]⁽³⁾: and here, availing themselves of the opportunities “which arose in the course of time, they acquired possession of a territory, “yielding a yearly revenue of three or four lacks of rupees, throughout which they “equally prohibited fasts and prayers among the Mussulman inhabitants, and the “worship of idols among the Hindoos; finally expelling from thence all who refused “to embrace their religion, which the Hindoos were required to do within three days, “under pain, if they remained in the country after that time, of being forcibly “converted to it. Some of the people, alarmed at this proceeding, abandoned “their property and homes, and took refuge in other countries: but the greater “part, considering the threatened danger as improbable, and not possessing the “means of removing their effects, preferred remaining; whereupon these infidel “Nazarenes, at the end of the appointed time, obliged them all to embrace their “false religion. Sometime after this, by means of gifts and presents distributed “among the Râjahs and Aumils of that quarter, they were suffered to erect “from eighty to a hundred idol temples,⁽⁴⁾ in the countries of Nugr, Soonda, and “Kûriâl-Bundur;⁽⁵⁾ in each of which they placed a Pâdre or two, whose religion, “in fact, was that of the Guebres;⁽⁶⁾ and by whose means they prevailed, partly “by artifice, and partly by tempting the avarice [of the poorer classes], on vast “numbers of the inhabitants to adopt their faith. [Such was the state of things “here] when, by the divine favor, and through the aid of the Asylum of Prophecy,⁽⁷⁾ “and with the help of the conquering Lion of God,⁽⁸⁾ the port of Kûriâl fell “into our hands; on which occasion the odious proceedings of these accursed “Pâdries becoming fully known to us, and causing our zeal for the faith to boil “over, we instantly directed the Dewân of the Hûzoor Kuchurry⁽⁹⁾ to prepare a “list of all houses occupied by the Christians, taking care not to omit a single “habitation. The officers of the Kuchurry, accordingly, employing the “Mûtusuddies of Soonda, Nugr, Kûriâl, &c. for this purpose, soon prepared “and delivered to us a detailed report on the subject. After this, we caused an “officer and some soldiers to be stationed in every place inhabited by the “Christians; signifying to them, that, at the end of a certain time, they should “receive further orders, which they were then to carry into full effect. These “men and officers being all arrived at their respective posts, the following orders “were transmitted to them, viz. ‘On such a day of the week and month, and “at the hour of morning prayer, let all the Christians, whatever their number “may be, together with their women and children, be made prisoners and “dispatched to our Presence.’ And on the sealed cover, or superscription, of each “of these dispatches, was specified the day of the week and month on which “it was to be opened and read. Accordingly our orders were every where opened “at the same moment; and at the same hour (namely, that of morning prayer) “were the whole of the Christians, male and female, without the exception of a “single individual, to the number of sixty thousand, made prisoners, and “dispatched to our Presence; from whence we caused them, after furnishing “them duly with provisions, to be conveyed, under proper guards, to Seringapatam:⁽¹⁰⁾ to the Taalûkdârs of which place we sent orders, directing that “[the said Christians] should be divided into Risâlas, or corps, of five hundred “men, and a person of reputable and upright character placed, as Risâladâr, “at the head of each. Of these Risâlas, four (together with their women “and children) were directed to be stationed at each of the following places,⁽¹¹⁾ “where they were duly fed and clothed, and ultimately admitted to the honor of “Islamism; and the appellation of Ahmedy⁽¹²⁾ was bestowed upon the collective “body.”⁽¹³⁾

Thus far the Sultan. Of these sixty thousand Christians, fifteen thousand may be supposed to have been capable of bearing arms, which number would form thirty Risâlas. But this corps was not composed exclusively of converts from Christianity. Soon after its establishment, it received a considerable accession of strength in the captives of the Kûrg or Koorg nation; all the males among whom, being compelled to embrace the Mahommedan faith, were afterwards enrolled in the Ahmedy corps, to the number (according to the Sultan’s own account in a subsequent part of this Memoir) of from sixty to seventy thousand men.⁽¹⁴⁾ The united corps were distributed throughout the garrisons and districts of Mysore; and every where the strictest orders (says the Sultan) were issued, commanding those in authority to treat these new Mahommedans with the greatest tenderness, and, in short, to consider them “as more precious even than their own souls.”

YOUR letter has passed under our view, and its contents are understood. You write, “that the Byde horse,⁽¹⁾ out of employ, have “committed great excesses and depredations in the Sircar’s dominions.” It is known. You must issue the most peremptory orders [to these people] to carry their ravages into the Mahrattah territories, bringing away from thence all the horses they can make booty of, and desisting [for the future] from their depredations in our country.

You and Bûrhânûddeen must remain united in your councils; and collecting together the necessary materials for opening trenches against Nergûnd, lose no time in reducing that place. In short, you must, in all affairs, agree in word and thought.

Turrokul belongs to the Zemindâr of Kolapoor, and the said Zemindâr is well disposed towards us: you must, therefore, never mention his name, but attend to what we heretofore particularly and strictly enjoined on this head. What more shall be written?

If some disagreement had not recently arisen between Bûrhânûddeen and Kumrûddeen, it may, at least, be inferred from the second paragraph of the foregoing letter, that the Sultan was in apprehension of it, and, therefore, judged it necessary to repeat so soon his former exhortations to harmony. It may be doubted, however, whether these admonitions produced the desired effect; since, not long after the date of the present dispatch, fresh symptoms of discord between the rival commanders are manifested.

It is not very clear, what the Sultan means, by enjoining Kumrûddeen “never “to mention the name” of the Zemindâr of Kolapoor. Kolapoor is a district situated near Soonda and Goa, and in the possession of a chieftain, who acknowledges the authority of the government of Poonah, and pays, I believe, a tribute to the Paishwa. It would seem, that a good understanding secretly subsisted between this chieftain and the Sultan; and that the latter, on this account, had determined to treat him as a neutral, notwithstanding his connexion with the Mahrattah empire. It is also not improbable, that Kumrûddeen (ignorant, perhaps, of the friendly disposition of the Zemindâr towards the Sultan) may have proposed to take possession of Tûrkûl or Turrokul; in which case, the purport of the expression under consideration might have been, that the Zemindâr of Kolapoor was not to be considered or spoken of in a hostile manner, or his territory treated as that of an enemy.

YOUR two letters, of the 11th and 15th of Ahmedy, have been received, and the account of your conferences with the Paishkâr⁽¹⁾ of Râo Râsta is understood.

The Mahrattah army has come and laid waste our dominions, to the amount of eight lacks of pagodas,⁽²⁾ and otherwise proceeded in an unwarrantable manner: the commanders of our forces have, in consequence, been reduced to the necessity of attacking that army, which, after sustaining a severe defeat, has been driven across the Kishna. On their return [from the pursuit of the enemy] our commanders seized on Râmdoorg, and have since opened trenches against Nergûnd. We still, however, are willing to relinquish the attack upon the latter place, on condition that the arrears of the usual Paishcush be discharged, and due satisfaction be made to us for the injury done to our country. We shall otherwise soon reduce the place.

You must return to us by the post all the bills of exchange in your possession and in the possession of Noor Mahommed Khân.⁽³⁾ If the chiefs of that place consent to the dismission of the said Khân, and to his being dispatched hither, we shall then be enabled to ascertain from him every particular respecting that quarter, and to consider the means of remitting the money [due or claimed].

Your account of receipts and disbursements is duly arrived. A remittance will, hereafter, be made to you, for defraying the expences of your mission.⁽⁴⁾

YOU have represented, “that notwithstanding the peremptory commands issued by us for the purpose, the necessary articles for enabling “you to open trenches [against Nergûnd] have not yet been sent to you “by any of the Aumils; to whom you, in consequence, request we will “repeat our orders.” It is known.

That light of our eyes⁽¹⁾ has always been a mere child:⁽²⁾ but now his senses must absolutely have forsaken him, as otherwise he could not write to us so often to repeat our orders. One peremptory order from us is [in all cases] sufficient. Where is the Aumil, who dares to be remiss in dispatching the articles [directed to be furnished by us]? If there be any who has disregarded our commands, let him be put to death: or⁽³⁾ let the Purwânehs,^(4*) so slighted, be returned to the Presence.

The workmen⁽⁵⁾ who arrive from the different Taalûks for the service of the trenches, as well as those already with Bûrhânûddeen, are to be divided between you. Taking half of them, therefore, you must immediately commence the business of the trenches: seeing that the rainy season approaches, and that, when that sets in,⁽⁶⁾ the siege cannot any longer be prosecuted with vigour. For this reason, you are to proceed with the utmost dispatch in the attack and reduction of Nergûnd.

The foregoing letter, at the same time that it affords a pretty strong proof of the slight estimation in which the Sultan held the talents of Kumrûddeen, also shews (what is further evinced in many other instances) that in the occasional expression of his disapprobation, he was not apt to be restrained by any consideration for the rank of the person incurring it; dealing out the same measure of asperity to the highest as to the lowest officer or servant, and making no distinction, in this respect, in favour even of his own near relation. The lofty tone, which he assumes in speaking of his orders, is likewise highly illustrative of his imperious temper, and of his quick sensibility of whatever affected his authority; which, it is difficult to believe, should have been actually insulted, in the manner that would seem to be indicated by the close of the second paragraph. Daring, indeed, must the Aumil have been, who could, on any pretext, not simply refuse or with-hold obedience to a Purwâneh of this prince, but contumaciously return it to the person delivering or sending it: for such is the construction to which the passage in question is liable. But whatever the fact may have been, no farther trace of, or allusion to it, is to be met with in the correspondence.

YOUR letter, informing us of the molestation given by the cavalry and Kushoons attached to the division under Bûrhânûddeen to the labourers⁽¹⁾ coming from Dhârwâr [to your camp,] has been received, and its contents are understood.

You write also [in the same letter,] “that the quantity of powder, as “well as of eighteen and twenty-four pounds shot, with Bûrhânûddeen’s “army, is inadequate [to the service going forward,] and request us to “send orders to the Kilaadâr of Dhârwâr, to dispatch a further supply “of those articles.” It is known. We have already written, and now again write, to say, that all stores arriving from the Taalûks of the Sircar are to be divided equally between you and Bûrhânûddeen.

We enclose an order for the shot, &c. required, to the Kilaadâr of Dhârwâr, to whom you will forward it. On receiving this supply, deliver half of it to Bûrhânûddeen In like manner, take the half of all other supplies that arrive; and attacking Nergûnd from one side, while Bûrhânûddeen attacks it from the other, let the fortress be speedily reduced.

YOUR letter, accompanied by a statement of the receipts, disbursements, and balances of the Taalûks of Gooty, Bulhâry, Ouk, and Hindi-Unnuntpoor, has been received, and the particulars set forth [therein] are understood.

You write, “that there are large balances outstanding in the Taalûks “of the Sircar, and particularly in Gooty and Bulhâry, where only a “thousand pagodas have been collected, notwitstanding four horsemen “have been employed as Suzâwuls;⁽¹⁾ and you therefore desire, that “peremptory orders may be issued [on the occasion] from the Presence.”

You must scourge the defaulters severely, and [by this means] speedily realize the dues of the Sircar. What more?

YOUR letter, mentioning that you had nearly completed your first two approaches, and that Bûrhânûddeen’s batteries were still unfinished, has passed under our view, and the contents are comprehended. This is an affair of a hill-fort. Without approaching very close to the place, and making a very wide and effectual breach, it will never be advisable or proper to attempt an assault: you must, therefore, wait until Bûrhânûddeen’s batteries are completed; keeping up, in the mean while, such a fire on the place, as shall utterly destroy the wall on your side. Bûrhânûddeen has been written to, directing him to deliver to you half of the guns and labourers [he has recently received]; with the help of which you must continue to push on your approaches, and speedily reduce this fort.

YOUR letter, requesting our authority for engaging in your service a Mûnshy, for the purpose of making out passports and writing letters, has been received. Agreeably to your desire, you may hire a Kunry writer for the purposes you mention.⁽¹⁾

You are to deliver to Kumrûddeen Khân half the guns and labourers [that join you.]

Kâlâ Pundit, it seems, together with his family, has fled from Nergûnd. Make enquiries, and let us know who now commands that place.

I have been unable to ascertain whether Kâlâ Pundit was the Zemindâr of Nergûnd, or only an officer intrusted by him with the defence of the place. The report here noticed of his flight proved to be unfounded.

To MAHOMMED KÂZIM (Brother of the deceased ZYNÛL AABIDEEN, late BUKTSHY of the JYSHE KUCHURRY); dated 12th BEHÂRY. (26th May.)

IT has, at this time, pleased God that your brother should die. This event has caused us much concern. Having it in view to provide for you, we desire you will repair speedily to our Presence, and consider yourself as secure of our favor.

YOUR letter, enclosing an account of the receipts and disbursements of the Taalûk of Loll-ghurry, has been received, and what you have therein stated is understood. You say, “that the Aumil of the aforesaid “Ghurry has absconded, and desire that a new Aumil and Kilaadâr may “be sent from the Presence.” It is known. But how is it, that the said Aumil should have absconded without cause or motive?⁽¹⁾ You must enquire very particularly into this matter, and report the result to us.

YOU have represented to us, “that you had proposed to Kumrûddeen “Khân to make over to him the Kushoon of Shaikh Unser, and to take, “in its place, the Kushoon of the commandant Mahommed Ali; but “that the aforesaid Khân had given for answer, that it was not proper, “at this time, to make such an exchange.” Well! what does it signify? Let the Kushoon of Mahommed Ali remain there (i. e. with Kumrûddeen.)^(1*)

You write also, “that you purposed transferring to Kumrûddeen half “of the great guns, of the labourers, Coolies, &c. and keeping the “other half yourself.” It is well: and you will continue to make the same division hereafter.

You say, “that the Vakeel⁽²⁾ of Kittoor had been with you, and “represented to you, that if his master were allowed a week or two, he “would, at the end of that time, wait upon you, and perform such “services for the Sircar as should be required of him.” It is known. At the expiration of the specified period, you will, accordingly, send for him, and employ him in our service.⁽³⁾

FIVE letters⁽¹⁾ from you, dated the 22d and 25th of Ahmedy [7th and 10th of May], and 1st and 4th of Behâry [15th and 18th May], have been received, and every particle of their contents is understood.

You observe, “that we have said in our letter to Râo Râsta (of “which a copy was sent to you, ‘that he, (Râo Râsta) having told “Mahommed Ghyâs and Noor Mahommed Khân, for our information, “that he was willing to engage that his government should make good “to us the Paishcush due to us by the Nergûnd man, as well as make “us compensation for the ravages committed in our country, we had, “in consequence, made known our sentiments to the aforesaid Khân, “who would accordingly communicate the same to him.’” You then add, “that this was not the purport of your letters to us; and request “us to refer to them again, when it will appear that what you stated “was, that Râo Râsta had proposed that eighty thousand rupees should “be paid to us by way of fine, and ten thousand rupees for Durbâr “charges; and that, for the future, the payment of the Paishcush “should be secured to us, in the same manner as when it used to be “paid through Apâjee Râm. Such being the case, you wish to know “what answer you are to give to Râo Râsta, if he should demand “of you at what time he had ever made the communication ascribed “to him.”

It is known. Whenever letters are received from you, the proper answers to them are deliberated on, and written accordingly. Thus, in the present case, our writing in the manner we have done [to Râo Râsta,] was the result of expediency; and sometime hereafter the utility of the proceeding will appear.

What you write of the death of Anund, Râo Râsta’s son, is known. You will deliver to the aforesaid Râo the dress of condolence, and the letter which we have sent for him on the occasion.

If your longer stay at Poonah should be marked with incivility [or be attended with any circumstances derogatory to our dignity,]⁽²⁾ it can be productive of no advantage; and, in this case, you will demand your dismission, and repair hither, declaring yourself plainly at your departure [to the following effect.]

“Notwithstanding the favors you have received at the hands of my “master, you have afforded assistance to a Polygâr,⁽³⁾ belonging [or “subject] to him: and forgetting the boundless kindness of the Sircar, “you have sent your army, and laid waste his country, to the amount “of [many] lacks of rupees; while [on the other hand] my master, in “conformity with the wishes of Râo Râsta, expressed, both verbally “and by writing, directed the siege of Nergûnd to be raised, and his “forces to withdraw to a distance from thence. The army of Purserâm “Bhow, nevertheless, attacked that of the Sircar; the issue of which “[act of aggression], however, was, that the Bhow was completely “worsted, and compelled to flee beyond the Kishna. In spite, however, “of all this, Râo Râsta continues to require of my master to relinquish “the siege of Nergûnd; and accepting a mulct of eighty thousand “rupees, and a farther sum of ten thousand rupees for Durbâr charges, “to agree, for the future, to receive the Paishcush in the manner it was “heretofore paid by Apâjee Râm. Now my master only wishes, that “you yourselves would fairly consider this matter, and bear in mind the “repeated declaration he has made to you [through us], regarding the “contributions levied on his subjects, to the amount of ten lacks of “pagodas, by the Nergûnd man, as well as the ravages committed by “him in the Sircar’s territories: [all which being duly weighed] he “leaves you to judge how far it is possible for him to consent to an “arrangement, so entirely inadequate to the losses he has sustained, “through the aggressions of this Polygâr.”

You mention, “that Râo Râsta had represented to the minister,⁽⁴⁾ “that having caused the latter’s sentiments to be repeatedly conveyed “to us, through our confidential servants (meaning yourselves), and “having moreover himself communicated them to us by letter, he could “not be justly blamed, because we had not sent a suitable answer to the “same.”

To which you say, the minister had replied, “that he had always “declared it to be his opinion, that as, notwithstanding his (Râsta’s) “constant importunity, no money had been sent from hence, it was “become perfectly clear, that we no longer wished to maintain the “relations of amity with them; seeing that, otherwise, such procrastination and evasion in dispatching the money [due] could never have “taken place; and that, this being the case, he now thought proper “plainly to desire that we might be informed, through you, ‘that if “we had it in view duly to strengthen the foundations of harmony, “we would [immediately] send the arrears due for the three [last] “years, together with [the necessary sum on account of] Durbâr “charges: and that, with respect to the Nergûnd business, we must “consent to what was heretofore settled [on that point.’] He concluded, as you report, by saying, ‘that if we did not wish for the “preservation of their friendship, and were determined to persist in “withholding the money [due], he could see no use in your remaining “there.’”

It is known. No doubt, our bad faith, and our disinclination to cultivate their friendship, are manifest, in the same manner as their performance of their strong and solemn engagements is as clear as the light of the sun. What pleasure can there be in reiterating these things? It is a common saying, “that if any body be at home, one word is “sufficient.” But, notwithstanding all this, we wrote, desiring Noor Mahommed Khân to be sent to us, in order that we might the better ascertain the views of the rulers there, and obtain the necessary explanations on the subject of their engagements, preparatory to our setting about the transmission of the stipulated money.⁽⁵⁾ If the aforesaid Khân had accordingly been sent hither, this would have been carried into effect. It is still our desire, that he should be dispatched to us, and that you [Mahommed Ghyâs] should remain there; but if your departure also should appear to be desired by that government, or if they should [openly] insist upon it, then you, as well as Noor Mahommed, taking leave of them, will immediately repair hither.

Instead of denoting the name of the friend of the Sircar, as you propose doing, by the number 20; and the name of the well-wisher of the Sircar, by the number 60 (these being the numerical powers of the initial letters of their respective names), you must, in future, call the former, whose name begins with a Gawf, Gûlâb Khân; and the latter, whose name begins with a Seen, Surdâr Khân; this last cypher being neat and clean; and the names to be employed not at all leading to a knowledge of the real ones. What more?

This is a very curious and interesting document; as, besides exposing the chicanery, and even downright falshood, to which the Sultan never scrupled to resort in his diplomatic transactions, when he thought he could thereby advance his purposes, it throws considerable light on the grounds of the quarrel subsisting between him and the government of Poonah; and discloses, in particular, the opinion entertained of the conduct and views of Tippoo by Nana Furnaveese, who, at this period, presided over the affairs of theMahrattah empire.

It is not the least remarkable circumstance in the foregoing letter, that to the natural question of the ambassadors, “what answer they were to give to Râo “Râsta, if he should demand of them at what time he had made the communication ascribed to him,” the Sultan makes no reply, but leaves it to the ingenuity of his agents to extricate themselves from the difficulty in which he had placed them, in the best manner they could.

The cypher which appears to have been proposed by Mahommed Ghyâs is a very common one in Hindostan, being founded on the numerical powers assigned to the letters of the alphabet by the Ubjud scheme, as explained in the Introduction; and, according to which, 20 stands for (gawf or kawf); and 60 for (Seen). Now, while to this cypher it is justly objectionable, that it expressly declares the initial letters of the names intended to be disguised, and so far furnishes a clue to the latter, it must be admitted, that the one substituted by the Sultan was not quite so liable to detection; since it conveyed no clear or absolute indication of the initials of the concealed names. Thus Surdar Khân would not so easily suggest the idea of Saindiah, as would the saying “he whose “name begins with 60, or S;” since no positive or necessary reason existed, for supposing that the initial letters of the feigned and concealed names were the same.

