Letters - Select Letters of Tippoo Sulṭān (Kirkpatrick)

RESPECTING a manufactory of musquets to be established in the Fort of Khân-Khân-hully: for which purpose, if it should be necessary to pull down forty or fifty houses belonging to poor people, it will not signify, as they will erect other habitations in their room, within the Paith [or outer town]

No mention being made of any compensation to the poor inhabitants for the demolition of their houses, it may be concluded that none was authorized. It is probable, indeed, that the houses in question were of very little value: but that consideration does not lessen the injustice of the present order, whatever may be the case as to the actual hardships which it inflicted.

YOU write, “that the Brahmens attached to your mission cabal or “intrigue [privately] with the managers [ministers] there, independently of you, and, by this means, occasion prejudice to our affairs.” It excites our astonishment, that such unwarrantable proceedings should take place, notwithstanding your being on the spot. What is the reason that you do not flog and [otherwise] severely punish the offenders? Let us be informed what person has been guilty of this offence.

You write for a supply of money. Bills or money shall be hereafter transmitted to you.

We have already replied to the letter from Râo Râsta, as well as to that from yourselves, which you sent to us by Inkut Râo.

YOUR letter, containing an inventory, or memorandum, of plundered cattle, money, and goods,⁽¹⁾ has been received. You must load the money and goods upon five hundred of the aforesaid cattle; and placing a strong guard over them, send them to Ghûlâm Ali, at Pâlinâg-târ,⁽²⁾ from whence a thousand Piâdehs are about to be dispatched to the Presence. Your party having joined these, the whole will proceed hither together. You must [continue to] make diligent search for, and get possession of, more [of the property of the rebels].

YOUR letter has been received. We approve of the offerings you have made at the two Durgâhs [or shrines]. You also did well, in presenting a Bûrhânpoory dress and a Fuzee to Râo Râsta the day he visited you.

You write, “that it is the intention of Râo Râsta to dispatch a “confidential person hither with letters for us.” It is known, and it is well. Let Râo Râsta send his confidential servant in charge of his secret communications. We must attribute this proceeding to motives of friendship. An answer to the before mentioned Râo’s [former] letter was forwarded some time ago. A bill for money to defray the expences of the people attached to you shall be sent hereafter.

You moreover write, “that the Mûtusuddies⁽¹⁾ with you have [of “late] assumed a most presumptuous [or impudent] mode of behaviour;⁽²⁾ holding separate conferences [or carrying on intrigues] “with the minister and Hurry Pundit, without your knowledge, and “to the prejudice of our affairs.” You add, “that you have heard “this, both from Râo Râsta and from other quarters.” It is comprehended. All this arises from your neglect. That your people should act in this improper manner, and that you, instead of punishing them for so doing, should complain of them to us, is to be attributed to your great age, and to the climate of that place [Poonah]. Communicate to us the names of the several persons who have been guilty of this shameful conduct.

The offerings, here spoken of, were directed to be made in a former letter, (which it has not been thought necessary to give), and consisted of a coverlid, or counterpane, of Kemkhâb, and fifty rupees in money. The Durgâhs (or shrines) in question, where those of Hûsâmûddeen and Sulâhûddeen, situated, I conclude, somewhere in the vicinity of Poonah, or at least in the Mahrattah territory.

It would appear, from the circumstances of Râo Râsta’s determining to communicate with Tippoo, through the medium of an agent or messenger of his own, that he was not disposed to open himself freely to the Sultan’s envoys; and indeed, the weakness which the latter had recently manifested, in regard to the Mûtusuddies attached to their mission, was but little calculated to inspire him with confidence, either in their ability or discretion.

DIRECTING him to stop for four days at Tul-Kauvery, and to wait for further orders from the Presence, previously to his proceeding to the Pâyen-Ghaut. Also, to seize upon as many of the rebels and their cattle as possible; and, cutting the rice [around him], to feed his own cattle upon it. The closing paragraph of this dispatch is given entire, and is as follows:

A Purwâneh for Moona Kool is enclosed. Let the same be conveyed to him, and consider on some way of getting him to come to you [i. e. of getting him into your possession].

THE letter you sent us has passed under our view, and its contents are duly perceived.

You write, “that seizing on the Vakeel of the Kittoor man, and “detaining him in custody, under you own eye, you had dispatched “Syed Ghuffâr and Syed Humeed with some troops into the Paith “[or outer town], where the Daisye and Goornâth Pundit, the manager, immediately came and presented them with the keys of both “castles, of which, as well as of the Paith, instant possession was “taken by our troops.” [You proceed to state,] “That the Daisye, “and Tumsâjee Pundit, and some others of superior distinction, were “afterwards brought into the victorious camp, and there placed under “guards.” You further report, “that five hat-wearers [i. e. Europeans], one of whom rides in a Palankeen, as well as the Ramdoorg “man, and one called Pedro, have been made prisoners: that, for the “protection of the town, ryots, and inhabitants of the districts in “general, you had stationed rocket-men, horse, and also some infantry “guards, in different places: that, for the present, you had put seals “on the store-houses, such as the Tosheh-khâneh belonging to the “Daisye, and placed Jyshe guards over them: that you had commissioned Yunkut Runjia, the Aumil of Dhârwâr, to take the necessary “measures for collecting together and encouraging the Ryots and “others: and that, as soon as our pleasure on the subject should be “communicated to you, it was your intention to take an inventory of “all the effects, horses, &c. belonging to the Daisye, under the inspection of the managers of the Daisye, and to transmit the same to “us for our information.”

It is known and approved. In the town and fort [of Kittoor] are many wealthy persons, possessing lacks [of rupees]; some of them proper inhabitants of the place, and others belonging to Poonah, from which last city there are several Mûtusuddies established at Kittoor, in whose hands considerable property has been deposited. You must, therefore, by offering pecuniary rewards to the inhabitants of the place, endeavour, through their means, to discover the individuals alluded to; and having done so, you must put them, likewise in confinement. It is the custom of that country, for the most opulent bankers to assume the habit of Fakeers, and to make their escape in that disguise.⁽¹⁾ Pay particular attention to this point: and having duly identified the principal inhabitants of the class in question, secure their persons, and take care that their effects are not embezzled, as a strict account of this matter will hereafter be required of you.

Whosoever among the former managers of the Daisye has been removed from office, and incurred the displeasure of the Daisye, let him be encouraged, and some mark of favor be bestowed upon him; and, with the exception of the town and fort, let him be appointed to superintend the collections⁽²⁾ of the country: then ascertaining, through his means, the circumstances of the great ones and bankers, you will keep the latter in custody. You must, also, through the same channel, obtain an account of the property⁽³⁾ of the Daisye, as well as that of the principal men and other inhabitants of the place, and having discovered where it is, send for and secure the same. You are, moreover, to station a guard from Shaikh Unser’s corps, and another from Syed Ghuffâr’s, in the town and fort, and over the Tosheh-khâneh and other store-houses of the Daisye, to the end that no part of the effects of the latter, or of the inhabitants, may, in the disorder of the moment, be made away with. Rocket-men must also be stationed in proper places, for the protection of the Paith [or outer town.]

Sending then, in the first instance, for the managers of the Daisye, you must tell them, that you propose making an humble application to us, to reinstate the Daisye in the possession of his country: but that, to enable you to do this, it will be necessary that a contribution should be [previously] paid down; and that if they will, accordingly, agree to raise fifty lacks of rupees, and give you [due] security for the same, you will represent the case to us; and obtaining a Purwâneh of confirmation in their name [i. e. the Daisye’s name] restore the place to them. You may, at the same time, observe, that such care has been taken of their country, that no injury whatever has been sustained by it. Addressing them, at first, in words calculated like these to excite [or humour] their avarice, and to inspire them with confidence, you will bring them, after some altercation, to agree to pay a Paishcush; the amount of which being settled, as well as the manner of discharging it [i. e. whether in money, goods, or bankers’ bills], you will next, by their means, send for the concealed bankers,⁽⁴⁾ and ascertain from these the assets in their hands; a statement of which, specifying the several bankers’ names, must be transmitted to us, to the end that the requisite orders for the restoration of the place [to the Daisye] may be subsequently dispatched to you.

In the mean while, you must affix both the seal of the Daisye and your own on the Tosheh-khâneh, and other storehouses of the Daisye, as well as on all such places as contain money or goods in deposit: in addition to which, some of the most trusty men of Syed Unser’s and Syed Ghuffâr’s Kushoons must be placed as guards over the whole. In regard to the horses, camels, and elephants, belonging to the Daisye, you are to cause an exact account of them to be taken, in conjunction with the latter’s managers, and then to have them removed from the Paith, and placed in front of, but at some distance from, the Daisye’s quarters; where they are to be accompanied by their usual attendants, with the exception of horsemen, or other military persons. Here they are, moreover, to be provided with grain and fodder, and otherwise taken proper care of, at our charge. The family of the Daisye, as also all his managing servants, are to be permitted to remain in their houses; over which, however, guards are to be placed, to prevent the egress of the persons in question from thence.

Let the two forts and the ditch be examined by yourself in person, conjointly with the Sipahdârs, and let a report of their present condition be made to us. Transmit, likewise, a detailed account of the magazines and artillery, and state your opinion with respect to the place [that is, as to its importance or its strength].

You will repeat to the Daisye and to his managers, that if they quickly agree to a heavy composition or contribution,⁽⁵⁾ and put the same in an [immediate] train of payment, their place shall be restored to them.

Enquire of the Daisye’s servants, and let us know, the extent of Kittoor, and what number of forts it contains. Write letters of encouragement to the actual Aumils, and continue them in office. Send to the present Kilaadârs [or governors of forts], desiring them to wait upon you; and [then] superseding them in their commands by servants of our own, let the forts be garrisoned by Piâdehs from your army.

Obtain from the Daisye’s managers lists of all the Daisye’s servants, menials and others, and then have them mustered. The Buktshy of your cavalry must be directed to take a muster of the Daisye’s cavalry, in the presence of the Daisye’s manager. This being done, the cavalry in question are to be placed in charge of a particular Risâladâr [of your army], along with whose own corps they must be encamped. The Piâdehs [or foot soldiers] must, after being mustered, be consigned to the charge of Syed Humeed, and be encamped on his line.⁽⁶⁾ They must not have guards openly placed over them, but a strict watch is to be secretly kept on them.

Next send for the commanders of [the Daisye’s] horse and foot, and hold an encouraging language to them, by intimating your expectation of shortly receiving our orders for restoring the place [to the Daisye.] You will then proceed to tell them, that, in the mean while, they must infuse confidence into their people, and get them to take up their quarters in your camp. This point being gained, and the troops in question encamped with your own, let guards be placed over all the aforesaid commanders, independent of, and separate from those [previously] posted over the Daisye and the others. They must not be suffered to go among their brethren [or comrades];⁽⁷⁾ and you must supply them with such provisions and other necessaries as they may require.

You will take particular care, that no horses are allowed to be kept near that part of the camp occupied by the Daisye and his managers;⁽⁸⁾ nor must any of his people be suffered to pass backward and forward, without your authority.

Several persons of consideration, and opulent bankers, reside at Shâhpoor, Pulkawum,⁽⁹⁾ and Gokauk, all three dependencies of Kittoor. Shaikh Unser with his Kushoon, two Mûtusuddies, and two intelligent Hurkârehs from the cavalry Kuchurry, together with two Risâlas of horse, and some Piâdehs [foot], must be dispatched to take possession of these places. The principal men and bankers being ascertained, must then be sent for, and the Aumils of the aforesaid places be continued in their offices: for which purpose, you will transmit to them the necessary letters of confirmation from yourself and the Daisye.

Shaikh Unser must be instructed to obtain from the Aumils of the before-mentioned three Taalûks written engagements, purporting that they will be responsible for the flight of any of the inhabitants of their respective districts.

We shall ourself shortly arrive in that quarter; inasmuch as we have, by the blessing of God, completely settled all the affairs of Zuferâbâd.

