A'in-i Akbarī - The Ain-i-Akbarī, Volume 3

Akbar's Regulations [Gladwin Trans.]

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CEREMONIES AT DEATH.

When a person is near unto death, they take him off his bed and lay him on the ground and shave his head, except in the case of a married woman, and wash the body. The Bráhmans read some prayers over him and alms are given. They then plaster the ground with cowdung and strew it over with green grass and lay him down at full length face upwards, with his head to the north and his feet to the south. If a river or tank be hard by, they place him up to his middle in water. When his dissolution is at hand they put into his mouth Ganges water, gold, ruby, diamond and pearl, and give away a cow in charity, and place upon his breast a leaf of the Tulaśí (Ocymum sanctum)1 which they hold sacred, and draw the sectarial mark on his forehead with a particular kind of earth.2

When he expires, his youngest son,3 his brother, and his pupil and particular friends shave their heads and beards. Some defer this till the tenth day. The body dressed in its loin-cloth is wrapped in a sheet. The corpse of a married woman is dressed in the clothes she wore in life. The body is borne to the river side and a funeral pile of Palása-wood (Butea frondosa) is formed, upon which the body is laid. Prayers are read over ghee, which is put into the mouth and a few grains of gold are put into the eyes, nostrils, ears and other apertures. It is advisable that the son should set fire to the pile, otherwise the youngest brother of the deceased or, failing him, the eldest. All his wives deck themselves out and with cheerful countenances are burnt together with him in their embrace.4 A pile of lignum aloes and sandal-wood is fired for those who are wealthy. The wives are first advised not to give their bodies to the flames.

This mode of expressing grief among Hindu women applies to five classes:—(1). Those who expire on learning the death of their husbands and are burnt by their relations. (2). Those who out of affection for their husbands voluntarily consign themselves to the flames. (3). Who from fear of reproach surrender themselves to be burnt. (4). Who undergo this death regarding it as sanctioned by custom. (5). Who against their will are forced into the fire by their relatives.

If an ascetic (Sannyásin) dies or a child that has not yet teethed, the body is consigned to earth or launched into the river, and they do not burn those who disbelieve the Vedas or who are not bound by the rules of any of the four castes, nor a thief, nor a woman who has murdered her husband, nor an evil liver, nor a drunkard.

If the corpse cannot be found, an effigy of it is made with flour and leaves of the Butea frondosa and reeds covered with deer-skin, a cocoanut serving for the head. Over this prayers are said and it is then burnt.

A pregnant woman is not suffered to be burnt till after her delivery. If the man dies on a journey, his wives burn themselves with his garments or whatever else may belong to him. Some women whom their relations have dissuaded from burning themselves, or whom their good sense has convinced that burning is a fictitious grief, live afterwards in such unhappiness that death becomes preferable.

On the day on which the corpse is burnt, the relations and friends repair to the riverside and undo their hair, put on the sacred string across the other shoulder, and bathe themselves and place two handfuls of sesame-seed on the bank. They then collect in any open space and the friends of the deceased after a consolatory address to the mourners, accompany them home, the younger members of the family walking in front and the elders following. When they reach the door of the house, they chew a bit of Nímba leaf1 (Hind. Ním, Melia Azadirachta) and then enter.

On the fourth day after the death of a Bráhman, the fifth after the death of a Kshatriya, the ninth and tenth after that of a Vaiśya and ´Súdra respectively, the person who had set fire to the funeral pile, proceeds to the place, performs some ceremonies, and collecting the ashes and remnants of bones together, throws them into the Ganges. If the river be at any distance, he places them in a vessel and buries them in the jungle, and, at a convenient time, exhumes them, puts them into a bag of deer-skin and conveys them to the stream, and concludes with certain ceremonies.

If the deceased is a Bráhman, all his relations for ten days sleep on the ground on a bed of grass and eat only what is sent to them, or what may be procured from the market (cooking nothing for themselves).

During ten days, the person who had fired the pile cooks some rice and milk and makes an offering of it as nourishment to the new body of the deceased. When the natural body dies, the soul takes a subtle frame which they call Preta.2 Their belief is that while it is invested with this body, it cannot enter Paradise, and during the space of ten days this body continues in being. Subsequently, on the conclusion of certain ceremonies, it abandons this form and assumes another fitted for Paradise, and by the performance of manifold works, it finally receives its heavenly body. For other castes the time of detention (in the Preta) continues throughout their respective Sútaka1 periods.

Some further ceremonies for Bráhmans and others take place on the eleventh and twelfth days also.

If a Bráhman dies out of his own house and information of his death is received within ten days of it, his family during the remaining period of those days, continue unclean. If the news arrives after the ten days, they are unclean for three days, but his son, at whatever time he hears of it, is unclean for ten days. If the death take place before investiture with the sacred string, or (if a child) before it has teethed, or of seven months, the impurity lasts one day, and is removed by bathing. If the deceased child be above this age up to two years old, the impurity lasts one day and night: from the time of cutting the hair2 to that of investiture with the sacred thread, three days and nights. For the death of a daughter up to ten years of age, ablution suffices to purify. After that age till the time of proposal when she is betrothed before marriage, there is one day's impurity. After betrothal, the father's family and that of the suitor are unclean for three days.

MERITORIOUS MANNER OF DEATH.

The most efficacious kinds of death are five:—(1). Abstaining from food and drink till dissolution. (2). Covering the person with broken dried cowdung like a quilt or pall, and at the feet setting it on fire which creeps gradually from the toe-nails to the hair of the head, while the mind is fixed on divine contemplation till death. (3). Voluntarily plunging into snow. (4). At the extremity of Bengal where the Ganges divided into a thousand channels falls into the sea, the foe of his carnal desires wades into the sea, and confessing his sins and supplicating the Supreme Being, waits till the alligators come and devour him. (5). Cutting the throat at Illahabás at the confluence of the Ganges and the Jamuna.

Each of these modes is described with its appropriate details.

COMERS INTO INDIA.

Forasmuch as the fenced city of tradition is unfrequented and the wastes of legend are stony places, knowledge that seeks after truth kept me from connection therewith, but the decree of fate unexpectedly drew me from silence into speech, and intent on freshening the interest of my narrative, I have been led into entering upon a multiplicity of details. A review of the general history of Hindustan has induced me to mention the comers into this vast country, and thus by recalling the memory of the great give a promise of currency to this important exposition.

ADAM.

They say that Adam after his fall from Paradise was thrown on the island of Ceylon, his consort on Juddah,1 Azráíl in Sístán, the Serpent in Ispáhán, and the Peacock in Hindustan. Imaginative writers have embellished this fable with abundant details, but in Sanscrit works which treat of the events of myriads of past ages not a trace of this story is to be found.

HUSHANG

Was the son of Siyámak and grandson of Kayúmars, and succeeded his great ancestor, ruling with justice and liberality. He is accounted the first to whom the name of sovereign virtually applies.2 He came to India where he displayed the lustre of virtue. The work called ‘Eternal Wisdom’ is said to be the fruit of his mature experience.

Ḥáfiẓ,1 in his Istiṭálah (Perillustris) says that when Mámún conquered Khurásán, the various chiefs sent presents to his court. The governor of Kábul sent a sage named Dúbán2 on an embassy to Mamún and mentioned in his letter of homage that he was despatching to his court an offering of great price, than which nothing more valuable was known. The Caliph on receiving this information appointed his minister Faḍhl (Ibn-i-Sahl)3 to inquire what it referred to. The envoy replied that the allusion was to himself. They said to him, “How doth a distinction so great concern such as thee?” He answered, “In enlightened knowledge, judicious counsel, and right guidance,” and he spoke such parables of wisdom that all were amazed. It happened that at this time the Caliph designed to enter upon hostilities against his brother Muḥammad u'l Amín and all parties were endeavouring to dissuade him from it. He therefore consulted Dúbán, whose clear-sighted reasoning confirmed his resolution of marching into I'ráḳ and pressing on the war. The sage's advice was the means of resolving all political difficulties. Mámún treated him with great favour and commanded that a large sum of gold should be bestowed upon him. Dúbán excused himself saying, “It is not the practice of my sovereign to allow his envoy to receive anything, but there is a work called ‘Eternal Wisdom’4 composed by the farsighted intellect of Hushang and is said to to be in Madáin.5 On the conquest of that country, when the Caliph obtains the work let him graciously bestow it upon me.” His proposal was assented to. When Madáin was taken, he pointed out that in a certain quarter of the city, by a certain tree there was a large stone. This they were to lift and to dig down till they came to a subterranean chamber in which were a number of chests and a large quantity of valuables, none of which were to be touched as the time for removing them had not arrived. In a certain corner of the chamber a box of a certain shape would be found which they were to bring out, wherein would be discovered the work they sought. Sharp-eyed and experienced men were sent in search, and all happened exactly as he had described. Some portion of this work was translated into Arabic at the pressing insistance of Faḍhl, but as it was treasured by Dúbán, he did not suffer its translation to be completed.

HAM

Was the son of Noah. After the subsidence of the deluge he came to Hindustan. Annalists of other countries than this believe the Hindus to be descended from him.

JAMSHÍD

Was the son of Ṭahmúraṣ Devband or the binder of the demons.1 When by the Almighty decrees, he became a wanderer in the desert of misfortune, he happened to pass through Zábulistán. For sixteen years he dwelt in Kábul and secretly married the daughter of the prince Kaurnak. When the news was bruited abroad the prince bade him, one night, take his departure for Hindustan. The poet Asadí1 says of this night:

Black as an Ethiop grew the night whose veil
O'er the moon's face its sable shadow flung,
Sad as the stifled sob whose scarce-heard wail
Dies on the ear from some despairing tongue.

For some time he employed himself in the profession of arms and when his secret was on the point of being discovered, he set out for China by way of Bengal, and on the road fell in with the emissaries of Zohák.

ZOHÁK

Was the son of Mardás, the Arabian. He passed into India several times as Asadí says:

Zohák the conqueror ere the year had gone,
To Kábul2 swiftly passed from Babylon,
Resolved to launch o'er India's plains once more
The invading legions he had led before.

GARSHÁSP

Was the son of Utrut.3 The Garshásp Námah narrates his invasion of India and the astonishing actions in which he engaged.

ISFANDYÁR OF THE BRAZEN BODY

Was the son of Gushtásp,4 the son of Luhrásp. In obedience to the commands of his father he propagated the doctrines of Zoroaster, and his zeal caused the universal acceptation of that creed. He honoured the institutions which were the bequest of Faridún, applying them after his own direction. Firdausi thus alludes to him:

This mighty warrior of a line of kings
From clime to clime his rapid conquest wings;
O'er Greece and India his proud standards fly
To unknown seas where realms of darkness lie.

NARÍMÁN, SON OF GARSHÁSP,
THE SON OF UTRUT.
SÁM, SON OF NARÍMÁN.
ZÁL, SON OF SÁM.
FARAMARZ, SON OF RUSTAM.
BAHMAN,1 SON OF ISFANDYÁR.

When the astrolgers announced to Garshásp the future sovereignty of Bahman and the overthrow of his own family, the devastation of Zábulístán, the slaughter of the descendants of Rustam, the disentombment of himself and his sons, and the burning of their bodies, he enjoined his sons to erect his tomb and that of his children at Kanauj in Hindustan. When Garshásp died, Narímán conveyed his remains thither, and on the death of Narímán his body was also taken to that country by Sám. On Sám's death, Zál transported his body to the same city whither, likewise, Faramarz carried Rustam when he died. When Bahman defeated Zál and Faramarz and the latter was killed in the engagement, Bahman overran Zábulistán and advanced to Kanauj desiring to view the royal mausoleum. A superstitious awe restrained him from entering it. Each of these four great men in anticipation of this event had left a great treasure within it. Among them was the world-displaying mirror of Kaikhusrau (Cyrus), which at his death he bequeathed to Rustam, and ninety maunds weight of diamonds belonging to Garshásp. Each of them also inscribed on a tablet a brief record of memorable deeds, praying that the conqueror would not desecrate the tomb. Bahman, struck by the sight of these splendid offerings and the prescient sagacity of the gift, fell into a profound melaucholy and withdrew from his previous resolve.

Faramarz, indeed, had twice entered this country, for Rustam after his combat with Barzú by whose mace his arm had been disabled, said to Kaikhusrau, “if my son Faramarz returns this night from India, he will deal with Barzú,” upon which followed his sudden arrival and the overthrow of the latter.

ALEXANDER OF GREECE.

When Alexander had completed the conquest of I´rán and Turán and laid the foundations of Marv, Herát and Samarḳand, he entered India by Ghaznín and in the neighbourhood of the Panjáb gave battle to the Hindu prince, Porus, who had advanced from Kanauj to engage him, and by stratagem put him to rout. From thence he turned to the country of the Bráhmans. The chiefs of that region represented to him that if the conqueror sought riches and worldly goods they were destitute of these.

Wisdom and knowledge dwell with us, nor cease
To fill our bosoms with untroubled peace:
The earth a couch, the skies their covering lend,
So turn our thoughts to our appointed end.1

“If thy design be the gathering of knowledge and the search for truth, let those who seek it come not in this guise.” Alexander, therefore, leaving his army, set out at the head of a few followers. A court was held to secure a just hearing and their peculiar views were discussed in audience. The king approved their speech and conduct and announced to them that whatever they desired should be granted. They replied that they had no other wish than that the king should live for ever. He answered that this wish was inconsistent with mortality. They rejoined: “If the instability of worldly things is so evident to your Majesty, why these fatigues in the tyrannous oppression of mankind?” Alexander for a space bowed his head in humiliation and imputed his actions to the decrees of fate.

According to some Christian1 writers, when the standards of Alexander were raised on the shores of the Indian Ocean, accounts of the island of the Bráhmans reached him and he determined to take possession of it. They sent an envoy to him and made the following representation:—“Sovereign ruler of the world! The fame of thy conquests and thy successes has been constantly in our ears, but what can content a man to whom the possession of the world is insufficient? We enjoy no outward splendour, nor bodily vigour that thou shouldst deem us worthy to measure thy prowess in war. The worldly goods that we own are shared in common amongst us, and we are passing rich on what may satisfy our hunger. Our costliest robes are garments worn with age. Our women are not in bondage to adornment for the seduction of hearts, and account no beauty or charm of price, save that inherited from their mothers. Of our lowly habitations we ask but two things, a shelter in life and in death a grave. We have a king for considerations of dignity, not for the administration of justice or law. What use would punishment serve in a land where none is wicked and there is no thought of crime?” The sagacious monarch was struck by this affecting address and leaving them their freedom, abandoned his project.