Still, however, the Sultan’s cypher did not possess any great advantage over that of Mahommed Ghyâs; and still less did it merit the praise of being “neat “and clean;” because, like the latter, it is so much in use, that the generality of readers would be very apt to suspect the principle of its construction. At a subsequent period, the Sultan appears to have improved somewhat in the art of cyphering; for the Vakeels, who accompanied the hostage princes to Madras, in 1792, were in possession of a figure-cypher, in which a descriptive account of the works of Fort St. George, written throughout in cypher, was discovered among the papers found at Seringapatam on the capture of that place. Even this, however, was but an indifferent contrivance, and, in consequence, was not difficult of detection.

It is not possible, at this time, to say, who were meant by Gûlâb Khân and Surdâr Khân; but it is sufficiently evident, from the epithets by which each is distinguished, that the former was a person of consideration, and the latter some one of inferior rank.

MAHOMMED USHRUF, the Superintendant of the Dewâny Kuchurry of Gooty, wrote to you, by our direction, desiring you to send to him Buswunt Râo, the Aumil of Beiginpilly; in order to his examining the accounts of the said Aumil, and ascertaining his malversations. Instead, however, of complying with this requisition, it appears, to our great astonishment, that you exhibited, on this occasion, the most senseless and extravagant behaviour; tearing the letter of the superintendant in pieces, and returning it to him in that condition. Such conduct is very remote from what we expected from your good sense: you must instantly, therefore, on receipt of this letter, dispatch the said Aumil to Mahommed Ushruf; and take care not to be guilty again of the like improper and rude behaviour, as such proceedings are contrary to our pleasure.

The reproof conveyed in this letter, considering the magnitude of the offence which gave rise to it, and the usual severity of the Sultan in similar cases, is so remarkably moderate, as almost to warrant a suspicion, that he occasionally suffered himself to be actuated, in his treatment of his servants, by motives of a personal and private nature, partaking, in some degree, of the character of partiality, not to say favouritism. The tearing in pieces, and returning in that condition, a letter written by the express direction of the Sultan, and most probably announcing it to be so, was hardly a less contempt of his authority, than the conduct of the Aumil mentioned in Letter XLV., whose crime was declared to merit death. It is possible, however, that the Sultan might not have viewed the transaction in this light; but have considered it as a mere personal affront to Mahommed Ushruf, which would be sufficiently punished by the bare manifestation of his displeasure.

YOU write, “that it is not advisable, until the reduction of Nergûnd, “that the Sipahdâr, Mahommed Ali, should be relieved, as you propose “that his Kushoon should continue to occupy its present post in the “trenches.” It is known

As the aforesaid Sipahdâr is an officer of no experience, and as his Kushoon consists of ignorant and new raised troops, we directed that you should send for, and keep with you, Shaikh Unser and his Kushoon, and station Mahommed Ali and his Kushoon with Bûrhânûddeen; by which means you would have the services of old soldiers, while the others would be more in the way of acquiring instruction. The fact is, that the instruction of the aforesaid Sipahdâr, and the improvement of the men composing his Risâla, is our object [in this arrangement], and not his exchange or supercession: you will, therefore, after speaking in an encouraging manner to him, send him to join Bûrhânûddeen.

What you say respecting the Risâla of Mahommed Nâsir (part of which you have incorporated into Mahommed Ali’s Kushoon, and made over the remainder to Bûrhânûddeen) is understood. The men belonging to the aforesaid Risâla are to be considered by you in the light of a loan or deposit,⁽¹⁾ and are neither to be made over to Bûrhânûddeen, nor to be incorporated into Mahommed Ali’s Kushoon; but are to be dispatched to the Presence, whenever our orders, for that purpose, shall be issued.

With regard to your sending away the stable horses, &c.⁽²⁾ on account of the scarcity of grain and forage, it is to be observed; that the war you are just now carrying on is against a fort; and that field operations being [for the present] out of the question, there can, of course, be no call for cavalry. You will, therefore, dispatch all the stable horses, &c. to Kuppood-ghur, where there is abundance of forage and good pasturage. This, indeed, was formerly signified to you; and it is a matter of extreme astonishment to us, that you should perpetually write and apply for orders in such plain and easy cases as this.

The foregoing letter clearly shows, that if the Sultan did not place unlimited confidence in the military talents or experience of Bûrhânûddeen, he at least considered the camp of that commander as a better school for the young and inexperienced soldier than that of Kumrûddeen. There is reason to believe, however, that the professional merits of Bûrhânûddeen were duly appreciated by his master; since we shall hereafter see him entrusted with the important charge of a wing of the united army of Mysore, in a general action with the Mahrattahs, near Shahnoor.

YOUR three letters (two of them dated the 9th of Behâry, and the other the 13th of Behâry) accompanied by five bills of exchange,⁽¹⁾ namely, four from yourself, and one from Noor Mahommed Khân, have been received. The detail you have entered into, regarding the insolent conduct of Suddashoo, the Hurkâreh, is understood. The aforesaid [person] is only an Hurkâreh: what question or debate [therefore] can arise with him, and why should he be made privy to any secret affairs? You must require of him those services which it is his duty to perform [and no other]; and when you may have any thing of a particularly secret nature to communicate, you must do it in the couplet cypher which is enclosed.⁽²⁾

If the [Mahrattah] minister, and the rest of them, will dismiss Noor Mahommed Khân, and allow him to return hither, it will be well; and, in the event of their being urgent for the return of you both, it will be better still: you will, in that case, set out together for the Presence.

IT has been represented to us, that a balance of fifteen or sixteen thousand pagodas is still due from some of the Taalûks, under the charge of Meer Futah Ali, the Taalûkdâr of Chuck-Bâlâpoor (from which amount, however, certain deductions remain to be made), and that you have taken very rigid measures for enforcing payment of the same. Now, as the aforesaid Taalûkdâr has never before exercised the functions of that office, and as he is, moreover, a stranger, and inexperienced in business, it is our pleasure, that you desist from those rigorous proceedings, and be content with gradually realizing the balance due. You will therefore recall your Suzâwuls [bailiffs], to the end that the aforesaid Aumil may be relieved from his present dismay.

N.B. The remainder of this letter is on an uninteresting subject.

The preceding letter affords another exception to the usual severity of the Sultan on similar occasions. The motives assigned for his lenity, in the present instance are, no doubt, satisfactory and creditable to his justice; though, as in the case of the Sipahdâr, Mahommed Ali, they necessarily bring in question the prudence of the Sultan; whom we see placing men in trusts, to which he knew them to be unequal. The following letter will be found to breathe a very different spirit.

YOUR letter, on the subject of the revenue accounts of the Huwaily⁽¹⁾ and Taalûk of Ali-Nugr (depending on Guramcoondah), has passed under our view, and is duly understood. You must examine the accounts of the said Taalûks in the strictest manner, and apply yourself diligently to the realization of the revenue. On this occasion, you must flog, without favour or partiality to any, all such persons as, adopting the practice of ingratitude, have defrauded the Sircar. By this means, let the payment of our dues be enforced.

N.B. The rest of this letter is omitted as immaterial.

YOUR letter has been received. We highly approve of your having placed the Kushoon of the Sipahdâr, Mahommed Ali, with Bûrhânûddeen: in the room of which you must take Shaikh Unser [and his corps]; that commander and his men being intelligent and well instructed.

You should open a negociation with the garrison of Nergûnd, through the Kilaadâr of Bâdâmy, or the Kâzy of Tûrkul, or through any other channel; and endeavour, by some means or other, to obtain speedy possession of the fort.

The reader will recollect, that the measure, for the execution of which Kumrûddeen is here commended, did not originate with him, but had been directed by the Sultan, and a compliance with it evaded, in the first instance, by the Meer.

I am inclined to infer, from the instructions here given to Kumrûddeen for opening a negociation with the garrison of Nergûnd, that the Sultan sometimes addressed his orders to one, and sometimes to another of the two commanders employed against that place, and that they were in the habit of communicating such orders to each other. It would be difficult, indeed, on any other supposition, to account for such an order as the present one being apparently addressed to Kumrûddeen exclusively; since there can be very little doubt that Bûrhânûddeen took the lead, at least, in all political, if not also in all military movements, connected with the general command of the army now advanced towards the Mahrattah frontier. It is, on the other hand, possible, that similar instructions to those under consideration may have been addressed directly to Bûrhânûddeen, although no entry, to that effect, appears in the correspondence.

YOUR letter, containing an application for money to enable you to make up some clothes, has been received. You may take three hundred rupees from the Tosheh-khâneh,⁽¹⁾ and apply that sum to the purposes of furnishing yourself with apparel.

Muster returns of the whole of the troops under your command, whether cavalry, regular infantry, or other description, as well as a statement of [your] receipts and disbursements, must be sent to us.

A month has elapsed since Kumrûddeen’s batteries were established close to the fort; but you have not advanced so far from your side, although you commenced your approaches so much sooner than he did. This is what we do not understand. It is necessary, that you should be more expeditious in the prosecution of this business; and that, by properly battering the walls of the place, you should effect such a plain and practicable breach, as may enable you to storm it with success. In this affair you must be brisk and active.

Parsimony, or perhaps, more strictly speaking, a rigid economy in his general expenditure, was always known to be a prominent feature in the character of Tippoo Sultan; and we have here a curious and striking proof of the fact. One of his principal generals, and his brother-in-law, is obliged to apply to him for the means of providing himself with wearing apparel; and the Sultan, although he complies with the request, is so far from leaving any thing on the occasion to the discretion of Bûrhânûddeen, that he restricts him to the disbursement of a specific sum, in fixing of which he certainly has displayed none of the munificence of a sovereign prince.

The Tosheh-khâneh is distinguished by Tippoo himself (in one of the letters of the present collection) into two kinds, viz. the Nukdy and Jinsy. The former I take to have been the Treasury, properly so called, or office in which the current specie, and, perhaps, bullion were deposited. The latter would appear to have comprehended a great variety of articles besides the wardrobe; to which, however, the term Tosheh-khâneh is, I believe, usually restrained in the northern parts of Hindostan. Where this word occurs by itself (that is, without its being joined to the words Nukdy or Jinsy, which is in general the case) it is not easy to determine its precise sense. In some places, as in the present letter, it appears to signify the treasury in its strictest sense; in others, the wardrobe; and, occasionally, a general storehouse or magazine. The Jinsy, in some parts of Hindostan, includes ordnance and ordnance stores; but I am unable to say, whether the term was, on any occasion, applied in the same manner by Tippoo Sultan.

It would be a difficult matter to judge, how far the censure here passed on the conduct of Bûrhânûddeen before Nergûnd, was justly merited, without a much fuller knowledge of the circumstances and operations of the siege than we posses. It may be presumed, however, that it was upon such a knowledge that the judgment of the Sultan was formed; and that, consequently, there was actually some remissness manifested by Bûrhânûddeen on this occasion.

THE Piâdehs from the [adjacent] Taalûks of the Sircar, [at present] stationed with your army, are distressed for want of [the usual] means of subsistence; we therefore write to desire, that, in order to remove their difficulties, you will make them a monthly allowance of ten fanams per man.

YOUR letter, together with the Hindivy enclosure, addressed to the Aumil of Vencatigeery, has been received, and the particulars therein stated are become known.

Write to the aforesaid Aumil, that he must address Bâboo Râo, the renter of Vellore, to this effect, viz. “that it is not the custom of the “Taalûks belonging to our Sircar to allow the residence of robbers “therein; and that, upon the discovery of any such, they are immediately put to death.” What more?

The Hindivy enclosure, here referred to, was probably from the renter of Vellore (in the Carnatic), requiring some robbers, supposed to have taken refuge in the Vencatigeery district, to be delivered up. The answer ordered to be sent to this demand is a sufficient proof of the little disposition which the Sultan had to maintain an amicable, or even civil, intercourse with the existing government of the Carnatic.

YOUR letter has been received, and its contents are duly understood. What you write, respecting the rigorous proceeding of Mahommed Ushruf, the Darogha of Gooty, in sending five horsemen to enforce payment of the third instalment of the revenue of your district, is revealed.

Esteeming you to be intelligent in business, a person of integrity, and a well-wisher of our government, we appointed you to your present charge; and we confidently trust, that you will use your utmost exertions to promote the interest of the Sircar, the prosperity of your Taalûk, and the increase of its revenue; and [especially] that you will, according to your written engagement, discharge the whole of the third Kist within the period of a month, paying the amount thereof into our treasury. In this persuasion, we transmit you a Purwâneh, to the address of the aforesaid⁽²⁾ [Darogha], directing him to withdraw his horsemen, which you will accordingly forward to him. You must, at the same time, labour most diligently in the improvement of your Taalûk, and in the collection and augmentation of its revenues.

WHAT you have stated to us, respecting the pay of four men belonging to [the garrison of] Guramcoondah, who have been some time dead, having been appropriated to their own use by the officers of that place, is revealed. We desire you will enquire very particularly into this transaction; and having ascertained the time that the aforesaid officers have been in possession [or receipt] of this money, make them refund the same.

I am not clear, whether it be here meant that the officers continued to draw an dreceive the pay of the deceased men after their death, or that they had only possessed themselves of the pay due to them at their decease. In either case, the notice taken of the offence by the Sultan appears extremely slight.

DIRECTING the name of Fyze Hisâr to be substituted for that of Gooty.

Similar orders were issued, under the same date, directing Bulhâry to be in future called Sumrputn, and Chittledoorg to be named Furkhyâb Hisâr.

Some of the letters in this collection, instead of being complete transcripts of those dispatched, are only, as it were, notes of the originals. These heads, or memorandums of dispatches, are titled and dated like the entire entries, but are distinguished by beginning always with the words or that is to say, “on the subject of——” followed by a brief abstract of the subject.

The present letter is the first of this description that has occurred. I propose, in every future case of the kind in question, to render the introductory words just quoted, in the same way I have done on the present occasion, namely, by the word “directing,” or other suitable participle; which will sufficiently distinguish this portion of the correspondence from the more complete part.

IF they⁽¹⁾ should allow Noor Mahommed Khân to depart, then you must dispatch him hither, and practising procrastination, you will yourself remain behind for some time, writing us occasionally the news [of that quarter]. In the event, however, of their not giving the aforesaid Khân his audience of leave, you must both of you continue there; and contrive, by one means or another, to amuse them for a certain time, and to deceive them by speeches, calculated to flatter their selfish views⁽²⁾ [or to work upon their avariciousness].

The real situation of these envoys at Poonah, as well as their continuance there so long, is enveloped in a good deal of obscurity. At one time it is intimated, that the Mahrattah government have objections to the departure of Noor Mahommed Khân; at another, Nana Furnaveese is seen to hint an intention of dismissing both envoys. The Sultan’s wishes and intentions respecting them are, at least, equally inexplicable; and will appear still more so, as we proceed in the correspondence. The only conclusion to be distinctly drawn from the present dispatch is, that if the agents remained at Poonah, it was to be with no other objects than those of transmitting intelligence, and of amusing and deceiving the Mahrattah government. This is clearly and explicitly expressed; and abundantly proves, that he thought of nothing less, at this time, than of affording any satisfaction whatsoever to that government. Whether by “speeches calculated to flatter their “selfish views,” it was meant, that the envoys should hold out the temptation of bribes to the Mahrattah ministers, or only that they should continue to profess his readiness to discharge the arrears of Paishcush due by him, is doubtful; but it is by no means so, that the Sultan had no serious intention of parting with his money for either purpose.

SOME time since, a Distich, according to the Juml form or rule,⁽¹⁾ was communicated to you, and has, no doubt, been comprehended by you. A scroll, exhibiting the details of that rule, and which will make you completely acquainted with the subject, is now enclosed. Nobody besides yourself is to be admitted to a knowledge of it; and when you have any thing of a particular or secret nature to communicate, you must write in this cypher.

N.B. At the end of the foregoing letter a Distich is added, which I take to be the Distich referred to in the beginning of it, though that would seem to have been transmitted on a former occasion. Of the scroll spoken of, nothing appears. I omit the Distich, because I am, at present, unable to make out the meaning of it.

The title of this letter assigns it to Mahommed Ghous: but I incline to think that Ghous is an error of my transcriber, for Ghyâs. If not, I am unable to say who Mahommed Ghous was, or what diplomatic situation he filled; for such, it is reasonable to suppose, must have been his employment, from the injunction given him to write occasionally in cypher.

YOUR letter, advising us of your having detached a Risâla to Kunnek-geery, has been received, and we approve of what you have done. We desire [however] that you will particularly state, whose Risâla you have sent [on this service], as well as what number of cavalry it consists of. Your are to send the pay abstracts⁽¹⁾ of this cavalry to Mohyûddeen Ali Khân, the Dewân of Kurpah.

Having erected batteries close to the walls of the fort, and well breached the same, you will, with the concurrence of the Sipahdârs and other commanders with you, assault and reduce the place. It will be better, however, to endeavour, to the utmost of your power, to gain possession of it by management,⁽²⁾ and by striking an awe into the garrison. It must be stormed only in case of absolute necessity.

The kind of management here recommended to Kumrûddeen Khân will more fully appear in subsequent letters. It consisted in the practice of every unprincipled art that might tend to circumvent the garrison, and induce them to submit to terms.

YOUR letter has passed under our view, and its contents are duly understood.

We notice what you state, respecting the mortality prevailing among the Jyshe,⁽¹⁾ in consequence of the unhealthiness⁽²⁾ of your position, and approve of your having dispatched the commanders of companies⁽³⁾ into the adjacent districts, in search of recruits to fill up the vacancies [which have occurred]. You must, furthermore, order additional levies, for the purpose of completing your own Kushoon, as well as to enable you to send a supply to the Presence.

There are physicians attached to your Kushoon: let them be strictly enjoined to attend diligently to the care of your sick. The officers, also, of the said Kushoon, must be peremptorily directed to prevent desertion among their men. The horses and cattle belonging to your baggage should be dispatched to some place abounding in forage, and the Risâladârs, having charge of them, must be instructed accordingly.

Agreeably to our former directions, let a capitulation be granted to the besieged, allowing them to depart with their arms and accoutrements. Kâlâ Pundit, with his family and kindred, and the principal bankers, must also be induced, by engagements,⁽⁴⁾ to descend from the fort, upon doing which they are to be placed under a guard, and ten lacks of pagodas to be demanded of them, for the ravages committed in our territories. If they pay this sum, it will be well; otherwise they must be kept in confinement. In short, you are, by finesse, to get the aforesaid Pundit, together with his kindred and the bankers, out of the fort, and then to secure their persons.

[A few lines, containing other directions of no consequence, are here omitted.]

When your batteries are erected close to the walls of the fort, and the ditch is completely filled, you will, if the measure be approved of by the Sipahdârs, advance to the assault: otherwise the attempt will not be proper, inasmuch as this is a hill-fort affair.⁽⁵⁾

N.B. A letter, of the same tenor and date, but less in detail, was dispatched to Bûrhânûddeen.

WE have received your letter, acknowledging the receipt of twenty-one thousand pagodas; and representing that, so far from that sum sufficing for the payment of all your troops, it is inadequate even to the payment of the regular infantry. It is understood. Adverting to this very circumstance, we some time since wrote to you, desiring you to transmit to us a full and distinct statement of the monthly disbursements of the troops under your command, in order that we might make you the necessary remittances. We now repeat those directions; upon your complying with which we will take your report into consideration, and supply you with money [according as may appear requisite to us].

N.B. There follows here another short passage, respecting the pay of the troops, which I suspect to have been miscopied, but which is, at any rate, unintelligible to me.

UPON receipt of the Imperial Mandate, [my] glorified head touched the summit of honour. The special gifts of ennobling quality [or virtue], which your Majesty, in your boundless favour, graciously bestowed [on me], by the hands of Râo Bâl Mukn Doss, also arrived in the most auspicious conjuncture, and put [me] in possession of the wealth of distinction and pre-eminence. In acknowledgment of this magnificent donation, [I] respectfully offer [my] most humble obeisance.

This stedfast believer, with a view to the support of the firm religion of Mahommed, undertook [some time since] the chastisement of the Nazarene tribe; who, unable to maintain the war [I] waged against them, solicited peace [of me] in the most abject manner. This is so notorious a fact, as not to require to be enlarged on. With the divine aid and blessing of God, it is now again [my] steady determination to set about the total extirpation and destruction of the enemies of the faith.