The foregoing dispatch forms one of the few exceptions, afforded by the present collection, to the usually concise style of the Sultan’s mandates. It is diffuse and minute in the extreme: from which circumstance may be inferred the importance which he attached to the acquisition of Kittoor, and his solicitude to turn it to the best account.

We hear little more of Kittoor, or of its Daisye,⁽¹⁰⁾ for a month after the date of the present Letter. The interval was probably employed in negociations with that chieftain, or Polygar, the result of which may be collected from the tenor of Letter CCXVII.

The Sultan would appear to have returned, soon after the date of the preceding letter, to his capital. The only notice I have any where met with of his proceedings, during his stay at Zuferâbâd, or of the manner in which he “settled the “affairs” of that quarter, is contained in the brief account he has himself given of the business, in a subsequent letter to the Patan chief of Kurnool.⁽¹¹⁾ The following extract, however from his Memoirs, as it relates to a previous settlement of the country in question, soon after his accession to the Musnud, may not be unacceptable to the reader.

After a brief, but curious, account of the reduction of the Bul country,⁽¹²⁾ where he caused a new fortress to be erected, to which he gave the name of Munzirâbâd,⁽¹³⁾ the Sultan proceeds thus in his narrative:—

“From hence [i. e. from Munzirâbâd] I proceeded towards Koorg, some of “the principal men of which country seeing that they were without any chief or “leader, had, at the time that we were moving against the Nazarenes,⁽¹⁴⁾ chosen “and placed at their head one of their own body; to whom, investing him with “absolute power, they became obedient. After this, they set about raising disturbances in that quarter, and laid siege to a fort newly erected by the Sircar,⁽¹⁵⁾ “and in which the governor [of the district] resided. The garrison being “reduced to great straits, surrendered on capitulation; but were all massacred, “on marching out of the place. The fort was completely demolished by the “rebels, who through enmity [i. e. to mark their hatred the more strongly] conveyed away every stone belonging to it, and threw the whole into the quarry “from which it had been originally taken. Elated with this success, they “continued to occupy the position they had assumed.⁽¹⁶⁾ When this occurrence “came to our blessed hearing,⁽¹⁷⁾ we dispatched a commander, named Hyder Ali “Baig, with a suitable force, to reduce the Koorg country. The aforesaid commander proceeding to the borders of Koorg, had arrived near the fort of Periapatam, when the rebels collecting together advanced to meet him. One or two “battles ensued: but the aforesaid commander was not able to settle the affairs “of that quarter. In this conjuncture, I was proceeding in person from the “country of Arcot towards the country of Nugr, and had got about half way. “Hereupon I detached another army, under the direction of the Râjah of Kunnikgeery, to the aid of the aforesaid commander, and pursued my march to Nugr; “after the recapture of which, the victorious army was engaged in the reduction “of Mangalore. It was during this period, that the two before mentioned commanders, having advanced, for the purpose of subduing Koorg, two or three “coss into the woods, were attacked from all quarters by the Koorgs, who closed “up every avenue [to their camp or position]. For three successive days was the “conflict maintained; at the end of which time, my base commanders, consulting only the safety of their worthless lives,⁽¹⁸⁾ took to flight, leaving behind them “their troops and guns. The Râjah of Kunnikgeery, however, with a few men, “maintained their ground [for some time]; and after amply discharging the “obligations of valor, and sending numbers of the enemy to hell, made an “offering of their lives for the service of the Usud Ilhye Sircar.⁽¹⁹⁾

“In consequence of these events, I proceeded, after the reduction [or subjugation] of Bul, as above related, towards Koorg. From Periapatam the army “advanced in two divisions, by different roads, and in two days, by rapid “marches, reached the residence⁽²⁰⁾ of the governor [of the district], where the “infidels had taken post. Here I made a great number of prisoners. Kutty Nâik, “however, the no-chief⁽²¹⁾ of the Koorgs, effecting his escape, with his family “and children, through the woods and adjacent hills, concealed himself and “followers in a glen, or valley,⁽²²⁾ of the Elâichy mountains, which was inaccessible “both to wild beasts and birds. Hither the Hydery army pursued the fugitives, “and after some search discovering the entrance of the before mentioned glen, “encamped there [for the night]. The following day, taking two Risâlas of “Jyshe, about five hundred Piâdehs, and two guns with me, and leaving the “two guns at the mouth of the glen, I formed an advanced guard of a Jowk [or “company] and two hundred Piâdehs, which after firing two or three guns, I “directed to proceed [into the glen], under the command of a Jowkdâr. I “followed myself with the two Risâlas, and three or four hundred Piâdehs, and “accompanied by a few select persons. Though it was now mid-day, the glen, “owing to the prodigious lofty trees which overhung it, was so excessively dark, “that it was with difficulty a man could see the ground; while no one could make “a step [in advance] till he had cleared his way, by removing with his sword the “small trees [bushes] which obstructed it.

“When we had, in this manner, proceeded about half way through the glen, “the darkness was such, that there was no distinguishing on which side the sun “was.⁽²³⁾ In this distress, great were the efforts which were made to obtain a sight “of the sun, as being essential to the discovery of a passage through the glen: “but, notwithstanding several men ascended the trees, and [from their tops] “looked out for the sun, they were not [for a long while] able to obtain the least “glimpse of it. At length a man, who had mounted a tree at some distance “from the troops, having seen the sun, came and pointed out to me the western “quarter, stating, at the same time, that there remained three hours of day. By “knowing the quarter, we were enabled to advance two or three coss further “through the glen; at the opposite extremity [or side] of which we at length “arrived. Beyond this end of the glen was a small plain, where three houses of “Kutty Nâik stood. When we reached the spot it was sun-set; so I took up my “quarters in those houses, drawing up and encamping my followers on each side “of Kutty Nâik’s dwelling. Here, telling my people that the enemy would “approach in the night, and after discharging their muskets at a great distance, “would set up a howl or noise, in the manner of dogs, swine, and jackals, I “strictly forbad their standing to their arms on that account, directing them to “sit still, and satisfy themselves with frightening the dogs away.⁽²⁴⁾ Accordingly, “towards the morning, the aforesaid dogs and jackals, approaching on every side, “fired their muskets, and set up a great cry; of which, however, my people, “agreeably to orders, took no other notice than by frightening the dogs away: “the noise for which purpose was no sooner made, than all the dogs of the desert “fled.

“When morning came, I set the pioneers and others to work upon making a “road, fifty yards⁽²⁵⁾ wide, through the glen, which was accordingly completed by “the evening. The following day I sent for the whole army, with which I proceeded in three marches to the passes,⁽²⁶⁾ spreading detachments, as I advanced, “over the country, for the purpose of seizing on the thieves. The aforesaid “Nâik, fleeing into the woods, escaped with his family, by another road over “the passes, to Tillicherry a sea-port belonging to the English. Here dying a “natural death, at the end of two or three days, he made his entry into hell: “whereupon orders were sent to his followers from the Presence, directing them “to bring his family and effects to the Presence; and accordingly the thieves, who “had accompanied him, leaving Tillicherry, repaired with his family, two or “three elephants, and his other effects, to the Presence.

“The special retinue⁽²⁷⁾ returning from hence through the glen and other places “[by which it had advanced], reached, after some marches, the fort of “Merkerrah,⁽²⁸⁾ which the infidels had demolished. Here I halted for two or “three days, during which I examined the spot very carefully, and then issued “orders for rebuilding the fort; to which I nominated a Kilaadâr, &c. appointing “Meer Zynûl Aabideen [at the same time] to be Foujdâr of the district. “Proceeding from Merkerrah, I marched ten coss to the residence of the aforesaid “Nâik, where there was a small fort, in which I put a garrison, and directed the “Foujdâr to abide till the conclusion of the rainy season; which being now very “near, I hastened, by successive marches, to Periapatam, and I gave to the “[new] fort of Merkerrah the name of Zufeerâbâd; from which name may be “deduced, without any ambiguity, the date of the conquest of the place. From “Periapatam I detached a respectable force to the assistance of the Foujdâr of “Zufeerâbâd; and then our elevated standards proceeded in the direction of the “seat of the Sultan at Putn.”

The Sultan has added to the preceding narrative the following curious and important notice:—

“When I arrived at Zufeerâbâd, I sent for all the leaders of the rebels, and “delivered into their hands written mandates to the following effect:—

“It is the custom with you, for the eldest of five brothers to marry, and for the “wife of such brother to be common to all five: hence there cannot be the slightest “or remotest doubt of your being all bastards and whoresons. This is about the “seventh time that you have acted treasonably towards the Sircar, and plundered “our armies: I have now [therefore] vowed to the true God, that if you ever “again conduct yourselves traiterously or wickedly, I will not revile or molest a “single individual among you, but making Ahmedies⁽²⁹⁾ [i. e. Musulmans] of the “whole of you, transplant you all from this country to some other; by which “means, from being illegitimate, your progeny or descendants may become “legitimate, and the epithet of whoresons⁽³⁰⁾ may no longer belong to your tribe.”

THE humble address sent by you has been received, and the particulars of the occupation of the fort of Kittoor, by a garrison of our troops, are comprehended.

You must place guards, composed of trust-worthy men, at different points, which must be most carefully watched, in order that a single blade of grass may neither be dispersed nor pillaged. Let not the property be plundered, as, owing to the want of suitable precautions,⁽¹⁾ was the case at Nergûnd. On this head you must issue and enforce the strictest orders, as otherwise you will be held responsible for the consequence.

YOU must, on some pretence or other, send to Worm-râj, the Râjah of Kurtinâd, to his brother Sabbâbut, and to Unnund Kurp, his manager,^(1*) to come and visit you; upon their doing which you are to secure their persons, and to report the same to us. You must keep this matter secret, and make no delay [in the execution thereof.]

THE first sort of sandal wood you must sell at the rate of one hundred and twenty pagodas the candy; the second sort at one hundred pagodas; the third sort at ninety pagodas; the fourth sort at eighty pagodas; and black pepper at eighty pagodas the candy. You must not sell them at any other [i. e. not at less] prices than these. If you should have to keep them even for a year or two, it will not signify. Take care that you buy your sulphur and copper cheaply. Purchases of gold [bullion] and lead are not required. Buy and send yearly thirty maunds of pistachio-nuts, two hundred maunds of almonds, and fifteen maunds of Monukkas⁽¹⁾ without seeds [or stones]. Go to Hûrmûz, and buy there large rolling [i. e. perfectly round] pearls: small pearls are not wanted.

It is uncertain whether the pistachio-nuts, almonds, and raisins, here ordered to be procured, were designed for the Sultan’s own consumption, or as articles of trade, to be retailed in the shops, of which some account has already appeared.

DIRECTING them to supply themselves with the wood necessary for completing the Rung-mahl,^(1*) in the manner prescribed in their instructions; and reproaching them with assurance,⁽²⁾ for repeatedly applying to the Presence on this subject, and waiting for answers to their letters.

Commands them, agreeably to their former orders, to procure wood, and all other materials they require, in whatever manner they shall think proper and practicable, and apply the same to the work in hand.

This letter would seem to convey to the persons addressed, a power of procuring the articles in question, by violence, or any other means they might think fit to employ.

YOU write, “that at Hûscottah, and other places, the Jowkdârs of “the Hûzoor are proceeding to relieve [or change] the troops stationed “in the [several] forts, whose pay you are, in consequence, agreeably “to our orders, preparing to issue; but that, in the mean while, the “Mûtusuddies of the Ehshâm Kuchurry say, that certain stoppages are “to be made, on account of the appointments [or commissions] of “Jumaadârs, &c. for which stoppages, you observe, you see no authority “in our instructions [to you].”

We are amazed at the understanding and good sense [you have displayed] on this occasion!⁽¹⁾ Those things which are permanently fixed [or standing orders alone] are inserted in our Hûkm-nâmehs [or general instructions]; but such fresh matters as this, which are from time to time ordained, are notified in distinct [or separate] orders. How, then, should this new regulation be referred to in instructions delivered to you [before it was made]?

You further write, “that Syed Peer, the Kilaadâr, demands pay for “men belonging to the Jyshe, Ehshâm, and others, who have not been “regularly returned to the Mûtusuddies of the Kuchurry; and that “you likewise see no authority for this in your instructions.” If you contravene or exceed the same in any instance, you will have to refund what you have over-disbursed.