The following letter was addressed by Alexander to Dídím, the head of the Bráhmans; for he had often heard that they did not live as other men. The novelty excited his wonder and made his life seem insupportable to him:1 —“O Dídím, after learning thy message, I desire again to be informed of thy precepts and doctrines. If what thou hast represented bears the light of truth and is the result of experience, answer speedily, so that, putting this system to the proof, I also for justice sake and in search of truth, may follow they footsteps.” Dídím thus replied: “What I have stated results from profound knowledge. You have not chosen to believe in its truth and you reject what you do not incline to. Many blameable actions were favourably represented by you in our interview. Now, therefore, with full knowledge believe my words. Hirábud, the Bráhman, does not yield to the promptings of desire. Content with the measure of his needs, he opens not the door of greed.2 Our food is not such as the four elements cannot easily supply. The earth gives us of its produce. In our meals intemperance has no place, for this reason we have no need of medicine or physician, and thus we enjoy perpetual well-being. We are not indebted to each other for assistance. We Bráhmans have equality in all things; what room then is there for indigence? In a land where the seeds of arrogance and vain glory grow not, universal poverty is consummate fortune. We have no governor, for our actions are not subjects for penal inquiry. We disapprove of a variety of creeds for they are produced through exceeding unrighteousness and manifold iniquities. Our only religion is the worship of conscience. From what it restrains us we withhold our hearts. We do not submit to the tyranny of the pursuit of wealth for it fosters greed and brings disappointment in its train. We disdain idleness and hold it in reproach. We are not rendered averse from the delights of wedlock by incapacity, for all things are in our power as we can also forego them. From the sun we receive warmth, from the dews moisture. Our thirst is quenched from the stream and we have no couch but the earth. Desire does not rob us of sleep, nor leave us a prey to care. We lord it not over our equals through pride; we seek service from none save of our own bodies, for we consider the body subservient to the spirit. We bake not stone in the fire for the raising of palaces, for we dwell in the hollows of the earth according to the measure of our needs, nor do we go in fear of the violence of the wind nor of storms of dust, for there we are safer than in houses of reed. We wear no costly robes; we cover our nakedness with leaves, or to speak truly, with modesty; our women are at no pains for their adornment, for who can add beauty to the creations of God? and after they are arrayed it profiteth them nothing. Our sexual commerce cometh not sinfully from carnal desire, but continuance of the race is kept in view. We are not prone to violence and we lay the dust of discord by the agency of right conduct, and though dependent on the guidance of destiny we do not resign ourselves to inactivity. Over our dead we erect no edifices in the guise of temples of worship. Give your commands to those who have flung wide for themselves the door of avarice and make their treasure of the things of this world. The ravages of pestilence do not reach us for we defile not the skirts of heaven with evil deeds. We are prepared to meet the vicissitudes of the seasons, and thus summer's heat and winter's cold distress us not, and therefore we live careless of the exigencies of those times. We do not deaden our minds with games and shows of elephants and horses and with dancing, and when a desire for worldly pageants seizes us, the sight of the record of your actions withholds us therefrom, and recalling your deeds which indeed more deserve a smile, we are moved to many tears. Worldly splendours make us rejoice in another spectacle, for amidst the varied beauties of the universe, the heavens glowing with the radiance of their myriad stars, the sea, coloured by its skies, that clasps in a fond embrace its sister earth, the revel of its fish that leap in play from its foam-tossing waves, fill our eyes with delight. Wandering through the woods with the fragrance of flowers and by running springs in the shade of abundant trees gladdens us in a hundred ways, while the sweet songs of birds render us unenvious of all the festal banquets of the rich. Such is the theatre we possess, to share in the enjoyment of which is difficult, to erase it from our minds, a crime. We plough not the seas in barks and vessels. Our hearts are not aflame with passion for the beauty of others, and we affect not the language of flattery or eloquence. The redundance of professed eulogists obtains no credit in this land, for the practice of this base crew which gives to the creature the praise due to God and overlays the purity of faith with error, darkens celestial light with reprehensible deeds. Of a truth you are the most unfortunate of mankind for your worship is sinful and your life its chastisement.”

The monarch thus replied: “If your language reflects the light of truth, I should infer that the Bráhmans alone are robed in the true characteristics of humanity and that this sect are to be regarded as incorporeal spirits. To hold as altogether unlawful the acts of the natural man is either to be God or to be envious of the Supreme Being. In short these principles in my opinion, proceed from madness not from the fulness of wisdom. O, Dídím, I have not fixed my abode in this hired dwelling, nor made of a passing rest-house a settled habitation, but prudently looking on myself as a sojourner, hasten, unencumbered with guilt, to my true country. This language is not the making of self a god, but like dark-minded bigots that are enemies to their own happiness, I do not affect to make the attributes of the Creator the instruments of my salvation. And whosoever under the guidance of a wakeful fortune, abandoning sinful actions, walks in the way of virtue is not a god, but by means of the grace of that Supreme Lord, rises above his fellow men.” The writer continued: “My royal master observes that you call yourselves fortunate in that you have chosen a retired spot of earth where the comings and goings of those without and the busy movement of the world are not heard, and that you consider this praiseworthy as proceeding from your attachment to your hearths and love of your native land. The lowliness and poverty that you cannot avoid is not worthy of commendation: on the contrary, the Almighty has inflicted this as a punishment for your evil deeds. True merit consists in living abstemiously amid abundant fortune, for ignorance and want cannot exhibit the lustre of virtue. The first cannot see what to avoid, the second has not the means by which it may possess. I, who with all the resources of pleasure and enjoyment at my command, have refrained from them altogether and have sternly chosen a life of toil, am more deserving of a glorious reward.”

Some say that after his victory over Porus, Alexander heard that at the extremity of India, reigned a king called Kayd,1 possessed of many virtues, and who for three hundred years had passed a blameless life. To him he despatched a letter that appealed to his hopes and fears. The king read the letter and thus replied: “I have heard of the successes of your Majesty and would deem the honour of a personal visit the source of fortune, but stricken in years, strength fails me. If my excuse is accepted, I will send as an offering four matchless treasures which are the pride of my life; an accomplished and virtuous maiden of uncomparable beauty; a sage unequalled in penetrating the secrets of the heart; a physician, in healing as the Messiah; a cup which though drunk from is inexhaustible. Alexander accepted the gifts and despatched Balínás with some experienced associates to bring them. The envoy returned to the court with these treasures of price together with forty elephants of which three were white, and numerous other presents. Alexander first essayed to test the Hindu sage. He sent him a bowl full of clarified butter. The sage thrust a few needles therein and sent it back. Alexander fused the needles and forming the metal into a ball returned it to him. The sage fashioning of this a mirror, again sent it back. Alexander placed it in a basin full of water and despatched it once more. The sage made of the mirror a drinking cup and set it upon the water of the basin. The monarch filled it with earth and returned it. At the sight of this, the sage fell into a profound melancholy and bitterly reproached himself and directed it to be carried back. Alexander was perplexed at this action. The next day he held an assembly of the learned to discuss these mysteries. The seer1 was introduced and honourably received. He was of prepossessing exterior, with a noble brow, tall and powerfully made. Alexander on seeing him, thus reflected: “If to such a presence, he also unites a lofty wisdom, quickness of penetration and strength of will, he is unparalleled in his generation.” The sage read his hidden thoughts and making a circuit of his face with his forefinger rested it on the point of his nose. When asked for an explanation, he replied: “I understood your Majesty's reflections and by this gesture I meant to express that as the nose in the face is one, I also am unique in my time.” He was then required to expound the enigmas of the preceding day. He answered: “Your Majesty wished to signify the profundity of your wisdom, for as the bowl was full so the royal mind was filled with various knowledge and could contain no more. I, on the other hand, showed that as needles could find a place therein, so could other lore find room in your mind. By fashioning the ball your Majesty's intention was to discover that the clearness of your intellect was not like the bowl of butter in which other things could be contained, but resembled a ball of steel. The construction into a mirror signified that though steel be hard, it is capable of such polish as to reflect the face. By your sinking the mirror in water, I understood the shortness of life and the vast extent of knowledge. By fashioning it into a cup, I answered that what sank in water might with skill be made to float; thus also immense erudition may be acquired by severe application and the shortness of life be prolonged. The filling it with earth implied that the end of all things is death, and the return to earth. This was capable of no answer, and I was silent.” Alexander praised his sagacity and penetration and said: “The profit that I have reaped from India has been my meeting with thee.” He took him into his companionship and intimacy and parted from him only when he left India. The other three treasures also were subjected to a similar ordeal and their worth approved.

Some writers narrate the history of Porus after the particulars regarding Kayd, and state that he fled without fighting to distant parts and that his dominions were conferred upon another.

MÁNI THE PAINTER.1

His presumption led him to claim the authority of a prophet and he composed a work which he pretended had come down from heaven, affirming also that he was the Paraclete announced by the Messiah; Shápúr, the son of Ardshír Bábagán favoured him. It was not long before his imposture was discovered and he was condemned to death, but he contrived to escape by flight. For a time he remained in Kashmír and from thence entered India where his doctrines received some acceptance. From thence he went to Turkistán and China and resided chiefly in the eastern parts till his wanderings brought him to a mountain where he discovered a cave which was untrodden by human foot, and to this he brought provisions sufficient for a year. One day, in the course of conversation, he said to his followers: “I have been summoned to heaven where I shall remain for a twelve-month: be not troubled at my absence nor withdraw from the worship of God and the practice of virtue. At the end of the year, go, some of you, to a certain mountain and wait in expectation.” Previous to his concealment he had learnt the art of painting in which he had attained incomparable skill. After he had ascended the mountain, he painted some wonderful figures which are celebrated by the name of Artang, or Arzhang,1 and at the time that he had said, he came forth with the book in his hand. Those who saw it were filled with amazement. He exclaimed: “This is not the work of mortals that ye should wonder; I brought it from heaven and it is painted by the angels.” This he brought forward as a witness of his prophetic mission and deceived the ignorant and credulous. He attempted to impose upon Bahrám Gor, the son of Hormuzd the son of Ardshír, but he failed in his purpose, and in this criminal venture staked and lost his life.

BAHRÁM GOR

Was the son of Yezdejird, the Wicked, of the Sassanian dynasty. Since the lust of the world fills the brain with extraordinary fancies in the first flush of his success he was seized with the frenzy of adventurous travel, and leaving one of the Magi of the line of Bahman, son of lsfandyár, as governor in his stead, he set out for India in a disguise which defied recognition. In those parts there was a raging elephant which put the whole country in terror. Although the bravest warriors had attempted to kill it, they lost but their own lives. Bahrám hearing of this event arrived at the place and by sheer strength of arm destroyed it. The prince of that region received him at his Court with much favour.1 In his vicinity a powerful enemy had arrived to dispute his sovereignty, and he saw no resource but in the payment of tribute. Bahrám dissuaded him from this course, and opposed the invader in person and defeated him. The prince gave him his daughter in marriage, but when he discovered his illustrious descent, he became apprehensive and dismissed him loaded with presents back to his own country. It is said that Bahrám took with him 12,000 musicians; and many other wonderful adventures are related of him.

BURZÚYAH.2

Núshírwán spent his days in the assiduous pursuit of knowledge, solicitous to discover erudite minds and interesting literary works. He opportunely fell in with a learned Bráhman with whom he frequently held familiar discussions. Enquiry was made regarding the truth of a universal report to the effect that in a certain mountainous part of India certain herbs grew which could restore the dead to life. The Brahmán replied: “The report has a semblance of fact, inasmuch as by the mountain is meant a wise man, by the herbs knowledge, and by the dead an ignorant person,” and he proceeded to expound the various lore of the country and the advantages thereof. In this he included the story of Kalílah and Damnah, and briefly recounted its merits and said, “the rulers of Hindustan keep this manual of state-craft studiously concealed and do not show it to every one.” The desire to obtain this work rendered the monarch impatient. He commanded his ministers saying: “I need a judicious and discerning person who to a strong bodily constitution unites firmness of purpose and various learning, besides a knowledge of foreign tongues.” Burzúyah was found to possess these important qualifications and successfully proved his capacity. A large sum of money was entrusted to him in order that he might set out in the guise of a merchant to that country, and through inquiries of experts attain the object of his mission, and return with it and other scientific treatises to the court. He came to India, and setting up as a trader passed himself off as an unlearned person desirous of acquiring knowledge. In this way he secured an intimacy with the ministers of the Indian princes, and through their instrumentality returned to the imperial court with that volume of wise lore, together with other valuable objects. The king received him with favour and fulfilled his desires.1

MUḤAMMAD ḲÁSIM

Was cousin to the celebrated Hajjáj. He received his commission in the reign of the Caliph Abdu'l Malik, as has been already noticed.1

AMÍR NÁṢIRÚDDÍN SABUKTIGÍN

Was the father of Sulṭán Maḥmúd of Ghazní. After Bahrám Gor none of the (Persian) kings entered India. Sabuktigín invaded it at the head of an army in the year A.H. 367 (A.D. 977), and after several engagements returned to Ghazníṅn.

AMÍR SULṬÁN MAḤMÚD GHAZNAVÍ

Led twelve descents on India. The first was in A.H. 3902 (A.D. 999-1000), and the last in A.H. 418 (A.D. 1027). Fanatical bigots representing India as a country of unbelievers at war with Islám incited his unsuspecting nature to the wreck of honour and the shedding of blood and the plunder of the virtuous.

SULṬÁN MASAÚD

Was son of Maḥmúd: He crossed into India in A. H. 426 (A. D. 1034-35).3

SULTÁN IBRÁHÍM, SON OF SULṬÁN MASAÚD.

Although a considerable territory in Hindustan was in the possession of the descendants of Sulṭan Maḥmúd, none of the undermentioned princes entered India:—Makḥul-b-Sulṭán Maḥmúd; Maudúd-b-Masạúd; Masaúd-b-Maudúd; Sulṭán Alí-b-Masạúd-b-Maḥmúd; Sulṭán Abdu'r Rashíd-b-Maḥmúd; Farrukhzád-b-Masạúd; but when in course of time the crown devolved upon Ibráhím-b-Masạúd-b-Sulṭán Maḥmúd he made peace with the Saljúḳís and turning his thoughts to India he entered it on several occasions.

SULṬÁN MASAÚD-B-IBRÁHÍM

Also crossed into India at intervals and was successful.

BAHRÁM SHÁH-B-MASAÚD-B-IBRÁHÍM.

The Ḥadíḳat (u'l Ḥaḳáiḳ) of the (poet) Ḥakím Sanáí1 and the Kalíla Damna of (Abu'l Mạálí) Naṣru'llah Mustaufí were dedicated to him. This prince also visited India.

KHUSRAU SHÁH-B-BAHRÁM SHÁH.

On the death of his father, he succeeded to the throne. It was about this time that Aláu'ddín Ḥusayn Ghorí, known as Jahánsoz or Burner of the World, sacked Ghazníṅn and entered India. Sulṭán Ghiyáṣu'ddín Sám and Sulṭán Shihábu'ddín, nephews of Aláu'ddín Ḥusayn, on whom the latter had bestowed Ghazníṅn and the adjacent provinces, contrived to secure the person of Khusrau Sháh from India and put him in prison where he ended his days, and thus the dynasty of the descendants of Maḥmúd passed away. Some authorities, however, assert that Khusrau Sháh held his court at the capital of Lahore, and that on his death, he was succeeded by his son Khusrau Malik who was taken by the Ghorís and placed in confinement,2 in which he continued till he died.

SULṬÁN MỤIZZ'UDDÍN MUḤAMMAD SÁM.

He is also called Sulṭán Shihábu'ddín. After the capture of Ghazníṅn Aláu'ddín Ḥusayn Ghorí imprisoned Ghiyáṣu'ddín and Shihábu'ddín.

On his death, his son Sayfu'ddín came to the throne and by releasing them attached them to his person.

On the death of Sayfu'ddín in his campaign in I'ráḳ1 he was succeeded by Ghiyáṣu'ddín. During his reign Shihábu'ddín led several expeditions into India, and the (defeat and) death of Prithví Rájá and the conquest of Hindustan occurring about this time, he left his slave Ḳutbu'ddín (Eibak) at Delhi as his representative. On the death of Ghiyáṣu'ddín, the throne was occupied by Shihábu'ddín who favoured the Turkish slaves. Among these was Táju'ddín Eldóz,2 upon whom he bestowed the governments of Mekrán and Súrán which are dependencies of India.

SULṬÁN ḲUṬBU'DDÍN AIBAK

Was one of the slaves of Sulṭán Mu'izzu'ddín,3 and rose to eminence through his own valour and resolution. The Sulṭán entrusted to him the viceroyalty of Delhi. He made many successful compaigns in India and performed many acts of personal prowess.

MALIK NÁṢIRU'DDÍN ḲABÁCHAH4

Was also a slave of Mu'izzu'ddín. On the death of his master he made himself master of U´chh, Multán and the Sind country.

SULṬÁN SHAMSU'DDÍN ALTMISH.

Some account him to have been a slave of Shahábu'ddín and others of Ḳuṭbu'ddín Aibak.5 After the death of the latter, his son A´rám Sháh being defeated, the sovereignty devolved upon Altmish.