In token of [my] sincere attachment [or devotion] to your Majesty, [I] send, by way of Nuzr, a hundred and twenty-one gold Mohrs to your resplendent Presence: let them be [or may they be] honoured by [your Majesty’s] acceptance. [I] am humbly hopeful, that [I] may continue to be honoured and distinguished by the receipt of your ennobling commands. More would exceed the bounds of respect.

Notwithstanding the apparent air of humility, which may be thought to pervade the first paragraph, in particular, of the foregoing letter, it is nevertheless remarkably deficient in the forms of respect, invariably observed in all addresses to the Emperor of Hindostan (even though “fallen from his high estate”) from those acknowledging him as their sovereign. The writer here does not once style himself, as is customary, “the slave,” “the devoted servant,” or even “the dependent” (in any respect) of Shâh Allum. The very manner in which he offers his Nuzr is lofty, and unsuitable to the occasion; but is still less offensive and affronting than the Nuzr itself, as will be seen by the following letter. In short, the address is marked throughout with a strong and visible repugnance to any direct or express acknowledgment of the imperial authority. This is more especially shown in the studied omission of the nominative case, the use of which would have reduced him to the necessity of employing some of the ordinary terms of respect appropriate to similar occasions; such as, “this slave,” or the like. The nominative, in fact, occurs but once in the course of the letter; and then it is not “this devoted “servant,” but “this stedfast believer” in Mahommed.

There can be no doubt, that by the Nazarenes, mentioned in the second paragraph, the English are meant; and that the peace alluded to is that of Mangalore, concluded in March 1784, or about fifteen months previously to the date of the letter under consideration. Here, then, we have an indisputable proof, that it was “the steady determination” of the Sultan, as early, at least, as June 1785, to seize the first favourable occasion of “utterly extirpating and “destroying” us. It is highly probable, however, that this resolution was taken long before it was announced to Shâh Allum, and, in short, that it was coeval with the very treaty by which he bound himself to maintain the relations of amity with us. Unfortunately, his instructions to the first embassy which he dispatched to Europe (via Constantinople) and which I conceive to be that alluded to in Letter VII, have not been preserved, or, at least discovered; otherwise, there is abundant reason to suppose, that this document would have fully shown, that a vigorous prosecution of the war against us, was an object which never ceased to occupy his chief attention, from the moment of his accession to the Musnud. Subsequent events, indeed, compelled him to suspend, for some time, but not to abandon, his hostile purposes; nor would he seem to have ever taken any particular pains to conceal them. In his own Durbâr he certainly did not: and there is sufficient ground for concluding, that he was not more reserved on the subject, in his occasional communications to other foreign or independent powers, than tothe Emperor of Dehli. It is not unlikely, indeed, that he wrote with less freedom than he spoke of his intentions, or than he authorized his diplomatic agents to speak of them. Oral declarations could be easily disclaimed, and would be difficult to prove; while written ones, unless very cautiously expressed, might lead to premature discovery. Accordingly he has not, in the present letter, distinctly and explicitly stated, that the English were “the enemies of the faith,” whom he was determined “to extirpate;” although few persons will entertain any doubt on the subject. Still, however, if the letter had been intercepted, or communicated to the British government, and he had been questioned regarding it, he might have pretended that he meant the Koorgs, or Nairs, or Mahrattahs; all of whom being infidels, as well as the English, might be equally considered as “enemies of the faith.” It is not to be denied, that the Sultan, all this while, kept up a cold and formal intercourse, by letter, with the British government in India; but there can be little question that this was a constraint, to which he submitted with reluctance; and only because he could not have waved such a correspondence, without manifesting, thereby, to that government itself, and in a manner more direct and explicit than he was yet prepared to do, the hostile spirit by which he was actuated towards it. In fine, though he either did not deem it necessary, or was unable, from the violence of his hatred, to conceal his designs against us from his own dependents, or from some of the foreign princes and states with whom he was in correspondence, still it is not to be supposed, that he was absolutely indifferent to our being apprized of them; since, no doubt, he would rather have taken us by surprise, than have found us prepared to resist him: he, therefore, continued to maintain an outward show of distant civility towards us, till weary of waiting for the assistance he had been led to expect from the French, and no longer able, perhaps, to restrain the rancour which animated him against us, he at length gave full vent to it; and by an open attack on our ally, the Râjah of Travancore, plunged into that war from which he had hitherto abstained, only because he hoped, by delay, to prosecute it to greater advantage. But with his impetuous feelings, delay, beyond a certain point, was intolerable; and, therefore, yielding to those feelings, he willingly incurred the hazards of a contest, to which, though standing alone, he doubtlessly thought himself more equal than the event proved him to be.

The only remaining observation, suggested by the foregoing letter, relates to the professed object of the last war waged by Hyder Ali Khân against the English; for the war alluded to in the second paragraph must, of course, have been that of 1780, though the Sultan, on this occasion, has thought proper to sink the name of his father. This war is said to have been undertaken “with a “view to the support of the Mahommedan religion.” This may serve as a clue to the real, however covert, meaning of Mahommedans, and particularly bigotted ones, whenever they talk of “holy wars,” of “wars entered into for the advancement or security of Islâm,” and of “the extirpation of the enemies of the “faith.” This language is susceptible, no doubt, of being applied to other infidels besides the Nazarenes; but the time and occasion of its use, to say nothing of other circumstances, always sufficiently indicate who are actually intended. Thus, in the present case, the context so plainly points at the English, that we will venture to say, it would be difficult to find a candid and intelligent Mussulman, who would hesitate, for an instant, to declare his conviction, that they, and they alone, were alluded to in the passage in question. Indeed, it may be farther remarked, in confirmation of this opinion, that the “extirpation” of the Mahrattahs would never seem to have been an object in the contemplation of the Sultan; whose hatred to that nation was far less virulent than that which he bore to the English; nor was their power viewed by him with the same fear or jealousy. In his disputes with them, the acquisition of some fort or district, or the relinquishment of some pecuniary demand, was probably all that he at any time contended for.

HAVING heard, from Râo Bâl Mukn Doss, of the many excellencies and virtues which distinguish your character, the information has been productive of the greatest satisfaction to me. A bag,⁽²⁾ containing an Urz-dâsht,⁽³⁾ addressed to the resplendent Presence, and accompained by a Nuzr⁽⁴⁾ of a hundred and twenty-one gold Mohrs, is herewith dispatched; and I trust to your friendship and kindness, for presenting the same to his Majesty`s blessed notice.

Many Mussulmans are in the habit of carrying about their persons (in pockets and the like) for their convenience [or to answer occasional calls] gold Mohrs and Rupees. But, inasmuch as the gold and silver coins, stamped with the names of the rulers of the age, contravene the prescriptions of our liturgy, I have, on this account, devised and coined, and caused to be circulated, a new and superior kind of gold Mohr; in which the names of God, of the Holy Prophet, and of the august Prince of Sanctity and of Sages,⁽⁵⁾ are introduced. Of this new coinage is my Nuzr to his Majesty composed; and I have likewise sent, in token of friendship, twenty-five of the same sort of gold Mohrs for your acceptance.

Considering me to be always anxious to hear of your welfare, you must occasionally make me happy by your friendly letters. Other particulars will be made known to you, by the letter addressed to you by Bâl Mukn Doss. For the rest, may content and gladness attend you.

Though the various pseudo-sovereigns, who sprung up on the dissolution or dismemberment of the Mogul Empire, in different parts of Hindostan, soon threw off the authority of the Court of Dehli in all material points, they, nevertheless, continued to observe towards it some of the external forms of homage and dependence; such as styling themselves, in their addresses to the reigning representative of the house of Timur, “his faithful slave” or “devoted subject;” presenting him on certain festivals, and on other occasions, with the Nuzrs appropriate to royalty, and soliciting or accepting titles of honour from him. But the chief symbol, or vestige, of the nominal power, thus conceded to him, consisted in the general practice which had obtained among these upstart rulers, of continuing to stamp the current coins of their respective territories with the usual legend of the imperial coinage; by which means the Emperor, for the time being, became every where ostensibly recognized as the legitimate sovereign; and his name, at least, rescued from oblivion, and even rendered familiar to the people in general. Of this empty honour, Tippoo Sultan was, I believe, the first, and, indeed, the only one⁽⁶⁾ of these self-created princes, who thought fit to divest him. Not content, however, with putting this affront upon the aged monarch, he had the temerity to aggravate it in the highest degree, by sending the latter a Nuzr, consisting of a coin, from the inscription on which the name and titles of Shâh Allum were entirely excluded. The argument, by which he attempted to justify this innovation, was sufficiently curious and frivolous, but was little calculated to reconcile, even a Mahommedan court to it: accordingly, as will hereafter be seen, it was not submitted to in silence.

Never having seen a gold Mohr, of the specific coinage employed by the Sultan on this occasion, I am, of course, not enabled to say to what degree he adhered, in the legend impressed upon it, to the sanctimonious principle by which he professed to regulate it. The gold Mohr, of which a representation is given by Captain Moor, in his Narrative of Little`s Campaign,⁽⁷⁾ happens to be of the year Zubrjud,⁽⁸⁾ or six years posterior to the date of the two preceding letters; and in this interval, the Sultan, no doubt, might have made some alteration in the inscription.

There is, however, in the publication just referred to, the figure of a double Rupee, struck in the same year (namely Jullo) in which Tippoo dispatched his Nuzr to Dehli; and it is probable that the inscription on the gold Mohrs, of which the latter consisted, differed little, or perhaps nothing, from that which appears on the Rupee of the same year. Assuming this for the fact, let us examine how far the inscription in question corresponds with the description given of it by the Sultan, in the foregoing letter.

On one side is the following legend, written here in the order in which I suppose it intended to be read:

1199

which may be translated, “the religion, or faith, of Ahmed [i. e. of Mahommed] “is rendered luminous on earth by the victories of Hyder.⁽⁹⁾ Struck at Putn “[i. e. Seringapatam] in the year Jullo⁽¹⁰⁾ [or] Higera 1199.”

Here Hyder, though ostensibly standing for the Caliph Ali (one of whose names or titles it was) was, in all probability, intended by the Sultan to suggest the idea of his own father; whose name is, by this contrivance, introduced into the legend, without any direct or open deviation from the rule proposed to be followed. In like manner, the word Futah, though apparently conveying no other meaning than its usual and obvious one, viz. victory, may be safely supposed as designed to shadow out either his own original name, or that of his paternal grandfather, viz. Futah Ali Khân. Here, then, in two words, seemingly employed for a different purpose, has he ingeniously managed to impress his coin, not only with one of his own names, but also with those of his father and grandfather; and so far, without any verbal breach of the law he had imposed upon himself.

We will now enquire, how he has succeeded in the exergue, or reverse, of the coin under consideration?

The legend is as follows:

That is, “He [i. e. God] is the only Sultan [or Lord] and dispenser of justice. “3d [of the month] Behâry, year Jullo, and third of the reign.”

It is very remarkable, that the first word in this inscription (or ) and, consequently, that which immediately precedes the word Sultan, is so impressed, as to be susceptible, without any extraordinary licence or exercise of the fancy, of being read Tippoo. For the tail, or lower part of the does not appear in its usual form, but assumes something like the figure of a crescent, and might, therefore, be very easily taken for an ornament, instead of a component part of a character. Omitting, then, the tail (as if it were nothing but a flourish) the rest of the word will be exactly the same as if it were the proper name Tippoo, written without the diacritical points, the omission of which, though certainly unusual in coins, is common enough on other occasions. Supposing this, therefore, to have been the Sultan`s design, the sense would be, “Tippoo, the only Sultan, the just.”

On the whole, then, it may be observed, that with the help of a few equivoques (of which he seems, on many occasions, to have been very fond) he has contrived, while fulfilling his promise of inserting in his coin none but the names of God, of the Prophet, and of Ali, to impress it also, without actually appearing to do so, with the names of at least “two rulers of the age.”

The date on the reverse of the rupee which we have been considering, shows that it was struck on the anniversary of his Jûloos, or enthronement, which took place on the 3d of Behâry of the year Sukh;⁽¹¹⁾ corresponding, as nearly as I can calculate, to the 10th of May 1783; and being, therefore, somewhat more than five months subsequent to the death of Hyder.⁽¹²⁾

It would not be easy to assign any consistent or rational motive for the conduct of the Sultan, with respect to the court of Dehli. If he thought it capable of promoting any of the objects of his ambition, and was, on this account, desirous of cultivating a good understanding with it, it is rather extraordinary, that he should have adopted the measure of rendering such a Nuzr to the Emperor, as a very little reflection might have satisfied him, was but ill calculated to conciliate the favour of that court towards him. If, on the other hand, he neither expected nor desired any thing from it, it is equally strange, that he should have put himself to any trouble or expence, in maintaining an intercouse with it. The mere news of the place (that, too, transmitted to him only at distant intervals) could prove very little interesting, and still less useful to him.

YOUR letter, with the newspapers which accompanied it, has passed under our view, and the contents thereof are understood.

A bag, enclosing an address [from us] to the resplendent Presence,⁽²⁾ together with a hundred and twenty-one gold Mohrs of a new coinage, [designed] in the way of Nuzr, as likewise a separate bag, to the address of Munzoor Ali Khân, and twenty-five of the same kind of gold Mohrs, as a token of [our] friendship [for the said Khân], are sent herewith. For the greater security, the gold Mohrs have been sewed up in the garments⁽³⁾ of the messengers. You will, therefore, on their arrival, take the gold Mohrs from their garments, and, through the medium of Munzoor Ali Khân, present a hundred and twenty-one of them, with our Urz-dâsht [or humble address], to his Majesty, delivering the remaining twenty-five to the aforesaid Khân.

A bill of exchange for one thousand rupees is sent herewith. Out of the amount [when realized] you are to take for yourselves sixteen months` arrears of wages, at thirty rupees per month, making four hundred and eighty rupees; and a twelvemonth`s wages, at the same rate, in advance, being three hundred and sixty rupees; or, together, eight hundred and forty rupees. Eighteen rupees, which are to be paid to the Hurkârehs [or messengers, on their arrival at Dehli] being added to this sum, there will remain one hundred and forty-two rupees, which you will apply to the payment of the [regular] wages of our Hurkârehs. Of the two pair now dispatched, one of them, named Tolârâm and Mhâdâjee, are to receive, the first ten, the other nine rupees per month. The second pair, named Kishnajee and Suntajee, are to receive each nine rupees per month. Both sets have received from us their wages, at the above rate, for three months; namely, from the beginning of Rujub to the end of Rumuzân 1199 (A.H.). While they continue with you, they are to be paid at the specified rate, commencing from the month of Shuvwâl. When they are dispatched, two months` wages are to be advanced to each pair.

You must [from time to time] faithfully and accurately communicate [to us] the intelligence of that quarter.

You wrote, that you had dispatched to us, by a pair of hired Hurkârehs, two baskets of Bai-dâneh pomegranates,⁽⁴⁾ together with a letter from yourselves. The said Hurkârehs, with the letter and baskets, have not [hitherto] arrived.

According to your desire, seventy-two rupees have been paid here to the last pair of hired Hurkârehs dispatched by you. Further particulars will be communicated to you by Râo Bâl Mukn Doss.

These two agents would seem to have been natives of Hindostan, and personally unknown to the Sultan; by whom they were probably employed, on the recommendation of the Bâl Mukn Doss, mentioned in this and the preceding letter.⁽⁵⁾

This letter furnishes another instance of the minuteness to which the Sultan was accustomed to descend in all matters of disbursement. Another sovereign, in his situation, would have left such details to one of his secretaries, or to the proper officers of the department to which they naturally belonged. But either this was a degree of confidence, which it was foreign to the character of Tippoo to repose in any of his servants, or he was ambitious of appearing to be equally attentive to the most trivial, as well as to the most important affairs of his government: nor can it be denied, that a general impression, to this effect, would tend, in some degree, to secure the fidelity and diligence of those whom he employed.

YOUR letter has been received, and your account of the batteries of Bûrhânûddeen being completed is understood. We have repeatedly written before now, desiring you to advance your batteries close to the walls of the fort; to destroy these effectually; to fill the ditch; and [finally] with the concurrence and advice of the Sipahdârs, to proceed to the assault of the place. Such being the case, it is astonishing that you should still wait, and continually apply to us for fresh orders for storming. [We repeat, however, once more]: In case the walls are destroyed, and the ditch is filled, you must, with the advice and concurrence of the commanders with you, proceed to the assault and reduction of the place.

The justice of the reproof contained in the preceding letter may be very fairly questioned: for though it is certain, that the Sultan had expressed considerable impatience to obtain possession of Nergûnd, yet his orders, relative to the means by which that object was to be pursued, could not be said to have been so explicit and distinct, as to leave no doubt of his real wishes and intentions; for in Letter LIX he directs a negociation to be opened with the garrison for the surrender of the place, and about a week after (Letter LXVIII) he suggests the expediency of getting possession of it, by what he calls management, plainly saying, at the same time, “that it was not to be stormed, excepting in case of absolute necessity.” The letter immediately following the last (or Letter LXIX) is not more decisive or explicit than the others. Thus it appears, that it was not without reason that Kumrûddeen was desirous of receiving more precise and positive instructions for his guidance.

IF the chiefs of that place consent to Noor Mahommed Khân`s repairing hither, it will be well: and if they should dismiss you both, you must both, after formally declaring them to be responsible for the consequences,⁽¹⁾ set out for our Presence.

HAVING received a full account of you from the verbal report of Meer Mahommed Rizâ,⁽²⁾ as well as from the representation of Mahommed Mukrum, we, in consequence, write to desire, that you will, immediately on receipt of this our bounteous mandate, set out with the utmost confidence of mind for our Presence, accompanied by your family, and such other persons as may be disposed to come with you. On your arrival here, you shall in all things experience our care and protection, agreeably to your wishes, and be appointed to the charge of the mercantile concerns, &c.⁽³⁾ A proper place shall be assigned you for a factory; and such advances of money be made you, as may be requisite for enabling you to carry on your trade [advantageously], all the profits of which shall rest with you for the term of two years: during which time, also, we promise to grant you an exemption from all duties on your merchandize. Repair, therefore, to our Presence, without fear or distrust. All remaining particulars will be explained to you by the letter of Mahommed Mukrum, and the verbal communications of Meer Ali Rizâ.⁽⁴⁾

The encouragement here held out to Shaikh Ahmed, seems to have been abundantly liberal, and shows how much the Sultan had it at heart to open a trade with those countries, of which he had no jealousy. It does not appear at what place Shaikh Ahmed was a resident, or whether he accepted the offers of the Sultan.

YOU write, that “the besieged have solicited a capitulation, through “the Aumil of Bâdâmy, stipulating only for their lives and honour,⁽¹⁾ “but requiring the guarantee of the Mâgrycotah man.” In answer to this proposal, they must be told, that if they are willing to treat with the commanders of our army, you are ready to grant them a capitulation, but that the Mâgrycotah man, not being a servant [a subject] of ours, his agency in the affair cannot be admitted.

We formerly issued orders for your dispatching your cavalry to graze [or forage], and we now repeat those orders. We also direct, that strict injunctions be given to the baggage department, for sending all the lean Tatoos,⁽²⁾ bullocks, &c. to grass, the rainy season being now at hand.⁽³⁾

The Sultan would not, for reasons sufficiently obvious, agree to any guarantee which he could not subsequently violate with perfect impunity. The garrison of Nergûnd knew whom they had to deal with; and, therefore, naturally sought to obtain a better pledge for their security, than they could receive from the “commanders of his army,” or any other person depending upon him. They were, in the end, however, compelled to trust to the good faith of the commanders, and the event was such as they seem to have anticipated.

YOUR letter, containing an account of your welfare, adorned the face of arrival, and imparted joy and pleasure to us. What the pen of friendship has traced, in excuse for past offences, is comprehended. Of this matter not the slightest impression remains on the mind of this friend: the only fault (or failure) imputable to that friend being, that he did not examine with care and diligence into the state of his revenue accounts; the consequence of which has been, a heavy deficiency in the amount realized. Our accomptants have made themselves thoroughly acquainted with the details of the territory held conditionally by you;⁽²⁾ and after making every fair and proper deduction for military charges, have ascertained the balance justly due to us from you.⁽³⁾ You must, therefore, agreeably to your former promises, speedily pay the amount into the hands of the bankers, and dispatch the latter to us. You must not suffer any delay to take place in this matter. With respect to the accomptants and others in your employ, who have been guilty of the malversations [in question], you should compel them, by rigorous proceedings, to make restitution of the sums of which they have plundered you.

In regard to the servants and Taalûkdârs of that friend, we assure him that no interruption or disturbance shall be given to them by any one.

YOUR letter of the 9th of Jaafury, was received on the 18th of the same month [or this day]. You write, “that in the course of a conference which you had had with Râo Râsta, Hurry Pundit⁽¹⁾ being “present gave a licence to his tongue, of a nature that tended to lower “and disgrace you; and that, in consequence, you thought it utterly “inexpedient to remain there any longer.