The stoppages here spoken of, probably referred to some tax, or fees, which the Sultan might have ordered to be levied on new appointments, for the benefit of the government.

Râm Chundur appears, in the present instance, to have been very unjustly reproved; for, notwithstanding the decisive tone assumed on this occasion by the Sultan, it may be safely contended, that the Râjah was strictly justified, both by the general scope of his master’s instructions, and the particular nature of the case in question, in what he did. Is he not told, in the very same letter, “that he will be made “to refund all disbursements unauthorized by his instructions?” And does it appear, that he was in possession of any regular, or official notification, of the innovation which he was required to carry into effect? The Dewân was, unquestionably, entitled to be duly apprized of a regulation, to which he was expected to conform.

DIRECTING him to air in the sun eighteen bales of worm-eaten [or moth-eaten] shawls; and after putting cummin-seed, &c. into the bales, to tie them up again, and lay them carefully by.

WHATEVER we propose ordering we shall shortly order, on the subject of the rebel Moona Kool.

AGREEABLY to our former orders, you are to proceed to Mangalore; and there obtaining from the Aumil of that place whatever supplies [or stores] may be required for the use of the ships, you are to dispatch the latter to Tidry.^(1*)

You write, proposing to take fifteen hundred wax-candles, besides wax. Where can be the necessity for so many wax-candles? Get the Aumil to deliver what number may be [really] requisite. The latter has been already written to, directing him to supply whatsoever was required for the use of the vessels. What more?

You moreover write, “that the Aumil of Mangalore delivers to you “only old and black rice.” It is known. That rice is good. You must take it, and not engage in improper altercation. What more shall we write?

The Sultan having now determined on sending another embassy to Constantinople, and from thence to France (the one previously dispatched by the same route, having, as before stated, been recalled), Shâh Noorûllah was employed to make the necessary preparations for the purpose. The same person was subsequently appointed a member of this mission; which, however, proved equally abortive with that which had preceded it, and was, in its turn, succeeded by another (as will be seen hereafter) in 1787.

It has been said, that the embassies proposed to be sent to the court of France, by land, failed through the parsimony of the Sultan, who could not be induced to supply the funds necessary on the occasion. Whatever ground there might be for this opinion, the foregoing letter certainly announces a determination to regulate the expences of the outfit, at least, of the meditated embassy, on principles of strict economy. Old and black rice is declared to be good enough for his plenipotentiaries; who are likewise given to understand, that they will not be allowed to burn as many candles as they please.

DIRECTING him to pay monthly four pagodas and a half to the European Chailah⁽¹⁾ sent by Syed Mahommed Khân, the Kilaadâr of Putn, and to assign him some employment.

YOUR two letters, of the 16th and 19th of Hydery [23d and 24th November] have been received, and what you state, respecting the misconduct of the Brahmens, is known. That you should have suffered men, subject to your authority, to act so presumptuously, and not have put a stop to the business by scourging and punishing them well, must be owing to your great age. Let them still be immediately placed under a guard near you; and give strict orders, that they be not allowed the least egress without permission.

You write, “that you have separately examined each of them, and “that one lays the blame on another.” [Instead of this] let them be separately flogged: and then, after [duly] interrogating them, let each man write down his statement [of the matter] with his own hand. Let their names, moreover, be reported to us.

Urgent, or very particular dispatches, must be always forwarded by a pair of Hurkârehs, and not by the post, which will soon be discontinued.⁽¹⁾

The message which you communicated to us from Unund Râo Râsta has been received, and you will give such answer to him as we shall hereafter direct.

You did right, in taking to Râo Râsta the [pieces of] cloth, and other customary gifts, on occasion of the marriage. But wherefore did you take, and why do you continue to take, the Mûtusuddies [i. e. the Brahmens so often mentioned] along with you to Râo Râsta’s house? It is owing to such folly as this, on your part, that they have become so presumptuous. You should take with you [on such occasions] none but a few Hurkârehs.

The gifts from the two shrines, together with your memorandum of the counterpanes, are arrived. [See Letter CLXVII.]

To the Seven SUPERINTENDANTS of the POST, at the Seven capital Cities of the SULTANUT (or Kingdom); dated 9th TÛLOOEY. (16th December.)

WE have fixed the Coss at six thousand Guz, which distance [or space] must be travelled by the postmen in a ghurry and a half [or thirty-three minutes and forty-five seconds]. If the letters appertaining to your province [or department] are not delivered according to this rate, and any delay arises, you must flog the Hurkârehs belonging to you: and if the delay should proceed from the men of another division of the post, you must report the same to us, in writing. You are, moreover, to denote the hour, the day of the month, and day of the week, on the superscription of all your dispatches. This order is to be strictly attended to.

A volume of the Sultan’s regulations, in my possession, contains the following notice respecting the Guz, as established by him:

“The number of letters, of which the Kulmah [or creed] consists being “twenty-four, it is therefore ordained, that twenty-four thumb-breadths shall “make half a legal Guz; a thumb-breadth being equal to the aggregate breadth “of ten grains of one kind of rice, and of seven of another kind.” The Kembâlûb⁽¹⁾ [or rope] used in measuring [roads] consists of thirty-two of these guz.

According to this rule, the Guz consisted of about forty-eight thumb-breadths: but the directions for ascertaining the thumb-breadth seem too vague to admit of any certain or precise calculation. Taking, however, the Guz, here described, at thirty inches, or two feet and a half (which gives five-eighths of an inch for each thumb-breadth) the coss will amount to fifteen thousand feet, or better than two miles and three-quarters; making the rate of proceeding appointed for the postmen rather more than five miles an hour. This, though certainly very practicable, when the relays of Hurkârehs, or postmen, are placed at short distances, considerably exceeds, I believe, the ordinary rate of the mail in British India; where, happily, however, the coercive means of accelerating its progress, so familiar to the Sultan, are unknown.

I am not able to specify, with any certainty, the seven capital cities intended by the title of the present letter: but there can be little or no doubt, that Seringapatam, Nugr, and Bangalore, were among the number; while it is not improbable, that the other four were Chittledoorg, Gooty, Gurramcoondah, and Sera.

WE have received your letter by Fukhrûddeen, who has also expatiated to us upon your situation. The custom of the world is this. Servants and dependants hold themselves [at all times] prepared for the performance of services; the execution of orders; obedience and fidelity. Many times have we written to that lady of chaste degree⁽¹⁾ on the subject of repairing to our Presence; in reply to which you have continually brought forward evasions and excuses, and still continue to do the same. In this case, what is to be done? Be yourself the judge.

Rooe Wurm-râj, who presented himself before us, was honored with a grant of the farm of the Taalûk of Cherkul, and with other gifts. If you [in like manner] had come [to us], agreeably to our orders, you [also] would assuredly have experienced our bounteous favour. You will learn the remaining [or further] particulars from the letter of Fukhrûddeen.

To the DEWÂN and BUKTSHY of each of the Seven KUCHURRIES of the Seat of the SULTANUT (or SERINGAPATAM); dated 10th TULOOEY. (17th December.)

DIRECTING the birth-day of the Sultan, or the approaching 14th day of Tûlooey [20th December] to be celebrated, in the manner appointed in the Hûkm-nâmeh [on that head].

In a loose paper in my possession, containing directions for the regulation of military salutes on various occasions,^(1*) there is a note, or memorandum, purporting, that the Sultan was born on the 14th of Tûlooey of the year of the Higera 1165; on the anniversary of which day it is ordered, “that a salute⁽²⁾ of thirty-one “guns shall be fired at ten o’clock in the morning, and all the people of the city “observe the same as a festival.”

Whether or not this rejoicing was intended to be general throughout the kingdom, or was confined to the capital (Seringapatam), I am unable to say; but I believe that it was customary for the principal officers, however distant from court, to transmit Nuzrs of congratulation to the Sultan on the annual return of his birth-day.

THE memorandum of medicines [perhaps some prescription] which you sent has passed under our view; but the essences,^(2*) therein specified, belong to the European practice, whereas Mahommed Baig is a physician of the Greek school. The conclusion to be drawn from this is, that in omitting to insert the Greek medicines, and substituting in their place those in use among the Europeans, you could have had no other view, than that of making a profit by the sale of the latter.

You must get a memorandum [or list] of Greek medicines made out by the above-named [Mahommed Baig], and send it to us, in order that we may supply you [with the articles required].

I am obliged to acknowledge, that I do not clearly understand this letter, which appears to be addressed to some eunuch, who exercised the business of a pharmacopolist; but whether under the authority, and for the benefit, of the Sultan, or on his own individual account, I cannot determine. The former supposition would certainly not be at variance with the practice of this extraordinary character in other cases; and, in some measure, supported by the general tenor of the letter. On the other hand, if the medicines, when compounded, were to be sold exclusively on account of the Sultan, there is some difficulty in comprehending whence the profit was to arise to the Khojeh, with the pursuit of which he is accused by his sovereign. After all, however, the difficulty may proceed from nothing but my want of due information on the subject.

THE humble address you sent to us has passed under our view, and the particulars set forth in it are become duly apparent.

You write, “that the villages of Mâtmail,⁽¹⁾ &c. have, from days of “yore,⁽²⁾ appertained to you, and been [actually] in your possession; “but that now the revenues of the said villages have been sequestered, “on account of our Sircar.” It is revealed; and, in consequence, we enclose a letter to Urshud Baig Khân, the Foujdâr of Calicut, in which we have given him strict orders to relinquish the villages in question, and the revenues thereof. Forward the same to him.

We have repeatedly written to you, desiring you to repair to the Presence; but, instead of coming to us, you have excused yourself upon different pretences. For this reason, and in conformity with the policy of the moment, the settlement of the Taalûk of Cherkul, and the appointment of a separate Aumil, on our behalf, to the charge of the same, has appeared expedient to us.

Our consideration for the situation of that refuge of chastity, such as it is [i. e. such as we have always manifested it to be], has suffered no diminution. You will remain [therefore] with collected mind; and if any of our Taalûkdârs should be guilty of oppression, or proceed vexatiously toward your Taalûk, let us know his name, and we will send him strict orders to desist therefrom.

N.B. A letter, in conformity with the tenor of the foregoing dispatch, was written, under the same date, to Urshud Baig Khân, the Foujdâr of Calicut.

DIRECTING them to deposit the produce of the revenues of Nugr in the Tosheh-khâneh; and to carry to account [or give credit in their account for] the value of all old cloths, in like manner [or at the same rate] as the Dâroghâs of the Jinsy formerly fixed the same.

This letter is somewhat perplexing; nor am I clear that I understand it rightly. The word which I have rendered cloths, may mean either cloth in the piece, or clothes (wearing apparel). Then it is also possible, it may have been intended that the old cloth, or clothes, in question, should be sold, and the produce carried to account: an interpretation which, I think, the original would very well bear out.

DIRECTING him to send for Wenkia Naig, the banker; and also to transmit a Kowl [engagement] and letter of encouragement to Koornath Pundit. To write to Syed Meerân, the Kilaadâr of Dhârwâr, directing him to keep a strict watch over the family of Umbâjee Râm and his nephew, and to take care that they are not suffered to go any where. Desiring him, moreover, not to think of putting garrisons of the Sircar into Shâhpoor, Bulgong, &c. as they belong to ———.

In Letter CLXIX, Bûrhânûddeen is directed to place garrisons in Shâhpoor, Bulgong, and Gokauk, which are there declared to be dependencies of Kittoor. It would now appear, however, that the Sultan had discovered, that those places did not belong to Kittoor, but to some other chieftain or state, whom he did not wish to offend by seizing on them. The name is left nearly blank in the manuscript; the original, probably, not having been legible to the transcriber. I have said nearly blank, because it is not, in fact, entirely so; the terminating letters, or syllable, of the deficient word being preserved. This is which occurs at the end of many Hindoo words, and among others that of Mahrattah. If the places in question belonged to the Mahrattahs, it may seem strange, that he should not have known this when he sent the first orders for their seizure. Of the desire he might yet have to abstain from any directly aggressive proceedings against that people, and to confine himself, for the present, to mere defensive measures, some explanation has already been offered; and more will hereafter be furnished by the Sultan himself.