SULṬÁN GHIYÁṢU'DDÍN BALBAN

Was one of the slaves of Shamsu'ddín and brought from Túrán to India. For a time he held the title of Ulugh Khán6 and subsequently obtained the sovereign power.

SULṬÁN MUḤAMMAD-B-SULṬÁN MALIK SHÁH SALJÚḲÍ.1

According to some authorities, towards the close of his life having settled his differences with his brothers, he invaded India and put many to death. A stone idol weighing ten thousand maunds fell into his possession. The Hindus sent him a message offering to ransom it at its weight in pearls. This offer he refused.

SULṬÁN JALÁLU'DDIN MANKBURNÍ.2

When Sulṭán Muḥammad Khwárazm Sháh took refuge from the troops of the great Ḳáán, Changíz Khán, in the island of A´baskún,3 he was accompanied by his son Jalálu'ddín who, on his father's death, set out for Khurásán and thence hastened to Ghaznah, and was engaged in several important actions against the Ḳáán's forces in which he was victorious. The great Ḳáán himself marched in person to remedy the disaster. Jalálu'ddín unable to cope with him retired towards Hindustan. The great conqueror pursued him to the banks of the Indus and both armies were again engaged. Yielding at last to superior force he mounted his horse and seizing his royal umbrella in his hand plunged into the stream and crossing its raging waters landed at a point opposite the enemy. He there took off his saddle and flung his clothes in the sun, and planting the umbrella in the ground sat down under its shade. The Ḳáán beheld this feat with astonishment and was loud in his admiration. For a night and day he remained there and was joined by fifty of his men, and cutting some clubs, they made a night attack on a party of Indians and carried off a considerable booty,1 and in a short time ten thousand horsemen were assembled under his command. Sulṭán Shamsu'ddín Altmish, Emperor of Hindustan, was under the gravest apprehension, and could not venture to engage him.2 Jalálu'ddín continued for nearly two years in India carrying on a desultory warfare, and made himself master of several fertile districts, but subsequently returned by way of Kach and Mekrán to the conquest of I'ráḳ.

Some authorities assert that when the number of his followers amounted to a thousand, he marched towards Delhi, and sent a messenger to Sulṭán Shamsu'ddín Altmish desiring a post in his service. The latter prudently declined, and after the manner of astute intriguers he poisoned his messenger, and sending him a number of valuable presents sped him towards Irán.3

TURMATAI4 NOVIAN

Was one of the principal generals of Changíz Khán. After the incidents in connection with Sulṭán Jalalu'ddín, he invaded India and took Multán. Náṣiru'ddín Ḳabáchah who was governor of that province, opened the gates of his treasury and won over the soldiery, and by his address and valour remedied the disaster.

MALIK KHÁN KHALAJ5

Was one of the military adventurers of Khwárzam and invaded Sind. Náṣiru'ddín Ḳabáchah advanced to give him battle and displayed great heroism in the encounter in which the Khalají lost his life.

ṬÁHIR

Was one of the generals of Changíz Khán, and in the reign of Mu'izzu'ddín Bahrám Sháh (A. D. 1239–42) son of Sulṭán Shamsu'ddín (Altmish), he was infatuated with the design of invading Hindustan. Malik Ḳaráḳash at that time held the government of Lahore in behalf of the Sulṭán and from want of spirit and the disunion among his followers, he set out one night for Delhi, and the town was sacked.1

MANKÚYAH2

Was one of the generals of Hulágú Khán. He advanced as far as U´chh in the reign of Sulṭán Aláu'ddín Masạúd Sháh (A. D. 1242–46), who marched to give him battle. On arriving at the banks of the Biáh, the invader retreated to Khurásán. A year previous to the invasion of Mankúyah, a part of the army of Changíz Khán entered Bengal3 and hostilities took place with Tughán Khán, who was at that time governor on the part of Aláu'ddín Masạúd Sháh, but terms of peace were agreed upon. In the reign of Sulṭán Náṣiru'ddín Maḥmúd Sháh (A. D. 1245–65), the Mughal troops again invaded the Panjáb and retired.

SÁRÍ NOVIAN

Invaded Sind with a large army. Sulṭán Náṣiru'ddín (A. D. 1246–66), sent Ulugh Khán1 to oppose him and followed in person, and the invader retreated.

TÍMÚR NOVIAN

In the reign of Hulágu Khán marched towards India with a large force and a hard-fought engagement took place with Ḳadar Khán, son of Sulṭán Ghiáṣu'ddín Balban between Láhor and Dípálpúr in which this nursling of fortune drank his last draught.2 He was brave, studious, and a friend to learning, and twice despatched gifts of valuable presents to Muṣliḥu'ddín Shaykh Saạdí at Shíráz, with an invitation to his court. Although the poet was unable to accept it, he sent him a work written with his own hand. In this action Mír Khusrau was taken prisoner and has himself briefly alluded to this event in his poem. After this no foreign invasion took place for seven years.

ABDU'LLAH KHÁN

Was the grandson of Hulágu Khán who advanced upon India by way of Kábul, A. H. 691 (A. D. 1292,) Sulṭán Jalálu'ddín (Fíroz Khilji, A. D. 1288–95), marched to stem the disaster and a stubborn engagement was fought at Bagrám,3 after which the invader retreated on terms of peace. Algú,4 a grandson of Changíz Khán, with many other chiefs entered the service of the Sulṭán, who gave him his daughter in marriage. In the beginning of the reign5 of Sulṭán Aláu'ddín, some of the Túrán troops crossed the Indus, and he despatched (Almás Beg) Ulugh Khán and Ẓafar Khán with a large force to oppose them. The Mughals were defeated, some were taken prisoners, but the greater number were slain.

ṢALDI

Was of the Mughal race and about this time invaded Sind. The Sulṭán (Aláu'ddín) appointed Ẓafar Khán (to oppose him), who in a short time obtained a victory and taking him prisoner, sent him to the royal court.1

ḲAṬLAGH KHWÁJAH2

In the same year crossed the Indus with a large army and advanced by direct marches on Delhi, and as his design was otherwise he did not open his hand to plunder. Sulṭán Aláu'ddín resolved to give him battle and (Ẓafar Khán) defeated him, pursuing him for sixteen kos. The chiefs through jealousy did not join in the pursuit and the enemy returning surrounded him. Though (Ẓafar Khán) was offered the strongest assurances of advancement, he refused their terms and died fighting to the last.

TARGHÍ NOVIAN,3

At the time when Sulṭán Aláu'ddín was investing Chitor, thinking the opportunity favourable, invaded India with a large army. The Sulṭán after the capture of that fortress, A. H. 703 (A. D. 1303), hastened to oppose him and Targhí possessed himself of the fords of the river Jumna, within five kos of Delhi. The Sulṭán entrenched himself in the vicinity outside the city walls. After some hostilities Targhí returned unsuccessful to his own country.

ALI BEG AND TARTÁK1

Were descendants of Changíz Khán. At the head of thirty thousand horse, skirting the (Sewálik) mountains, he penetrated to Amroha, A. H. 704 (A. D. 1304). Sulṭán Aláu'ddín sent an army to oppose them. After severe fighting, both of these chiefs were taken prisoners and the rest as an example were trodden to death by elephants.

KAPAK2 MUGHAL

In the following year (A. H. 705) reached India with a considerable force, but was taken prisoner. The year after, thirty thousand Mughals made an incursion through the Sewaliks. The Sulṭán sent a large army which seized the fords and skilfully obstructed them. In the retreat many of the Mughals perished and some were taken prisoners.

IḲBÁLMAND

In the reign of Aláu'ddín invaded the country at the head of an army of Mughals, but was killed in action. After this no further hostile designs were entertained by them.

KHWÁJAH RASHÍD3

Sulṭán Muḥammad Khudabandah sent the author of the Jámi'ut Tawáríkh-i Rashídí on an embassy to Sulṭán Ḳuṭbu'ddín, son of Sulṭán Aláu'ddín, and a close friendly alliance was entered into between them.

LORD OF THE FORTUNATE CONJUNCTION.
(TIMÚR).

When the sovereignty of Delhi devolved upon Sulṭán Maḥmúd the grandson of Sulṭán Fíroz, and the office of chief minister upon Mallú Khán, all systematic administration and knowledge of affairs ceased to exist and the government fell into discredit. At this period the sublime Standards approached as has already been briefly described. Notwithstanding the conquest of so populous a kingdom, the booty obtained was not important, and the invaders impelled by love of their native land, retired from the country.

BÁBER.

His history has been fully detailed in the first volume.1

HUMÁYÚN.

When the jewel of sovereignty beamed with the radiance of a coming possession, Humáyún, after some unsuccessful attempts, invaded India. (A. D. 1555), as before narrated.

Infinite praise to the Almighty that through the justice of the emperor and the harmonious order of his administration, Hindustan has become a gathering of the virtuous from all parts of the universe, each of whom in manifold ways has attained to the desire of his heart.

But this long narrative will never end, for there are many of those freed from the trammels of the world and of others fettered therein, who have visited this country, such as Husayn Manṣúr, Abú Maạshar of Balkh, Khwájah Mu'ínu'ddín Sijizí, Khwájah Ḳuṭbu'ddín U´shí, Shaykh I'ráḳí, Shaykh Saạdí, Mír Ḥusayní, Mír Sayyid Ali Hamadání and others.2

SAINTS OF INDIA.
(AWLIYÁ-I-HIND).

Inasmuch as the writer is a suppliant before the servants of God and the love of them is innate in his heart, he concludes this work with a notice of such among them as have been either born or have their last resting places in this country. He trusts that this course will be pleasing to many minds and a source to them of eternal bliss. For himself he will inhale fragrance from the garden of truth and receive the meed of his abundant toil.

Awliyá is the (Arabic) plural of walí which is interpreted as signifying ‘nearness,’ by which is intended spiritual proximity. Some authorities ascribe to wiláyat with a kasra of the wao, the meaning of diversity of appearance, and to waláyat with a faṭḥa, that of authority. Others assert that the idea of a lover attaches to the first, and the state of the beloved to the second. The possessor of the former quality is called walí, that of the latter, wálí. Another opinion is that the word (waláyat) with the faṭḥa, betokens the proximity (to God) of the prophets, and with a kasra (wiláyat), of the saiuts.1 In ancient works many significations have been given, the outcome of which is that it means one who has attained to the knowledge of the Supreme Being; a lofty soul will indeed love God alone. To me the wonder is, what connection can exist between a dust-mote of creation and the self-existing sun, and what bond lies between the finite and infinity? A walí, in my opinion, is one who acquires four great virtues and avoids eight reprehensible actions. He should always wage a victorious war by circumspect conduct against the myriad disorders of the spirit, and never for an instant relax his attention from its deceits. This lofty station is attainable by the grace of God and the guidance of fortune, and is sometimes to be reached through the spiritual powers of a mediator, and sometimes without it. The latter state they call Uwaysí with reference to the example of Uways Ḳaraní;2 and some say

* * * * * * * *

The former, who possess the power of revealing things not manifest to the senses, are classed under twelve orders, of which two are regarded as unorthodox:—

(1). Muḥásibí. (2). Ḳaṣṣár. (3). Ṭayfúrí. (4). Junaydí. (5). Núrí. (6). Sahlí. (7). Ḥakímí. (8). Kharrází. (9). Khafífí. (10). Sayyárí. (11). Ḥulúlí. (12). Ḥallájí.

I. The source of grace to the FIRST-NAMED was Abú Abdu'llah Ḥáritḥ1 b-Asad Muḥásibí, a native of Baṣrah. He mastered all secular and speculative science and was thoroughly acquainted with the inequalities of the spiritual road. He was the teacher of his time and the author of many works. He died at Baghdad in A. H. 243 (A. D. 857). As he ever judiciously wielded the moral controlling authority of his age, he received this name of Muḥásib.

The SECOND follow Ḥamdún, the son of Aḥmad-b-Ammár, Ḳaṣṣár or the Fuller, his patronymic being Abú Ṣáliḥ. He studied under Tḥaurí2 and acquired many spiritual benefits from Salm-b-Ḥusayn Bárúsí, Abú Turáb Nakshabí and Alí Naṣrábádí, and was a disciple of Abú Ḥafṣ. He attained a high degree of perfection though the world gave loose to the tongue of slander against him. He died at Níshapúr in A. H. 271 (A. D. 884).

The THIRD revere Ṭayfúr-b-I'sa Bisṭámí whose patronymic is Báyazíd. One of his great ancestors was a Magian called Sharoshán. His earliest education was received from the elders of Bisṭám under whom he studied science and reached the rank of a mujtahid.1 Next, having mastered the ordinary subjects of knowledge, he attained to the highest grade of intellectual distinction. He ranked equal to Aḥmad Khaẓrawaih, Abú Ḥafṣ, and Yaḥya-b-Mạáẓ, and was contemporary with Shaḳíḳ of Balkh. He died in A. H. 261 (A. D. 874-75), or according to another account, A. H. 234 (A. D. 848).

The FOURTH are adherents of Junayd Baghdádí whose patronymic is Abu'l Ḳásim and who is styled Ḳawárírí, the flask maker, and Zajjáj, the glass manufacturer, and Khazzáz, the raw-silk merchant. His father sold glass and he himself traded in silk. His ancestors were from Naháwand, but he was born and bred in Baghdad. He studied, for a time, under Saríy Saḳaṭiy, Ḥáritḥ al Muḥásibí and Muḥammad Ḳaṣṣáb, and his connection is authoritatively traced with Kharráz,2 Ruyam, Núrí, Shiblí and many others among the chosen servants of God. Shaykh Abú Jaạfar-b-Ḥaddád says that if wisdom could be incarnate, it would assume the form of Junayd. He died in A. H. 297-98 or 99 (A. D. 909-10-11).

The FIFTH are called after Abishkhwur Núri Serábdil. His name was Aḥmad-b-Muḥammad or according to some, Muḥammad-b-Muḥammad. He was commonly known as Ibn-i-Baghawí.3 His father was from Khurásán, but his own birth and origin are of Baghdad, and he is among those distinguished for wisdom and virtue. He was in friendly intercourse with Saríy Saḳaṭiy,4 Muḥammad Ḳaṣṣáb, and Aḥmad Abú'l Ḥawárí, and contemporary with Zu'n Nún5 of Egypt. He is considered equal in authority with Junayd, but somewhat more impulsive. He died in A. H. 295 (A. D. 907-8) or 286 (A. D. 899).

The SIXTH originate from Sahl-b-Abdu'llah Tustarí, who was a disciple of Zu'n Nún of Egypt, and one of the most eminent of those who attained to this sublime vocation. He was among the associates of Junayd and died in the month of Muḥarram, A. H. 283 (A. D. 896), at the age of eighty-six.

The SEVENTH revert to Abú Abdu'llah Muḥammad-b-Ali Ḥakím-i-Tirmiḍi. He was in intercourse with Abú Turáb Nakshabí, Aḥmad Khazrawaih and Ibn-i-Jalá, and was pre-eminent in all secular and speculative knowledge. He is reported to be a voluminous author and to have had the gift of miracles.

The EIGHTH look to Abú Sạíd Kharráz, or the Cobbler. His name was Aḥmad-b-I´sa and he was a native of Baghdad. Through his inclination towards the Súfís he went to Egypt and resided in devout attendance by the temple of Mecca. His profession was that of a shoemaker and he was the disciple of Muḥammad-b-Manṣúr Ṭúsi. He associated with Zu'n Nún of Egypt, Saríy Saḳaṭíy, Abú Úbayd Baṣrí, and Bishr Al Ḥáfí, and derived much spiritual instruction from them. He is the author of four hundred works. Those uninstructed in his doctrine believed him to be an infidel. He died in A. H. 286 (A. D. 899). Khwájah Abdu'llah Anṣárí says that he knew none of the great doctors more profoundly versed in the mysteries of the Divine Unity.