It is known. Such being the ungracious and unpalatable state of things, what advantage can arise from it? That friend, therefore, together with Noor Mahommed Khân, must, at any rate, and without leaving a single individual of your mission behind you, set out for our Presence, nor wait for any farther orders.

It might be supposed, from the recital here made by the Sultan of the letter of the envoys, that the latter had not communicated the offensive observations of Hurry Pundit in detail, but satisfied themselves with stating, that they had been of the most affronting nature. Be this as it may, it is clear that the Sultan`s warmest indignation was excited on the occasion: nor did it immediately subside, since we shall presently see him repeating his order for the return of the envoys, in a still more peremptory tone than in the foregoing dispatch. But however wounded his pride might have been at first, by the injurious language imputed to Hurry Pundit, he seems ultimately to have subdued, or at least to have repressed, his anger; inasmuch as he thought proper, at no great distance of time, to change his mind with regard to the recall of his agents.

[AFTER compliments]........ We have just learned, from the report of the Deputy Governor of Gujunder-ghur, that that friend, having collected together a body of troops, maintains himself with great firmness in the fort of Mudgul; soliciting, however, at the same time, our assistance: we therefore write, to desire that you will, without any reserve or ceremony, state to us what succours you require, when, with the blessing of God, the same shall be effectually furnished.

I am not quite certain with regard to the real name of the fort here mentioned, since, in the original, it is written both Mudgul and Nudgul. From the style and general tenor of this letter it might be concluded, that it was not addressed to any person in the service of the Sultan, but rather to the governor of a fort (belonging either to the Mahrattahs or to the Nizâm) who had entertained a traiterous correspondence with the Sultan. I am not, at present, sufficiently informed on the subject to clear up this point satisfactorily; but if, in the course of this work, I should meet with any new light respecting it, I will communicate it in the Appendix.

YOU write “that the Piâdehs from Surhutty, who were stationed “with Kumrûddeen Khân, have run away, and that light of our eyes⁽¹⁾ “has placed a Dalwâr⁽²⁾ and a Vakeel in custody of a guard.” It is known. Furnish Kumrûddeen Khân with other Piâdehs, in the room of those who have deserted; keep the two persons you mention in irons; and seize, for the use of the Sircar, the horses and camels belonging to them.

The context would, in this place, seem to imply, that the Dalwâr and Vakeel, here mentioned, belonged to Surhutty, and were seized and confined by Bûrhânûddeen, as a sort of hostages for the fugitive Piâdehs. If this was not the case, it is impossible to say, at this time, who the persons in question were. The rigorous proceeding against them, here directed, may seem to exceed the measure of justice; but it is probable, that it was not designed so much as a punishment, as a means of accomplishing the recovery of the deserters, Such expedients are but too common, in similar cases, throughout Hindostan; the East-India Company`s possessions excepted.

YOUR two letters, of the 12th and 14th of Jaafury [25th and 27th June] have been received. You write, “that what Hurry Pundit and “the rest of them propose is, to dispatch Noor Mahommed Khân to us, “and to take an engagement from you to pay down the money [claimed “of us], if, after his departure, there should be any delay in the transmission of the same from hence.” It is known. If any message, to the above effect, should be actually sent to you, your answer must be, “that you are our servants, and therefore dare not enter into any “engagement whatsoever without our orders; but that it was most probable, that after Noor Mahommed Khân`s arrival, and when we “should have ascertained from him the [true] state of things, we should “consider the means of transmitting the money.”

You moreover write, “that Râo Râsta has desired you to represent to “us, that the Zemindâr of Nergûnd, having been brought to agree to “the payment of a lack and seventy-five thousand rupees, by way of “amercement, it is wished that we would direct the siege of Nergûnd “to be discontinued.” It is known. The aforesaid Zemindâr has collected from our dominions ten lacks of pagodas: waving, therefore, all consideration of an amercement, let him make restitution of what he has levied from our dominions, and then we will certainly raise the siege of Nergûnd.

It is observable, that, in the present dispatch, the Sultan is far from repeating his orders of the 1st July, for the immediate departure of both his agents from Poonah: on the contrary, he seems satisfied with the idea of Noor Mahommed Khân`s return singly, and thereby tacitly approves of the continuance of Mahommed Ghyâs at his post. His indignation at the behaviour of Hurry Pundit had probably cooled in the interval; but it was soon revived, as we shall see, by a fresh affront from the same quarter. It must be allowed, that the answer directed in the foregoing letter to be returned to the expected message, or proposal, from the Mahrattah ministers, was not much calculated to produce any favorable change in the deportment, either of Hurry Pundit or of his colleagues.

YOU write, “that you never buy caravan horses.” It is known. But though you never purchase any, you must direct the Silahdârs to do so.

You further write, “that the labourers with you receive their daily “subsistence from the Aumils of the districts which have supplied “them.” But there is no necessity for this. Let them be paid by you, from the day on which they joined you, and as long as they may remain with you.

We have learnt from our beloved son,⁽¹⁾ Meer Kumrûddeen, that a camel-courier, belonging to Râo Râsta, has arrived with a letter addressed to you and him. Having duly considered the contents thereof, you will dispatch such an answer by the courier, as you shall judge proper.

I was in some doubt, respecting the meaning of Caravan horses, till Colonel Wilks, the author of the admirable History of Mysore, recently published, informed me, that the strings of horses brought for sale by the northern merchants, and others to the south of India, were so called. It would not be easy to guess why Bûrhânûddeen made it a rule (as he would appear to have done) never to buy horses from these dealers. But whatever objection that commander might have to such purchases, the Sultan appears to have had none; as otherwise it is not probable that the merchants would have resorted to his dominions, or that he should have been desirous that the Silahdârs should deal with them.

What is said here of the letter from Râo Râsta, seems to confirm, in some measure, the idea suggested on a former occasion,⁽²⁾ viz. that Bûrhânûddeen exercised the chief authority in the army employed at this period on the Mahrattah frontier. His name probably stood foremost in the superscription of Hurry Pundit`s letter; which, on that account, or because he was generally considered as commander-in-chief, was, in the first instance, carried and delivered to him.

The authority given to Bûrhânûddeen, by the last paragraph of the foregoing letter, seems to exceed the usual measure of the Sultan`s confidence in his servants, of whatever rank they might be.

BY a letter from Ibrâheem Ali Khân it appears to us, that the Risâladârs, Syed Humeed, Bubi Ali Baig, and Ibrâheem Khân, have received bribes, &c.⁽¹⁾ from various persons. A copy of this letter, the original of which has been deposited in the Kuchurry of the Jyshe, is enclosed. We, in consequence, direct, that the aforesaid Risâladârs be divested of their commands,⁽²⁾ that they be confronted [with their accusers], obliged to refund to the Sircar the money [they have corruptly obtained], and finally, that they be kept under restraint, and the matter reported to us; when we will send other Risâladârs from hence [to supply their places].

This letter does not afford a very favorable specimen of the Sultan`s notions of justice, or of his mode of proceeding against persons charged with crimes or misdemeanors. He acts upon the bare information of Ibrâheem Ali Khân, as if the truth of the charge preferred by the latter were already undeniably established, inflicting every penalty upon the accused before trial, that could be inflicted, in the event of their guilt being completely proved. It is true, that he directs a kind of trial to be instituted; but the possibility of the innocence of the accused is neither contemplated nor provided for. The result is to be communicated to the Sultan; not in order that he may, in case of the acquittal of the accused, give directions for their restoration to their rank, liberty, and property, but only that he may immediately send new officers to supply their vacant places. All this is at variance, not only with common justice, but even with the usual mode of proceeding against military offenders of the rank of officers, prescribed by the Sultan`s own regulations; one of which appears to have directed, that “the sword “of the accused officer to be taken from him, and deposited in the guard-room, there “to be kept during the trial of the accused, and till ordered to be restored to him “by the Sultan.” On the other hand, it must be acknowledged that the enquiry commanded to be made, and the postponement of the appointment of successors to the accused till the result was known, are circumstances, which seem to show that the Sultan, notwithstanding the precipitancy and irregularity of his proceeding, on this occasion, did not deem it absolutely impossible that the Risâladârs might be able to clear themselves; in which case it is, perhaps, only fair to suppose, that he would have made them suitable reparation for the injury they had suffered.

WE have learned, by a letter from the Sipahdâr, Mahommed Ali, “that he has carried his approaches to the edge of the ditch; that “the walls and batteries on his side are levelled to the ground; and “that the ditch only remains to be filled.” That, then, is a trifling affair. Let the ditch be filled, and, with the consent and concurrence of all, let the place be stormed and taken. If, however, the garrison will capitulate, it will be well: and [in this case] with the exception of Kâlâ Pundit, the rest may be allowed their lives and arms; but the Pundit`s person must be secured. In the event, however, of [your being obliged to proceed to] the assault of the place, every living ereature in it, whether man or woman, old or young, child, dog, cat, or any thing else, must be put to the sword, with the single exception of Kâlâ Pundit. What more?

The sanguinary and ferocious disposition of Tippoo Sultan is here displayed in the most glaring and odious colours. The spirit of Nâdir Shâh appears to breathe through every line of the concluding sentence of this memorable letter. Kâlâ Pundit was, most probably, reserved for some signal punishment; or, perhaps, he was exempted from the general carnage here directed, because his immediate death might have frustrated the Sultan`s views to pecuniary indemnification. It is rather extraordinary, that this last consideration did not also lead him to make an exception, in his exterminating mandate, in favor of the wealthy merchants and bankers of the place; to secure whose persons he was subsequently extremely anxious.

You write, “that, in conformity with our orders, you have transferred the Sipahdâr Mahommed Ali and his Kushoon to Bûrhânûddeen, and in his place have taken Shaikh Unser and his Kushoon, “which you have posted in the trenches.” It is known and approved. You will cause the pay abstracts of Shaikh Unser`s Kushoon to be made out, and issue the amount. Bûrhânûddeen will issue the pay of Mahommed Ali`s Kushoon.

You further state, “that Syed Meerân, the Kilaadâr of Dhârwâr, “has replied to your letter to him, ‘that all the powder and shot at that “place had been dispatched to Bûrhânûddeen, and that it would not “be in his power to furnish another ball or grain of powder, till a “fresh supply reached him from Nugr.’” It is known. Orders, both to Syed Meerân and to the Taalûkdâr of Nugr, are gone from us, to send you powder and shot, which will reach you in due time.

You have also written, “that the works on your attack are completed, but that those on the side of Bûrhânûddeen want two or “four days⁽¹⁾ of being finished: at the end of which time, after due “consultation with the Sipahdârs and other commanders of the army, “an assault would be made, and the fort of Nergûnd be conquered.” It is known. If the garrison will surrender the place upon terms, it will be well, as, in this case, the loss of men will be avoided. You must, otherwise, advancing your works on every side, breaching the walls, and filling up the ditch, proceed, with the advice and concurrence of the Sipahdârs and commanders of the army, to storm the place; which should be done the first favorable opportunity, either at day-break or at noon.

The tank-diggers⁽²⁾ must, on their arrival from Shânoor, be placed under a guard, and dispatched to the Presence.

You write, “that a camel-courier, belonging to Râo Râsta, had “arrived with a letter, addressed to you and Bûrhânûddeen, who, you “conclude, had forwarded the same to us.” It is known. The letter in question has not been received: had it reached us, we should immediately have replied to it. You and Bûrhânûddeen [therefore] after [duly] considering the contents of the aforesaid letter, must dispatch such an answer to Râo Râsta, by his courier, as you shall judge to be proper

YOU write, “that you have carried on your approaches to the edge of “the ditch, the filling of which is the only thing remaining to be “done.” It is known. Where is the great difficulty of filling the ditch? That, therefore, being done, let the place (every one concurring in the propriety of the measure) be stormed and taken.

It might almost be inferred, from the tenor of this letter, that Mahommed Ali, though a raw and inexperienced officer, was co-ordinate in authority with Bûrhânûddeen and Kumrûddeen. But the only conclusion to be justly drawn from this document is, that the Sultan was in the habit of corresponding, separately, with the superior officers of his army, who probably acted as so many spies upon the chief commanders. Such a wretched system would be naturally enough suggested, by the characteristic jealousy and distrust of the Sultan.

[AFTER an immaterial passage, respecting a supply of money, the letter thus proceeds:]—

All the operations of the siege are completed, and the walls of the place demolished: why, then, this delay? If the garrison will evacuate the fort on terms, it will be well; otherwise, watching a suitable opportunity, and acting with the concurrence of the Sipahdârs, and other commanders of the army, you must take the place by assault.

YOU write, “that placing yourself at the head of five companies⁽¹⁾ “from the Jyshe-Risâlas, you advanced into the ditch; from whence, “after putting to the sword every man of the enemy found there, some “of your Kushoon pushed on, and ascending the walls, planted their “colours on one of the towers [or bastions]. Here, however, the “enemy`s people, assembling in great numbers, and assailing ours with “musquetry, hand-granades,⁽²⁾ &c. you [thought proper to] recall “your men from the tower, [and to content yourself with] making a “lodgement in advance.⁽³⁾”

It is known. Your duty is to perform such services as you are ordered to execute, and not to act according to the suggestions of your own mind. You must not again proceed in this idle manner, but regulate your conduct by the general opinion.

If Mahommed Ali was a raw and inexperienced soldier,⁽⁴⁾ he seems, at least, to have been a bold and enterprising one. The action here described would appear to have been performed without the knowledge, or orders, of his superiors; and is, therefore, very properly condemned by the Sultan, whose reproof on the occasion was, perhaps, sufficiently mild.

YOU write, “that your approaches are carried to the foot of the wall, “and that it is determined to storm the place in two or three days; that “Dileer Dil Khân says, he must go and forage with his people; that a “numerous force is required for the approaching assault; and that, “with our permission, you will detain the said Khân, together with the “dismounted men of the cavalry Kuchurry, until the conclusion of the “business.” It is known: and we, in consequence, direct that you detain the aforesaid Khân, as well as the men you have mentioned, till the period you propose; when you will allow them to go and forage.

The two preceding letters satisfactorily prove, how independently the superior officers of the army sometimes acted, and how feeble Bûrhânûddeen’s authority over them was. But this is an evil inherent in the constitution of all Indian armies: and, perhaps, it was less prevalent in that of Mysore, than in any other native army of Hindostan.

It might at first view, and on general principles, be supposed, that it was much easier to introduce strict military discipline into the armies of arbitrary states, like those of the East, than into any other: and so, no doubt, it would be, if it were not for the distrust and jealousy natural to the rulers of such states, who fear to invest their commanders with the powers necessary to the due maintenance of subordination, lest the latter should, on any occasion, be tempted to employ them for traiterous purposes. Instead, therefore, of strengthening the hands of their generals, by concentrating in them the powers which they are compelled to delegate (but which they circumscribe as much as possible), they judge it expedient, with a view to their own security, to divide and parcel them out among the different commanders; and, in fine, to establish in their armies such a system of checks, as leaves but little efficient or useful authority any where. To this more general and remote cause of the great insubordination observable in the armies of the East, may be added another, more particular and immediate (arising, as it were, necessarily out of the former); and that is, the total want of fixed or written rules for their government: the consequence of which, of course, is, that disorder and confusion pervade the whole body, almost every thing relating to which, is made to depend on the caprice and partial views of individuals.

Tippoo Sultan, as if sensible of this last defect in the constitution of his army, in common with those of his neighbours, would appear to have aimed at correcting it in some measure; and for this purpose (though, probably, not with any very deep or accurate views of the subject) caused to be compiled and disseminated a military code, or treatise, which he entitled Futhûl’ Mûjâhideen, or, “the “Triumph of the holy Warriors.” I have not, hitherto, had an opportunity of examining this work, with attention; but the impression made on me by a cursory inspection of it, some years ago, inclines me to think, that it treated chiefly of the manual exercise, evolutions, and similar details, and contained but few regulations, calculated to ascertain and uphold the authority of the superior, or to inculcate and enforce the obedience of the inferior ranks of the army.⁽¹⁾

YOUR letter of the 23d of Jaafury has been received. You write, “that Hurry Pundit sent a message to you, through Râo Râsta, “desiring you to send away the musqueteers^(1*) with you, as it was not “proper that they should remain at Poonah.”

It is known. We have already repeatedly written, and we now again write to say, that the hostile intentions of the chiefs in that quarter are evident; that the longer residence of that friend and of Noor Mahommed Khân there, is consequently in the highest degree improper;⁽²⁾ and that you must, therefore, both set out for our Presence, with the whole of your retinue. This order is accordingly to be considered by you of equal force with a hundred orders. You must not wait for any other; but, immediately on receipt of our present commands, proceed with Noor Mahommed Khân, and all the people attached to you, to the Presence. We shall write no more on this subject.

The only remark necessary to be made on this letter is, that notwithstanding the apparently inflexible resolution of the Sultan, to withdraw his agents from Poonah immediately, they both appear to have continued there till the month of May in the following year (1786), or nearly a whole year after these peremptory orders for their recall.

IT has been reported to us, that the besieged are desirous of capitulating, and have opened a negociation for the purpose: it is therefore written, that if they will surrender on terms, there is no use in an assault. You and Kumrûddeen must jointly treat with the besieged on the occasion, and, by every practicable means, induce them to deliver up the place. Failing in this, you will, with the concurrence of all the Sipahdârs and commanders⁽¹⁾ of the army, (after having ascertained from what point the attempt can be made with the least loss of men) seize the proper moment for proceeding to the capture of the place by open assault.

We are here likewise prepared to move at the head of our forces,⁽²⁾ and shall shortly arrive in that quarter. In the mean while, you must temporize, and employ every means, fair or foul,⁽³⁾ which may induce the besieged to surrender the fort: because, in an assault, many lives would be lost; while a long detention before the place would also prove extremely destructive to the army. It is, moreover, in our blessed contemplation, to engage, after the rainy season, in a certain weighty enterprize: you must, therefore, try every means of effecting the [early] evacuation of the place; acting at the same time, in all our affairs, in [perfect] concert with each other.

The fluctuating orders of the Sultan, respecting Nergûnd, as well as his impatience to obtain speedy possession of the place, have appeared in several of the foregoing letters. It has also been seen, that his solicitude, on this occasion, led him, more than once, to authorize, and even to direct, in sufficiently explicit terms, the adoption of the most unjustifiable measures for the attainment of his object. But it was reserved for the present dispatch, to display, in the most glaring colours, his unprincipled and profligate policy. He is no longer satisfied with vague and distant intimations of his wishes; but here, throwing off all reserve and disguise, openly and boldly declares, that there is no act of treachery, deception, or perjury, by means whereof the conquest of Nergûnd could be achieved, to which he was not ready to give an unqualified sanction.

The weighty enterprize, alluded to in this letter, can, at this time, only be guessed. It could hardly be the surprize of Adoni; which, though it might possibly be in his contemplation at this juncture, he did not attempt till the month of May of the following year (1786).⁽⁴⁾ Neither could he well mean a sudden attack of the Mahrattah army, to be conducted in person by himself; as this was not carried into effect till a still later period: and, consequently, both events were considerably posterior to the “close of the raing season.” There remains, therefore, no other known occurrence, to which the expression in question can be so well referred, as to his short expedition against the Koorgs, in the following month of November; when he marched suddenly and rapidly to Zuferâbâd, in which quarter the Koorgs had recently appeared in open revolt; and owing to the incapacity of the officer whom he had left in charge of that ever turbulent and never completely settled portion of his territories,⁽⁵⁾ had obtained some advantages over the Sultan’s troops.

AGREEABLY to your desire, we have transmitted to Bûrhânûddeen an answer to the Urz^(1*) which he forwarded to us from Kâlâ Pundit. The aforesaid Pundit, for his complete satisfaction [or security] demands the sanction of oaths, &c. [to our engagements]. But where is the necessity for oaths and the like, in an affair of this kind? You and Bûrhânûddeen must, by every possible artifice and deception, get the garrison to quit the place.

We have written a letter to Shaikh Unser, which is enclosed.

The true meaning of what the Sultan here says is, that as he depends on his generals for circumventing the garrison, he sees no necessity for personally perjuring himself for the purpose: he thinks the end in view may be sufficiently answered by their doing so, and is therefore averse to a waste of perfidy. But although he did not think proper to pledge himself to the extent required by Kâlâ Pundit, it is highly probable that, in his letter to that person (referred to above), he was not at all backward in giving him such assurances, as would be best calculated to dispel any fears he might entertain for his personal safety and honour.⁽²⁾

YOUR letter, enclosing a paper, containing the demands of the people of the fort, has been received; and, in consequence thereof, we now transmit to you, in answer to these demands, an engagement from us to Kâlâ Pundit.⁽¹⁾ We also enclose three letters for Mahommed Ali and the other Sipahdârs.