ANNOUNCING to him the Sultan’s arrival at Tul-Cauvery; and directing him, after deputing some person [to take the temporary charge of his government⁽¹⁾ ] during his absence, to repair, together with his Mûtusuddies [or accountants] to the Presence; when such orders as should be necessary would be verbally given him.

THE Mahrattah forces are assembling. Vigilance and [due attention to] the safety of your army are necessary. We therefore write to desire, that you will encamp your troops in a secure situation; not far asunder, but [close together] in the form [or manner] of a rose-bud.^(1*) You must also post piquets, &c. on all sides of your army. Let it not happen that the enemy’s army surprize you.⁽²⁾

You must, agreeably to our former directions, transmit to us a detailed memorandum of the effects of the Daisye, &c. of Kittoor. After receiving such memorandum, we will give our orders on the subject, according to which you will act. Let also a minute report be made to us of the followers of the Daisye, specifying [in particular] the number of his managers and principal men, and distinguishing them by name.

The Asiatic armies are not accustomed to encamp in line, as is the practice of the more regular armies of Europe; and though Tippoo adopted many things in our tactics, this is one of the points, in which he did not think fit to depart from the established usage of the East. Whatever may be thought of the Sultan’s military judgment in this case, it will probably be readily admitted, that the figure, by which he has expressed it, is sufficiently significant.

DIRECTING them to write all their dispatches, whether of weighty import or not, with their own hands, and not to make known the same to any of the Mûnshies, Persian or Hindivy [attached to the mission]. Announcing to them, also, the appointment of Mirzâ Uhsun, a Persian Mûnshy of the Sultan, to read [their] letters and write the answers to them: and concluding with an intimation, that when the subject of their dispatches related merely to the pay of the people belonging to them, they might be written in Hindivy.

In translating the passage of the foregoing letter, which notices Mirzâ Uhsun’s appointment, I have supplied the pronoun possessive, their, on the supposition that the dispatches of the envoys were particularly meant. But the sense may be, that Mirzâ Uhsun was appointed to read and answer Persian letters generally, and not those of the envoys alone. What is said of his being employed to write the answers, is not to be understood as necessarily meaning any thing more than his transcribing them fairly, or writing them from the Sultan’s dictation.

NOTIFYING the Sultan’s pleasure, that Gurramcoondah should, for the future, be called Zuferâbâd, and directing the same to be published throughout the country.

I cannot positively state, whether or not Merkerrah of Koorg continued to be called Zuferâbâd, after the latter name was transferred to Gurramcoondah: but I am inclined to think in the negative; both because it is not probable that the same new name should have been applied to two different places, and because, whenever Zuferâbâd is subsequently mentioned, Gurramcoondah would constantly seem to be intended.

WE herewith transmit a letter, which we have lately received from Mahommed Shufeea, the Aumil of Munjaiser,⁽¹⁾ enclosing one to his address from his brother, in which an account is given of the conferences [or negociations] going on between the Sultan of Room [i. e. the Grand Seignor] and the English ambassador. Consider well the contents thereof, and hasten to accomplish the business upon which you have been deputed.

Sometime ago Othman Khân dispatched a respectable person, with a letter from himself and Shâh Noorûllah to the Sultan of Room, containing a representation of the state of things in these parts; and it appears, that it was subsequently to the arrival of that person [at Constantinople], that the Sultan of Room began the conferences [or negociations] in question with the English ambassador.

It is proper I should acknowledge, that I have found this letter extremely perplexing, and that I am far from being satisfied that my interpretation of it is accurate. The doubtful passage is that in which the name of Othman Khân occurs; for the original may be understood to mean, either that he (Othman Khân) sent a letter to the Grand Seignor, by the hands of “a respectable person,” or that he himself was that respectable person, and had been deputed on this errand by Ghûlâm Ali Khân and Shâh Noorûllah. There are difficulties attending either construction, none of which am I sufficiently informed to be enabled to remove. The slight mention incidentally made of Othman Khân, in other parts of the correspondence, does not throw much light on the subject: yet it clearly appears, by Letter CCXXXII, that Othman Khân had himself actually proceeded to Constantinople.

With respect to the allusion made to the conferences or negociations of the English ambassador at the Porte, it is no less involved in obscurity, than the passage relating to Othman Khân. The context would seem to imply, that the representation, by whomsoever addressed to the Grand Seignor, regarding the situation of affairs in India, had given an unfavorable turn for the English to the negociation in question: but Ghûlâm Ali Khân, if still living,⁽²⁾ can alone furnish a satisfactory explanation of the matter.

YOU write, “that a thousand Piâdehs, five hundred regular infantry, “and three hundred horse, belonging to the Nâzim of Kurnool,⁽¹⁾ are “arrived at Nundiâl, with the intention of recovering the country “sequestered [or confiscated] by us.” It is known. Where is the ground for alarm [in this case]? If they should dare to take such a step, they shall see the fruits [or feel the consequences] of it.

DIRECTING him to recall the Risâla of the Sipahdâr, Syed Ghuffâr, from Nergûnd, and to send thither, in its stead, two companies of the Sipahdâr, Syed Humeed’s corps: also, desiring him to send for five hundred Piâdehs to Syed Meerân, the Kilaadâr of Dhârwâr, and to employ the same in the service of the Sircar.

YOU must first proceed to Nelaiser [Neelahser], and encamping there with Leshtia,^(1*) make some delay, on pretext of looking after Sooma, the Tul-Cauvery man. You will then invite Moona Kool, who, together with his nephew, went some time ago to visit Leshtia and Rooe Wurm Nâg, once more to come and see you; when you must make prisoners of himself, his nephew, and whatever followers may be with him, and report the same [immediately] to us. If a further force should become necessary, write and send for Urshud Baig and Bunkia,⁽²⁾ and when the business is settled, let them return to their respective stations. We have sent the requisite orders, on this occasion, to both the above-mentioned officers. You must, by every possible trick and contrivance, secure the person of the aforesaid rebel.⁽³⁾ The above-mentioned officers will remain where they now are till you send for them. If you should be able to do without them,⁽⁴⁾ let them know it, in order that they may repair to their proper stations.

N.B. The letter to Urshud Baig Khân, referred to in the preceding dispatch, follows next in the manuscript; but is omitted here, as superfluous.

YOU write, “that you have recently discovered a vein of lead, the ore “of which resembles that formerly found; that you have sent us seven “pieces of it by the post; and that you wish to be instructed, whether “to dispatch the lead you may obtain by hired bullocks, or to wait the “arrival of some persons from the Presence.” It is known. You must collect the said lead in the fort of Sidhoot. It is an ancient custom⁽²⁾ for a silver mine, that is to say, silver earth,⁽³⁾ to be [always] found under a lead-mine: you must, therefore, send for the said earth [or ore], and collect it together in the before-mentioned place. Persons skilled in [such] earth [or ores] will be shortly sent from the Presence [to examine it].

[AFTER acknowledging, with the usual compliments, the receipt of a letter from Runmust Khân, the writer proceeds thus]:—

Some time ago, while we happened to be making a progress, slightly attended, for the purpose of inspecting the forts of Bangalore, &c. the exciters of sedition in the Koorg country, not looking to the [probable] consequences [of such conduct], but agreeably to the nature of the children of selfishness⁽¹⁾ and of opportunity-watching rebels,^(2*) conceiving vain hopes from the great distance of our victorious army, raised their heads, one and all, in tumult. Immediately on our hearing of this circumstance, we proceeded with the utmost speed, and, at once, made prisoners of forty thousand occasion-seeking^(3*) and sedition-exciting⁽⁴⁾ Koorgs, who, alarmed at the approach of our victorious army, had slunk into woods, and concealed themselves in lofty mountains, inaccessible even to birds. Then carrying them away from their native country (the native place of sedition) we raised them to the honor of Islâm, and incorporated them with our Ahmedy corps.⁽⁵⁾ As these happy tidings are calculated, at once, to convey a warning to hypocrites,⁽⁶⁾ and to afford delight to friends, [but more especially to] the chiefs of the true believers, the pen of amity has here recited them [for your information].

We now firmly purpose repairing to that quarter [towards Kurnool], and shall accordingly soon arrive there with our victorious forces; when the meeting, which we have so long wished to have with that friend, will be accomplished. Râjah Dhurm Doss, and Khâjeh Lûtfûllah, shall hereafter be dismissed and dispatched to that friend. We trust you will continue, till the period of our interview, to delight and rejoice us by your letters.

It will be recollected by the reader, that the Sultan had been recently apprized,⁽⁷⁾ of its being the intention of Runmust Khân to attempt the recovery of some part of his country, which had been taken possession of by the Sultan; the present dispatch, therefore, which is in the true boastful style of a Persian Futah nâmeh,⁽⁸⁾ or letter of victory, may be fairly considered as intended to intimidate the person to whom it is addressed; or in Tippoo’s own words, “to convey “a warning to him” of what he might expect, if, by resisting the Sultan’s will, he should compel the latter to pay him a visit. It was, moreover, well calculated to prepare the way for the pecuniary demand which we shall presently see made upon this Patan chief.

The foregoing letter contains the only authentic record of the Sultan’s recent expedition against the Koorgs that I have hitherto met with: and if we may give credit to his account of its issue, he would appear to have but too well fulfilled, on this occasion, the threat with which we have seen him dismiss the assembled chiefs of thatnation, in the year 1784.

“I have vowed to God,” said he, “that if you ever again rise in rebellion, I “will make Musulmans of your whole race, and transplant you all from hence to “some other country.” See Observations on Letter CLXIX.

YOUR letter has been received. You write, “that the superseded “Aumil has, notwithstanding the guard [placed over him], escaped “from the fort.” It is known. We have a just claim for thirty thousand pagodas on the same Aumil: you must [therefore] speedily discover him; otherwise you will be responsible for the sum in question.

YOUR letter, with the accompanying memorandum, and statement of an engagement entered into by the Mûtusuddies, to adjust the account of the Bârgeers⁽¹⁾ in a satisfactory manner, has been received, and its contents are understood. The memorandum referred to is enclosed [or returned herewith]. You must, by coercive means, threats, and punishments, compel the Mûtusuddies of the Bârgeer Kuchurry to get ready, with all speed, the aforesaid accounts, enforcing their obedience by placing a Suzâwul over them.⁽²⁾ You are to consider this as a most peremptory injunction.

THE camphor tree has been [recently] discovered in this part of the Sircar’s country.⁽¹⁾ We have sent two bottles of the essential oil made from it, for your use. You must rub your feet with it, and also take it [inwardly] in meat-broth, putting about a tolah weight of it [into a bason of broth]. Inform us what benefit you may receive from the use of it. What more shall be written?

YOUR letter, accompanied by a sealed packet of pearls, with a memorandum of the prices at which they were bought, has been received. The pearls you have sent have, on the whole, been purchased at a very heavy price. If they can be procured cheaper in the Buhrain^(1*) you must send thither for them. There is, at the same time, no objection to your buying them at Muscat, when they can be had cheap there.

Making some advance [of money] to ten divers, dispatch them to the Presence, as they are wanted for the purpose of diving or fishing⁽²⁾ for pearls on the shore of Mangalore.

You write, “that sandal wood and pepper are become cheap [at “Muscat].” It is known. Keep them [therefore] some time by you. When they become dear [again] you must sell them. There is no necessity for selling them cheap. The cardamums, however, you may dispose of at the current [or market] price [of the day], if that should not be a losing one.⁽³⁾ What you write, respecting their diminution from dryness, is understood. If it be only in weight that they are diminished, it is of no consequence. You will state [the deficiency] in your accounts.

The factory of Muscat has been placed under the Aumil [or been made a dependency] of Mangalore: you must, therefore, transmit to him the accounts of all sales and purchases, as well as of all other receipts and disbursements [of the factory].