The NINTH invoke Abú Abdu'llah Muḥammad-b-Khafíf. His father was from Shíráz and he himself was the disciple of Shaykh Abú Ṭálib. He was master of secular and spiritual science and had seen Khazraj al Baghdádí and Ruyam, and was a contemporary of (Abú Bakr) Kattání, Yusuf-b-Huṣayn Rází, Abú Husayn Málikí, Abú Husayn al Muzayyan,1 Abú Ḥusayn Darráj and many others of note. He wrote many works and died in the year A. H. 331 (A. D. 942-43).

The TENTH trace back to Abu'l Abbás Sayyárí. His name was Ḳásim and he was the son of the daughter of Aḥmad-b-Sayyár. He was a native of Marv and the disciple of Abú Bakr Wásiṭí. He pursued the ordinary curriculum of worldly studies as well as speculative science, and attained to an eminence in the practice of the spiritual life. He died in the year A. H. 342 (A. D. 953).

The ELEVENTH. The founder of this order was Ḥalmán1 of Damascus.

The TWELFTH. This order had its origin in a Persian who was one of the disciples of Ḥusayn-b-Manṣúr Ḥalláj of Baghdad, not the celebrated Ḥusayn-b-Manṣúr (of Bayẓá).2

These last two have been the subject of much reviling.

In Hindustan fourteen orders are recounted which are styled the fourteen families and of these twelve only are described, omitting mention of those of Ṭayfúr and Junayd:—

(1). Ḥabíbí. (2). Ṭayfúrí. (3). Karkhí. (4). Saḳaṭíy. (5). Junaydi. (6). Kázrúní. (7). Ṭúsí. (8). Fírdausí. (9). Suhrawardí. 10. Zaydí. (11). I'yáẓí. (12). Adhami. (13). Hubayrí. (14). Chishtí.

They assert that Alí, the Prince of the Faithful, had four vicegerents, viz., Ḥasan, Ḥusayn, Kamíl, and Ḥasan Baṣrí. The source of these orders they believe to be Ḥasan Baṣrí who had two representatives, Ḥabíb-i-Ajamí, from whom the first nine obtain their spiritual fervour, and the other Abdu'l Wáhiḍ-b-Zayd, from whom the last five are filled with consolation. The mother of Ḥasan Baṣri was one of the slave girls of Ummu Salimah,3 and he received his name from Omar-b-Khaṭṭáb. He early became an orphan. From the dawn of intelligence his mind was illumined and through this brilliant destiny he chose the path of solitude and emaciated himself by austerities while he became filled with the good things of the spirit. He preached a discourse every week and gathered an assembly around him. When Rábi'ah1 was not present, he would not proceed. The people said to him, “Why dost thou desist because some old woman does not come.” He answered, “The food prepared for elephants is of no profit to ants.”

The FIRST order trace their connection with Ḥabíb-i-Ajamí. He was a man of substance and hypocritical in his life. His eyes were opened somewhat by Suhrawardí2 and he was directed to the true faith by Ḥasan Baṣrí. Many disciples were instructed by him in the way of salvation. Once when he was escaping from the pursuivants of Ḥajjáj, he arrived at the cell of Ḥabíb. The officers asked him where Ḥasan was. He replied within the cell. They searched, but could not find him and reprimanded Ḥabíb and said, “Whatever Ḥajjáj may do to you, will be deserved.” He answered, “I have spoken only the truth. If you have not seen him what fault is it of mine?” They again entered and made a strict search and returned in anger and departed reviling him; Ḥasan thereupon came forth and said, “O Ḥabíb, thou hast, indeed, truly done thy duty by thy master.” He answered, “O master, thou hast been saved by the telling of the truth. Had I spoken falsely we should both have been killed.” One night a needle fell from his hand in a dark room. A miraculous light shone. He covered his eyes with his hands and said, “Nay, nay, I wish not to search for a needle save by the light of a lamp.”3

The THIRD order derive from Mạrúf Karkhí. They say that his father was a Christian and changed his faith under Imám Riẓá and was honoured with the office of his door-keeper. He associated with Dáúd Ṭáí and practised mortification and through his rectitude of intention and perfected acts he rose to be a spiritual guide. Saríy Saḳaṭíy and many others profited by his instruction. He died in A. H. 200 (A. D. 815). It was about this time that Magians, Christians, and Jews thronged to him and each wished to practise his own faith under his direction, but it could not be carried out. Nevertheless he held a place in the pleasant retreat of universal tolerance.

The FOURTH follow Saríy Saḳatíy whose patronymic is Abu'l Ḥasan. He is one of the great masters of the practical religious life and was the director of Junayd and many other servants of God. He was one of the associates of Ḥárith Muḥásibí and Bishr al Ḥáfi, and was the disciple of Mạrúf Karkhí. Adequate praise of him is beyond the capacity of my ignorance. In the year A. H. 253 (A D. 867), he gathered up his garment from this dust-heap of a world.

The SIXTH acknowledge Abú Isḥáḳ-b-Shahryár as their head. His father abandoned the doctrines of Zoroaster and embraced the creed of Islám. He was instructed by Shaykh Abú Alí Firozábádí and was the contemporary of many doctors of the faith, and had mastered all secular and speculative science. He was released from the turmoils of earth in A. H. 426 (A. D. 1034-35).

The SEVENTH was founded by Aláu'ddín Ṭúsi, who was united in the bonds of a spiritual paternity with Shaykh Najmu'ddín Kubra.

The EIGHTH invoke Shaykh Najmu'ddín Kubra. His patronymic was Abú Janáb, his name Aḥmad Khíwaḳí, and his title Kubra, or the Greater.1 He was spiritually directed by Shaykh Ismáíl Ḳaṣrí, Ammár Yásir and Rozbihán, and he had great repute for his insight into matters of the exterior and inner life. Shaykh Majdu'ddín Baghdádí, Shaykh Saạdu'ddín Hammawíyah, Shaykh Raẓiu'ddín Ali Lálá, Bábá Kamál Jandí, Shaykh Sayfu'ddín Bákharzí and many other religious obtained their eternal salvation through his efficacious prayers. He died by the sword in A. H. 618 (A. D. 1221).

The NINTH is favoured through Shaykh Zíáu'ddín Abu'n Najíb Abdu'l Ḳahir Suhrawardí. He was versed in the knowledge of the world and the spirit, and traced his descent from Abú Bakr aṣ Ṣiddíḳ2 by twelve intermediary links. His doctrinal precepts he derived in direct transmission from Shaykh Aḥmad Ghazzálí; and he was the author of many works, among them the A´dábu'l Murídín (Institutiones Discipulorum). He passed to his heavenly abode in A. H. 563 (A. D. 1167-68).

The TENTH follow Shaykh Abdu'l Wáḥid-b-Zayd.

The ELEVENTH acknowledge Fuẓayl-b-I'yáẓ. His patronymic is Abú Alí and he was a native of Kúfah, but according to others of Bokhárá, and other places are also named. He passed his days as a wandering dervish between Marv and Báward (Abiward), and from his natural goodness of disposition, received interior illumination and his virtuous conduct assured his salvation. He passed from the world in A. H. 187 (A. D. 802-3).

The TWELFTH take Ibráhím Adham of Balkh as their guide. His patronymic was Abú Isḥáḳ. His ancestors were of princely race and the star of his happy destiny shone forth from his early youth, for he withdrew himself altogether from the world. He associated with Abú Sufyán Tḥaurí, Fuẓayl-b-I'yáẓ, Abú Yúsuf Ghasúlí and was in intimacy with Alí-b-Bakkár, Ḥuzayfah Marạshí and Silm al-Khawwaṣ. He died in Syria in the year A. H. 161 or 162 (A. D. 777-78-79).

The THIRTEENTH trace back to Hubayrah of Baṣrah.

The FOURTEENTH are connected with Abú Isḥáḳ Shámí who was the disciple of Shaykh U'lúw Dínawarí. When the Shaykh arrived at the village of Chisht, Khwájah Abú Aḥmad Abdál, who was the foremost among the Shaykhs of Chisht received instruction from him,1 and after him his son Muḥammad illumined the lamp of sanctity. Following him, his nephew Khwájah Samạání carried on the doctrine, whose son Khwájah Maudúd Chishtí succeeded to the headship. His son Khwájah Aḥmad also reached the same eminence.

There is, however, no exclusive claim in regard to either of these two lists. Any chosen soul who, in the mortification of the deceitful spirit and in the worship of God, introduced some new motive of conduct, and whose spiritual sons in succession continued to keep alight the lamp of doctrine, was acknowledged as the founder of a new line, for besides these twelve and fourteen orders, many another catena of religious schools has a worldwide repute, such as the

ḲÁDIRÍ

which follows Shaykh Muḥyí'ddín Abdu'l Ḳádir Jíli. He was a Sayyid descended from Ḥusayn. Jíl is the name of a village near Baghdad. Some authorities state that he was from Jílán.1 He was supreme in his time for his secular and spiritual knowledge. He received his dervish's habit from the hands of Abú Sạíd al-Mubárak (b. Ali al-Makhzúmí), and is thus spiritually connected with ash-Shiblí through four intermediaries. His sanctity and extraordinary miracles are world-famed. He was born into the world in A. H. 471 (A. D. 1078), and bid farewell to it in A. H. 561 (A.D. 1165).

YASAWÍ.

These are disciples of Khwájah Aḥmad Yasawí. In his youth he was under the supervision of Báb Arslán, who was an eminent spiritual guide among the Turks. On his death he profited by the instruction of Khwájah Yúsuf Hamadání. The Turks call him A´tá Yasawí; A´tá in Turkish signifying a father, and their saints are thus designated.2 He returned to Turkistán at the command of the Khwájah and ended his days in the spiritual instruction of the people. Many miracles are reported of him. Four spiritual delegates are celebrated as religious guides: Manṣúr A´tá, Sạíd A´tá, Sulaymán A´tá, and Ḥakím A´tá. Yasí is a town in Turkistán, the birthplace and town of this Shaykh.

NAḲSHBANDÍ.

This school owe their eternal salvation to Khwájah Bahá u'ddín Naḳshband. His name was Muḥammad-b-Muḥammad al-Bokhárí. He was a disciple of Khwájah Muḥammad Bábá Sammásí and received his religious instruction in regard to exterior conduct from (Sayyid) Amír Kulál, his delegate. Khwájah Sammásí used often to say to Khwájah Ali Rámíthaní,3 [universally known as (Haẓrat) Azízán], as they passed in the vicinity of Ḳaṣr i Hinduán, “From this soil there comes the fragrance of a man that will soon make the Ḳaṣr i Hinduán (Castle of Hinduán), be called the Kaṣri Aárifán (Castle of the Pious);” till one day coming from the house of (Sayyid) Amír Kulál and passing the castle, he exclaimed, “The fragrance has increased—that man verily has been born.” On inquiry it was found that three days had elapsed since the birth of the Khwájah. His father carried him to the Bábá, who said that he would adopt him as his spiritual son, and turning to his friends said: “This is the one whose fragrance I smelt, and who will be the spiritual guide of the world.” To Amír Kulál he said; “Withhold no care or kindness in the bringing up of our son Baháu'ddín.” His orders were carried out. After a time when his fame grew, Bábá Sammási said to him: “Your zeal has a loftier flight. You have my permission to go and beg of other souls.” Thereupon he went to Ḳutham Shaykh1 and attended his instruction, and profited by the guidance of Khalíl A´tá and realised his purpose through the spiritual aid of Khwájah Abd u'l Kháliḳ Ghujduwání.2 The source of his interior illumination was (the prophet) Khiẓr; his faith and discipline were derived from Khwájah Yúsuf Hamadání. Khwájah Yúsuf had four vicegerents, Khwájah Abdu'llah Barḳí, Khwájah Ḥasan Andaḳí,3 Khwájah Aḥmad Yasawí, and Khwájah Abdu'l Kháliḳ Ghujduwání. Khwájah Yúsuf had received instruction from Shaykh Abú Alí Fármiḍí, and he from Shaykh Abu 'l Ḳásim Gurgání. The latter was the disciple of the following two personages, Junayd and Shaykh Abu'l Ḥasan Kharaḳáni, and these of Báyazíd Bisṭámi, and Báyazíd of the Imám Jaạfar aṣ-Ṣádiḳ.4 The Imám was himself nourished from two sources; on the one side from his father Muḥammad Báḳir, and he, from his father Imám Zaynu'l Aábidín, and he from his grand-parent the Imám Ḥusayn, and on the other from his mother's father Ḳásim-b-Muḥammad-b-Abú Bakr, and Ḳásim from Salmán al-Fársí (the companion) and Salmán1 from Abú Bakr.

It is said that Khwájah Baháu'ddín had neither a slave nor a handmaid, and when asked the reason of this, he replied that (“the maintenance of) bondage was incompatible with the profession of a religious teacher.” They inquired of him: “To what stage does your spiritual ancestry go back?” He replied, “No one reaches any stage by virtue of a spiritual ancestry.” On the night of Monday, 3rd Rabíi' I, A. H. 791, (4th March, A. D. 1389) he disburdened himself of his elemental body.

The case of these orders is similar to that of the four schools of theology. Any one reaching the rank of Mujtahid may become a doctrinal authority, and there is no difficulty in the recognition of this as fourfold.

But it is better that I should desist from further details and seek the divine mercy by mentioning the Saints of God. In the following enumeration, under the title of “Saints,” I have recorded the names of forty-eight only among thousands, and make this a means towards the attainment of eternal bliss.

SHAYKH BÁBÁ RATN

Was the son of Naṣr at-Tabrindí;2 his patronymic was Abu'l Riẓá. In the time of Ignorance he was born at Tabrindah and went to Ḥijáz and saw the Prophet, and after many wanderings returned to India. Many accepted the accounts he related, while others rejected them as the garrulity of senile age. He died at Tabarindah, in A. H. 700 (A. D. 1300–1), and was there buried. Shaykh Ibn i Ḥajr Asḳalání, Majdu'ddín Fírozábádí, Shaykh Alá u' ddaulah as Símnáni, Khwájah Muḥammad Pársá and many pious individuals acknowledged and commended him.

KHWÁJAH MỤÍNU'DDÍN ḤASAN CHISHTÍ

Was the son of Ghiyáṣu'ddín Ḥasan and a Sayyid in descent from both Ḥasan and Ḥusayn, and was born in A. H. 537 (A. D. 1142), in the village of Sijz, of the province of Sijistán.

At the age of fifteen he lost his father. Ibráhím Ḳahandazí,1 a man absorbed in divine things, regarded him with an eye of favour and set aflame the gathered harvest of worldliness with the fire of divine ardour, and guided him in his quest. In Harún, a village of Níshápúr, he attended Khwájah Othmán Chishtí, and practised a mortified life and received the habit of Khalífah or vicegerent. Subsequently he reached a higher degree of perfection and was spiritually benefited by Shaykh Abdu'l Ḳádir Jílí and other holy men. In the year that Mu'izzu'ddín Sám took Delhi (A. H. 589, A. D. 1193), he arrived at that city, and with a view of a life of seclusion withdrew to A´jmer and there inspired the same zeal among numerous disciples by his own efficacious will. He shared the reward of a heavenly kingdom on Saturday, the 6th of Rajab, A. H. 633 (18th March 1236). His resting place is at the foot of the hilly range of that district and is visited to this day by high and low.

SHAYKH ALÍ GHAZNAVÍ HAJÚBARÍ.

His patronymic was Abu'l Ḥasan. His father was Othmán-b-Abí Alí Jullábí. He lived secluded from ordinary worldly concerns and obtained a high degree of knowledge. An account of him is given in the Kashfu'l Maḥjúb li Arbábi'l Ḳulúb (delectio eorum qui relata sunt in favorem cordatorum).1 In this work he says, “I followed in this path Shaykh Abu'l Faẓl-b-Ḥasan al Khatlí.” His resting place is in Láhor.