The aforesaid Pundit has, for his greater satisfaction [or security], demanded the sanction of oaths, &c. [to our engagements]. But what is the use of oaths on this occasion? You must, conjointly with Kumrûddeen, by every possible artifice and deceit, persuade the besieged to evacuate the fort.

[After compliments].......... You write, “that in obedience to the “dictates of honor, you shall exert yourself, to the best of your power, “in chastising the seditious.” It is comprehended. Verily, such is the obligation of honor, and such the true character of courage. If you should be desirous of obtaining any assistance, we request you will not scruple or hesitate to consider our Sircar [state] as your own, but [freely] signify to us your wishes, which you may depend upon our fulfilling to your satisfaction.

N.B. A letter, of the same tenor and date, was written to Mukhun Laal (probably the agent of Jusâret Jung.)

I am not enabled to say who this Jusâretûddowlah was; but there can be little or no doubt of his having been a subject of the Nizâm, and (to judge by his titles) a person of distinction. He was, most probably, an immediate dependent of Busâlet Jung, the brother of the Nizâm, and the Jagiredâr of Adoni.

YOUR two letters, of the 23d and 28th of Jaafury [6th and 11th July] have been received. You write, “that they are about to require “of you to send away your escort, and that their ungracious deportment towards you is beyond measure.”

It is known. You and Noor Mahommed Khân must repair to the house of Râo Râsta, and, placing yourselves opposite to him, say to him, “that you have nothing to do with the minister (Nana Furnaveese) “or any one else, and that all you have to desire is, that he will procure “you the necessary passports, in order that you may return to us.” In short, let them be pleased or displeased, you must, at any rate, get passports, and set out with all your retinue for our Presence. This order must be considered as if it were a hundred orders. Two letters for Kishen Râo Nârâin and Râo Râsta, on the subject of your dismission, are enclosed. You must bring Syed Zynûl Aabideen Khân along with you.

You write for a supply of money, and represent the dearness of every thing there. Now that you are about to return hither, where is the necessity of making you a remittance for your expences?

Let us know the name and rank of the Hâkim [ruler] of Cambay, as we purpose writing to him.

We, also, are prepared for war. Fear not, but speedily commence your journey hither, and bring the Mûnshy, Peer Mahommed, as well as———,⁽¹⁾ with you.

The former part of this letter is in substance, and indeed nearly in terms, the same as Letter XCI. In fact, the envoy’s dispatch of the 23d Jaafury is acknowledged in both; and, probably, that of the 28th of the same month (which would seem to have led to the present letter) did not differ materially from it.

The letter to the Nabob of Cambay (his intention of writing which is here announced) will be further noticed under Letter CXVIII.

YOUR letter, written in the Hindivy character, and informing us that there was a prospect of Budl Nâig’s coming in to you, has been received and understood. When the said Nâig arrives, you must confront him with Tummycoor,⁽¹⁾ and after establishing his guilt, and placing him under a guard, tell him, “that you will release him, provided he sends “for his family.” Having induced him, by means of this artifice, to send for his family, you must put the whole of them in confinement, and make a report of the circumstances to us.

The instances of the Sultan’s treacherous and unprincipled conduct, in his negociations, multiply so fast, as to make it difficult to avoid the appearance of sameness and repetition, in the remarks to which they naturally give rise; I shall, in future, therefore, instead of obtruding my sentiments, leave the reader to his own reflections on such occasions.

YOU write, “that, in conformity with our orders, you have established shops, on our behalf, in every Taalûk [under your authority], “and engaged in our service a Surrâf⁽¹⁾ and accountant, for conducting “the concerns of each: but that, in some districts, the object of profit “is completely frustrated; while, in others, the gains are so very small “as to be even inadequate to the monthly pay of the Surrâfs and “accountants; owing (as you say) to the more considerable towns, “where, heretofore, gold and silver, bullion and specie, to the amount “of thousands of pagodas, used to be brought for the purposes of “traffic, being now forsaken by the traders, who taking alarm at the “establishment of our shops [or warehouses] resort, in consequence, “to other places; none but the poorer classes, in short, ever dealing “with them, and then only to the amount, perhaps, of six or seven “fanams.”

It is known. Admitting that the profits, for instance, are only seven pagodas, and that the expence, on account of the wages of the Surrâf and accountants, amount to ten, how long can this last, or the dealers continue to carry their money and bullion to other places? They will, finally, come and make their purchases at our warehouses: you will, therefore, [proceed to] establish Surrâfs and accountants in every Taalûk, according to the amount of its [saleable] produce.

You suggest the establishment of banking-houses on the part of the Sircar, and the appointment of a banker, with a salary, to superintend them. You also propose, with our permission, to open warehouses for the sale of cloths at Bangalore, Ouscottah, and other places. It is comprehended. There is no regulation issued by us, that does not cost us, in the framing of it, the deliberation of five hundred years. This being the case, do you perform exactly what we order; neither exceeding our directions, nor suggesting any thing further from yourself.

The fact of Tippoo Sultan having established such shops, or warehouses, as those mentioned in the foregoing letter, was, I believe, very well known, before the commencement of the last war, to those persons most intelligent in the affairs of Mysore. The present dispatch, by fortunately reciting at so much length the representation of Râjah Râm Chundur on the subject, furnishes a tolerably clear idea of the institution, of which I have no where else met with any account. Till I saw this document, however, I had supposed, that the Sultan’s views in this scheme embraced nothing more than a monopoly of the wholesale trade of his dominions; but it is evident, from Râm Chundur’s statement, that the retail trade also was proposed to be engrossed. “None but the poorer classes,” says the Râjah, “deal at our shops; and then only to the amount, perhaps, of six “or seven fanams.”⁽¹⁾

I do not clearly know what the result of this extraordinary project was, or whether the establishment, which has been described, continued in existence at the period of its founder’s death. I rather think, however, that Râm Chundur’s prognostic regarding it was verified, and that, though framed “with the deliberation of five hundred years,” it was soon found impracticable, and ultimately abandoned.

Râm Chundur certainly could not have chosen a more unpropitious occasion for submitting his own project of banking-houses, than the one he embraced: nor would he seem to have at all adverted to the character of his master, when he could have the temerity, in one and the same moment, to condemn pretty plainly a favorite scheme of the Sultan, and to offer to his acceptance another of his own devising. The result was such as he might have expected. The Sultan would, at no time, have been likely to listen with complacency to the uninvited suggestions of any of his servants; but least of all, when proceeding from one, who had ventured to question the policy of a measure, on which he would seem to have plumed himself in no small degree.

YOU write, “that in concert with Bûrhânûddeen, you are treating “with the besieged for the surrender of the place, which you expect “will submit in two or three days.” You must, by any means, whether by engagements or by artifice, get the garrison to evacuate the fort, in order that our troops may obtain a little respite from fatigue, as we have it in contemplation to employ them, ere long, on a weighty service.⁽¹⁾

You state, “that yourself and Bûrhânûddeen labour diligently together, and in perfect concert, in the conduct of our affairs; but that, “possibly, some envious persons, incapable of viewing things clearly, “may have made a different representation to us.” It is understood. How shall any one [presume to] represent to us, that any disagreement subsists between that light of our eyes and Bûrhânûddeen, since both are our beloved sons, and have been brought up alike under our care: we therefore entertain a confident persuasion, that you will both, with one heart, exert yourselves earnestly in the service of the Sircar.

A letter of the same date, and nearly of the same tenor as the preceding one, was addressed to Bûrhânûddeen, who likewise appears to have assured the Sultan, “that he conducted all affairs in concert with Kumrûddeen.” But though the Sultan thought fit to intimate to these commanders his belief that a proper harmony really subsisted between them, it appears, I think, sufficiently clear, from the tenor of his letters, that he was far from being entirely satisfied of the fact; and it may, at least, be confidently assumed, that there were those who thought otherwise, and who endeavoured to impress him with their opinions.

YOU write, “that on the day following [the date of your letter], “or the 22d of Dârâey, the enemy were to evacuate the place, when, “having put a garrison of ours into it, you would report the same to “us.”

Having got the besieged to evacuate the fort on terms, and having placed a garrison of our troops in it, let the Piâdehs, &c. who composed the enemy’s garrison, be set at liberty, according to the capitulation: but Kâlâ Pundit, and three of the most opulent bankers, together with all the Brahmens and Mûtusuddies of any consideration (to whatever class or description they may belong) must be placed in confinement, and most carefully guarded, and the same be reported to us.

YOU write, under date of the 22d Dârâey [4th August], “that on “that day our colours were hoisted on the walls of the fort, and a party “of our troops admitted into the place, which was to be evacuated by “the garrison on the following day.”

It is known. Kâlâ Pundit, with his family and kindred, four⁽¹⁾ of the most opulent bankers, and the most distinguished of the commanders of cavalry, as well as of every other class or department, must be placed under guard: the remaining persons, of inferior description, are to be set free, according to the capitulation.⁽²⁾

You must dispatch Doolies⁽³⁾ to Dhârwâr, to bring back the wounded men who were sent thither [during the siege]; in order that, being placed, together with the wounded now with your division, under the care of their respective relations, they may be the more at their ease. The wounds of these men must also be carefully attended to, and properly treated. The army likewise, with horses, cattle, &c., must be encamped in some good spot, abounding with water and grass, and where but little rain lies. Having undergone such fatigue, let them now enjoy some repose.

You write, “that you had dispatched one Risâla of Sair⁽⁴⁾ cavalry, “and the horses of one stable,⁽⁵⁾ towards Kunnekgeery, &c., and given “an order for their pay upon Mohyûddeen Ali Khân, the Dewân of “Kurpah, who, however, had returned the same.” We have, therefore, signified our pleasure to the aforesaid Khân, who will, in consequence, furnish the pay of the cavalry, and the subsistence of the horses, &c., agreeably to your requisition.

We, some time since, dispatched money for the payment of your army: it has, probably, reached you before now. The returns which you sent of the troops have been received. To-morrow we purpose sending you an additional supply of money.

The orders here given, respecting the wounded, as well as the consideration which the Sultan appears to have had for the ease and comfort of the army at large, are creditable to his character as a military commander. They would have been still more so, had they comprehended the sick in general.

[AFTER compliments]........ Your letter, informing me of your welfare, was delivered by Khâjeh Lûtfûllah, and afforded me much pleasure. I have also learned, from the said Khâjeh, the particulars which you entrusted to his verbal communication. Of the eleven lacks of rupees, to which I had a just claim, I have been induced, by consideration for the attachment which that friend has so long borne to me, as well as for the sake of the true faith, and on account of the eminence of your family,⁽²⁾ to remit four lacks: you must, therefore, put the remaining seven lacks of rupees in a speedy course of payment, by which means our mutual regard and friendship will be augmented. Further particulars will be imparted to you by the above-named Khâjeh. Continue always to afford me the satisfaction of hearing of your welfare. For the rest, may you be joyful!

Runmust Khân was a Patan chieftain, who possessed the district of Kurnool.⁽³⁾ Hyder Ali compelled him to agree to an annual tribute; though he was, at the same time, a feudatory of the Nizâm, to whom, when required, he was bound to render military service. By the partition treaty of 1792, his son and successor, Alif Khân, was released from his dependence on Tippoo Sultan, and the tribute payable to the latter transferred to the Nizâm; by whom (if I mistake not) it was ceded to the East-India Company, by the treaty of 1800. For a more particular account of the dynasty the reader is referred to Appendix, G.

YOUR letter has been received. You may pass twenty days or a month longer there, in an evasive and procrastinating way;⁽¹⁾ but, at the end of that time, you must, in whatever manner may be [necessary], set out for the Presence, since your remaining there is incompatible with our dignity.

YOUR longer continuance there is destitute of graciousness [or dignity].^(1*) The dishonour arising from your residing there, upon this unhandsome footing,⁽²⁾ is now become manifest: you must, therefore, at any rate, repair to the Presence.

As the Sultan would not appear to have received any fresh dispatch from the envoys, between the 3d and 4th of Hâshimy, it may be supposed, that the directions contained in the present letter (revoking, in a certain degree, those of the former day) arose from a reconsideration of the subject; which probably, for a moment, revived his indignation at the behaviour of the Mahrattah ministers. I say, for a moment, in reference to the counter-orders which soon followed.

DIRECTING him to repair, with the troops under his command, to the Presence, and to leave Shaikh Unser’s Kushoon with Bûrhânûddeen

WE have received your letter, wherein you write, “that Tâj Khân “and Abdûl Ghufoor Khân, the Kilaadârs⁽¹⁾ of Kishngeery, have sent a “requisition to Wunkut Râo, the Aumil of the Bâreh-mehâl,⁽²⁾ for five “hundred hired bullocks and five hundred labourers.” We have considered your letter, as well as that of Wunkut Râo, which was enclosed in it. No other bullocks, besides those belonging to the Sircar, are wanted, excepting on urgent occasions, when it may be proper to hire additional ones. In fact, the public establishment of bullocks is not large, and our service sometimes demands more than it can provide: in such cases it is allowable to hire bullocks, as otherwise our service might suffer by delay. We have accordingly written, and enclose a letter to the above-named [Kilaadârs], which you will forward to them. This will prevent them from making any further demand for hired bullocks.

[AFTER some minute directions, respecting the fabric of Bubry cloths for the use of the troops (patterns of the kinds required being enclosed)⁽¹⁾ the letter proceeds thus:]—

It has been reported to us, that you sit constantly at home, without ever appearing at the Kuchurry. This is not well. You must pass [a proper portion of] your time [daily] in the Kuchurry, and there diligently apply to the affairs of the Sircar, without suffering any one to come to you at your own house [on public business]. It would appear, that you never look into the [written] instructions which you received from us. If you act in conformity with our orders, it will be well: otherwise, you will assuredly incur the penalty therein specified.⁽²⁾

[AFTER compliments]........ The letter which you sent us, by the hands of the Vakeel, Râm Râo, containing accounts of your welfare, and informing us of your arrival at Pondicherry, for the administration of the affairs of that place, was duly received by us; and an answer thereto (accompanied by a dress) was dispatched some time since, and will, of course, have reached you.

Our earnest wish and object is, that the strong and sincere friendship which has, from former times, subsisted between us and the Râjah of the French, should daily increase; and that, by the divine favour, the affairs of France should attain fresh splendour and prosperity. It is most manifest, that the Râjah of the French is lying in wait for a favourable opportunity;⁽²⁾ and as that eminent person⁽³⁾ is a leader of political experience, we assure ourselves that the means of attaining this object will not have failed to engage your attention.

At a former period, when the English army had advanced within eight Coss of Poonah, and the Mahrattah chiefs, not finding themselves able to cope with the enemy, meditated on setting fire to their houses, and taking to flight; in this crisis they humbly solicited our aid and support, which, relying on their engagements and promises, we afforded, by waging war [against the English] in the Carnatic for some years, during which period their lives and property, their country and honour, remained in safety. These facts are more manifest, even than the sun. Nevertheless, a certain Zemindâr (among the Zemindârs subject to our authority) having lately been instigated, by a contumacious and insolent disposition, to lay waste our country, and we having, in consequence, sent our army to chastise him and to reduce his place, the aforesaid Mahrattahs, forgetting the numberless obligations conferred on them by us, dispatched their army to the assistance of the said Zemindâr. Hostilities have accordingly taken place between the two armies, and the Mahrattahs are meditating further mischief against us. With the blessing of God, however, you shall [soon] hear in what manner we have chastised these people. Further particulars will be detailed to you by the Vakeel, Râm Râo. We have sent, as a token of friendship, a few pieces of cloth.

It is observable, that the Sultan, in this letter, entirely sinks the name of his father, whose actions he applies to himself. Whether such a mode of expression was absolutely warranted by custom, or by the idiom of the language, may be doubted: but, however this might be, there is no reason to suppose that any slight was intended by it to the memory of Hyder; of whom he has, on many occasions, spoken with suitable demonstrations of filial regard and respect.

Having already had occasion to remark on the studied but disguised affront put upon the King of France, by stiling him a Râjah,⁽⁴⁾ it is unnecessary to say any thing, in this place, on the instance of it afforded by the foregoing letter. We shall hereafter see this degrading title applied to the French King, in an epistle addressed directly to himself.

There can be little or no doubt, that a renewal of the war with the English is alluded to, in the second paragraph of the present letter. No other satisfactory explanation can be given of the “opportunity” which the French monarch is represented to be “waiting for,” or of “the attention” which Monsieur Souliac is presumed to have bestowed on “the means” of promoting his sovereign’s views. In short, except for the purpose of aiding his hostile designs against the English, what motive could the Sultan possibly have for cultivating the friendship of the French?

WE approve of your having sent Shaikh Unser’s Kushoon to join Bûrhânûddeen.

You write respecting a supply of money for the pay of your troops. At present we have taken up our residence, with a small retinue,⁽¹⁾ at Bangalore: we are, consequently, unable to supply you from hence;⁽²⁾ but have sent necessary orders for the purpose to our treasury at Seringapatam............⁽³⁾ We enclose a Purwâneh to the Zemindâr of Annagoondy, directing him to supply you with baskets⁽⁴⁾ and boat-men, and otherwise to assist you in crossing your army at the Kûmply Ghaut.⁽⁵⁾

Another Purwâneh is enclosed for the Aumil of Hurriâl, directing him also to send baskets and boatmen for you to the same Ghaut. Join us speedily with your army, and make no delay.

YOU write, “that having collected together some baskets, you have “begun the passage of the Tungbudra, and daily cross some part of “your army.” You also mention, “that a Vakeel and Hurkâreh “belonging to the Kunnek-geery man, accompanied by a banker’s “Gomâshteh,⁽¹⁾ had waited on you, and acknowledged the justice of our “claims upon that Zemindâr: [in consequence of which] you had [at “their desire] detached a Risâla of Jyshe, and a Risâla of Sair cavalry, “to chastise Eeri Nâik, a Polygar dependant on the said Zemindâr, but “who had [recently]revolted against his authority.”

It is known. We approve of your having made this detachment, and direct that, on its return, the troops composing it be likewise made to cross the river, and proceed [hither] with you.

We some time ago dispatched money for the payment of the troops commanded by that light of our eyes. This money is arrived at Dhârwâr, whither you must send an escort to bring it to you.

THREE letters have been received from you. You write, “that the “minister manifests an inclination to procrastinate, with respect to “your dismission.” It does not signify. You must remain there as long as he is disposed to detain you, and not precipitate your departure. Whenever he dismisses you, you will proceed to the Presence.

WHATEVER circumstances we judged it necessary to communicate to you, have been written at great length and distinctly in Hindivy: the perusal of it [i. e. of the Hindivy dispatch] will make you acquainted [with every thing].⁽¹⁾ You must ascertain its contents by means of a secret and trust-worthy Mûnshy: one in all respects entitled to credit and belief, and who shall be incapable of revealing the secrets [entrusted to him.]

It has been already seen, that Tippoo Sultan occasionally sent his orders in the Hindivy language, even to persons whom he usually addressed in Persian. Here we have another example of this extraordinary and unaccountable practice, but still more striking and embarrassing than the former one; in which we were at liberty to suppose, that the envoys could read a Hindivy as well as a Persian letter, and only left to wonder why the Sultan should, at any time, prefer writing in the Hindivy. But it now appears, that his ambassadors were ignorant of that character; and that, in order to possess themselves of their master’s instructions, it was necessary for them to have recourse to an interpreter. It might have been expected, that under these circumstances, the envoys would, at least, have been spared the trouble and responsibility of procuring such a person, by having one of that description regularly attached to their mission. But this was evidently not the case: nor is it ev enabsolutely certain, that the person to be employed on this occasion was to be found among the servants of the embassy; though we must either assume this as the fact, or adopt the monstrous supposition of the envoys being obliged to seek, in the capital of their master’s enemy, for an interpreter of his most secret and important orders. To conclude, I must acknowledge that there is nothing in the whole correspondence, which appears to me so completely inexplicable as this matter we have been considering: nor can I help regretting, that the difficulty did not occur to me before my departure from India, where I might possibly have been able to obtain a solution of it.

YOUR letter, stating the distress of your troops for money, has been received. Previously to your writing, we had, in contemplation of this distress, dispatched a supply to you, which is, accordingly, now lying at Dhârwâr, to which place you must send a party of horse to escort it to you. Besides this money, we have now sent you from hence a further supply of twenty thousand pagodas. When the whole amount shall have reached you, distribute it among your people, and report the same to us

IT has been represented to us, that Owbultia,⁽¹⁾ a Mûtusuddy belonging to the Tosheh-khâneh, is on the point of death, and that his brother-in-law is at Oussoor: we therefore write to direct, that you cause guards to be placed over his brother-in-law and Gomâshtehs; and that, having made enquiries respecting his substance⁽²⁾ and property, you proceed, by means of scourging [the parties], to obtain possession of the same. Let the utmost diligence and exertions be employed in this business.