We do not want any copper or lead; but you should buy sulphur, when the price of it is moderate.⁽⁴⁾

You write, respecting an increase to the stipend of Oba Gooler, in consequence of his being appointed to the Churokâry.⁽⁵⁾ Let his stipend be augmented, to the amount of the monthly pay formerly allowed to the Churokâr.

The morahs⁽⁶⁾ of black pepper must be weighed in bulk, and sold in that state. Where is the necessity of opening them, if, by that means, any loss should be incurred?

You write, recommending an increase to the allowance of Permanund Mullâh. It is apparent. Let him have an increase of five rupees.

The humble addresses of the Imaum, the Khulfâr⁽⁷⁾ and Bheem Jee, the broker, which you forwarded to us, have passed under our view. You have been stationed there for the sole purpose of buying and selling: whenever [therefore] any occasion arises, in which you can act for our advantage, you should do so, though we may not have directed it, and without waiting for our orders on the subject.⁽⁸⁾

We are in great want of pearls. Purchase to the amount of ten thousand rupees worth, as cheaply as you can, and dispatch them to us.

You write, “that the Dullâl [or broker] has demanded payment of “two hundred and sixty rupees, advanced by him to Mahommed “Ibraheem, and of a hundred and two rupees advanced to Othman “Khân [both of them servants of our Sircar].” It is known. Pay the amount to the aforesaid broker, and take his receipt for the same

In your letter of the 17th of Zilhijjeh, A.H. 1199, you wrote, “that “the second sort of sandal wood, in charge of Ghous Mahommed “Khân, continued on hand, being, in comparison with the third “and fourth sorts, in little demand.” Let the aforesaid sandal wood be kept until purchasers are met with, and then sell it to the best advantage you can.

We want ten ship-wrights, acquainted with the construction of Dows. Get them together, and dispatch them hither.

You must [constanly] date your letters to us, specifying the day, month, and year, in the same manner that our orders to you are dated.

What you write, respecting your having hired a warehouse for our goods, is understood............⁽⁹⁾ will shortly be dispatched from the Presence: upon the arrival thereof you must prepare a factory-house for the use of the Sircar.

Entertain a hundred Clashies⁽¹⁰⁾ in our service, at the monthly wages of seven rupees; and appointing a Surdâr [or commander] to every twenty-five men, dispatch them to the Presence, where, on their arrival, they shall be raised to superior rank.⁽¹¹⁾ What more?

I possess no information, with regard to the Sultan’s project for establishing a pearl-fishery in the vicinity of Mangalore: but it may be inferred, from the silence of the subsequent correspondence on the subject, either that the requisite divers were not procurable, or that the attempt, if actually made, did not succeed. His endeavours to form a marine were somewhat more successful; but the nature of the sea coast in his possession hardly admitted of his attaining to any great importance as a maritime power. If, however, such an obstacle really existed to the accomplishment of this design, he, at least, would not appear to have been sensible of it, since it will be seen, by Appendix K, containing “Regulations “for the Marine Department,” that only two or three years previously to the extinction of his power, he had conceived the idea of creating a very formidable naval force. It may, indeed, be reasonably doubted, whether either the resources of his country, or of his genius, were equal to the realization of so bold a plan; but it is as well, perhaps, that he was not allowed time for the experiment.

IN consideration of the friendship and regard [subsisting between us], we abated four lacks of rupees, of the eleven lacks justly due to us, as Paishcush, from that friend. Having thus fixed the balance payable to us at seven lacks of rupees, we some time ago announced the same to you. Râjah Dhurram Doss, and Khâjeh Lûtfûllah, having hereupon made an earnest representation to us of your [pecuniary] difficulties, we were induced to agree to a further remission of fifty thousand rupees, hereby reducing our demand to six lacks and a half, exclusive of twenty-five thousand rupees, on account of the ......⁽¹⁾ of a former year. The amount was thus finally settled at 6,75,000 rupees, for the discharge of which the two before-mentioned persons entered into two distinct engagements; by one of which it was stipulated, that 3,75,000 rupees should be paid by the 5th Jumâd ûl Ouwul, A. H. 1200; and by the other, that a further sum of 3,75,000 rupees should be paid by the 20th of Rujub of the same year. These two persons having taken leave of us, will [we trust] reach you in safety.

With respect to our relinquishing the districts belonging to that friend, and sequestered by us, orders to that effect have been addressed⁽²⁾ to the Dewân and Buktshy of Fyze-Hisâr [Gooty] and delivered to the aforesaid persons [i. e. Dhurrum Doss and Lûtfûllah]. What friendship requires is, that the before-mentioned money should be paid, agreeably to the engagements referred to above, in order that the foundations of attachment may acquire strength and firmness. An elephant and a Mehtâby⁽³⁾ dress are sent, in token of our regard. Always make us glad and happy by the receipt of your friendly letters.

BY the favor of the Almighty and the assistance of the Prophet, we have arranged and adjusted the affairs of the Taalûk of Zufeerâbâd in the most suitable [and satisfactory] manner; the tribe of Koorgs, to the number of fifty thousand men and women,⁽¹⁾ having been made captives, and incorporated with the Ahmedy class.

Having accomplished this object, we returned prosperously and victoriously to the seat of empire⁽²⁾ at Putn, on the 11th of Yoosûfy of the year Jullo. This being an event calculated to give strength to the people of Islâm,^(3*) we wish that brother all joy on the auspicious occasion.

The advance⁽⁴⁾ of our victorious standards is positively fixed for the 12th of Yoosûfy [18th January]: we therefore write, to desire that you will march and join us, with the forces under your command [without delay].

MEMORANDUM. Three other letters, to the above effect (but to whom addressed is not said), were dispatched by the post.

There is manifestly some error in one or other of the dates given in the foregoing letter, to which two different dates (viz. the 7th and 10th Yoosûfy) are assigned: for what reason I know not, unless it be to denote that it was dispatched in duplicate, one copy on the 7th, by an especial messenger, and the other on the 10th, by the post. But if these dates are correct, that one which purports, that the return of the Sultan to Seringapatam actually took place on the 11th Yoosûfy, must, of necessity, be wrong. It is equally certain, that at whatever time he arrived there from Zufeerâbad, he did not march again from thence on the 12th of Yoosûfy (as here stated to be his intention), since we know, from Letter CCXII, that he was still at his capital on the 23d of that month. I regret that I do not possess the means of rectifying these mistakes, which, however, are fortunately of no material consequence.

I cannot, at this moment, ascertain who Moaainûddeen was: but the circumstance of his being stiled brother by the Sultan, makes it probable that he was a kinsman of the latter.

BE it known, that in consideration of the devotion and attachment to our government of the refuge of commerce,⁽¹⁾ Mâo Saith, son of Râo Saith, Dullâl [or broker], an inhabitant of Muscat, we have, at this time, [agreed to] remit the customary anchorage duty, heretofore paid to us, in favour of five Dingies of his [about to import at Calicut]: you will, therefore, on the production of a letter [or certificate] from the above-mentioned Dullâl, [purporting that the said Dingies are his], refrain from demanding the aforesaid established duty [of forty rupees per Dingy] on the [five] Dingies in question. Consider this as a peremptory order.

BE it known, that we have remitted four-tenths of the duties, levied in our ports from time immemorial, on all goods to be bought or sold [there], by the refuge of commerce, Mâo Saith, son of Râo Saith, Dullâl of Muscat: you will, therefore, demand from the agents of the said Dullâl, six-tenths of the ancient duties, and no more. Consider this as a peremptory order.

BE it known, that if, after selling to the agents of the refuge of commerce, Mâo Saith, &c., such rice as we may have to dispose of, the aforesaid agents should be desirous of purchasing a further quantity of that article from the inhabitants of the districts appertaining to Mangalore, it will be well. You must not forbid, or make any opposition to the same.

YOUR letter, by Ghous Mahommed Khân and Turkem Doss, has been received, and apprized us, among other things, “of your determination “to establish a factory [or warehouse] at Calicut.”⁽²⁾ You have also represented to us verbally, by the aforesaid Kbân, “that our officers at “the port of Calicut charge you for anchorage duty, at the rate of forty “rupees per Dingy, and this duty you request of us to remit.” You have furthermore stated, “that the Imaum of Muscat, while he levies a “duty of ten per cent. on [the goods of] all other merchants, charges “our merchants no more than six per cent.; and you, therefore, solicit “a similar indulgence from us.” You likewise express a desire, “that “your Gûmâshtehs may be allowed, as formerly, (after first buying from “the managers of our ports whatever number of morahs of rice the “latter have to dispose of) to purchase, without let or hindrance, from “the people of the country, such further quantities of the same article “as they may require.” It is known.

[Then follows a recital of the concessions specified in the three preceding letters, which it is unnecessary to repeat here].

With respect to our establishing factories [as you propose] at Port Mundry in Kutch, and at the port of Jâmnugr, our intention is, to dispatch, some time hence, trusty persons, with letters and the customary tokens of friendship to the Râjahs of both those places. On this occasion we shall require of you to introduce our agents to the two Râjahs, and to procure the necessary permission for the establishment of [the proposed] factories.

Agreeably to your request, we have directed Meer Kâzim to settle with you for the advances made by you of two hundred and sixty rupees to Mahommed Ibraheem, and one hundred and two rupees to Othman Khân, making together the sum of three hundred and sixty-two rupees.

We collect, from the foregoing letter, that Tippoo Sultan had already so far accomplished his commercial views at Muscat, as to be considered the most favoured of the numerous traders with that port. The concessions by which he obtained that distinction (for it was hardly any thing more) are not any where distinctly stated; but it is probable, that it had been granted on a previous understanding between the Imaum and the Sultan’s agent, Ghous Mahommed Khân, that the Imaum’s vessels were to be admitted into the ports of Mysore, on the footing specified in the ensuing letter.

Of the particular immunities here granted to Mâo Saith, the remission of four-tenths of the customary duties (whether on imports alone, or on exports also, does not appear) would, no doubt, have been a very considerable indulgence, if the trade had been suffered to be quite free, and if Tippoo himself had not participated very largely in it. The Sultan, however, not only exported rice to Muscat in his own vessels, and imported the commodities of that country into Mysore, but he also obliged the Muscat merchant to purchase all the government rice on hand, at a price fixed probably by himself, before he allowed him to buy elsewhere. In addition to these restraints, there is reason to believe, that the most profitable branches of the commerce of his dominions, namely sandal wood, beetel-nut, pepper and cardamums, were entirely monopolized by the Sultan. Under these circumstances, it may be questioned, whether the encouragement ostensibly given to the Muscat traders, was, on the whole, much calculated to promote the commercial intercourse of the two countries. Of the actual extent of that intercourse, at any given period of the Sultan’s reign, I possess, at present, no accurate means of judging; though it is probable, that ample materials for this purpose were obtained, by the gentlemen who received charge of the different sea-ports of Canara and Malabar, at the period of their falling under the authority of the English.

YOUR pleasing letter, by Ghous Mahommed Khân, has been received. He has also represented to us, verbally, the sentiments of regard and union which you entertain for us, and the knowledge whereof has proved highly gratifying to us.

In consideration of the friendship subsisting between us, we have, at this time, remitted half the amount of the duties heretofore levied in our ports on your ships and Dows, and have, accordingly, issued the necessary orders to this effect, to the governors of all our sea-ports: do you, therefore, continue constantly to send your ships and Dows, laden with merchandize, to our ports. Particulars will be stated to you by Meer Kâzim.

Whereas there is a strict order in force at [all] our sea-ports, forbidding the sale of rice to any merchants coming from Portuguese, English, &c. ports, the latter have, on account of the great scarcity of grain [in their own countries], adopted the contrivance of sending other merchants, in the character of Muscat traders, with money, for the purpose of making purchases of rice, &c. at our ports. We have, in consequence, sent positive directions to the persons in authority at all our ports, to consider as Muscat merchants such only as shall produce a passport, or certificate, under the seal and signature of the superintendants of our factory there. To merchants, furnished with such certificate, rice will be sold,⁽²⁾ without any excuse [or evasion]. Let, then, that person of eminent rank likewise give orders to the merchants of Muscat proceeding to our ports, to provide themselves with the prescribed passports, for which we have strictly commanded the superintendants of our factory not to demand any fees.