SHAYKH ḤUSAYN ZANJÁNÍ.2

A man of extensive erudition. Khwájah Mu'ín'uddín attended his instructions at Lahór where his tomb is, and which is visited by many to the gain of their eternal welfare.

SHAYKH BAHÁU'DDÍN ZAKARÍYÁ3

Was the son of Wajíhu'ddín Muḥammad-b-Kamálu'ddín Alí Sháh Ḳurayshí, and was born at Kóṭ Karor, near Multán, in A. H. 565 (A. D. 1169-70). His father died when he was a child; he grew in wisdom and studied in Túrán and Irán. He received his doctrine from Shaykh Shihábu'ddín Suhrawardí at Baghdad and reached the degree of vicegerent. He was on terms of great friendship with Shaykh Faríd (u'ddín) Shakkarganj, and lived with him for a considerable time. Shaykh (Fakhru'ddín) I'ráḳi and Mir Ḥusayní were his disciples. On the 7th of Ṣafar, A. H. 665 (7th November 1266), an aged person of serene aspect sent in to him a sealed letter by the hand of his son Ṣadru'ddín. He read it and gave up the ghost, and a loud voice was heard from the four corners of the town: “Friend is united to Friend.” His resting place is in Multán.

ḲUṬBU'DDÍN BAKHTYÁR KÁKÍ1

Was the son of Kamálu'ddín Músa and came from U´sh of Farghánah. He lost his father2 when very young and privileged by the vision of (the Prophet) Khiẓr was keenly desirous of meeting with a spiritual guide till the arrival in U´sh of Khwájah Mu'ínu'ddín. At the age of eighteen he received his doctrine and became a vicegerent. He profited by the instruction of many saints at Baghdad and other places. In the desire of meeting with a holy director he came to India and for a time attended Shaykh Baháu'ddín Zakaríyá. He arrived in Delhi in the reign of Shamsu'ddín Altmish. The Khwájah (Mu'ínu'ddín) went there on a visit to him and after a little, left him and returned. He was of great service to the people in general. He died on the 14th3 of Rabíi' I, A. H. 633 (Saturday, 27th November, A. D. 1235). His tomb is in Delhi where it is visited by all classes.

SHAYKH FARÍDU'DDÍN GANJ I SHAKKAR

Was the son of Jamálu'ddín Sulaymán,4 a descendant of Farrukh Sháh Kábulí. His birthplace was the village of Khotwal, near Multán. In his early youth he followed the common course of studies. At Multán he met Khwájah Ḳuṭbu'ddín, went with him to Delhi and was instructed in his doctrine. Some authorities state that he did not accompany him to Delhi, but took his leave on the way and hastened to Ḳandahár and Sístán, where he set himself to the garnering of knowledge. He then came to Delhi and put himself under disciplinary rule. He had many warrings with the spirit in which he eventually triumphed. When Khwájah Ḳuṭbu'ddín was on the point of death, there were present Káẓí Ḥamídu'ddín Nágorí, Shaykh Badru'ddín Ghaznaví and many other holy men. They agreed that the habit and other personal belongings of the dying man should be committed to Shaykh Farídu'ddín. The Shaykh who was then at the town of Jhánsí, on hearing this, went to Delhi, and taking possession of the trust, returned. He was the source of blessings to many people. He bade farewell to this fleeting world on the 5th of Muḥarram, A. H. 6681 (Monday, 5th September 1269), at (Pák) Pattan in the Panjáb, which at that time was called Ajodhan.

SHAYKH ṢADRU'DDÍN AÁRIF

Was the son of Shaykh Baháu'ddín. During his father's life-time he reached the highest degree of sanctity. Sayyids Fakhru'ddín I'ráḳí and Mír Ḥusayn were his disciples. He died in Multán, where he is buried, in A. H. 709 (A. D. 1309).

NIẒÁMU'DDÍN AULIYÁ.

His name was Muḥammad and he was the son of Aḥmad Dányál who came from Ghaznín to Badáon in A. H. 632 (A. D. 1234-35), where Niẓámu'ddín was born. For a time he went through the ordinary course of studies and received the epithet of Niẓám al-Baḥḥátḥ, or the Controversialist, and Maḥfil Shikan, the Assembly-router. At the age of twenty he went to Ajodhan and became the disciple of Farídu'ddín Ganj i Shakkar and obtained the key of the treasury of inward illumination. He was then sent to Delhi to instruct the people, and many under his direction attained to the heights of sanctity, such as Shaykh Naṣíru'ddín Muḥammad Chirágh i Dihlí, Mír Khusrau, Shaykh Aláu'l Ḥaḳḳ, Shaykh Akhí Siráj, in Bengal, Shaykh Wajíhu'ddín Yúsuf in Chandérí, Shaykh Yạḳúb and Shaykh Kamál in Málwah, Mauláná Ghiyáṣ, in Dhár, Mauláná Mughíṣ, in Ujjain, Shaykh Ḥusain, in Gujarát, Shaykh Burhánu'ddín Gharíb, Shaykh Muntakhab, Khwájah Ḥasan, in the Dekhan. He died in the forenoon of Wednesday, the 18th Rabíi' II, A. H. 725 (3rd April 1325). His tomb is in Delhi.1

SHAYKH RUKNU'DDÍN

Was the son of Ṣadru'ddín Aárif and the successor of his eminent grandfather. At the time when Sulṭán Ḳuṭbu'ddín (Mubárak Sháh Khiljí, (A. H. 717. A. D. 1317), regarded Shaykh Niẓámu'ddín with disfavour, he summoned Shaykh Ruknu'ddín from Multán in the hope of disturbing his influence. On his arrival near Delhi he met Shaykh Niẓámu'ddín. Ḳuṭbu'ddín on receiving the Shaykh (Ruknu'ddín) asked him “Who among the people of the city was the foremost in going out to meet him?” He replied: “The most eminent person of his age.” By this happy answer he removed the king's displeasure.2 His restingplace is Multán.

SHAYKH JALÁLU'DDÍN TABRÍZÍ

Was the disciple of Sạíd Tabrízí. After some wanderings, he fell in with Shaykh Shihábu'ddín Suhrawardí and by his zealous service attained the office of vicegerent. He was on terms of intimacy with Khwájah Ḳuṭbu'ddín and Shaykh Baháu'ddín Zakaríyá. Shaykh Najmu'ddín Ṣughra, who was Shaykh u'l Islám at Delhi, bore enmity against him and maliciously incited a disreputable woman to accuse the Shaykh of incontinence. Through the miraculous powers of Shaykh Baháu'ddín Zakaríyá, the falsehood of the charge was established. He then went to Bengal. His tomb is in the port of Dev Maḥal.

SHAYKH ṢÚFÍ BADHNÍ.

His birthplace was Oudh. He lived a life of extraordinary abstraction, heedless of all save the worship of God. It is said that Khwájah Ḳuṭbu'ddín and he, with a number of others, were taken prisoners by the Mughals. Hunger and thirst drove the captives to the greatest straits. It was then that the Khwájah, by supernatural power, drew forth from his wallet warm cakes (kák), with which he supplied each one of the party, while the Ṣúfí gave them all to drink from his broken water-vessel (badhná). From this circumstance the Khwájah was called Kákí,1 and the other Badhní.

KHWÁJAH KARAK.2

One of the greatest of the ascetics. He lived apart from worldly intercourse and passed his days in ruined places. Khwájah Ḳuṭbu'ddín U´shi sent him the habit of a recluse, which he took and threw into the fire. The bearer reviled him to the Khwájah who replied, “Go and demand it back, so that thou mayest know what has in reality happened.” When he made his request, Khwájah Karak said, “Go, and take out a cloak from the fireplace, but only your own.” When he went to look, he found that habit among many others, and repented of his conduct. His tomb is at Karrah,3 Mánikpúr.

SHAYKH NIẒÁMU'DDÍN ABU'L MUAYYAD.4

He stood in the relation of a disciple to his maternal uncle Shaykh Shihábu'ddín Aḥmad Ghaznaví and flourished during the reign of Shams u'ddín Altmish. Khwájah Ḳuṭbu'ddín U´shi and Shaykh Niẓámu'ddín Auliyá, both considered an interview with him as a great happiness.

SHAYKH NAJÍBU'DDÍN MUḤAMMAD

Was the disciple of Shaykh Badru'ddín Firdausí of Samarḳand, who was the khalífah or vicegerent of Shaykh Sayfu'ddín Bákharzí,1 who held the same relation to Shaykh Najmu'ddín Kubra. From thence he came to Delhi and for a time directed the consciences of men, and there died. Some say that he and Shaykh I'mádu'ddín Ṭúsí were the disciples and vicegerents of Shaykh Ruknu'ddín Fírdausí.

KÁẒI ḤAMÍDU'DDÍN2 NÁGORÍ

Was the son of Aṭáu'ddín of Bokhárá, where he was born. In the reign of Mu'izzu'ddín Sám he came to Delhi with his father, and for three years held the office of Ḳáẓí at Nágor. Unexpectedly the desire of a life of retirement seized him. Abandoning the world he journeyed to Baghdad and became the disciple of Shaykh Shihábu'ddín Suhrawardí. There he entered into intimate friendship with Khwájah Ḳuṭbu'ddín and after travelling to Ḥijáz came to Delhi. He died on the night of the 5th of Ramaẓán, A. H. 644 (Sunday, 9th November, A. D. 1246) without any previous illness. He is buried in Delhi.

SHAYKH3 ḤAMÍDU'DDÍN SUWÁLÍ OF NÁGOR

Was the son of Shaykh Aḥmad. In his early youth he was handsome and rich, but in pursuit of the truth he abandoned the world and applied himself to the practice of austerities. He wore the mantle of discipleship under Khwájah Mu'ínu'ddín and attained a high degree of perfection. He was styled Sulṭán u't-Tárikín, the King of Recluses. He rolled up the carpet of life on the 29th Rabíi' II, A. H. 673 (31st October 1274). His restingplace is in Nágor.4

SHAYKH NAJÍBU'DDÍN MUTAWAKKIL

Was the brother and disciple of Shaykh Farídu'ddín Ganj i Shakkar. Shaykh Niẓámu'ddín used to say: “When I left Badáon for Delhi desiring to pay my respects to Ganj i Shakkar, I met Najíbu'ddin and was much benefited by his society.” He died on the 9th of Ramaẓán, A. H. 660. (27th July 1261).

SHAYKH BADRU'DDÍN

His birthplace was Ghaznah.1 In a dream he received the discipleship of Khwájah Ḳuṭbu'ddín U´shí, and abandoning all, undertook the toil of a journey in quest of the holy man. In Delhi his desires were fulfilled and he received the office of vicegerent. Ḳáẓí Ḥámidu'ddín, Shaykh Faríd u'ddín Ganj i Shakkar, Sayyid Mubárak Ghaznaví, Mauláná Majdu'ddín Jurjání, Shaykh Ziyáu'ddín Dihlaví, and other eminent personages received the blessing of his instructions. In his old age when he was unable to move, the sound of a hymn would excite him to ecstasy and he would dance like a youth. When asked how it was that the Shaykh could dance notwithstanding his decrepitude, he replied: “Where is the Shaykh? It is Love that dances.” His resting-place is at the foot of his own master's grave.

SHAYKH BADRU'DDÍN ISḤÁḲ

Was the son of Minháju'ddín Bokhárí, but some say he was the son of Alí-b-Isḥáḳ, of Delhi, where he was born. He went through the usual course of studies, but some speculative difficulties not being solved in this country he set out for Bokhárá. At Ajodhan, in intercourse with Ganj i Shakkar, his doubts were removed, and becoming his disciple he set himself to mortify his senses. The Shaykh conferred on him the distinction of being both his vicegerent and his son-in-law. He was buried in that place.

SHAYKH NAṢÍRU'DDÍN CHIRÁGH-I-DIHLAVÍ, OR THE LAMP OF DELHI.

His name was Maḥmúd and his birthplace Delhi. He was the disciple and vicegerent of Shaykh Niẓámu'ddín Auliyá. He departed from this world that all must leave on the 1st of Ramaẓán, A. H. 757, (2nd Sept. 1356).

SHAYKH SHARAF (U'DDÍN) OF PÁNÍPAT2

His patronymic was Abú Alí Ḳalandar. He lived as a recluse and in one of his writings he says of himself: “At the age of forty I came to Delhi and received instruction under Khwájah Ḳuṭbu'ddín. Mauláná Wajíhu'ddín Páilí, Mauláná Ṣadru'ddín, Mauláná Fakhru'ddín Náfilah, Mauláná Náṣiru'ddín, Mauláná Mu'ínu'ddín Daulatábábádí, Mauláná Najíbu'ddín Samarḳandí, Mauláná Ḳuṭbu'ddín of Mecca, Mauláná Aḥmad Khansárí and other learned men of the day gave me a license to teach and to pronounce judicial decisions, which offices I exercised for twenty years. Unexpectedly I received a call from God, and throwing all my learned books into the Jumna, I set out on travel. In Roumelia1 I fell in with Shamsu'ddín Tabrízí and Mauláná Jalálu'ddín Rúmí who presented me with a robe and turban and with many books, which in their presence I threw into the river. Subsequently I came to Pánípat and there lived as a recluse.” His tomb is there.

SHAYKH AḤMAD.

His birthplace was Nahrwálah, commonly known as Paṭṭan.2 He became the disciple of Ḥamídu'ddín Nágórí and attained the high rank of a vicegerent; Shaykh Baháu'ddin Zakaríyá who was difficult to please, much commended him. He was buried at Badáon.

SHAYKH JALÁL

Was the son of Sayyid Maḥmúd-b-Sayyid Jalálu'ddín Bokhárí.3 He was universally known as Makhdúm i Jahániyán (lord of mankind).

He was born on the Shab-i-Barát, 14th Shaạbán, A. H. 707, (7th Feb., A. D. 1307). He was the disciple of his father and received a vicegerency from Shaykh Ruknu'ddín Abu'l Fatḥ Suhrawardí. It is said that he journeyed much and had intercourse with Imám Yáfạí and many others. He visited Shaykh Naṣíru'ddín Chirágh i Dihlaví, and became a vicegerent in the Chisht family. He put off his earthly body on Thursday, the I´d-i-Ḳurbán, 10th Zil Ḥijjah, A. H. 785, (2nd Feb., A. D. 1383). He was buried al U´chh, near Multán.4

SHAYKH SHARAFU'DDÍN MUNÍRÍ

Was the son of Yaḥya-b-Isráíl, the head of the Chishtís. He was instructed under Ganj i Shakkar. His childhood passed, he practised a life of austerity in the hills, and in the desire of seeing Shaykh Niẓám Auliyá, he went to Delhi with his eldest brother, Shaykh Jalálu'ddín Muḥammad. The Shaykh meanwhile had died, but others affirm that he saw him and by his direction went to Najíbu'ddín Firdausí, and after discipleship became his vicegerent. Shaykh Shamsu'ddín Muzaffar of Balkh and Shaykh Jalálu'ddín Awadhí, called also Jamál Ḳitál, received the vicegerency from him. He left many works, and amongst them his writings on the mortification of the spirit are in use as exercises. His burial-place is in Behár.

SHAYKH JAMÁLU'DDÍN HÁNSAWÍ

Was the descendant of Abú Ḥanífah of Kúfah. His profession was to deliver discourses and pronounce judical decisions, but renouncing this office he became the disciple of Shaykh Faríd Ganj i Shakkar and reached a high degree of virtue. To whomsoever the Shaykh Faríd gave a certificate of vicegerency, he would send him to Jamálu'ddín on whose approval the certificate took effect. If he did not approve the Shaykh would say that what Jamál tore up Faríd could not repair. He was buried in Hánsí.