Lutchmun, another Mûtusuddy of the Tosheh-khâneh, possesses a full knowledge of the particulars of Owbultia’s substance: you must, therefore, make enquiry of him also; and send and secure the goods and property [in question] wherever they may be.

You and others formerly represented to us, that [this man] possessed property to the amount of a lack of pagodas. Let the same be sought after and discovered, and the whole be brought to the account of the Sircar. What more?

It does not appear, from any thing contained in this document, that Owbultia was a public defaulter, or stood charged with any malversations; and yet, considering the rigour of the proceedings directed, it is difficult to believe otherwise. There is a pretty plain hint in the concluding paragraph, that Meer Sâdik would be held responsible for the realization of the supposed amount of Owbultia’s property. Perhaps, however, this was only meant as a stimulus to the Dewân’s exertions in the business.

Meer Mahommed Sâdik was the Sultan’s principal Dewân, and, in that character, presided over the revenue department of Mysore. Europeans commonly considered him as Tippoo’s prime minister; but Tippoo’s government recognized no such officer. For a curious engagement which the Sultan made this person enter into, toward the end of the year 1798, the reader is referred to the Appendix, H. Meer Sâdik lost his life in the assault of Seringapatam. He was believed by many persons to have been a son of the celebrated Bussy; nor was the uncommon fairness of his complexion the only circumstance that gave weight to the report, of which more particular mention is made in the Appendix.

IT has been reported to us, that the Mûtusuddy of the Jyshe, Kishn Râo, has been bitten by a mad dog: we therefore write to desire that you will give the aforesaid [Mûtusuddy] in particular charge to the physician, Mahommed Baig, who must administer to him the proper medicines in such cases, and restore him to health. He must also be told not to let the discharge from the wound stop, but to keep it open for six months.

N.B. A letter, to the above effect, was likewise written to the physician, Mahommed Baig.

This is not the only letter in which the Sultan has exhibited himself in the character of a physician. A still more curious instance of the same kind will appear hereafter. It would be well, if we could attribute his interference in such matters to any particular solicitude for the welfare of the patients. This motive would, at least, be creditable to his humanity: but humanity, or sympathy in the sufferings of others, was not, it may be safely affirmed, among the Sultan’s virtues. His conduct, therefore, on the occasions in question, can only be referred to the vanity, which made him desirous of appearing to know, as well as to direct, every thing.

The Syed Mahommed Khân, to whom this letter is addressed, continued to be Kilaadâr of Seringapatam, to the period of the capture of that place by the English; and was among the few persons of distinction who survived its fall. He stood high in the confidence of the Sultan, who speaking, in his Memoirs, of the manner in which he disposed of some of the principal offices of state on his accession to the Musnud, says: “the Kilaadâry of Putn I consigned to Syed “Mahommed, a man long distinguished for his fidelity and courage, and one of “[our] most ancient adherents.” The situation held for so long a period by this person, must necessarily have made him a participator in many, or most, of the cruelties committed within the walls of Seringapatam, by order of his master: he has, nevertheless, obtained credit, for having often granted to the English prisoners confined there, at different times, indulgencies by no means authorized by the Sultan’s instructions.

WE have, of late, repeatedly heard, that Râo Râsta having sent for you, you declined waiting upon him, on account of a dispute that had arisen respecting a woman belonging to some Musulman; returning for answer to his message, “that if they would let the woman in “question go,⁽¹⁾ you would attend him.” This account has occasioned us the utmost surprise and astonishment. This is a domestic disturbance among the inhabitants of their own country. Where was the necessity of your interfering in this matter, or of your refusing to wait upon Râo Râsta when he sent for you? thereby throwing our affairs into confusion. It seems to us, that old age⁽²⁾ must have produced this deviation⁽³⁾ [or change] in your conduct [character or disposition], and rendered you thus unmindful of your lives and honor. It would have been most consonant to the state of the times, and to the regard you owed to our interests, if, considering their dissensions as beneficial to Islâm, you had [secretly] encouraged [or excited] the Musulmans [in their proceedings], while you [apparently] looked on as [unconcerned] spectators, instead of interposing with such an extraordinary recommendation⁽⁴⁾ as you did; and which was, indeed, altogether, unworthy of your understandings.⁽⁵⁾ When the Nazarenes seized upon hundreds of Musulman women, where was the zeal for the support [or honour] of Islamism, which you are now so desirous of manifesting there?

For the future, it will be proper that you should never take any share in their domestic concerns, but attend [exclusively] to whatever may promote the success of our affairs. Let the fire of discord, therefore, be again kindled amongst them, to the end that they may, in this manner, waste [their strength upon] each other.

If I understand the foregoing letter rightly (of which, however, I must confess myself to have some doubts) the Sultan’s meaning was, that both his own personal interests, and those of Islâmism, would have been better promoted, by a continuance of the feuds and animosities which seem to have arisen between the Musulman and Hindoo inhabitants of Poonah, in consequence, apparently, of some female intrigue, than by the interposition of the envoys; which, if it succeeded, would have the effect of terminating the disputes in question. Instead of this, he would have had his agents secretly foment and encourage them, and therefore concludes his dispatch, by broadly desiring them “to rekindle the fire “of discord,” in order that his enemies may be consumed therein: that is to say, to measure back the false steps they had taken, and let the quarrel which had sprung up take its natural course. At the same time, he seems to have thought, that the interference of the envoys, besides being impolitic, was indecorous and presumptuous, as encroaching on the rights of an independent state. “It is a “domestic difference, (says he) concerning only the inhabitants of their own “country.”

It is uncertain to what particular transaction the Sultan alludes, in the passage mentioning the Nazarenes, or English. The violence, however, here imputed to them, is mentioned on other occasions, as well as the present.

IT has lately been represented to us, that the Koorgs have committed some excesses⁽¹⁾ at Zuferâbâd. We have, in consequence, written to the Buktshy of the Jyshe, to dispatch you with two guns and your Kushoon to that place. He is also ordered to advance you two thousand Behâdury pagodas, on account of the pay of your Kushoon; as well as a thousand rupees, to be applied in compensations to the wounded.⁽²⁾ After leaving a guard over such of Othman Khân’s Kushoon as are not to be trusted,⁽³⁾ you will proceed, as above directed, to Zuferâbâd; to the Foujdâr of which place, Zynûl Aabideen, we have addressed another letter, which is enclosed. You are, in conjunction with him, to make a general attack on the Koorgs;⁽⁴⁾ when, having put to the sword, or made prisoners of, the whole of them, both the slain and the prisoners are to be made Musulmans.⁽⁵⁾ In short, you must so manage matters, as [effectually] to prevent them from exciting any further sedition or disturbance.

Obtaining from the treasury a copy of our regulations respecting the wounded, let your wounded be paid in conformity thereto. Rewards to those men, who may be entitled to them, must also be given from the money in your hands; from which you must, likewise, make such advances [of pay] to your Kushoon, as shall seem proper to you.

I am doubtful, whether by the Zynûl Aabideen, mentioned in the title of this letter, is meant Zynûl Aabideen Shoostry (to whom Letter CXXVIII is unquestionably addressed) or a distinct person, bearing the same name. Though the former is usually distinguished by the addition of Shoostry (denoting him to be a native of Shuster or Suza, in Persia) yet the appellation might have been accidentally omitted in the present letter, as it most clearly appears to have been in the title of Letter CXLV. If this conjecture were well founded, it would follow that Zynûl Aabideen Shoostry was a Sipahdâr, or a commander of a Kushoon, which, however, I have no authority for supposing him to have been.

The Zukhm-putty, or compensation to wounded soldiers, is a custom pretty general in the native armies of India. Having never seen Tippoo Sultan’s regulations on this head, I am unable to give any information respecting them. As, however, all the Sultan’s establishments were formed on the most economical, if not the most parsimonious scale, it is not probable, that his donations to the wounded were regulated by a different spirit. The rewards occasionally bestowed on men, distinguishing themselves in battle or otherwise, usually consisted of gold or silver chains, or of rings for the wrists, according to the rank of the person receiving them.

The reader will probably be startled at the order contained in the foregoing letter, for making Musulmans, not only of the living, but of the dead Koorgs, who might fall into the hands of the Sipahdâr; and the extravagance of the proceeding may even lead him to suspect, either the correctness of the manuscript, or the fidelity of the translation. With respect to the former, it will be sufficient to say that there is not the slightest ground for supposing any error of the manuscript in this passage; and as to the latter, I will only observe, that nothing can be expressed with more plainness, or freedom from ambiguity, than the original, which, for the satisfaction of the oriental reader, at least, shall be inserted at the bottom of the page.⁽⁶⁾

YOU write, “that a very great intimacy and friendship subsists “between Syed Zynûl Aabideen Khân and Noorûddeen Hûsain Khân, “the latter of whom is come there [i. e. to Poonah] on a mission from “Mr. Boddam, the Governor of Bombay; and that the aforesaid Syed, “actuated by his attachment to our Sircar, furnishes you, privately, “with the secret intelligence of that quarter, and is furthermore ready, “if it meets our approbation, to take steps towards establishing a friendship between us and the said Governor.” It is well. We have no objection to your agitating this affair, as you propose, with the Syed. You must also obtain the most accurate intelligence from thence, and regularly communicate the same to us. You will, likewise, take the same occasion to represent,⁽¹⁾ that our territories and those of the English are contiguous to each other;⁽²⁾ and that, at the time of the treaty concluded between us and the English, it was stipulated, that no assistance should be afforded, either openly or secretly, to our enemies: and, accordingly, we are in possession of copies of the said treaty, containing the aforesaid stipulations, under the respective seals of the Governors of Bengal, Madras, and Bombay. This being the case, it is unsuitable to the rules of friendship, and is even a violation of good faith, that notwithstanding his delivery [to us] of a treaty under his own seal, the Governor of Bombay should afford assistance to our enemies. Such conduct is abundantly remote from the usages and conduct of great chiefs.

Agreeably to your suggestion, we enclose a letter to the address of Nujmûd’ Dowlah Behâdûr,⁽³⁾ which you will forward [to him].

I believe that the Zynûl Aabideen, mentioned in the foregoing letter, was an agent employed at the court of Poonah by the Nabob of Cambay. The Sultan’s letter to the latter, being merely complimentary, and only designed to lead to a further intercourse, is omitted.

The treaties with the English, spoken of in this letter, must, of course, refer to the separate treaties concluded at different times between Hyder Ali and the respective British presidencies. The treaty of Mangalore, likewise, contains a stipulation to the same effect as that so much insisted on here by the Sultan. The Governor of Bombay was not, however, a subscribing party to that treaty.

I am ignorant to what circumstance the Sultan alludes, where he charges the Governor of Bombay with affording assistance, at this period, to the Mahrattahs.

We have, at this time, thought proper to employ you, and the troops under your command, in the reduction of the fort of Oalpilly.⁽¹⁾ The Sipahdâr, Shaikh Omar,⁽²⁾ with the troops belonging to him, is already before that place, where you will be joined by him, as well as by four thousand Kuchurry Piâdehs from Bangalore. Part of this force is already arrived at its destination, and the remainder is on its way. On your arrival at Oalpilly, you must, in conjunction with the said Sipahdâr, proceed to dislodge and chastise the Piâdehs of the Zemindâr of Punganoor; who have posted themselves in the neighbouring woods, from whence they [issue forth and] commit depredations. Having cleared these woods, you must move forward, and taking up a position near Oalpilly, open trenches against that place.

Shaikh Omar has with him four large guns, two field-pieces,⁽³⁾ and two howitzers.⁽⁴⁾ If any more heavy guns should be wanted, Turbiyut Ali Khân, the Buktshy of Ehshâm,⁽⁵⁾ has been instructed to dispatch them upon your requisition. Mounting these guns in the batteries, you must open a fire upon the fort; which being taken, you will put into it a garrison of our troops. In the fort is the Zemindâr, Chukra Mull, together with several Nâigwâries⁽⁶⁾ of note. You must take especial care that these persons are made prisoners, and report to us all the particulars respecting them. If, however, the above named persons should escape through the woods, and take refuge in the districts of Chundrageery, Chittoor, or other Polygars depending on the Fringy,⁽⁷⁾ you must write to the Taalûkdâr of such district, informing him that the fugitives are robbers of our Sircar,⁽⁸⁾ and requiring of him not to protect but to deliver them up. You are, at the same time, to report these circumstances to us, in order that we may make a representation of the matter to the Governor of Madras, and endeavour to obtain possession of the person of the aforesaid Polygar.

If any of the Piâdehs of the Polygar of Punganoor should be still concealed in the adjacent woods, you must contrive to discover their haunts, and to make prisoners of them.

You have with you fifty bullock-loads of gunpowder, each load being a hundred and twenty seers, making together six thousand seers.⁽⁹⁾ You have been also furnished with twelve thousand seers of Carnatic lead, and four thousand gun-flints: these articles you will preserve carefully, expending them [only] in battle. If you should be in want of more lead, powder, or shot, apply to the aforesaid Buktshy, who has our orders to supply you; and when such supplies reach you, you must transmit to him a receipt for the same.

Mohyûddeen Ali Khân, the Dewân of Kurpah, and Râjah Râm Chundur, have been directed to supply you with gram⁽¹⁰⁾ for the consumption of the horses of your Kuchurry. They will, at the same time, each send a Mûtusuddy in charge of the gram, who will remain with you, and serve out the gram as it may be wanted. Receipts for the same, under your seal and signature, must be regularly given by you to the aforesaid Mûtusuddies, who will deliver them to their respective principals.

The country of Punganoor appertains to our Sircar, and we have appointed Dâsiâ to collect the revenues of it; you will, therefore, issue strict orders to your people not to commit any ravages or depredations there; nor are you to make any incursions into the country of the Fringy, which adjoins to Punganoor, or to give it any disturbance. On this head you must be very strict: and if the Aumils of the Fringy should write to you, to desire you not to make any incursions in their country, or to give it any molestation, you will send such an answer as may be proper, and at the same time report the circumstances to us.

The pay of the troops under you and Shaikh Omar, will be sent to each of you respectively. You will distribute the pay of your own people, man by man; and he will distribute the pay of the Jyshe under his command. Such Piâdehs, or others, as may be wounded, you will remunerate according to the separate regulations on this head, with which you have been furnished. You must also apply yourself to the procuring of secret intelligence from the Ryots and others, in that quarter, giving to those who communicate it from five to ten rupees, as you may judge proper.

Dâsiâ is the Umldâr of that place [i. e. Punganoor]: you will, therefore, afford him every [necessary] encouragement and countenance, and make yourself acquainted, by his means, with the [different] roads leading through the hills of Oalpilly. The country of the Fringy adjoins to Oalpilly; so that, in order to satisfy or tranquilize the Fringy Taalûkdârs, you must, immediately on your arrival there, write to them saying, “that the Polygar of Punganoor having contumaciously raised his head, “you have been sent by us to chastise him; and therefore request that, “if he should take refuge in their country, he may not receive protection.”

Let a reward of five rupees be given to every man of our people bringing in the head of a Piâdeh belonging to the rebel Polygar; and let the same reward be granted for every prisoner brought in alive.

The foregoing document is denominated in the original a Hûkm-nâmeh, or “mandate;” by which name all the formal or set orders, with which public functionaries were furnished, either at the time of their appointment to office, or subsequent thereto, were usually called, to distinguish them from the current and occasional instructions transmitted to them. They were sometimes divided into articles which were regularly numbered; and, as observed on a former occasion, generally concluded with a denunciation of the punishment appointed for a neglect or disobedience of the directions contained in them.

The term Fringy, applied in this dispatch to the English, is generally used (by the superior classes among the natives of India, at least) in contempt; as Nusâra, or Nazarene, also is for a Christian. Strictly speaking, however, there is nothing reproachful or degrading in the former appellation, as it properly means nothing more than a Frank, or European.

WHAT you have written, relating to Kâlâ Pundit, is duly understood. A letter to him, framed in the manner suggested by you, is sent herewith. Let it be delivered to him: and if, notwithstanding this letter, he should still prove disinclined to repair to our Presence, and persist in his contumacy, an hundred men of the Uskur,⁽¹⁾ armed with swords and daggers, but without firelocks, must be sent, with orders to approach him gradually, while he is held in conversation [by persons to be instructed for the purpose]. They must then suddenly rush forward, ten men upon every one of his⁽²⁾: and, disarming the Pundit and all his party, bind them hand and foot, put the whole in irons, and [in this manner] dispatch them to the Presence. We enclose a letter of the above tenor to Syed Ghuffâr,⁽³⁾ to whom you will deliver it.

IT has been represented to us, that you have, in a most rigorous and peremptory manner, required of several of our servants at Kurpah to evacuate houses which they have occupied for years past, and in the erection of which they have expended considerable sums of money. Such improper proceedings are of evil tendency, and directly contrary to our pleasure: you must, therefore, desist from them, nor again require of any of our servants to quit their habitations. Act according to the instructions which have been delivered to you, and do not pursue the suggestions of your own fancy.

AGREEABLY to your request, we have written, and enclose an order to Mohyûddeen Ali Khân, the Dewân of Kurpah, directing him to desist from disturbing our servants in the possession of their houses. You must forward the same to him.

What you write, respecting your desire to proceed unattended [or by yourself]⁽¹⁾ to pay your respects to us, is understood. Repair straight, yourself and army, to Seringapatam,⁽²⁾ whither we ourselves are proceeding.

YOU write, “that in consequence of the Cutwâl being included in “the pay abstracts of the Kundachâr, the Kilaadâr of Hûscotah “[conceiving the office to be in his disposal] had placed a very low “and improper person in the Cutwâly, to the great detriment of the “business of your department.” It is known. The appointment and removal of the Cutwâl rests with you: you will, therefore, replace [as you propose] the former Cutwâl, and taking the payment of his monthly stipend upon yourself, see that he applies himself with diligence to the business of the Sircar. We have written to the aforesaid Kilaadâr on the subject of the Cutwâl, whose appointment, we have told him, is to depend upon you.

WHAT you have written, relative to your having paid twenty thousand rupees to Meer Zynûl Aabideen, the Foujdâr of Zuferâbâd, is understood, and meets our approbation. You must, in like manner, discharge the remaining balance due by you. Upon your arrival at the Presence, we will personally state all matters to you. Tillicherry is situated near the Taalûk of that refuge of chastity:⁽¹⁾ you will, therefore, regularly transmit to us whatever intelligence you may [from time to time] be able to procure from thence.

Ali Râjah Beeby was the same person, whom the English, in the west of India, sometimes dignified with the title of Queen of Cannanore, of which petty state she was the hereditary ruler. I am ignorant, at what period Cannanore became tributary to the Mysore chief: but it continued so till the cession of Malabar to the English, by the partition treaty of 1792; when all the rights and authority claimed by Tippoo Sultan in that province, were transferred to the East-India Company.

Ali Râjah Beeby was a Mahommedan; and on this account, perhaps, was treated by the Sultan with somewhat more distinction and lenity, than he was accustomed to show to his other tributaries in Malabar. He would not seem, however, to have succeeded in his endeavours to conciliate her good-will, or to inspire her with confidence in him. This fact is deducible from the constant repugnance, which she evinced to complying with his desire of seeing her at Seringapatam; and which will appear, on more than one occasion, in the course of the subsequent correspondence.

[AFTER authorizing him to entertain in his service a Hindivy Mûnshy, the letter proceeds as follows]:—

It appears, that Kâlâ Pundit is attended by ten or twelve [armed] followers: let [therefore] a hundred men of the Uskur, armed with swords and shields, be sent [to his habitation or quarters], with instructions to close in with the party, and, overpowering, seize on the whole. The aforesaid Pundit, together with his adherents, must then be dispatched to the Presence, as before directed.

This letter is little more than a repetition of Letter CXX, addressed to the same person, and written only two days before. Such an early re-iteration of his orders on the subject, strongly marks the impatience of the Sultan to get possession of his victim.

YOU will proceed from thence to the Presence, whenever the minister shall give you your dismission.

On the anniversary of the Dusharrah,⁽¹⁾ you will distribute among the Hindoos, composing your escort, a goat to every ten men; and on the anniversary of the festival of Zilhijjeh,⁽²⁾ the like number of goats among the Musulmans of your party.

YOUR letter, inclosing a list of the arms of Kâlâ Pundit, &c. has been received. What you write, respecting the seizure and confinement in irons of the said Pundit and his adherents, is understood and approved. We shall shortly direct you to repair to our Presence: be quick, therefore, in dispatching what business you have there.

This is the last occasion on which Kâlâ Pundit is mentioned. Of his ultimate fate I know nothing: but it may be safely conjectured, that it was not a mild one.