The remission of duties granted in favour of Mâo Saith was four-tenths. The remission of one-half, mentioned in the present letter, applies, I conclude, exclusively to the ships and merchandize belonging immediately to the Imaum, who, like Tippoo, was the chief merchant of his state; but a much more intelligent and enlightened one, I apprehend, than the Sultan.

DIRECTING him to crucify the miscreant⁽¹⁾ Moona Kool, and to send for his family, and keep them confined in irons.

If the nephew of Moona Kool should be more than twenty-five years of age, to crucify him also.

Two hundred of the followers of Moona Kool to be made Ahmedies, and put into the......⁽²⁾ Risâla lately dispatched [from hence] and now arrived [at Nugr.]

You⁽³⁾ yourself must also proceed to Nugr, together with the troops under your command; and, repairing to the second Dewân of Nugr, who is [at this time] at Seo-Kullah,⁽⁴⁾ there make a settlement of your accounts [with him].

There is no trace, in any of the documents in my possession, of the manner in which the person of the unfortunate Moona Kool was finally secured; but the instructions given at different times, regarding him, make it sufficiently probable, that the object was attained by some foul or treacherous means.

DIRECTING him to send one of his brothers to receive six thousand rupees from Ghûlâm Mohyûddeen, the Foujdâr of Kunchungûddh,^(2*) and to repair with his family to the Presence.

That what he writes, of the handsome behaviour of the chiefs of that place, notwithstanding their oaths and engagements, is understood. [What follows is in the first person.]

In contemplation of the very events which have taken place, we, before-hand, desired you to repair to us. You, however, chose to exercise your foresight on the occasion; and, after all, “the same broth “remains in the pot.”⁽³⁾ Such is the way, in which great chiefs show their regard for their promises and solemn engagements.⁽⁴⁾

Not distinctly knowing who Meer Moaala Khân was, and being but imperfectly acquainted with the transactions referred to, I find myself unable to interpret this letter in a satisfactory manner. If I might hazard a conjecture on the occasion, it would be, that Meer Moaala Khân (who was the same person addressed in Letter LXXX) had been governor of the fort of Mûdgul, a place of considerable note on the south-west frontier of the Nizâm;⁽⁵⁾ that he had engaged in a secret correspondence with Tippoo, to whom he probably meant to deliver up the fort; but that his fidelity being reasonably suspected, he had been deprived of his government, before his plan of defection was ripe for execution. I am aware, however, that there are some passages and allusions in the letter before us, which are not sufficiently explained by the preceding hypothesis. We hear no more after this of Meer Moaala Khân.

YOUR letter, with the enclosed memorandum of money, &c. sent by you to the treasury at Putn, has been received. You write for leave to entertain ten new (or additional) Ulgies.⁽¹⁾ It is known. A hundred Piâdehs, of those stationed in the fort,⁽²⁾ are assigned you, for the service of the collections and other affairs of the Kuchurry: your view, therefore, in proposing to entertain these Ulgies, most probably was, to make a parade [with them].⁽³⁾ You must, at all times, employ the Piâdehs [and no others] in the service of the collections, &c. What more?

IT will be sufficient to give the substance of this letter, which is no otherwise of any consequence, than as it adds to the other proofs which we possess, of the Sultan’s desire to establish an intercourse, political or commercial, with the most distant nations.

The writer sets out with observing, “that a long period had elapsed, “since he had had the pleasure of hearing from the Râjah;”^(2*) and with expressing a hope, “that the latter will, in future, frequently favor “him with the agreeable tidings of his welfare.”

He then announces “that he has sent, in token of friendship, by the “hands of two of his servants, Mâhommed Kâsim and Mahommed “Ibrâheem, a present for the Râjah, consisting of two horses and a “Mehtâby dress.”⁽³⁾

He states, “his view in sending those persons, to be the opening of a “commercial intercourse between the two states [of Mysore and Pegu], “whereby an exchange of the commodities of each may be established, “to the mutual convenience and advantage of both: he therefore “invites the Râjah to communicate to the agents in question, as also “from time to time, by letter, to himself, what articles he may wish to “be supplied with, from his [the Sultan’s] country, in order that the “same may be forwarded to him.”

He next observes, “that having heard, that rubies of high value, fine “colour, and of a superior kind [perhaps size], are to be had in Pegu, “he had, in consequence, directed his agents to purchase, through the “medium [or by means] of the Bâjah’s ministers,⁽⁴⁾ a certain number of “stones, weighing each from ten to thirty fanams weight.”

Then follows a request, “that the Râjah will accordingly order his “ministers to assist [his agents], in purchasing the rubies required, at “as cheap a price as possible.”

Whether a second mission was dispatched to Pegu, or the persons first intended to be sent were superseded by others, I am unable to determine: but a letter appears, under date 25th of Byâzy (31st March 1786) addressed, not to Mahommed Kâsim and Mahommed Ibrâheem, but to Shumsûddeen and Kûtbûddeen; in which they are told, “that their departure for Pegu only waits for the equipment “of the ships, which they are accordingly desired to expedite.” It nevertheless appears, that the ships in question were not ready for sailing, so late as the beginning of the following June.

WHATEVER gold, silver, horses, bullocks, &c. the late Kâdir Aghâ may have died possessed of, the whole is to be delivered over to the Kilaadâr and Umldâr, from whom you will take receipts for the same. You did right, in placing the slave of the deceased in the corps of [or among] the Usud-Ilhyes.

The character of this order cannot be determined, on account of our ignorance of the particular situation of Kâdir Âghâ, who might possibly have been a public defaulter, or have died childless.

Two copies of the Futhûl’ Mûjâhideen⁽²⁾ have been sent to you under [our] seal: one by Mahommed Imaum, the Jowkdâr [captain] of the Jyshe; the other by our Chailah,⁽³⁾ Kumâl. You must have the receipts of these books regularly entered by your Mûtusuddies [or accountants]. One of them you will give to be kept by the aforesaid Jowkdâr, who must be directed to exercise his men regularly, in the manner therein prescribed; the other you are to keep yourself: and you will likewise take good care, that the men [composing your escort] perform their exercise regularly.

THE people who are to attend you [on your embassy], and who are enumerated in the following list, have been dispatched to you, under charge of a guard, consisting of five hundred and seven Piâdehs, and commanded [or superintended] by Ghûlâm Mohyûddeen Khân, the Buktshy of Nugr, and Rung Râo. Upon the arrival of the party, the Piâdehs are to continue to be employed in taking care of it, until its embarkation; after which, giving them a receipt,⁽²⁾ you must dispatch them back to the Presence.

The only remark which I have to offer on this letter is, that it would appear from it, that the people, sent upon this distant embassy, must have proceeded on it with great reluctance, since it was necessary, in order to prevent their desertion, to keep them, till their embarkation, in custody of a military guard, of equal strength with themselves.

AFTER your arrival at Constantinople, you are, every third day, to serve out to the Suzâwuls and men of the Usud-Ilhyes attached [to your mission], four [blank] cartridges each man, and to see that they regularly perform their exercise.

YOUR letter has been received, together with a memorandum of the remaining articles of supply, which Nursia, the Dewân⁽¹⁾ of Nugr, has taken upon himself to dispatch after you.

You were appointed, and have been sent from hence, for the purpose of repairingto Constantinople, and not for that of writing to us accounts of squabbles. Now, forasmuch as, while you are employed in narrating these disputes, the season for sailing is passing away, you must compel Nursia⁽²⁾ to provide the articles you require; and, having done so, you must embark them on ship-board, and then proceed [on your voyage]. Even if there should be a small deficiency in your surplies, you must not make that a pretence, or excuse, for your delay, and for suffering the proper season for your proceeding to escape.

The whole of the men, who are to accompany you, have been dispatched, and will soon join you.

Agreeably to the desire of that person of magnificent degree,⁽³⁾ we have sent the most peremptory orders to Nursia, to expedite the remainder of your supplies.

When it is considered, that Ghûlâm Ali Khân was among the most distinguished men at the court of Tippoo Sultan; that he was now proceeding on a service, to which his master attached much importance; that his appointment to such a high trust (for he was, I believe, at the head of the commission) would, at least, seem to imply, that entire confidence was placed in his zeal, talents, and fidelity; and, finally, when the frivolous nature of the offence imputed to him is adverted to, it is difficult to say, whether the Sultan has manifested most want of temper or of wisdom, in the harsh and degrading language here addressed to that person. Of his excessive irascibility and asperity of manner, other proofs have already appeared, and more will hereafter occur: but, on none of the occasions alluded to, did he, perhaps, so little consult, either his true dignity, or, apparently, his true interests, as in the present instance, since in proportion as he sunk the consequence of his minister, he diminished his own; while, by thus outraging the feelings of that minister, he incurred the risk of damping his ardor, paralyzing his energies, and even shaking his loyalty. It must, however, at the same time, be owned, that Ghûlâm Ali Khân was not likely to be so sensible of the indignity offered to him, or so apt to resent it, as the view here taken of the subject supposes; and it is only reasonable to conclude, that the Sultan knew this sufficiently well.

DIRECTING him to dispatch carefully, under a trusty guard, all the gold, silver, jewels, horses, elephants, &c. belonging to the Daisye of Kittoor, together with the Daisye himself, and his family.

Directing, further, that such of the managers [or servants] of the Daisye, as were not to be trusted, should be put in irons, as formerly ordered, and dispatched to the Presence.

YOU write “that about three hundred recruits have been entertained “for the Jyshe and Ehshâm [corps], and the abstracts of them regularly “made out and delivered to the Mûtusuddies of the Dewâny,⁽¹⁾ notwithstanding which Râjah Râm Chundur brings forward excuses.”⁽²⁾ It is known. You have [it would seem] laid your instructions by in the niche of forgetfulness,⁽³⁾ or you could not engage in such an improper and senseless altercation. What the aforesaid Râjah represents is perfectly right. If you would look into your instructions, there would be no necessity for your writing to us on the subject.

IT is owing to the whoreson tricks and roguery of the elephant keepers, that the elephants have been made to get hot: you must, therefore, flog them [the keepers] well. If, after all, one of the elephants proceeding with you should continue hot, you must separate him from the other [or others], by putting him on board a different vessel.

Then follow directions for expediting the departure of the embassy.

N.B. In a letter of the following day (or 30th Yoosûfy), the Sultan repeats his orders for separating the must (hot) and tame elephants, with an addition, purporting, “that the proper medicines should be given to the hot elephant for expelling his heat.”

WE have heard, that the enemy⁽¹⁾ has detached a large force, for the purpose of falling suddenly upon [or surprising] your army⁽²⁾: we therefore write, to desire that you will, immediately on the receipt of this letter, take up a position at Dhârwâr, and dispatching the whole of your baggage into the country of Nugr [the province of Bidnore], remain yourself with your arm y unencumbered.⁽³⁾ You must, on this point employ the strictest precautions. Let it not be (God forbid!) that the enemy should surprise you.

YOUR letter has been received⁽¹⁾ ........ You write, “that keeping “in view [or looking to nothing else than] the proper execution of the “public business,⁽²⁾ you make no distinction of persons, and labour only “to approve your zeal for our service, and to discharge the obligations of “fidelity; but that [nevertheless], owing to your evil destiny,^(3*) these “circumstances have not been made known to us by the superintendants “and Hurkârehs of the post [or intelligence] department there [i. e. “Bangalore].”

It is comprehended. Your respectability and integrity are [duly] impressed on our mind, and, therefore, did we appoint you to your present situation. The aforesaid superintendant and Hurkârehs are employed to write the intelligence of that place; how is it possible, then, that they should do otherwise than represent the actual truth to us?⁽⁴⁾

You moreover state, “that the circumstance of your inspecting the “accounts of the receipts and issues of the Athouny,⁽⁵⁾ and examining “the same justly, and according to the rules prescribed in the regulations [whereby a certain saving or advantage arises to the Sircar], “having rendered your interference⁽⁶⁾ extremely disagreeable to them “[i. e. to the Athouny], they had, in consequence, misrepresented you “to us.⁽⁷⁾” It is revealed. Whenever, by means of a reference to the regulations, any saving [or deduction] can be fairly made in the receipts and issues of the Athouny, you must fearlessly carry the same into effect.