SHÁH MADÁR

His title was Badíi'u'ddín. High and low throughout Hindustan have great devotion to him and attest his great sanctity. They say that he was the disciple of Shaykh Muḥammad Ṭayfúrí Bisṭamí. He never wore garments of rich texture and he held aloof from men. Every Monday his doors used to be open and a crowd of suppliants collected. As the people respectfully kept back, it was his custom to recite some story in which those who sought advice received their answer; and whoever heard the response which befitted his case, he rose blessing him. Strange tales are told of him. The Madárí order take their origin from him. His resting-place is in Makanpúr.

On the anniversary of his decease every year, crowds of people from distant parts flock thither, carrying banners of all colours, and recite his praises. Káẓí Shihábu'ddin in the reign of Sulṭán Ibráhím Sharḳi1 had a quarrel with him of which he found reason to repent.

SHAYKH NÚR ḲUṬB-I-AÁLAM

Was the son of Shaykh Aláu'l Ḥaḳḳ. His true name is Shaykh Núru'ddín Aḥmad-b-O'mar Asạd, and he was born at Láhor. He was the disciple and vicegerent of his eminent father, who received the vicegerency from Shaykh Akhí Siráj. He in some degree attained to the knowledge of the Ineffable Mystery and became a mystic of exalted degree, as his works and some of his letters, in themselves, testify. Shaykh Ḥusámu'ddín Mánikpúrí was his vicegerent. He died in A. H. 808 (A. D., 1405), and was buried at Panḍuah.

BÁBÁ ISḤÁḲ MAGHRABÍ

Was born at Delhi and was the disciple of Ḥájí Shaykh Muḥammad Kímí.1 His line of succession through some few intermediaries, traces back to Junayd. Shaykh Aḥmad Khaṭṭú2 thus writes: “I went to Delhi in his company. He showed me his old dwelling and said: “At the age of twelve I set out in search of spiritual help from saintly souls and chosing the vocation of a recluse received instruction from many eminent persons, and in the city of Kím, in Mauritania, and in intercourse with Shaykh Muḥammad who had made the pilgrimage to Mecca, I attained to the desire of my heart, and became a vicegerent.” He returned to Delhi in the reign of Sulṭán Muḥammad who received him with much honour. Khwájah Mu'ínu'ddín instructed him in a vision to retire to Khaṭṭú in seclusion, and he followed this direction.

SHAYKH AḤMAD KHAṬṬÚ.

His title was Jamálu'ddín and he was born at Delhi, in A. H. 737 (A. D. 1336), of a noble family of that city. He was the disciple and vicegerent of Bábá Isḥáḳ Maghrabí. His name was Naṣíru'ddín. By a freak of fortune he was carried away from his dwelling in a tempest of wind. After a time he was blessed with the instruction of Bábá Isḥáḳ Maghrabí and garnered a store of secular and theological learning. In the reign of Sulṭán Aḥmad Gujarátí (A. D. 1411–43), he came to Gujarát where all classes received him with respect and were loud in his praise. He subsequently travelled in Arabia and Persia and met many eminent doctors. He was buried in Sarkhech, near Aḥmadábád.

SHAYKH ṢADRU'DDÍN

Was the son of Sayyid Aḥmad Kabír-b-Sayyid Jalálu'ddín Bokhárí, and was commonly known as Rájú Ḳitál.3 He was the disciple and vicegerent of his father and received also the latter distinction from his brother Makhdúm-i-Jahániyán and Shaykh Ruknu'ddín Abu'l-Fatḥ. Sulṭán Firoz held him in great honour. He slept his last sleep in A. H. 806 (A. D. 1403).

SHAYKH ALÁU'DDÍN MUḤAMMAD

Was the grandson of Shaykh Farídu'ddín Ganj i Shakkar, and son of Badru'ddín Sulaymán. He was a man of a holy and commendable life and attained to great spiritual eminence. On his decease Sulṭán Muḥammad Tughlaḳ built a mausoleum over his remains.

SAYYID MUḤAMMAD GE´SÚDARÁZ (LONG HAIR)

Was the disciple and vicegerent of Shaykh Naṣíru'ddín Chirágh-i-Dihlí. He became proficient in theology and secular knowledge and by the direction of his spiritual guide went from Delhi to the Dekhan, where he was received with honour by high and low. He died in A. H. 825 (A. D. 1421–2), and was buried at Kulbargah.1

ḲUṬB-I-AÁLAM.

His patronymic was Abú Muḥammad, and his title Burhánu'ddín. He was the son of Sháh Muḥammad-b-Sayyid Jalálu'ddín Makhdúm i-Jahániyán, and was born in A. H. 790 (A. D. 1388). He was the disciple of his illustrious father and received the vicegerency from Shaykh Aḥmad Khaṭṭú. In the reign of Sulṭán Muḥammad (Sháh Karím, A. D. 1443–51), the descendant of Sulṭán Muẓaffar Sháh by two removes,2 by order of his father he came to Gujarát and there became eminent in secular and speculative learning. He died in A. H. 857 (A. D. 1453). His tomb is in Baṭwah,3 near Aḥmadábád.

SHÁH AÁLAM.

His name was Sayyid Muḥammad, he was the son of Ḳuṭb-i-Aálam and was born on the 9th of Zu'lḳaạdah, A. H. 817 (18th January 1415) He was the disciple of his father from whom he received the vicegerency and attained to eminent sanctity. Extraordinary miracles are related of him. His days came to an end on the 20th Jumáda II., A. H. 880 (21st Oct. 1475). He lies buried at Rasúlábád, near Aḥmadábád.

SHAYKH ḲUṬBU'DDÍN

Was the son of Shaykh Burhánu'ddín-b-Shaykh Jamálu'ddín of Háṅnsí and the disciple and vicegerent of Shaykh Niẓámu'ddín Auliyá. He lived apart from men and took no presents from princes. Sulṭán Muḥammad in person went to Háṅnsí and brought him to Delhi. He is buried at Háṅnsí.

SHAYKH ALÍ PAYRAV

Was the son of Mauláná Aḥmad Maháyamí. He became proficient in worldly and spiritual knowledge and explained the mysteries after the manner of Shaykh Muḥyí'ddín Arabí. He has left many works on theology, but most of them are no longer extant.

SAYYID MUḤAMMAD JAUNPÚRÍ

Was the son of Sayyid Baḍh Uwaysí. He received instruction under many holy men and was learned in spiritual and secular knowledge. Carried away by extravagance he laid claim to be a Mahdí1 and many followers gathered round him and numerous miracles are ascribed to him. He is the origin of the Mahdavís. From Jaunpúr he went to Gujarát and was much in favour with Sulṭán Maḥmúd the Great. The narrow-mindedness of worldlings made India intolerable to him and he resolved to pass into Persia, but died at Farrah and was there buried.

ḲÁẒI KHÁN.

His name was Yúsuf and his birthplace Ẓafarábád. He was the disciple and vicegerent of Shaykh Ḥasan Ṭáhir, surnamed Kamálu'l Ḥaḳḳ. He was also the disciple of Hájí Ḥámid who was the vicegerent of Ḥusámu'ddín Mánikpúrí. He acquired secular and theological learning. His spiritual guide, during his own lifetime, charged him with the superintendence of his vicegerents, and at his death entrusted to his care his own son Abdu'l Azíz. On the 15th of Ṣafar, A. H. 900 (13th November 1494), he rested from the troubles of the world.

MIR SAYYID ALI ḲAWÁM.

His birthplace was Siwánah. He was the disciple and vicegerent of Baháu'ddín Jaunpúrí Shaṭṭárí. Some say that he was instructed by Shaykh Ḳáṣá2 Shaṭṭárí, while others affirm that his connection with all spiritual families can be correctly proved. In the year A. H. 905 (A. D. 1499), he passed from earth. His restingplace is Jaunpúr.

KÁẒI MAḤMÚD

Was the son of Shaykh Jálindha3 -b-Muḥammad Gujarátí. He was born in Bírpúr.4 He was the disciple of his father and received the mantle of vicegerency from Sháh Aálam. Divine love filled his heart and many an edifying discourse fell from his lips. From the age of eleven he was spiritually illumined, and wonderful accounts are given regarding him. On the 13th Rabíi' II. of the year (A. H. 942. A. D. 1535) in which the Emperor Humáyún defeated Bahádur (Sháh) of Gujarát, he passed to the other world and lies buried in Bírpúr.

SHAYKH MAUDÚD AL-LÁRI

Was the disciple of Bábá Niẓám Abdál. He went through the usual course of studies for a time under Mauláná Abdu'l Ghafúr of Lár and sought spiritual guidance from many souls. He was thoroughly versed in the methods of exposition and exegesis of the schools and skilled in the complicated problems of philosophy, and he had met Sháh Niạmatu'llah Walí and Sháh Ḳásim Anwár. He slept his last sleep in Ramaẓán A. H. 937 (A. D. 1530).

SHAYKH ḤÁJÍ ABD'UL WAHHÁB-AL-BOKHÁRÍ.

Shaykh Jalálu'ddín Bokhárí had two sons. Makhdúm-i-Jahániyán was the son of Sayyid Maḥmúd and this (Shaykh Ḥájí) was descended from (the other son), Sayyid Aḥmad. He was the disciple and pupil of Sayyid Ṣadru'ddín Bokhárí. He was versed in secular and speculative science. He died in A. H. 932 (A. D. 1525-26).

SHAYKH ABDU'R RAZZÁḲ

Was born at Jhanjhána1 and was the disciple and vicegerent of Sháh Muḥammad Ḥasan and the son of Shaykh Ḥasan Ṭáhir. At first he went through the usual course of studies which he abandoned for a higher aim. He died in A. H. 949 (A. D. 1542), and was buried at Jhanjhána.

SHAYKH ABDU'L ḲUDDÚS.

He asserted himself to be a descendant of Abú Ḥanífah. He was the disciple of Shaykh Muḥammad-b-Shaykh Aárif-b-Shaykh Aḥmad Abd'ul Ḥaḳḳ. He acquired secular and spiritual learning and became eminent in theology. Many of his mystical sayings are recorded. The Emperor Humáyún with a few of the learned, visited him in his cell and an animated controversy took place. He folded up the carpet of his life in A. H. 950 (A. D. 1543). He was buried at Gangoyah,2 near Delhi.

SAYYID IBRÁHÍM

Was the son of Mu'ínu'ddín-b-Abdu'l Ḳádir Ḥusayní. His birthplace was I´raj.1 He was the disciple of Shaykh Baháu'ddín Ḳádirí Shaṭṭárí. He was proficient in all learning and rarely equalled for his good deeds. He had travelled much, and in the reign of Sulṭán Sikandar Lodí (A. D. 1517–40) went to Delhi. Shaykh Abdu'llah of Delhi, Miyán Ládan, Mauláná Abdu'l Ḳádir the soapmaker, and other celebrated doctors acknowledged his sanctity. He yielded up his fleeting life in A. H. 953 or 958 (A. D. 1546–51). He was buried at Delhi.

SHAYKH A´MÁN.

His name was Abdu'l Malik, son of Abdu'l Ghafúr. He was the disciple of Shaykh Muḥammad Ḥasan. By the direction of his master, he received various instruction under Shaykh Muḥammad Maudúd al-Lárí. He died on the 12th Rabíi' II., A. H. 958 (20th April, 1551).

SHAYKH JAMÁL

Was the son of Shaykh Ḥamzah and his father's disciple. He chiefly led a retired life though among worldly occupations. He was buried at Dharsú.

I think it fitting to conclude these notices with an account of (the prophets) Khiẓr and Elias, and thus supplicate an enduring remembrance.

KHIẒR.

His name was Balyán, the son of Kalyán, the son of Fáligh (Phaleg), the son of Aábir (Heber), the son of Shálikh (Sale), the son of Arfakshad (Arphaxad), the son of Sám, (Sem), the son of Núḥ (Noé). Some call him Kalyán-b-Malkán, others Malkán, the son of Balyán, the son of Kalyán, the son of Simeon, the son of Sám, the son of Noé. His patronymic was Abu'l Abbás. He was called Khiẓr2 because he sat upon a white skin which through the blessed influence of his feet turned to green. He was born in the time of Moses within two parasangs of Shíráz, or according to another opinion in the time of Abraham. Some place him shortly before the mission of Abraham and others, a considerable time after. Shaykh Aláu'ddaulah in his U'rwat (li Ahli'lkhalwat wa'ljalwat) (ansa viris solitariis et multum conspicuis oblata)1 says of him, “he has many wives, and children are born to him and he gives them names, but no one can find a trace of him. It is now one hundred years and seven months that he has withdrawn himself from the world, and no children of his survive. In his early profession of broker he used to buy and sell and secure profit, and borrow and give in pledge; he is also learned in alchemy and knows where the treasures of the world lie buried, and by the command of God expends them in the service of the people, and never acts solely for his own benefit. He delights in music and dances, and will often pass a day and a night together in an ecstatic trance.2 A thousand years ago he renewed his youth, and subsequent to that time this occurs after every one hundred and twenty years.” The Shaykh continues: “In this year the period of renewal takes place and from the epoch of the Hijrah up to this day the renewal has occurred seven times. He associates, and prays with the (saints called) Ḳuṭb and Abdál.8 They say that once in Medina some camel-men were having a fight with stones. A piece of stone struck Khiẓr on the head and cut it open. The wound chilled and became inflamed and his illness lasted three months. His prophetic office is disputed though many believe it.” He accompanied Zu'l Ḳarnayn (the two-horned Alexander)1 in search of the water of life, and obtained the boon of length of days. Some say that both Elias and Khiẓr obtained the water of life, and others maintain that Khiẓr is a spirit who assumes various bodily forms, and they deny him to be of mortal race.

ELIAS

Was the son of Sem, the son of Noé, and grandfather of Khiẓr. Some authorities give his father's name as Yásín and some give Nusayy and different other names. Others again derive his genealogy thus,—that he was the son of Phineas, the son of Eleazar (I'ízár), the son of Aaron the brother of Moses. There is also a disagreement regarding his prophetical office. The Ḳuṭbs, Abdáls, and Khiẓr, stand to him in the light of disciples and revere him. He is tall of stature, with a large head; is reserved in speech and absorbed in thought. He has a solemn and awe-inspiring exterior, and the mysteries of all things are revealed to him. It is said that he was raised up for the defence of the faith of Moses and was sent as an inspired guide to the people of Baạlbak; when he found that his admonitions were of no avail, he asked for his deliverence from the Almighty,1 and his prayer was heard. One day he went up into a hill with Eliseus, the son of Akhtúb, and a fiery chariot with its equipage and harness appeared, and leaving Eliseus as his successor he mounted the chariot and vanished from sight.

Extraordinary accounts are told of these two personages Khiẓr and Elias. The first mentioned roams chiefly over dry land and brings those who have strayed into the right path; the latter keeps by the coasts. Some reverse these conditions. Each has ten holy persons as their assistants, and both are said to have lived for many years and associate together. Some of the learned, however, do not believe in their existence. Elias is prayed to for the prevention of calamities, and Khiẓr for their remission after they have befallen.

PRAISE BE TO GOD

That a general review of the state of Hindustan has been now presented and the modes of thought and the customs of its people explicitly recorded. As time pressed and my mind was ill at ease, I did not formulate the proofs of their doctrine nor compare them with the systems of Greece and Persia. Neither did I set down the various conflicting opinions among the Hindus, nor express the thoughts that occurred thereon to this bewildered member of the synod of creation. Were my spirit not too much oppressed by the gloomy toil of these pages and the deciphering of the characters of manuscripts, and did fortune favour and continue its aid, I would first arrange these systems of philosophy in due order and weigh them with those of the Grecian and Persian Schools, contributing somewhat of my own impartial conclusions in measured approval or disapproval, as my fastidious judgment dictated.