YOUR letter has been received. How came it, that notwithstanding your knowledge of the rainy season, you did not take Kûndilehs⁽¹⁾ with you? This circumstance occasions us great surprize. Let the grain, furnished by such of the Ryots as have submitted to your authority, be paid for. On the other hand, let that belonging to those Ryots who have adopted a rebellious course, be plundered, and applied to the use of your army.

Let assistance be afforded to Lucherâm, the Huzâry.

The person to whom the foregoing letter is addressed was a brother of Meer Allum, so well known as minister for English affairs at the court of Hyderabad. I do not know at what period he engaged in the service of Tippoo Sultan; but I believe, that no intercourse, of any kind, subsisted between the brothers. Zynûl Aabideen, though occasionally employed by the Sultan in situations of trust, would appear to have been principally esteemed for his supposed literary qualifications. He it was who composed the Futhûl’ Mûjâhideen,⁽²⁾ under the immediate direction of the Sultan himself. He was also the author of the Sûltâne Tuwâreekh, mentioned by Colonel Wilks, in the Preface to his valuable History of Mysore: but this work appears to have been little more than a rhetorical amplification of the Sultan’s own Memoirs, as far as the latter went. The reproof given to Zynûl Aabideen, in the present dispatch, is mild in the extreme, compared with the invectives which we shall hereafter see bestowed upon him.

YOUR letter, informing us of your arrival with your army on the banks of the Tungbudrah,⁽¹⁾ and of your intention to repair speedily to the Presence, has been received. You must hasten your arrival here; and order things in such a manner [on your march], that no desertion may take place from your army, which [you know] is composed of men from all the four quarters, ———— as Kurpah, &c. You must, therefore, employ some of the Jyshe troops to look after them, so that no desertions may happen, but the whole join us in safety. On this head the utmost care and strictness are necessary.

It would appear, from this and other letters in the present collection, that desertions were frequent in the armies of the Sultan: but so they are in all the native armies of India. It is probable, however, that the evil might be experienced, in a peculiar degree, by Tippoo Sultan, since he would seem to have been in the habit of occasionally recruiting his ranks by forced levies; a practice, of which I am not aware that any other example is to be found among the princes or states of India.

YOUR letter, stating the insolvency of the late postmaster⁽³⁾ of Mânâwâr,⁽⁴⁾ &c., has been received. What was necessary to be said, regarding the above-mentioned postmaster, as well as the postmasters of Runhully,⁽⁵⁾ was heretofore written at the greatest length. It is wonderful that you should not have acted conformably [to those directions:] but that, instead of doing so, you should repeatedly address us on the subject, and pursue [in this manner] your own fancies. For the future, you must not write to us on such matters, but conduct yourself agreeably to our former orders.

AHMED BAIG has been dispatched [to you], and other troops will shortly follow. In the mean while, you must not remain idle, but pursue, exterminate, or make prisoners of the rebels, wheresoever they may take refuge. You must also quickly inform us of the state of the rains in that quarter.

YOUR letter has been received, and its contents are duly understood. What you write, concerning your operations [against the enemy]; your want of gunpowder and grain; the violence of the rains; and, lastly, your opinion, that though ten more Kushoons were to be sent thither nothing could be effected, unless we ourselves should proceed in person to that quarter, in which case, you think, that every thing would be speedily accomplished. All this is known.

You have with you fifteen hundred bundles of gunpowder, thirty rounds of ammunition, and two thousand men of the Jyshe. That you should not, with such a force, have made any effort to chastise the enemy, but should be waiting for our arrival, occasions us the utmost amazement, is utterly irreconcileable with [every idea of] courage, and warrants a strong suspicion of absolute cowardice [in you]. If this were not the case, two hundred Jyshe would be fully adequate to the suppression of this revolt.⁽¹⁾

We therefore order, that, uniting your force with that of Meer Zynûl Aabideen, the Foujdâr,⁽²⁾ you do together exert yourselves in the signal chastisement of the Koorgs. You must, in particular, be careful, that your people do not disperse, and, by this means, expose themselves to be cut off. That country is populous. Collect together such of the inhabitants as are well disposed to our government, and giving them encouraging assurances, buy their grain, and distribute it among your troops. As to the rebels among them, you must pursue them wheresoever they can be found, and chastise them effectually.

Strong as the censure, conveyed in the preceding letter, undoubtedly is, it will presently be seen, that the full measure of the Sultan’s anger against this unfortunate commander was not yet dealt out. Vide Letters CXXXVI and CXXXVII.

YOUR letter has been received. What you write, respecting your having made up and delivered to your followers new flags, banners, &c., is understood, and meets our approbation. You must take care, that the [regular] infantry, attached to your escort, perform their exercise regularly. You must not, however, expend any powder on these occasions.

Noor Mahommed Khân being indisposed, it would be highly improper that you should, at such a time, be separated. Under these circumstances, you must take up your residence in the same place with him, and exert yourself for his recovery. In fine, you must, conjointly, discharge all the duties of attachment and fidelity that you owe to us.

YOU write for instructions, with regard to the prices at which you should buy certain articles for our use,⁽¹⁾ in order that you may regulate your purchases accordingly. Old age has certainly made havock on your understanding, otherwise you would have known that the Mûtusuddies here are not the proper persons to determine the market prices there. It is the Mûtusuddies there, and the instructions given to them on this head, which should be referred to on this occasion. Seek the necessary information from the Dewâny Kuchurry, and act accordingly.

YOUR letter has been received. Your longer continuance at Nergûnd, is needless; while it is also productive of the ruin and destruction of your army: we therefore write, to desire^(1*) you will remove with your forces into the country of Kittoor, where forage and grain will be found in abundance. Let orders be given to the Kilaadâr of Nergûnd, to make the necessary repairs to the fort.

The troops of the Uskur,⁽²⁾ and others which have been sent [ostensibly] to forage at Dhârwâr, are, in fact, stationed there only to create disorder and disputes: these men must, therefore, be recalled. The place in question appertains to the cavalry foragers, and not to you [or to your people.]

What you say, of the assembling of the enemy’s forces, is known. Do you keep your mind collected, and entertain no apprehensions. Thousands of this kind of people are [constantly] coming and going.

It will be seen, hereafter, that the real object of the Sultan, in directing Bûrhânûddeen to remove his camp to Kittoor, was not to facilitate the procuring of supplies, but to obtain possession of that place.

The indifference, if not contempt, with which the Sultan here speaks of the movements of the Mahrattah army, is strongly expressive of the low estimation in which he always either actually held, or affected to hold, the military character of that nation. Of the Nizâm’s troops he certainly did not entertain a more favorable opinion. With respect to the English, it is hardly credible that, with the impression which the successes obtained over him by Lord Cornwallis must necessarily have produced, he should really have thought so meanly of them, as, to judge by the sentiments he has left on record, he would appear to have done, even at a period posterior to the war of 1791-2. Spleen, arising from disappointed hopes, from baffled ambition, or even from a narrow policy, such as usually regulated his conduct, might have led him to write, and perhaps also to speak, in a more disparaging strain of his European neighbour and antagonist, than accorded strictly with his inward conviction or feeling. Arrogance and vanity were, undoubtedly, among the most prominent features of the Sultan’s mind: but however those passions, seconded by the flattery of the people surrounding him, might encourage him to believe himself superior in military skill and prowess to the English, it seems impossible that his infatuation should have been so great, as to inspire him, in reality, with that contempt, which he occasionally professed to entertain for them as rivals in arms.

YOUR letter has been received, and the particulars therein stated are fully revealed.

It appears, from the tenor of all the letters which have successively reached us from you, that you have conceived a mortal dread of the accursed tribe [to which you are opposed]. This being the case, neither the chastisement of the worthless crew, nor the proper settlement of our affairs [in that quarter], can be expected from you: we therefore direct, that you proceed, with the force under your command to Periapatam, and there remain [till further orders].

YOUR two letters, of the 2d and 5th of Zuburjudy,⁽¹⁾ have been received, and their contents are duly understood. We enclose two Purwânehs, one for the Aumil of Hybutpoor, the other for the Aumil of Koondnoor, directing them each to dispatch a thousand goonies of grain⁽²⁾ to that person of mighty degree.⁽³⁾ You will forward these Purwânehs to their address; and, on receiving the two thousand goonies of grain, dispatch the same to Zuferâbâd. Your wounded you are to send to Hybutpoor, the Aumil of which place has been written to respecting them. Of the two surgeons with you, one must accompany the wounded to Hybutpoor: the other will remain with you.

A hundred Clashies⁽⁴⁾ have been sent to you from the Presence: a thousand bundles of cartridges have likewise been dispatched. Your detachment took with it, in their cartridge-boxes, forty-eight thousand musket-cartridges, besides fifteen thousand spare cartridges, making together sixty-three thousand cartridges. You write, “that you have “not remaining more than from fifteen to twenty cartridges in each “cartouch-box:” at this rate, the expenditure of cartridges has been very great. We are curious to know, and desire you will inform us, how many of the enemy have been sent to hell, by the expenditure of such a number of cartridges. We also desire to be informed of the amount of the rebel force. One hundred of your men being wounded, no doubt great numbers of the enemy must have been killed and wounded.

It is truly wonderful, that you, whose pen was employed in describing, in the Futhûl’ Mûjâhideen, the mode of making war in a close and woody country, should, at the moment of your being yourself engaged in conducting a similar warfare, have forgotten the rules there laid down. If you had carried on your operations according to those rules, you would never have sustained the loss you have done.⁽⁵⁾

With respect to your reiterated representations of the expediency of our repairing, in person, to that quarter, we answer, that (God willing) we shall shortly arrive there with an inconsiderable force, with which we trust we shall be enabled utterly to kill and destroy the enemy.

Now that you are about to proceed with grain, and other supplies, to Zuferâbâd, be mindful to regulate your march according to the rules laid down in the Futhûl’ Mûjâhideen for operations in a close country; and to conduct the convoy, with circumspection, to its destination.

It may be inferred, from the foregoing dispatch, that Zynûl Aabideen had received rather a serious check from the Koorgs. This conjecture derives the more support, from the circumstance of the Sultan’s judging it necessary to proceed in person against the insurgents. I have, at this time, no means of ascertaining what force he actually took with him on this occasion; but though he affected to make so light of the business, it is not probable that he would put any thing to hazard, by proceeding against such a determined enemy with a very inconsiderable force. I am ignorant of the sequel of Zynûl Aabideen’s history. It is, however, probable, that the Sultan did not again entrust him with the management of the sword, but confined him, for the future, to the exercise of his pen.

It seems impossible, that any thing, like that nice sense of honour which usually distinguishes persons of a liberal education, and particularly those of the military profession, should have existed in an army (or indeed in any other branch of a government) the superior officers of which were accustomed to be addressed by their sovereign in such coarse and degrading language, as that adopted by Tippoo Sultan in expressing his occasional disapprobation of their conduct; accordingly, few, if any, men of superior birth or elevated sentiments were ever known to have appeared amongst the higher classes of his subjects. These classes, in fact, were almost exclusively composed of persons of humble origin, and mere adventurers; who having been trained in implicit submission to the will of a cruel and unprincipled tyrant, could not be expected to exhibit any portion of that loftiness of spirit or generosity of disposition, which still adorn many of the genuine descendants of the ancient nobility of the Moghul empire; and would still make them spurn at any action, by whomsoever commanded, which they thought incompatible with their habitual notions of honour, or with the obligations of family pride. It was not so with the nobles (if nobles they might be called) of Tippoo Sultan’s court. They were, on all occasions, the passive instruments of the irmaster; at whose nod they were used to murder, betray, and pillage, certainly without remonstrance, and, most probably, equally without repugnance.

But however deficient this order of men may have been in the species of spirit and honor which we have been considering, they would not appear to have been wanting in fidelity to his government, not to say attachment to his person. With this last sentiment, it was not, perhaps, in the nature of things, that a man of his harsh and unconciliating disposition should he capable of inspiring them:⁽⁶⁾ but their general character of loyalty must be allowed to have been unimpeachable. To what degree this adherence to him might proceed from a real sense of duty and gratitude, is a question not easy of decision. No doubt, some of his principal servants might have been, and probably were, influenced by such motives: yet, I confess, I am of opinion, that it was owing less to considerations of this kind, than to the precautions adopted by the Sultan for its prevention, that so few instances of defection occurred among them, during the different wars in which he was engaged. It was his practice to oblige all the chief officers of state, and others holding employments of material trust, to fix the residence of their families permanently in Seringapatam; from whence their removal, without his knowledge and concurrence, became impossible. This expedient may be easily conceived to have had the effect of confirming the fidelity of many, who might otherwise have been prompted, by discontent, or other reasons, to quit Mysore. But if this miserable policy answered the Sultan’s immediate purpose, it also promoted one, which he little contemplated at the period of its adoption. The final conquest and settlement of Tippoo Sultan’s dominions by the English, was facilitated by nothing so much, as the circumstance of the families of most of the principal men of the country having fallen into their hands, along with the fortress of Seringapatam.

DESIRING him to repair with his army, as expeditiously as possible, to the Presence: and signifying, that the design of reducing Adoni was dropped.

This dispatch was not in my recollection, at the time of my writing my observations on Letter XCII, or I should have been inclined to refer the weighty enterprize, there spoken of by the Sultan, to a meditated attack upon Adoni, with more confidence than I then thought it right to do. It now clearly appears, that this enterprize had certainly been in his contemplation, previously to the date of the foregoing letter, and very probably as far back as the end of July. Why the attempt was dropped at this time, cannot now be satisfactorily shown: but it is not improbable, that the necessity which arose, for his directing his attention to the Koorg quarter, might have obliged the Sultan to suspend the execution of his purpose for some time longer.

ANNOUNCING to him the intended arrival of the Sultan, in person, [at Zuferâbâd], after the festival of Zilhijjeh; but desiring that the circumstance should not be made public.

WHAT you write, on the subject of having made up and delivered new flags and banners to your people, is understood and approved. You and Noor Mahommed Khân must reside together in the same place, and display your zeal in our service on all occasions. What more? You must see, that your men regularly perform their exercise, but without using gunpowder.

This letter is nearly a transcript of letter CXXXIII, written only four days before. Other instances of the like repetition occur in the course of this correspondence.

The injunction against expending powder on the field days of the escort, may have proceeded either from an economical motive, or from an apprehension that the use of it, in the city of Poonah, might have given umbrage to the Mahrattahs. There can be little doubt, that this would have been the consequence of such a military display, in the present humour of that government: and as, notwithstanding all his orders to the contrary, it is very certain that he wished his agents to remain at Poonah, it behoved him the more to beware of furnishing the ruling power there with any fresh ground of complaint or irritation.

DIRECTING him again⁽¹⁾ to remove with his army into the Kittoor country, and to report to the Sultan the state of affairs in that quarter Telling him, also, that after receiving an order from the Presence, he must be careful to act in conformity with it.

The concluding sentence of the foregoing abridged dispatch is somewhat ambiguously expressed in the original. It might either have been meant as a rebuke, for the general’s not having marched to Kittoor, in pursuance of the former orders for that purpose; or it may have signified, that he was to be prepared to execute such future directions as the Sultan might send him immediately upon the receipt of the same, (contemplating, probably, the subsequent orders of the subject of Kitloor.)⁽¹⁾ I incline to prefer the latter interpretation.

THE Governor of Madras has written to us, “that, agreeably to our “desire, he has sent strict orders to the Taalûkdârs of Sâtghur not to “afford protection to the Zemindâr of Punganoor, or to any people “of the latter district.” We therefore direct, that you give no disturbance to the country of the English, but pursue the business you have been sent upon. You will be speedily joined by the Sipahdâr, Imâm Khân, who has been sent with his Kushoon to reinforce you.

The Sultan would appear to have been put into better humour than usual with the English, by the ready compliance of the government of Fort St. George with the application he had made to it, respecting the Zemindâr of Punganoor. He drops, in the present letter, the disrespectful appellation of Fringy, and (grounding his order, as it were,⁽¹⁾ on the British governor’s amicable conduct) directs Mâh Mirzâ Khân not to give any disturbance to the English territory. It will be recollected, however, that the same order was issued to this officer, on his first appointment to proceed against Oalpilly. (See Letter CXIX.)

YOU will put into [or enroll in the corps of] Usud-Ilhyes, as many Hindoos, male and female, as are willing, of their own accord, to enter into the same: and you will then transmit a return of them to us, it being our intention to augment their pay.

Whether the Usud-Ilhyes, here mentioned, were a distinct body from the Ahmedies, spoken of in Letter XLII, or whether this was only another appellation for the latter corps, I am unable to say. I rather think, however, that they were separate institutions; but that both were military, and both composed of proselytes to the Mahommedan faith, though of different descriptions. It is true, that there is nothing distinctly said of the conversion of the Hindoos, mentioned in the text, to Islâmism: but I think the context, as well as the name given them, sufficiently shows, that their embracing the Mahommedan religion, was a necessary condition of their incorporation with the Usud-Ilhyes. This term signifies the Divine Lion, or the Lion of God, and was one of the appellations bestowed on Ali. It has been already seen, that Tippoo sometimes designated his own state, or country, by this name; calling it, occasionally, the Sircar Ussud-Ilhye; as well as Ahmedy, Hydery, and Khodâdâd.

It has struck me as possible, that the Ahmedies might have consisted exclusively of Christian converts (including the native Christians of Malabar or Canara), and the Usud-Ilhyes of Hindoo proselytes only. It will be easy for any of my Indian readers to ascertain what grounds there are for this conjecture.

With respect to the order for enrolling women among the Usud-Ilhyes, I conclude that it referred to the wives of such men as might qualify themselves for admission into the corps: but why they should have been enrolled, as if constituting part of the corps, it is not easy to comprehend. No one ever heard, I believe, of a female regiment in the service of Tippoo Sultan; though it is a certain fact, that the late Nizâm had a body guard composed of women, armed with muskets, and partly clothed in the manner of Sepoys.

THAT which is contained in our instructions, respecting the transactions of the Surrâfs [or money-brokers,] is to be considered as an absolute [or irrevocable] decree,⁽¹⁾ according to which you must act in all matters, great or small.⁽²⁾

DESIRING him to send back to Madras [i. e. to dismiss] the Brahmen news-writer residing at Pondicherry [on the part either of the Nabob of Arcot, or the English government]; and signifying the Sultan’s wish, to purchase [at Pondicherry] seven or eight thousand firelocks.

The objection taken by the Sultan to the residence of a news-writer from Madras at Pondicherry, could proceed only from an anxiety to prevent the English Government from obtaining information, from the latter place, of the correspondence he was at this time carrying on with the French. If such an application, as the one here recorded, had come to the knowledge of the British government at the period it was made, it would certainly have justified, and probably have led to, the gravest suspicions of the Sultan’s designs. Yet it would not appear, that any doubts were entertained, at the period in question, of his disposition to maintain the peace, which he had not long before concluded with us.

I have no means of ascertaining, whether the Sultan’s request to the French governor, respecting the news-writer, was complied with or not. It is not, however, likely that it was; since the governor could have assigned no plausible reason for a proceeding, so unusual among friendly powers in India.

DIRECTING them to dispatch four hundred Goonies of grain to Zuferâbâd; and to leave a gun and guard⁽¹⁾ from each of their divisions at Hybutpoor, from whence the Sultan would bring them on, when he arrived there, which would be soon, as he had that day [viz. the 22d Zuburjudy] entered his tents, for the purpose of proceeding against the rebels.

Meer Zynûl Aabideen Shoostry, was informed, in Letter CXXXI, that Ahmed Baig had been sent to join him; so that it is probable, that he is meant by the Zynûl Aabideen, named in the title of the present letter, though the usual addition to his name, or Shoostry, has been omitted. If omitted in this instance, it may also have been omitted in the title of Letter CXVII, which see.

YOUR letter, informing us of the arrival of yourself and army near the fort of Kittoor, has been received. You must, in the first instance, send and invite the Daisye⁽¹⁾ of that place to an interview, and give encouraging assurances to his managing servants. You will next dispatch some rocket-men for the protection⁽²⁾ of the country. After the aforesaid Daisye shall have arrived at your quarters, let the fort be occupied by a party of the Sircar’s troops.

If the reader should be at any loss to comprehend the drift of the Sultan in the preceding letter, his difficulty will be entirely removed, on a perusal of Letter CLVII.

I am ignorant of the situation of Kittoor, if I rightly read the name, which, however, is extremely doubtful; the characters, in which it is written, being susceptible of at least a dozen different readings. It may be the Kittoor of Captain Moor’s map, which is placed north-west of Dhârwâr, about twenty miles. The Polygar, or Zemindâr, of Kittoor, is mentioned in the tenth article of the treaty of Poonah (concluded between the British government and the Mahrattahs, in June 1790) as one of those feudatories, dependent, at the same time, both on the courts of Poonah and Hyderabad. It is very possible, that he might also have been among the tributaries of Tippoo Sultan; as the Nabob of Shâhnoor certainly was, though declared in the treaty, just referred to, to be “subject to service with both “the Nizâm and the Paishwa.