Your account of a certain person, who is extremely well versed in the affairs of that country, and who is ready to undertake the realization of the balance of eight lacks of pagodas [due from it], as well as an augmentation of two or three lacks on the present revenue, is fully understood. By the favor of God the Helper, our lofty standards will shortly be removed thither [i. e. to Bangalore], when we will enquire into this matter. What more shall we write?

YOUR letter has been received. You write, “that you were about to “issue to the eighty men of the Nâimâr tribe,⁽¹⁾ who had been incorporated into the Usud Ilhyes, the regulated rations,⁽²⁾ and other advances, for their separate expences, from the date of our orders on “the subject; but that Syed Peer [the Kilaadâr] furthermore demanded “certain arrears of pay and rations, due to them previously to that “period.” The aforesaid Kilaadâr is deprived of his understanding [or has lost his wits]. The rations, and other allowances, are to be paid to the men in question, from the date of our orders [on the subject].

AT such times as new levies, or recruits, for the Jyshe and Piâdehs are to be entertained [or taken into the service], you two, and Syed Peer [the Kilaadâr], assembling together in the Kuchurry, are [to be mindful] to entertain none but proper and eligible men. You are also to take a muster of the men some time since admitted into the Jyshe, by the aforesaid Kilaadâr, and dismissing such of them as shall [appear to you to] be unfit [for the service], allow him pay for those only who are fit [to be retained].

YOUR two letters, with the enclosed memorandums of the Nâimâr [or Nair] captives, have been received You did right in causing a hundred and thirty-five⁽¹⁾ of them to be circumcised, and in putting eleven of the youngest of these into the Usud Ilhye band [or class], and the remaining ninety-four into the Ahmedy troop,⁽²⁾ consigning the whole, at the same time, to the charge of the Kilaadâr of Nugr. You must give strict orders to the said Kilaadâr, to take the utmost care of these people, so that they shall not perish.⁽³⁾

N.B. There follow here some unimportant (and not very intelligible) orders, respecting certain defaulters and others, subject to the jurisdiction of Budrûz Zumân Khân.

It appears from this, and some other passages, that the Sultan, as if pluming himself particularly on the institution of the two troops, or corps, of Ahmedies and Usud Ilhyes, was extremely attentive to every thing relating to their proper care and management. I am uncertain whether these corps continued in existence at the period of his death; but it is probable they did, as they are mentioned in documents of a recent date.

YOUR letter has been received, and its contents are comprehended. We approve of your having, for the present, with the advice and concurrence of the Sipahdârs, encamped with your army in the vicinity of Kittoor, which [it seems] is a safe and strong position. You will continue there, and observe the utmost vigilance, care, and precaution. Dispatch the Daisye and his managers, with all their effects and cattle, to the Presence, under charge of Hyder Ali Baig, one hundred horse, and two or three hundred Piâdehs.

You have done right, in taking possession of the two villages of Sipra and Jâmooty, belonging to Kittoor; and in placing in the former fort a trusty Sipahdâr, with a garrison of three hundred Piâdehs.

The orders contained in this letter, respecting the position to be occupied by Bûrhânûddeen’s army, are, it will be perceived, at variance with those transmitted to that officer about ten days before (Letter CCXX). The latter directed a retrogade movement to Dhârwâr, which Bûrhânûddeen and his council of war would appear to have thought inexpedient: and in this opinion we here perceive the Sultan acquiescing.

IT is not proper or advisable, that your guns should be planted in batteries,⁽¹⁾ at a distance [from your lines]. You must keep them near your army, in the same manner⁽²⁾ that you keep your army itself [i. e. in close and compact order, as directed in Letter CLXXXVIII]. You must, moreover, continually⁽³⁾ send out for intelligence of the enemy, and remain vigilant and prepared at your post.⁽⁴⁾ Keep us, also, [regularly] informed of these matters [or of all occurrences].

The Sultan appears, at this period, to have been in expectation of an early attack from the confederate forces; the commanders of which, however, did not, I believe, propose more at present than to cover the siege of Bâdâmy, which they undertook about this time, and of which place they finally obtained possession, in the month of May following.

It seems rather extraordinary, that the Sultan should have had occasion to teach Bûrhânûddeen so obvious a lesson in tactics, as that with which the present letter is introduced: but it must also be owned, that the information before us is too scanty, to enable us to form any clear notion of the subject. Much, of course, would depend on the actual distance from the camp at which the artillery was placed, as well as on the nature of the ground; and the letter throws no light on either of these points. All that is certain is, that Tippoo thought the disposition injudicious and dangerous; while it is likewise probable, that when he formed this judgment, he possessed a distinct knowledge of the different local circumstances connected with the question.

YOUR letter has passed under our view. You represent, “that sensible [i. e. duly qualified] Turufdârs⁽¹⁾ are not to be procured at the “monthly wages of one pagoda, and that the proper and faithful execution of the public service cannot be expected from men receiving “only a pagoda a month: you, therefore, propose, with our permission, “to authorize the different Aumils to make some little increase in the “monthly pay of the persons in question.” Let the monthly wages of the Turufdârs of the Taalûks [or districts] under you be fixed at what you may judge proper and necessary to their subsistence, to the end that the business of the Sircar may be performed in the best manner.

YOUR letter by Gopâl Kishn has been received, and has given us great pleasure. What you write on the subject of the Paishcush is understood. What does it signify? Let the Paishcush in question be paid, by four instalments, to Nursia, the Dewân of Nugr. A letter, to this effect, is herewith enclosed for the said Dewân, to whom you must forward it. With regard to the malversations [or embezzlements], to the extent of twenty-six lacks of rupees, which have been established against the ministers, &c. of that friend, you must examine into the account of the same, and enforcing payment thereof, by flogging and other rigorous means, transmit to us bankers’ acceptances for the amount.

This letter is rather more civil, in point of style, as well as more accommodating in its spirit, than the last one to the same person (Letter CLI). Any change, in these respects, may be pretty safely referred, in the present case, to political motives, though it would be difficult, at this time, to trace such a change to any particular source of that kind. But as the operations of the belligerents began now to take a direction, which must soon compel the Patan to declare openly in favour of one or other of the contending parties, Tippoo’s object, at this moment, might be, either to conciliate that chieftain, or to conceal, under an appearance of relaxation from his former demands, the design he had possibly already formed, of over-running his country, and of driving him from his capital; both of which the Sultan did, very soon after the date of the foregoing letter.

[AFTER compliments.].......... Agreeably to your request we have advanced a hundred rupees for your expences. Undân Subhy⁽¹⁾ will, in pursuance of our orders, arrive [there.] After receiving the aforesaid money, repair to the Presence. We enclose a passport [for you], and also a Purwâneh for the above mentioned Subhy, which you will deliver to him.

I am uncertain whether the Shûjaaûd Dowlah, mentioned in the superscription of this letter, be meant for the father of the present Nabob of Oude, or for some nobleman of the Decan, bearing the same title. It is well known, however, that the Nabob of that name left several sons, besides Asophûd Dowlah, his immediate successor, and Saadut Ali Khân, the present Nabob; who, on the death of their father, fled from their brother’s court, and sought an asylum among the neighbouring powers. Whether or not Nuwâzish Ali was one of these, I am unable to determine: but, whoever he might be, the reception here given him was certainly sufficiently discouraging. He is no where again mentioned.

CONFORMABLY with your humble request,⁽¹⁾ a passport has been written, and is herein enclosed. You must dispatch the necessary equipage, and send for your family [to join you]. What more?

This letter is inserted, for the purpose of showing, both that no person, of whatever rank or consideration, could, when employed at a distance from the capital, have his family with him, unless by the express authority of the Sultan; and that the latter, occasionally, granted his servants this indulgence. His extending it, in the present conjuncture (the commencement of a war of doubtful issue), to Budrûz Zumân Khân, strongly marks his confidence in the fidelity of that officer.

DIRECTING him, after recovering from the Kilaadâr of Kunnikgeery the amount of the embezzlements established against the latter, to dispatch the said Kilaadâr to ........^(1*)

Mentioning, moreover, that, in future, he is not to take upon himself to remove or exchange any of the Kilaadârs [within his jurisdiction], without the express authority of the Sultan; and desiring this to be considered as a most positive order.

Three Kulgies,⁽¹⁾ three Surpaishes,⁽²⁾ and three Puduks,⁽³⁾ of the value of thirty-six thousand two hundred and thirty rupees,⁽⁴⁾ have been dispatched to you in a casket, to which our private seal [or signet] has been affixed. You must open this casket, and having examined its contents, seal the whole up again, and keep the same [carefully] by you.

The three Kulgies, three Surpaishes, and three Puduks, originally mentioned [or referred to] in our instructions [to you], being afterwards considered by us of insufficient value, have, on that account, been changed for the more valuable set now sent, and of which a memorandum is enclosed. Of this memorandum a copy must be entered in our book of instructions.

The book of instructions, here mentioned, was among the papers found at Seringapatam; as was also the journal of this very embassy. I regret that I did not take copies of these curious documents, which would, no doubt, explain many points, on which we must be content, for the present, to remain ignorant.

It is a well established fact,⁽⁵⁾ that this embassy, though ostensibly dispatched to the Grand Seignor alone, was ultimately to have proceeded, not only to the court of Louis XVI, but likewise to that of London; the mission to the latter being expressly designed to veil the secret negociations proposed to be opened with France. If, therefore, the jewels enumerated in the foregoing letter comprized the whole of what was destined for all the three courts mentioned, it must be allowed, that the meditated presents were not formed on such a scale of magnificence, as might have been expected from an eastern prince, desirous of impressing three of the principal sovereigns of Europe with a high idea of his power and resources. It is possible, however, that the casket, specified in this dispatch, may have constituted only a part of the jewels intended to have been presented.

The embassy was finally composed of four persons, as appears by the next letter.

YOUR letters have been received, and their contents are understood. You write, “that all the stores, supplies, merchandize, &c. are laden “on board the ships, and that you only wait for the arrival of the “Usud Ilhye men and the jewels, when you will proceed [on your voyage].” It is known. The men, in question, were dispatched [from hence] some time ago, and most probably have reached you before this. The jewels are now forwarded, and will arrive. As soon as you have received them, hasten your departure, and do not let the season⁽¹⁾ escape you.⁽²⁾

You write, “that the season for sailing to Juddah is passed, but that “the season for Bussorah and Muscat is not yet over;” adding, “that “whatsoever we may please to order on this subject, you will act “accordingly.” It is known. Some time since Othman Khân, a servant of the Sircar, being dispatched by us, reached Bussorah, and thence proceeded to Baghdad, from whence he was sent on by the Bâsha [of the latter place] to Constantinople; which, as we understand, is sixty days journey, with a caravan, from Baghdad. Now what appears [to us] to be most proper and advisable is, that you likewise should proceed by the same route; that is, first to Bussorah, from thence to Baghdad, and from thence to Constantinople.

It is our wish to obtain possession of the port of Bussorah in farm. Consequently, we are, for several reasons, well pleased at your going to that place.⁽³⁾ Proceeding thither, accordingly, you will examine into the state of things there, and make every [necessary] enquiry respecting the port, where you will, at the same time, dispose of your merchandize. From thence you must repair straight to Nujuf, the most noble;⁽⁴⁾ where presenting our very humble duty, you will represent in the most respectful and submissive manner, that if it be agreeable [to the priests in charge of the holy shrine] to have an aqueduct brought to Nujuf the most noble [from the Euphrates], and they will signify their pleasure to that effect, we will, in the following year, send the necessary people and money for its construction. You must report to us, at length, the answer which you may receive to this proposal, together with all other particulars, in order that we may act accordingly.

You must not make any further delay, after the arrival of the party of Usud Ilhyes and the jewels, but proceed [immediately on your voyage]. Consider this order as positive.