Before I had left my obscure home and had approached the gracious threshold of majesty which is the abode where truth meets with recognition, and had mixed with the learned of all creeds, it had been my constant wish that the Bountiful Giver of all desires would vouchsafe to me the companionship of five intelligent and well-disposed persons, namely, a scholar of literary attainments; a profound philosopher; a mystic of holy life; an accomplished rhetorician; and a thinker of speculative and lofty spirit. It was herein my desire that each of these through his own perspicacity and just views of the divine Government, should not regard the truth as captive to his own discoveries, but ever suspicious of his own liability to error, advance in his inquiries with a bold step so that in the common pursuit of truth, the opinions of each might be lucidly set forth. The prescriptive duties of investigation might, in such circumstances, be exercised, and convincing argument distinguished from specious fallacy and proof from all beside it, in he hope that from the heart-lacerating thorn-brakes of discord there might be a happy transition into the garden of unity. When from seclusion I became engaged in public affairs, the five wishes of my aspiring mind grew to fourteen, and nine Hindus increased the contemplated list. I found the majority of them, however, of a retrograde tendency, spinning like a silk-worm, a tissue round themselves, immeshed in their own conclusions, and conceding attainment of the truth to no other, while foxlike, artfully insinuating their own views. In dejection of spirit as one crazy, I nigh came unto losing the control of my reason and breaking the warp and woof of life. On a sudden the star of my fortune blazed in the ascendant and the Imperial grace interposed in my favour, and thus rescued in some measure from vain imaginings, I found peace in the pleasant pastures of universal toleration.

I trust that by the happy destiny of this God-fearing monarch this union will be realised, and my long-cherished desires bloom with the radiance of fulfilment.

O Lord! Unto my soul its sight restore,
And let my feet Thy stair of Truth explore.
The treasures of Thy clemency set free
And bid my spirit find its goal in Thee.
Grant through life's busy ways still at my side,
Thy grace may aid me and Thy mercy guide.

BOOK THE FIFTH.
COMPRISING THE HAPPY SAYINGS OF HIS MAJESTY,
AND THE CONCLUSION,
With a brief notice of the Author.

(P. 227.) As I have now succinctly described the Sacred Institutes, in acknowledgment of my own obligations and as a gift of price to the rest of mankind, it appears fitting that I should record somewhat of the sayings of his Imperial Majesty in relation both to secular and spiritual concerns, in order that his words and actions may become known to far and near.

The following are among his utterances:—

There exists a bond between the Creator and the creature which is not expressible in language.

Each thing has a quality inseparable from it and the heart is influenced by some irresistible attachment to the power of which it submits and builds thereon the foundation of its sorrows and joys. Whosoever by his brilliant destiny withdraws his affections from all worldly concerns, attains to the Divine love which is above all others.

(P. 228.) The existence of creatures depends on no other bond than this. Whoever is gifted with this wisdom shall reach a high perfection.

Whosoever habituates himself to preserve this sacred relation, will be withheld from it by no other occupation.

Hindu women fetch water from their rivers, tanks or wells, and many of them bear several pitchers one above the other upon their heads and converse and chat freely with their companions, walking the while over any inequalities of ground. If the heart in like manner preserves the balance of its pitchers, no harm will befall them. Why should men be inferior to these in their relations with the Almighty.

When this interior affection both in its immaterial and material aspects is thus strengthened, who can sever the attachment of the rational soul to the Supreme Being?

From the practice of real ascetism the transition is easy to unlawful mendicancy. Since a thing is best comprehended by contrast with its opposite, the latter also thus comes to be pleasurably regarded.

The intellect will not with the full assent of reason, confessedly oppose the divine law, but some do not believe in the divine books, nor credit that the Supreme essence that is tongueless will express itself in human speech, while others again differ in their interpretation of them.

The divine grace is shed upon all alike, but some from unpreparedness in due season and others from incapacity are unable to profit thereby; the handiwork of the potter evidences this truth.

The object of outward worship which they affect to call a new divine institute, is for the awakening of slumberers, otherwise the praise of God comes from the heart not the body.

The first degree of dutiful obedience is not to scowl with knitted brows when trials befall, but regarding them as the bitter remedies of a physician, to accept them with a cheerful countenance.

That which is without form cannot be seen whether in sleeping or waking, but it is apprehensible by force of imagination. To behold God in vision is, in fact, to be understood in this sense.

Most worshippers of God are intent on the advancement of their own desires not on His worship.

As the dark hair turns to grey, the hope arises that this hue which is never far distant, may be kept burnished by the wondrous workings of destiny, in order that the rust of the heart may be cleansed with it and its vision illumined.

Some there are who maintain that men walk in opposition to the will of God, and that their salvation depends on their renunciation of this evil habit; but he who is spiritually illumined knows that none can effectually oppose His commands, and physicians from this reflection provide a remedy for those that are sick.

Each person according to his condition gives the Supreme Being a name, but in reality to name the Unknowable is vain.

(P. 229.) The object of an appellative is the removal of ambiguity, but this is not predicable of the All Holy Essence.

There is no need to discuss the point that a vacuum in nature is impossible. God is omnipresent.

All that men account good and bad and virtue and vice, arises from the wondrous phases of God's grace: the discordant effects result from human action.

To impute the existence of evil to Satan is to make him a co-partner of the Almighty. If he is the robber, who is responsible for his being one?

The legend of Satan is an old-world notion. Who has the power to oppose the will of God?

A peasant was seized with a desire to seek the Lord. His spiritual guide learning his love for his cow, placed him in a confined space and directed him to exercise himself in meditation on that object. After a time he called him forth to test him. As the man had been absorbed in that contemplation, he persuaded himself that he had horns, and replied that his horns prevented his exit. His director seeing his single-mindedness, by degrees weaned him from his error.

The superiority of man rests on the jewel of reason. It is meet that he should labour in its burnishing, and turn not from its instruction.

A man is the disciple of his own reason. If it has naturally a good lustre, it becomes itself his director, and if it gains it under the direction of a higher mind, it is still a guide.

Commending obedience to the dictates of reason and reproving a slavish following of others need the aid of no arguments. If imitation were commendable, the prophets would have followed their predecessors.

Many whose minds are diseased persuade themselves into an affectation of health, but the spiritual physician recognises the impress on their brows.

As the body becomes sickly from indisposition, so the mind has its disorder; knowledge decays until a remedy is applied.

For a disordered mind there is no healing like the society of the virtuous.

To read the characters of men is a thing of great difficulty and is not in the power of every one.

The soul notwithstanding its superiority, takes the tone of the natural disposition by association with it and the brilliancy of its lustre thus becomes dimmed with dirt.

(P. 230.) Through dullness of insight the concerns of the soul which are the source of happiness are neglected, while the pampering of the body which enfeebles the spirit, is eagerly practised.

Men through attachments to their associates acquire their disposition, and much of good and of evil thus results to them.

When his understanding is still undeveloped, man is in constant change of mood; at one time taking joy in festivities, at another sitting disconsolate in the house of mourning. When his vision is raised to higher things, sorrow and joy withdraw.

Many in the conceit of their imagination and entangled in the thorn-brake of a blind assent to tradition, believe themselves to be followers of reason, whereas if it be carefully regarded they are not in its vicinity.

Many simpletons, worshippers of imitative custom, mistake the traditions of the ancients for the dictates of reason, and garner for themselves eternal perdition.

Acts and words are variously the effects of good sense, or of desire or of passion, but through the withdrawal of impartial judgment the facts are noisily misrepresented.

When rising from sleep which is a semblance of death, one should be earnest in giving thanks for a renewed life by seemly thoughts and virtuous actions.

Conscience requires that rectitude and probity which is commendable in the sight of all men, should be associated with appropriate action.

One should first labour for one's own edification and then turn to the acquisition of knowledge in the hope of lighting the lamp of wisdom and extinguishing the risings of dissension.

Alas! that in the first flush of youth our inestimable lives are unworthily spent. Let us hope that in future they may virtuously terminate.

The vulgar believe in miracles, but the wise man accepts nothing without adequate proof.

Although temporal and spiritual prosperity are based on the due worship of God, the welfare of children first lies in obedience to their fathers.

Alas! that the Emperor Humáyún died so early and that I had no opportunity of showing him faithful service!

The sorrows of men arise from their seeking their fortune before its destined time, or above what is decreed for them.

(To his son.) My good counsel is your brother. Hold it in honour.

(P. 231.) Ḥakím Mírzá1 is a memorial of the Emperor Humáyún. Though he has acted ungratefully, I can be no other than forbearing.

Some bold spirits asked permission to lie in ambush and put an end to that rebel. I could not consent, thinking it remote from what was befitting in his regard. Thus both that distinguished memorial of majesty escaped from harm, and my devoted friends were shielded from peril.

The concerns of men are personal to themselves but through the predominance of greed and passion they intrude upon (those of) others.

It is meet that worldlings should lead a busy life in order that idleness may be discouraged and the desires may not wander towards unlawful objects.

It was my object that mendicancy should disappear from my dominions. Many persons were plentifully supplied with means, but through the malady of avarice it proved of no avail.

The world of existence is amenable only to kindness. No living creature deserves rejection.

The impulse of avarice, like pride, is not consonant with magnanimity, and, therefore, should not be suffered to enter or influence the mind.

The office of a spiritual director is to discern the state of the soul and to set about its reform, and lies not in growing the locks of an Ethiop and patching a tattered robe and holding formal discourses to an audience.

By guidance is meant indication of the road, not the gathering together of disciples.

To make a disciple is to instruct him in the service of God, not to make him a personal attendant.

Formerly I persecuted men into conformity with my faith and deemed it Islám. As I grew in knowledge, I was overwhelmed with shame. Not being a Muslim myself, it was unmeet to force others to become such. What constancy is to be expected from proselytes on compulsion?

Clemency and benevolence are the sources of happiness and length of days. Sheep that produce but one or two young ones in a year are in great numbers, while dogs notwithstanding their prolificacy are few

The phrase is remarkable that one sits to show the road, but one rises to rob it.1

The difficulty is to live in the world and to refrain from evil, for the life of a recluse is one of bodily ease.

Although knowledge in itself is regarded as the summit of perfection, yet unless displayed in action it bears not the impress of worth; indeed, it may be considered worse than ignorance.

(P. 232.) Men from shortsightedness frequently seek their own advantage in what is harmful to them: how much the more must they err in regard to others.

Men through blindness do not observe what is around them, intent only on their own advantage. If a cat defiles its claws in the blood of a pigeon they are annoyed, but if it catches a mouse they rejoice? In what way has the bird served them or the latter unfortunate animal done them wrong?

The first step in this long road is not to give the rein to desire and anger, but to take a measured rule and align one's actions thereon.

When the light of wisdom shines, a man distinguishes what is truly his own. What he has is only borrowed.

In a storehouse, mice and sparrows and other animals have a common interest but from ill-nature each thinks the place his own.

Most people avoid the society of those they dislike, and do not let the displeasure of God occupy their thoughts.

It is my duty to be in good understanding with all men. If they walk in the way of God's will, interference with them would be in itself reprehensible: and if otherwise, they are under the malady of ignorance and deserve my compassion.

An artisan who rises to eminence in his profession has the grace of God with him. The worship of God is the occasion of his being honoured.

Sleep and food are a means for the renewal of strength in seeking to do the will of God. Miserable man from folly regards them as an end.

Although sleep brings health of body, yet as life is the greatest gift of God, it were better that it should be spent in wakefulness.

A man of penetration finds no (preordained) injustice. He regards adversity as a chastisement.

A wise man does not take heed for his daily sustenance. The analogy of bondsman and servant is an exhortation to him.

Happy is he who hath an ear wherewith to hear and an eye to see, for as truth cannot be overthrown, a blind man in posssession thereof will not follow an evil course.1

Children are the young saplings in the garden of life. To love them is to turn our minds to the Bountiful Creator.

(P. 233.) To bestow in alms a coin which bears the impress of the name of God is very reprehensible.

In our prayers we should avoid the asking of temporal blessings in which the humiliation of another person is involved.

As to the seeking after God being thought to consist in controlling the natural bent of the spirit, most people find the solution of their troubles therein; were it otherwise, fruition would in many become a stair to further gratification.

The material world is analogous to the world of the spirit, for as in the one what is given in trust is again reclaimed, so in the other, works are required in accordance with knowledge.

In the receiving of admonition there is no respect of age or wealth. No distinction is recognized between the tender in years or the poor and others in the necessity of listening to the truth.

The prophets were all illiterate.2 Believers should therefore retain one of their sons in that condition.

Since the poet builds on fiction, his creation cannot be seriously accepted.

A rope dancer performs with feet and hands, a poet with his tongue.

He who happily introduces the verses of another in his own compositions or appositely quotes them, discovers the other's merit and his own.

A certain religeus was addicted to gluttony. He met a discreet adviser who gave him a dish of pumpkin which he was to fill and eat thereof daily, and to draw a sectarial mark on his forehead with pounded lote-fruit (Rhamnus Zizyphus). At the same time, to throw him off the scent, he taught him a prayer to be recited. In a short time his failing was cured.

Would that we did not hear of such differences of opinion among professors of secular learning, nor were confounded by contradictory commentaries and explanations of tradition.

Discourses on philosophy have such a charm for me that they distract me from all else, and I forcibly restrain myself from listening to them, lest the necessary duties of the hour should be neglected.

There are but three causes of aberrant judgment, viz., incapacity of mind; the society of enemies in the guise of friends; the duplicity of friends that seek their own interest.

Would that none other than the prudent had the reading and writing of letters, in order that the base might have no opportunity of fabrication for their own purposes, or of persuading short-sighted simpletons by every specious lie.

The detection of fabrication is exceedingly difficult, but it can be compassed by weighing well the words of the speaker.

Although I am the master of so vast a kingdom, and all the appliances of government are to my hand, yet since true greatness consists in doing the will of God, my mind is not at ease in this diversity of sects and creeds; and apart from this outward pomp of circumstance, with what satisfaction in my despondency, can I undertake the sway of empire? I await the coming of some discreet man of principle, who will resolve the difficulties1 of my conscience.

On the completion of my twentieth year, I experienced an internal bitterness, and from the lack of spiritual provision for my last journey, my soul was seized with exceeding sorrow.

(P. 234.) A darvesh on the northern bank of the Ráví, entered his cell and allowed no one to frequent it. On being asked the reason, he replied, that he was engaged in a special devotion, and that until the death of Abdu'llab Khán, governor of Túrán,1 he would not leave it, nor allow any one access to him. His majesty said, “If he is one whose prayers are heard, then let him close the door of his good works upon us, otherwise let him refrain from this folly.”

If I could but find any one capable of governing the kingdom, I would at once place this burden upon his shoulders and withdraw therefrom.

If I were guilty of an unjust act, I would rise in judgment against myself. What shall I say, then, of my sons, my kindred and others?

The Giver of desires has committed to my charge many a noble fortress. No one has thought of provisioning them, yet confiding in the strength of God, no further apprehension alarms me.

Whoever seeks from me permission to retire from the world will meet with cheerful acquiescence in his desires. If he has really withdrawn his heart from the world that deceives but fools, to dissuade him therefrom would be very reprehensible; but if he only affects it from ostentation, he will receive the requital thereof.

If in ailments of the body which are visible, its physicians have made and do make such errors of treatment, in the disorders of the soul which is invisible and its remedies scarce attainable, what medicine will avail?

It was the effect of the grace of God that I found no capable minister, otherwise people would have considered my measures had been devised by him.

On the day when the Almighty wills that my life should cease, I also would not further prolong it.

My constant prayer to the Supreme Giver is that when my thoughts and actions no longer please Him, he may take my life, in order that I may not every moment add to His displeasure.

The solution of difficulties depends on the assistance of God, and the evidence of the latter is the meeting with a discreet spiritual director. Many persons through not discovering such a one, have their real capabilities obscured.

(P. 235.) One night my heart was weary of the burden of life, when suddenly, between sleeping and waking, a strange vision appeared to me, and my spirit was somewhat comforted.