[After compliments] ........ A Dow, the property of Rutn Jee and Jeewun Doss, merchants of Muscat, having in these days [i. e. lately] been dismasted in a storm, came into Byte-Koal,⁽¹⁾ a sea-port, belonging to the Sircar. Although, in such cases, it is customary for the prince, or ruler of the place, where a ship happens to be wrecked, to take possession of it, and whatever it contains; yet, as there is no distinction between the country of the Sircar and Muscat, and as the above mentioned merchants declared themselves to be your subjects, the vessel in question, together with all the stores contained in it, has been restored to the aforesaid merchants, and is, accordingly, now dispatched to you, along with this friendly epistle. For the rest, peace be with you.

The word, which I have rendered wrecked, is in the original (shikust) and such, I believe, is its usual acceptation, when applied to a ship. But this interpretation does not well agree with the argument of the text, since the vessel in question was only damaged, not wrecked. Then, whatever the custom may be in some countries, with respect to wrecks (properly so called), it is no where, I believe, usual to consider vessels, merely dismasted, or otherwise damaged, as wrecks: consequently, the Sultan has here pretended to confer a favor, where nothing more than a right was rendered (for we are not told that the repairs were made at his expence), and laid claim to a credit for having released a ship, which he was not authorized, by the practice of any civilized country, to confiscate, or detain.

AGREEABLY to your suggestion, we have written to Bûrhânûddeen, desiring him, in the event of the hat-wearer,⁽¹⁾ Monsieur Tuviâs,⁽²⁾ passing over to our army from the forces under Kishn Pundit, to advance the aforesaid [hat-wearer] something to defray his expences [on the road], and dispatch him to the Presence.

N. B. A letter, of the same tenor and date, was written to Bûrhânûddeen.

The person here spoken of was probably some French adventurer in the Mahrattah service, who may have made overtures to the Mysore envoys at Poonah for deserting to their master, or may have been tampered with by them for that purpose.

Kishn Râo, I believe, commanded the division of the Mahrattah army, which passing the river Kishna, had advanced, towards the end of February of this year (1785), with the ostensible view of supporting the Zemindâr of Nergûnd; but which would appear to have very soon retired again, leaving Bûrhânûddeen at liberty to resume the siege of that place, and subsequently to reduce both it and Ramdoorg, as well as to seize upon Kittoor, without offering him any interruption. I am unable to account for the apparent inactivity of the Mahrattahs during so many months. They were, probably, waiting to concert a plan of operations with the Nizâm. In the mean while, the Sultan seems to have contented himself with acting on the defensive. It was not, accordingly, till the month of October in the following year (1786), that the main armies of the contending powers could be said to have come into contact with each other, or to have entered upon offensive operations, on a large or general scale. What had preceded, was considered mere skirmishing; and, indeed, Tippoo himself appears, in his Memoirs (as will hereafter be seen), to have dated the actual commencement of the present war, from the period when the Mahrattahs, in conjunction with the Nizâm, proceeded to the attack of Bâdâmy.

YOUR agreeable letter has been received. You write, “that you have “discharged to the amount of eighteen lacks of rupees [of our claim “upon you] by bankers’ accepted bills, and request that we will either “excuse you the remaining eight lacks [due to us] or allow the payment “of it to be postponed to next year.”

It is known. A statement of the sums, of which that friend was, through his own negligence, defrauded by his servants, specifying the amount of each individual’s malversations, was submitted to him. Where, then, was the difficulty of making the several plunderers refund their plunder, and of paying the same to us [in discharge of our claims]? We desire you will also raise the remaining eight lacks of rupees, and transmit the amount, in bankers’ bills, by the hands of our bankers, whom we wish you to send back to us immediately.⁽¹⁾

DISPATCH to Nursia, the Dewân of Nugr, one lack of pagodas, on account of annual Paishcush for the year Jullo, ^(1*) and take his receipt for the same.

The year Jullo had still more than four months to run; consequently, so far from granting Abdûl Hukeem any indulgence of the kind he had solicited, the Sultan appears determined to make him pay his Paishcush in advance, or, at least, before it was fairly due.

The style of Letter CL was tolerably civil: that of the present letter (written only the day after) is abrupt, and rudely peremptory. I cannot account for so sudden and striking a change in the Sultan’s mode of address in any other manner, than by supposing that he might, in the interval (though only a single day), have received some information, tending to excite a suspicion of Abdûl Hakeem’s attachment to the Mahrattah interests; which that chieftain certainly not long after embraced openly, though, probably, driven to do so by the rigorous proceedings of his relative.

ORDERING the Hydery and Kuntarâey fanams to be put in circulation, throughout all the districts depending on Bangalore.

To the same effect as the preceding letter; with this addition, viz. “that no other but the Kuntarâey and Hydery fanams shall be allowed “to pass current”

DIRECTING him not to dispose, hastily or immediately, of the black pepper and sandal wood [in his charge], but to wait till they had attained a desirable price. [Literally, “till the selling price of them “equalled his heart’s desire.”]

N.B. The Sultan, not thinking, perhaps, the preceding orders sufficiently explicit, repeated them two days after, in Letter CLVI.

JUZEERAH DIRÂZ [or Long Island] is in that quarter.⁽¹⁾ Silk-worms and their eggs are produced there. We wish you to procure some of both, and to dispatch them to us, together with five or six men, acquainted with the proper mode of rearing them.

We direct, that such of our vessels as import at Muscat be unloaded in two days; and that their export lading of sulphur, lead, copper, &c., be also completed in two days, and the vessels dispatched to Mangalore. If more than four days be consumed in lading and unlading the vessels, you shall be responsible for the extra expence [that may be incurred in consequence]. You must regularly report to us the day each vessel arrives at Muscat, and also the day on which it is dispatched from thence.

N.B. A separate letter to the same person, and of the same date, directs him to engage as servants, and dispatch to Mangalore, ten persons experienced in the pearl fishery.

The Sultan’s distrust of the integrity or diligence of his agent is here strongly manifested; as is also his own want of reflection, in attempting to regulate, with such strictness and precision, the business of loading and unloading vessels, which must necessarily have depended, in a great degree, on the state of the weather and other circumstances, which it might not be in the power of the consul to controul.

The Sultan’s anxiety to establish a pearl fishery on the Coast of Malabar, as well as to introduce the culture of the silk-worm into his dominions, appears to have been very considerable; but I believe that he failed entirely in both attempts.

YOU must not be in haste to dispose of the cinnamon, sandal wood, black pepper, and rice, imported at Muscat from Mangalore and Khooshhâlpoor. Keep them carefully, till they become dear, and will yield a [good] profit, and then sell them.

WE sometime since wrote, to desire that possession might be obtained of the fort of Kittoor. You must (no matter by what contrivance or pretext) get possession of it for the Sircar. If some degree of violence even should be requisite for the purpose, let it be employed: and let the present be considered as a most urgent injunction.

N.B. Two letters, to the same effect as the foregoing one, were written to Syed Humeed and Syed Ghuffâr, both of them belonging to Bûrhânûddeen’s army.

YOUR letter has been received. Keeping a strict watch⁽¹⁾ upon Luchmun Râo, the brother of Sumâjee Pundit,⁽²⁾ you must encamp with your army within gunshot of the fort of Kittoor, and send for the Daisye and Sumâjee Pundit. If they should come [to you] it will be well; otherwise you must, with the advice of Syed Humeed and Syed Ghuffâr, contrive, by some means or other,⁽³⁾ to obtain possession of the said fortress for the Sircar.

HAVING ascertained in what part of that country saffron is cultivated,^(1*) engage two persons in our service, and send them thither to purchase one or two maunds^(2*) of the seed, which [when procured] is to be dispatched to us. You must also procure silk-worms, and send them hither, together with some men acquainted with the mode of managing them, to whom you will make an advance of money for their support.

N.B. A letter, to the same effect, was written to the Dulâl (or public broker) at Muscat.

YOU are to buy yearly, and send to the Aumil of Mangalore, a hundred Utls⁽¹⁾ of almonds, and thirty Utls of pistachio-nuts.

You have still [on hand], of former importations, both Sandal wood and black pepper: you will now receive more of each. This stock you must not [immediately] expose to sale; but give out, that you have received our orders to discontinue the sale thereof [at Muscat], and to dispatch it to Juddah (where also we have a factory), and that you are, in consequence, about to do so. Having circulated this report, you must keep the goods by you, till the price of them advances twenty-five or thirty pagodas [the candy,] when you will sell them [without further delay].

YOU have done well in making prisoners of the turbulent and seditious, including Kurry-tummah,^(1*) with their women and children. These last must be detained. With respect to Kurry-tummah, if he be one of the insurgents he must be suspended on a tree.

[A verse.] “The head of an enemy is best when hurled from the “point of a javelin: as a path-way is best, from whence the bramble “has been rooted out.”

After properly securing the passes, you must proceed, with your collected force, in quest of the rebels, making prisoners of as many of them as possible. We some time ago wrote to you, desiring you would contrive some means of getting possession of the person of Moona Kool;⁽²⁾ and we now again write, to say that he must be secured, by stratagem or deeeit. Let a roll, moreover, of the number of men and women already made captives, be transmitted to us.

The foregoing letter commences with three or four words, of which I am not able to make any sense. The transcriber may, probably, have miswritten them. They appear thus in my manuscript: which may, no doubt, be so read as to be interpreted, “You must put [or keep] the cardamums in a pit.” The writer then proceeds to say, “You have done well, &c.” But if the foregoing passage be understood literally, it will appear to be a strange and very unintelligible order, to be addressed to an officer at the head of a body of troops employed on active service. On the other hand, if it be taken in a metaphorical sense, it will be no easy matter to assign a plausible meaning to it. Cardamums, I believe, are a principal article of the natural produce of the country in which Budrûz Zumân Khân was, at this period, stationed, and which I suppose to have been Bidnore, and the districts situated between that and the sea coast: possibly, then, by the word cardamums, the Sultan (who sometimes affected to express himself enigmatically) might intend to designate some particular individuals, or class, among the refractory inhabitants of that quarter, whom he wished to be disposed of under ground. It must be owned, however, that this conjecture is too slightly supported to be entitled to much consideration; and I shall, therefore, being unable to suggest a better, leave the difficulty to exercise the ingenuity of some of my oriental readers.

With respect to the Kurry-tummah (as I have written it) mentioned in this letter, I am not clear whether it is the proper name of an individual, or an official designation. However this may be, it seems extraordinary that the Sultan should be under any uncertainty with regard to his being one of the seditious, or insurgents; a doubt of which would seem to be implied, by the qualifying word, if. The meaning, however, might be, that if Budrûz Zumân Khân had any reason to believe him to have been particularly forward or active in the insurrection, he was, in that case, to be hanged.

Budrûz Zumân Khân was one of the principal men at the court of Tippoo Sultan, and seems to have possessed the confidence and esteem of his master in a considerable degree.⁽³⁾ He commanded at Dhârwâr, when that place was besieged by the united English and Mahrattah forces, in 1791; and though it appears, by the correspondence of that period, that the Sultan was not perfectly satisfied with his defence of that place, yet it may be inferred, from subsequent events, that no permanent impression to his disadvantage was produced on the occasion. Budrûz Zumân Khân, and his son, Mirza Bâkir, were among the chiefs of Mysore who survived their sovereign; and who, submitting to the British authority, were liberally pensioned by the Company’s government.

We have, in the present letter, another example of the flagitious policy which the Sultan was, at all times, ready to pursue, for the accomplishment of his views. Provided Moona Kool was seized, he did not care by what atrocity that object was effected.

WRITE a letter to Moona Kool, inviting him to come to you, and then seize upon his person.

WE have lately learned from Khâjeh ———, “that you have it in contemplation to come, with ships laden with merchandize, to our ports, “for the purpose of trading; and that you wish to sail under English “or Portuguese colours, and to obtain our special license⁽²⁾ for these “purposes.” We highly approve of your intention, and desire you will repair, in the utmost confidence, with your merchandize, either to the port of Mangalore or to the port of Calicut; where landing your goods, you shall, in the first instance, supply us, at a fair price, with such articles as we may want, after which you shall be at liberty to sell the remainder at your pleasure, and to take your departure when you like.

We have accordingly written, and herewith enclose, two Purwânehs to the above effect: one of them to Urshud Baig Khân, the Foujdâr of Calicut, and the other to Ghûlâm Hyder, the Aumil of Mangalore; to either of which ports you may resort, as you shall think proper.

N.B. Then follow the two Purwânehs, referred to in the foregoing letter. In these, the Sultan directs an invoice, or list, of the goods imported, to be transmitted to him on the arrival of the ships; in order that he may signify his pleasure respecting the articles which he may wish to purchase, previously to a free and general sale of the cargoes taking place. It does not appear by the subsequent correspondence, whether or not the merchants, in question, thought proper to open a trade with Mysore, on the discouraging condition stipulated by the Sultan.

RESPECTING a manufactory of musquets to be established in the Fort of Khân-Khân-hully: for which purpose, if it should be necessary to pull down forty or fifty houses belonging to poor people, it will not signify, as they will erect other habitations in their room, within the Paith [or outer town]

No mention being made of any compensation to the poor inhabitants for the demolition of their houses, it may be concluded that none was authorized. It is probable, indeed, that the houses in question were of very little value: but that consideration does not lessen the injustice of the present order, whatever may be the case as to the actual hardships which it inflicted.

YOU write, “that the Brahmens attached to your mission cabal or “intrigue [privately] with the managers [ministers] there, independently of you, and, by this means, occasion prejudice to our affairs.” It excites our astonishment, that such unwarrantable proceedings should take place, notwithstanding your being on the spot. What is the reason that you do not flog and [otherwise] severely punish the offenders? Let us be informed what person has been guilty of this offence.

You write for a supply of money. Bills or money shall be hereafter transmitted to you.

We have already replied to the letter from Râo Râsta, as well as to that from yourselves, which you sent to us by Inkut Râo.

YOUR letter, containing an inventory, or memorandum, of plundered cattle, money, and goods,⁽¹⁾ has been received. You must load the money and goods upon five hundred of the aforesaid cattle; and placing a strong guard over them, send them to Ghûlâm Ali, at Pâlinâg-târ,⁽²⁾ from whence a thousand Piâdehs are about to be dispatched to the Presence. Your party having joined these, the whole will proceed hither together. You must [continue to] make diligent search for, and get possession of, more [of the property of the rebels].

YOUR letter has been received. We approve of the offerings you have made at the two Durgâhs [or shrines]. You also did well, in presenting a Bûrhânpoory dress and a Fuzee to Râo Râsta the day he visited you.

You write, “that it is the intention of Râo Râsta to dispatch a “confidential person hither with letters for us.” It is known, and it is well. Let Râo Râsta send his confidential servant in charge of his secret communications. We must attribute this proceeding to motives of friendship. An answer to the before mentioned Râo’s [former] letter was forwarded some time ago. A bill for money to defray the expences of the people attached to you shall be sent hereafter.

You moreover write, “that the Mûtusuddies⁽¹⁾ with you have [of “late] assumed a most presumptuous [or impudent] mode of behaviour;⁽²⁾ holding separate conferences [or carrying on intrigues] “with the minister and Hurry Pundit, without your knowledge, and “to the prejudice of our affairs.” You add, “that you have heard “this, both from Râo Râsta and from other quarters.” It is comprehended. All this arises from your neglect. That your people should act in this improper manner, and that you, instead of punishing them for so doing, should complain of them to us, is to be attributed to your great age, and to the climate of that place [Poonah]. Communicate to us the names of the several persons who have been guilty of this shameful conduct.

The offerings, here spoken of, were directed to be made in a former letter, (which it has not been thought necessary to give), and consisted of a coverlid, or counterpane, of Kemkhâb, and fifty rupees in money. The Durgâhs (or shrines) in question, where those of Hûsâmûddeen and Sulâhûddeen, situated, I conclude, somewhere in the vicinity of Poonah, or at least in the Mahrattah territory.

It would appear, from the circumstances of Râo Râsta’s determining to communicate with Tippoo, through the medium of an agent or messenger of his own, that he was not disposed to open himself freely to the Sultan’s envoys; and indeed, the weakness which the latter had recently manifested, in regard to the Mûtusuddies attached to their mission, was but little calculated to inspire him with confidence, either in their ability or discretion.

DIRECTING him to stop for four days at Tul-Kauvery, and to wait for further orders from the Presence, previously to his proceeding to the Pâyen-Ghaut. Also, to seize upon as many of the rebels and their cattle as possible; and, cutting the rice [around him], to feed his own cattle upon it. The closing paragraph of this dispatch is given entire, and is as follows:

A Purwâneh for Moona Kool is enclosed. Let the same be conveyed to him, and consider on some way of getting him to come to you [i. e. of getting him into your possession].

THE letter you sent us has passed under our view, and its contents are duly perceived.

You write, “that seizing on the Vakeel of the Kittoor man, and “detaining him in custody, under you own eye, you had dispatched “Syed Ghuffâr and Syed Humeed with some troops into the Paith “[or outer town], where the Daisye and Goornâth Pundit, the manager, immediately came and presented them with the keys of both “castles, of which, as well as of the Paith, instant possession was “taken by our troops.” [You proceed to state,] “That the Daisye, “and Tumsâjee Pundit, and some others of superior distinction, were “afterwards brought into the victorious camp, and there placed under “guards.” You further report, “that five hat-wearers [i. e. Europeans], one of whom rides in a Palankeen, as well as the Ramdoorg “man, and one called Pedro, have been made prisoners: that, for the “protection of the town, ryots, and inhabitants of the districts in “general, you had stationed rocket-men, horse, and also some infantry “guards, in different places: that, for the present, you had put seals “on the store-houses, such as the Tosheh-khâneh belonging to the “Daisye, and placed Jyshe guards over them: that you had commissioned Yunkut Runjia, the Aumil of Dhârwâr, to take the necessary “measures for collecting together and encouraging the Ryots and “others: and that, as soon as our pleasure on the subject should be “communicated to you, it was your intention to take an inventory of “all the effects, horses, &c. belonging to the Daisye, under the inspection of the managers of the Daisye, and to transmit the same to “us for our information.”

It is known and approved. In the town and fort [of Kittoor] are many wealthy persons, possessing lacks [of rupees]; some of them proper inhabitants of the place, and others belonging to Poonah, from which last city there are several Mûtusuddies established at Kittoor, in whose hands considerable property has been deposited. You must, therefore, by offering pecuniary rewards to the inhabitants of the place, endeavour, through their means, to discover the individuals alluded to; and having done so, you must put them, likewise in confinement. It is the custom of that country, for the most opulent bankers to assume the habit of Fakeers, and to make their escape in that disguise.⁽¹⁾ Pay particular attention to this point: and having duly identified the principal inhabitants of the class in question, secure their persons, and take care that their effects are not embezzled, as a strict account of this matter will hereafter be required of you.

Whosoever among the former managers of the Daisye has been removed from office, and incurred the displeasure of the Daisye, let him be encouraged, and some mark of favor be bestowed upon him; and, with the exception of the town and fort, let him be appointed to superintend the collections⁽²⁾ of the country: then ascertaining, through his means, the circumstances of the great ones and bankers, you will keep the latter in custody. You must, also, through the same channel, obtain an account of the property⁽³⁾ of the Daisye, as well as that of the principal men and other inhabitants of the place, and having discovered where it is, send for and secure the same. You are, moreover, to station a guard from Shaikh Unser’s corps, and another from Syed Ghuffâr’s, in the town and fort, and over the Tosheh-khâneh and other store-houses of the Daisye, to the end that no part of the effects of the latter, or of the inhabitants, may, in the disorder of the moment, be made away with. Rocket-men must also be stationed in proper places, for the protection of the Paith [or outer town.]

Sending then, in the first instance, for the managers of the Daisye, you must tell them, that you propose making an humble application to us, to reinstate the Daisye in the possession of his country: but that, to enable you to do this, it will be necessary that a contribution should be [previously] paid down; and that if they will, accordingly, agree to raise fifty lacks of rupees, and give you [due] security for the same, you will represent the case to us; and obtaining a Purwâneh of confirmation in their name [i. e. the Daisye’s name] restore the place to them. You may, at the same time, observe, that such care has been taken of their country, that no injury whatever has been sustained by it. Addressing them, at first, in words calculated like these to excite [or humour] their avarice, and to inspire them with confidence, you will bring them, after some altercation, to agree to pay a Paishcush; the amount of which being settled, as well as the manner of discharging it [i. e. whether in money, goods, or bankers’ bills], you will next, by their means, send for the concealed bankers,⁽⁴⁾ and ascertain from these the assets in their hands; a statement of which, specifying the several bankers’ names, must be transmitted to us, to the end that the requisite orders for the restoration of the place [to the Daisye] may be subsequently dispatched to you.