The Sultan’s project of acquiring possession of Bussorah was, probably, as extravagant as any he ever entertained. By what means he could hope to attain such an object, it would be difficult to conceive: but it is probable, that the instructions to the embassy, and its journal, which, no doubt, are still extant, would throw some light on the subject. It has been said, that the ambassadors were empowered to offer Mangalore in exchange for it: but I think it unlikely that a prince of the Sultan’s characteristic jealousy and distrust, should have consented to such an arrangement: and the letter before us certainly discountenances the notion; since, besides its not containing the most distant allusion to an exchange, it distinctly speaks of his wish “to farm” the port in question.

There is reason to believe, that the Sultan’s project of constructing a canal from the Euphrates to Nujuf, if ever seriously entertained by him, was ultimately relinquished; since Mirzâ Abû Tâlib, who visited this sanctuary in 1803, does not mention such a work, though he has recorded a similar one, executed at the expence of the late Nabob, Asophûd Dowlah.

AFTER fixing a proper price on the coats which you have distributed among the Jyshe, you will deduct the amount from their pay.

Issue to the Serishtedârs of the Ehshâm, and to the Gomâshtehs, the monthly allowances specified in our instructions to you. There is no necessity for transmitting to us fresh pay abstracts [for this purpose].

You will also make a daily allowance of one pice⁽¹⁾ to such of the children of the Koorgs, between five and ten years old, as you may think proper.

WHATEVER number of Koorg women and children may, at this time, be at Nugr, Koonly-doorg,^(1*) or elsewhere, must be collected together, and the allowance formerly assigned for their support be paid to them.

FIVE months ago, we sent by two Hurkârehs a letter, together with a dress, to Moodhojee Bhonsillah, to which we have hitherto had no answer: we have, therefore, again dispatched two more Hurkârehs, whom you must secretly forward, but not directly or avowedly from yourself, with the letter which they have in charge for the aforesaid. This matter is to be kept profoundly secret. After being satisfied of the [favorable] disposition of the aforesaid, you must, from time to time, send a person to him, and privately sound his views; employing always [on the occasion] such language as may be most conducive to the improvement of [our mutual] friendship and regard.

The reader will scarcely require to be informed, that Moodhojee Bhonsillah was the Râjah of Berar, and one of the principal members of the Mahrattah state. The mode adopted by the Sultan, of drawing this person over to his interests, would not appear to have much consulted the dignity of the latter; however it may have been demanded, by the caution necessary to be observed in such a correspondence. I possess no means of ascertaining what success Tippoo had in this intrigue; but I believe that Moodhojee Bhonsillah took little or no very active part in the ensuing hostilities.⁽¹⁾ It was, indeed, the uniform policy of that chieftain, in all the contests of his neighbours, to maintain, as long as possible (virtually, at least, if not formally), such a line of neutrality, as generally left it very doubtful to which side he most leaned: nor was he used to make much distinction, on these occasions, between the chiefs of his own nation, and the other circumjacent powers. His son and successor, Raghojee Bhonsillah, has not, however, adhered to his father’s system, in this respect.

WHAT you write, concerning the death of five hundred Koorgs from the small-pox, is understood. The whole country [thereabouts] is covered with underwood.⁽¹⁾ They [i. e. the Koorgs] must be kept where the climate [literally, the water and air] may best agree with them.

N.B. Two or three letters appear about this time, containing directions for collecting gram (for the consumption of twelve thousand stable-horse) in the direction of Bangalore, Chinroydoorg, Ruttungeery, and Sumrputn (Bulhâry). These orders, which also announce the early approach of the Sultan, were, no doubt, preparatory to the rapid movement which he was now probably meditating against Adoni.

AGREEABLY to your request, an order has been written, and is herein enclosed, for the post Hurkârehs of Hurry-hur, to whom you will forward it.

With respect to lead and powder, do you act according to what is written in your instructions. That you should pursue your own opinion, in opposition thereto, occasions us the utmost surprise.^(1*)

INTELLIGENCE has reached us, stating, that Holkar, the Guyckwâr, and other forces of the enemy, to the number of thirty thousand horse, have set out, with an intention of falling upon⁽¹⁾ that light of our eyes.

It also appears, that the Vakeels of the Sorapoor man, as well as those of the Zemindârs of Gunjunghur, and other dependencies of the Sircar, who waited on the worthless⁽²⁾ commander of the enemy, and opened negociations with him, have met with an encouraging reception, and been directed to join the enemy’s army with their respective troops. This is written to that light of our eyes, by way of precaution [or, to put you on your guard].

Tukojee Hûlkar and the Guyckwâr have moved towards you with foul intentions:^(1*) you will, therefore, take up a position with your army near the fort of Dhârwâr, and omit not a single measure of precaution in that situation. You must, moreover, enjoin all the inhabitants of that quarter to be cautious and watchful.

The Sultan seems here to revert to his former orders (see Letter CCXX) respecting the position to be occupied by Bûrhânûddeen, but which he revoked by Letter CCXXV, in compliance, apparently, with the suggestion of that general and the superior officers of his army. We shall soon see him wave the point again. (Letter CCXLVIII.)

NOTIFYING to him, that he must recall Sobhah Râo, the Serishtedâr of Bangalore, to whom he had, of his own authority, given leave of absence, or otherwise he [Râm Chundur] would be held responsible for the sum of two lacks of rupees due to the Sircar [that is to say, remaining to be accounted for] by the aforesaid Serishtedâr.

Do you apply yourself to the care and defence of your fort; and if the vagabond cavalry of Hyderabad⁽¹⁾ should again appear in your quarter, chastise them.

Agreeably to your request, we enclose an order to the Bukhshy of the Ehshâm [at Gooty], to let you have a supply of provisions, lead, and powder, for the use of your fort. Forward the same to him.

DISPATCH to the fort of Târmurry a supply of provisions, lead, and powder, according to the [established] custom and regulations of the Sircar. [That is to say, in the quantities or proportions of each article fixed by the regulations, either for the fort of Târmurry specifically, or for a fort of that class.]

WE understand what you have represented, regarding a certain Musulman inhabitant of Lukoty,⁽¹⁾ “who was in the habit of worshipping “images, in the manner of the Hindoos, and whom you, in consequence, “upon hearing of the matter, seized, together with his wife and children; dispatching what money, as well as gold and silver trinkets, “they possessed, to the Kuchurry of the Ehshâm, and keeping them “under a guard, till you should receive our orders respecting them.”

You will deal with the aforesaid [offender] according to law, and then let him go. In matters relating to our holy law, you are authorized to act as you think proper [or, are independent].⁽²⁾

The fact here recorded, supposing the Kâzy’s statement to be correct, is a very curious one, because of rare occurrence: indeed, I never heard of another instance of it. I am ignorant what punishment the Mahommedan law has appointed for this offence; but it is most probable, that the property of the present culprit, if not entirely confiscated, was, at least, heavily amerced.

YOU write, “that having dispatched your baggage to Misrycotah, our “victorious army is now light⁽¹⁾ and prepared for action.” It is known. You must not be precipitate; but acting prudently and warily, watch for a [proper] opportunity of inflicting punishment [on the enemy]. If, moreover, they should encamp near you, you must seek for a favorable occasion, and make a night attack upon them.

IN case the enemy should encamp near you, watching for a favorable opportunity, you must make a night assault upon them, and chastise them signally. Your foragers and........^(1*) must be sent into the close country of the interior,⁽²⁾ on this side of you [that is, in your rear].

It is curious to observe the Sultan directing, in this and the preceding letter, a night assault to be made on the Mahrattah army, while, on other occasions, when that mode of attack has been adopted by the English against himself, he stigmatises it as a base proceeding, worthy only of robbers.

AGREEABLY to your request, we have written and enclose an order to Nursia, the Dewân of Nugr, directing him to accept payment of that friend’s tribute⁽¹⁾ at the end of three months. Forward the same to him.

YOUR encamping at Misrycotah, as well as your dispatching of the Kâzy of Tûrkul to the Presence, was proper. According to your request, Purwânehs are enclosed for the Aumils of the several Taalûks, as likewise for the [different] Kilaadârs, directing them to furnish you [constantly] with intelligence of the enemy’s [motions].

Let loose the marauding horse, and other predatory troops [with you], upon the enemy’s army, with orders to capture and bring in [to your camp] horses without number.⁽²⁾ Take care [at the same time] of your own army, and be always prepared [or on your guard].

IN like manner as you have caused two thousand Samories,^(2*) inhabitants of Zuferâbâd, to flee [the country], even so must you send for them back [or cause them to return thither.]

ONE thousand two hundred and-forty two bullocks, belonging to the Usud-Ithye Kôthy,⁽¹⁾ and six hundred bullocks, belonging to the powder-magazine, are appointed to be sent to pasture,⁽²⁾ where you must provide for their being fed with thick milk,⁽³⁾ at the daily allowance of a full seer⁽⁴⁾ to every bullock. The [necessary] cowherds must be made to remain along with them at the pasturage, for the purpose of serving the curds; for which you are to take a regular receipt from them [i. e. from the cowherds].

It is probable, that the bullocks, here enumerated, were intended to be employed on the expedition now meditated by the Sultan against Adoni; and as his movement thither was intended to be very sudden and rapid, the cattle selected for the occasion would, of course, be previously brought into the best condition possible. Thick, or curdled milk, is, I believe, considered in India as particularly heartening to oxen.

SUCH fruits as would spoil before they reached our Presence, must be taken to, and delivered at, the Jinsy Tosheh-khâneh, from whence they will be forwarded as may be ordered.⁽¹⁾

This letter is given principally for the purpose of shewing that the Sultan had, at the date of it, left Seringapatam. It does not appear on what day he actually moved from thence; but the last letter, purporting to be written from Seringapatam, is one dated 16th of Byâzy. The intermediate letters, to the date of the present one, do not happen to contain the name of the place from whence they were dispatched. On the 11th Ahmedy the Sultan writes from Bangalore.

DIRECTING the following books, written in a good hand (not crabbed, but plain and legible) to be taken from the Sultan’s library, and dispatched to the Presence:

Several orders, of a similar nature with the above, appear in the present collection of letters. As the books in the foregoing list are what may be called schoolbooks, or such as are usually put into the hands of learners, its may be concluded, that the Sultan was accompanied, at this time, by one or more of his younger sons.

ON the subject of his securing the person of Râm Râo, the Serishtedâr of the Kundachâr, who had absconded, together with the persons of all his family; and intimating to him, that he [Mohib Ali] would otherwise be made responsible [for the amount of the claims against the fugitive].

[AFTER compliments].... What you write, respecting the severity with which Râkhunder Nâik, &c. press the payment of the eight lacks of rupees [due to us by you], as well as your request, that we would send orders to the aforesaid Nâik, to desistfrom his rigorous proceedings in regard to this money, is understood. Agreeably to your desire, we have transmitted [the necessary] directions to the Nâik, whom you will send back to us, accompanied by the same persons, on your part, who formerly attended upon us; in order that, a valuation being made in [concert with them] of the gold, the trinkets, the jewels, &c. which have arrived in charge of Weethul Doss, the banker, the same may be [duly] delivered into the Sircar [i. e. paid into our treasury].

You write “that the danger occasioned by the enemy’s approach “having lately increased, the husbandmen, inhabitants, and others in “that quarter, have, in consequence, taken the most serious alarm; “and that this is the reason of your not having been enabled, hitherto, “to satisfy our fair claims.” It is comprehended. God, the Aider, pleasing, the enemy will soon be repelled,⁽¹⁾ and receive the proper reward of their unjust proceedings.⁽²⁾ After the confidence and tranquillity of the husbandmen, &c. shall have been restored, you must apply yourself to the discharge of our demands.

With a view to your ease and satisfaction, we have remanded the aforesaid banker, &c.⁽³⁾ to our Presence; in order that all controversy and importunity, respecting pecuniary affairs, may be suspended, till the re-establishment of quiet.⁽⁴⁾ What more shall we pen?

N.B. There follows a letter, of the same date and tenor, addressed to Dileer Khân Behâdûr Dileer Jung, whom I conclude to have been the principal minister of Abdûl Hukeem Khân, the Nabob of Sânoor.