Whosoever with a sincere heart and in simplicity of mind follows my institutes will profit, both spiritually and temporarily, to the fulfilment of his wishes.

The source of misery is self-aggrandizement and unlawful desires.

The welfare of those who are privileged to confidential counsel at the court of great monarchs has been said to lie in rectitude and loyalty; no self-interest or mercenary motive should intervene; and especially in times of the royal displeasure, if no conciliatory language will avail, they should be silent.

A special grace proceeds from the sun in favour of kings, and for this reason they pray and consider it a worship of the Almighty; but the short-sighted are thereby scandalized.

How can the common people possessed only with the desire of gain, look with respect upon sordid men of wealth. From ignorance these fail in reverence to this fountain of light, and reproach him who prays to it. If their understanding were not at fault how could they forget the Súrah1 beginning “By the sun,” &c.

The reason why the hair of the head turns grey first is because it comes before the beard and the whiskers.

I have heard no good reason from the Hindus for the sounding of the gong and blowing the conch at the time of worship. It must be for the purpose of warning and recollection.

When it rains, if light breaks from the west, the air will clear, for, radiance from the quarter whence darkness proceedeth is a harbinger of light.

The reason why under the Muḥammadan law an inheritance seldom passes to the daughter notwithstanding that her helplessness seems deserving of greater consideration, is that she passes to her husband's house and the legacy would go to a stranger.

The meat which is nearer the bone is sweeter because it contains the essence of the nutriment.

Fruit in a plentiful season is never so luscious and sweet, because the source of supply of these qualities is proportionately subdivided.

The tales of the ancients, that, in certain places of worship fire from heaven was present, were not credited, and it was held to be exaggeration, it not being known that a mirror or the sun-crystal1 being held to the sun would produce fire.

For all kinds of animals there is a fixed breeding season. Man alone is constantly under the impulse of desire to that end. Indeed, by this providential multiplication of the species a greater stability is given to the bond of union upon which the foundation of social life depends.

(P. 236.) Eating anything that dies of itself is unlawful. There is a natural repugnance to it.

A man's being eaten after he has been killed is the just requital of his own baseness.2

The prohibition against touching anything killed by the act of God, the cause of which is unknown, is in order to respect the deed.

Blood contains the principle of life. To avoid eating thereof is to honour life.

The birth of ugliness from beauty is not surprising. Indeed, if a man were to beget a different kind of animal, it would not be extraordinary, for as a matter of fact forms are designed from concepts, and since these are capable of being imagined, their production may take place.

If the love of the husband prevail, he but idolises his own partialities and begets a daughter; if the wife has the stronger affection, the image of her husband is oftenest present, and a boy appears.

As to what is said in ethical treatises, that an enemy should not be despised, the meaning is that since friendship and enmity are but phantasms of the divine dispensation, one should overlook the intervening enemy and view the Deity beyond.

Many a disciple surpasses his master, and yet his attitude to him must be one of deference and submission.

Miracles occur in the temples of every creed. This is the product of mental enthusiasm, for the truth can be but with one.

A gift is the deposit of a pledge and a lightening of an obligation from a former debt.

The origin of wearing the sacred thread (in a Bráhman), is that in ancient times they used to pray with a rope round their necks, and their successors have made this a religious obligation.

In Hindustan no one has ever set himself up as a prophet. The reason is that pretensions to divinity have superseded it.

When any one is said to be of a good, or low origin, what is meant is, that one of his ancestors attained to spiritual or temporal distinction, or was known to fame from connection with some city or profession. It appears to me that good-breeding should involve good works.

It is said that greater friendship is shown by the receiver of a gift than by the giver;1 but I consider that in the giver it is personal. He does not give but to a worthy object, and this can be evidenced in a receiver only by a gift.

(P. 237.) In Hindu treatises it is said that, in the acquisition of learning or of wealth, a man should so toil as though he were never to grow old, or to die.2 But since the luxurious, from fear of these two sources of despair, withhold themselves from labour, it appears to me that in acquiring these twin needs of a worldly career, we should regard each morrow as our last, and postpone not the work of one day to the next.

The Hindu philosopher says that in the garnering of good works, one should have death constantly in view, and, placing no reliance on youth and life, never relax one's efforts. But to me it seems that in the pursuit of virtue, the idea of death should not be entertained, so that freed from hopes and fears, we should practise virtue for the sake of its own worth.

It is strange that in the time of our Prophet no commentaries on the Ḳurán were made, so that differences of interpretation might not afterwards arise.

(Regarding the saying), “the love of a cat is a part of religion,” if the noun of action is not in construction with the agent, as Mír Sayyid Sharíf put it to escape a difficulty, it would not be humane to avoid a cat or regard it with repugnance. The silence of Mauláná Saạdu'ddín from this (obvious) reply is, therefore, not to be defended.3

“What the ancients have said, viz., that the heaviest trials fall on the prophets, next upon the saints, and by proportionately diminishing degrees upon the virtuous, does not commend itself to me. How can the elect of God be thus punished?” Some of the philosophers suggested to his Majesty that these were trials sent by God. The king was amazed and said: “How can trials be justifiable by one who knows both what is hidden and what is manifest?”

Every sect favourably regards him who is faithful to its precepts and in truth he is to be commended. If he be engaged in worldly pursuits he should pass his days in righteousness and well-doing, and in the garnering the needs of the time; and if of a retired habit, he should live in warfare with himself and at peace with others, and regard praise and blame indifferently.

Some are of opinion that the greater the number of intermediaries between him that seeks the truth and him that has reached it, the more the grace of God abounds. But this is not so: rather the attainment thereto is dependent on attrahent grace and good works.

It is strange that the Imámís make beads of the earth of Karbalá, and believe that it is mixed with the blood of the Imám (Ḥusayn).

Whoever bestows his garments upon ignoble people, upon rope-dancers and buffoons, it is as though he went through their antics himself.

He alone whose knowledge is superior in degree to that of the author of a work should make selections therefrom, otherwise it is not a choice of passages but showing his own merit.

(P. 237.) The legend of Alexander's stratagem against Porus1 does not carry the appearance of truth. A man thus raised to power by the Almighty does not act in this manner especially when he thinks his end drawing near.

One should write out a quatrain of Omar Khayyam, after reading an ode of Ḥáfiẓ, otherwise the latter is like drinking wine without a relish.

Men give the names of eminent men to their sons. Although it is done by way of good augury, it is not respectful. And what is most curious is that this is chiefly practised by theologians who do not believe in metempsychosis; while the Hindus who do, refrain from it.2

It is a remarkable thing that men should insist on the ceremony of circumcision for children who are otherwise excused from the burden of all religious obligations.

If the reason of the prohibition of swine (as food), be due to its vileness, lions and the like should be held lawful.

Burial of the dead is an ancient custom: otherwise why should a traveller on the road of annihilation bear a load. He should return as he came.

One day Ḳalíj Khán brought a register to His Majesty, and said, “I have named this the Khuláṣatu'l Mulk” (the Abstract of the Kingdom). His Majesty replied: “This name would more befit a province, a district, or a town: it should rather be called Ḥaḳíḳatu'l Mulk” (the Real State of the Kingdom). Ḳalíj Khán then represented his own capacity in affairs. Others who were present raised objections: During the discussion his knowledge of mathematics was questioned; on this he was silent, but introduced religion. His Majesty uttered the following verse:

“Hath earth so prospered 'neath thy care,
That heaven thy vigilance must share?”

On one occasion at a meeting for philosophical discussion, one of the poets in the assembly uttered the following couplet:

“The Messiah his friend, Khiẓr his guide, Joseph riding at his rein,
Oh! would that my sun might meet with this honour.”

His Majesty said “instead of ‘my sun’ if you read ‘my knight’, it would be more appropriate.” Discerning judges were loud in applause.

One day the following quatrain of Mulla Ṭálib Iṣfahání, in an elegy on Ḥakím Abu'l Fatḥ and congratulatory on the arrival of Ḥakím Humam,1 was quoted in His Majesty's presence:—

“My brothers in their love what concord show!
This homeward comes ere that doth journeying go.
That went, and with him all my life he bore,
This comes, and coming doth that life restore.”

His Majesty remarked that the word was prosaic and it would better run, . The critics much approved.

(P. 239.) Solicitation is reprehensible from every man, especially from those who are disinterested and of lofty spirit for these defile not their hands save with necessities: therefore to solicit of them is to dishonour oneself and them.

Difference of capacity is the cause of the continuance of mankind.

The truth is such that where it reaches the ear it must penetrate the heart. Conviction is irresistible.

The severe illness of the young suggests the doctrine of metempsychosis.

What the divine books say, that great sinners in ancient times were changed into monkeys and boars, is credible.

If the idea were merely that souls were transfused into a few determinate shapes, this would be unworthy; but if the strange workings of destiny joined them to mineral, vegetable and animal life in serial progression till they were exalted to a high dignity, where would be the wonder?

Some of the ancients say that the punishment of each continues through various bodies, and that a body is thus prepared for the expiation of each period—this corroborates the above.

To light a candle is to commemorate the (rising of the) sun. To whomsoever the sun sets, what other remedy hath he but this.

The darkness of smoke is due to the absence of light and its own worthlessness.

When the time of death approaches, a certain sadness supervenes, and when it is at hand, a faintness also ensues. This, indeed, indicates that the gift and withdrawal of life are in the hands of God.

The ear is the sentinel of the voice. When the speaker becomes deaf he loses the need of speech.

Although thieving is worse than fornication when it is practised when the faculties are first developed and in old age, yet because the commission of the latter grave sin contaminates another as well as the doer thereof, it involves the greater guilt.

It is not right that a man should make his stomach the grave of animals.

The killing of an innocent man is a benevolence towards him, for it is committing him to the mercy of God.

The authority to kill should be his who can give life, and he who performs this duty at the command of right judgment, does so with reference to God.

(P. 240.) When an inheritance passes, while a daughter is alive, to the brother's child, it having been transmitted to the deceased from his father, there is justification, otherwise how can it be equitable?

A city may be defined to be a place where artisans of various kinds dwell, or a population of such an extent that a voice of average loudness will not carry at night beyond the inhabited limits.

A river is that which flows throughout the whole year.

Kingdoms are divided from each other by rivers, mountains, deserts or languages.

In cold climates such as Kábul and Kashmír guns should be made thicker than ordinary, so that dryness and cold may not crack them.

A moderate breeze differs relatively in reference to a mill or a ship, but what is commonly understood by this term is one of sufficient force to extinguish a lamp.

The interpretation of dreams belongs to the world of augury. For this reason it is established that none but a learned man of benevolent character should be entrusted to draw a good omen therefrom.

Rhetoric consists in the language being commensurate with the capacity of the hearer, and that a pregnant meaning shall be pithily expressed in a manner intelligible without difficulty. Eloquence requires the delivery to be accompanied with elegance of diction.

One moral may be drawn from the instances of the ruler of Egypt (Pharaoh),1 and Ḥusayn Manṣúr (Ḥalláj), namely that presumptive regard of oneself and regard of God are essentially distinguished.

Dignity is the maintenance of one's station.

A wise man was asked the reason of the long life of the vulture and the short existence of the hawk. He replied, “The one injures no animal, and the other hunts them.

On this His Majesty remarked, “If the penalty to a hawk that lives only on animal life, be a brief span of existence, what shall happen to man who notwithstanding abundant provision of other kinds, does not restrain himself from meat?

Nevertheless, the thought that harmless animals are lawful and animals of prey forbidden food, is full of suggestion.

Learning to speak comes from association, otherwise men would remain inarticulate.

But when the experiment was tried it was shown through the instance of a dumb man, how, though silent in such a case, he might make himself understood by strangers.1

(P. 241.) Whosoever imprecates upon another the vengeance of God will not be heard. It was this reflection that comforted a man who had been cursed by others.

Since I used nitre (for cooling water), I recognise the rights of salt (fidelity), in water also.2

When I came to India I was much attracted by the elephants, and I thought that the use of their extraordinary strength was a prognostication of my universal ascendancy.

Men are so accustomed to eating meat that were it not for the pain, they would undoubtedly fall to on themselves.

Would that my body were so vigorous as to be of service to eaters of meat who would thus forego other animal life, or that as I cut off a piece for their nourishment, it might be replaced by another.

Would that it were lawful to eat an elephant, so that one animal might avail for many.

Were it not for the thought of the difficulty of sustenance, I would prohibit men from eating meat. The reason why I do not altogether abandon it myself is, that many others might willingly forego it likewise and be thus cast into despondency.

From my earliest years, whenever I ordered animal food to be cooked for me, I found it rather tasteless and cared little for it. I took this feeling to indicate a necessity for protecting animals, and I refrained from animal food.

Men should annually refrain from eating meat on the anniversary of the month of my accession as a thanksgiving to the Almighty, in order that the year may pass in prosperity.

Butchers, fishermen and the like who have no other occupation but taking life, should have a separate quarter and their association with others should be prohibited by fine.

A merchant was approaching his end and his four sons were about to quarrel over his property. He directed them with due counsel, and told them that he had providently bequeathed them equal portions and had left these, one for each, in the four corners of his house, and that when he died they were to take their several shares. When his instructions were carried out, one found gold, another grain, and the other two paper and a bone respectively. Not comprehending this they began to make a disturbance. The King of Hindustan, Sáliváhana, thus interpreted it: “By the bone is meant that cattle should be demanded (by its holder) of the first, and by the paper, a money credit of the second.” When the whole was computed, the shares were thus found to be equal.

Ḥasan Sabbáḥ1 was once on journey by sea with a numerous company. Suddenly a storm arose, and consternation seized the people. He himself was cheerful, and when questioned thereon, he announced to them that they would be saved. On reaching land all of them were assured that the future was revealed to him. In point of fact he was undisturbed through his assurance that the will of God could not be altered, and his announcement of the good tidings of their security was caused by this reflection, that if they were drowned no one could save them; had they thought otherwise they would have taken to (vain) supplication.

(P. 242.) Ali,1 called also Kharwá, used to say that he had seen a person in Baliá2 whose upper part consisted of two bodies, each possessing a head, eyes, and hands, with but a single body below. The man was married, and a jeweller by profession.

In the year that Bayram Khán received permission to depart for Ḥijáz,3 a hunting leopard killed a doe near Sikandrah; a live young one was taken from its stomach. I separated the flesh from the bone myself and gave the leopard its fill. In doing so something pricked my hand. I thought it was a piece of a bone. When carefully examined, an arrow-head was found in its liver. The doe must have been hit by an arrow when young, but by God's protection it had touched no vital part, and did not hinder the animal from waxing strong and becoming pregnant.

A mouse will take an egg in its paws and lie on its back, while the others seize him by the tail and drag him into his hole. It will also give a twist to its tail while inserting it into a bottle and draw out opium or whatever else may be inside. There are many such instances of their ingenuity.

If a wolf opens its mouth impelled by desire to seize its prey, it can do so. At other times it cannot open it however much it may wish.4 When captured it utters no sound.

The difference between mineral and vegetable matter5 lies in this, that the former is not soluble in water and the latter dissolves.

Once in a game preserve, a tame deer had a fight with a wild one. The latter was cleverly caught. Some of the spectators quoted the following line: “We have never seen any one who could overtake a deer by running.” The point was thus explained, that ahú “a deer” in Persian, means also “a defect,” and this is not (required to be) secured by pursuit and effort.

The marriage of a young child is displeasing to the Almighty, for the object which is intended is still remote, and there is proximate harm. In a religion which forbids the re-marriage of the widow, the hardship is grave.

Marriage between those who are not related is commendable in order that heterogeneity may become kinship, and between relations, the more remote the affinity the closer is the concord; and what has been recorded of the time of Adam, viz., that as sons and daughters were born to each, the son of one was given to the daughter of another, sustains this view.

As to the kinship between cousins being within the permitted degrees under the Muḥammadan law, this was established in the beginning and was analogous to (the custom in) the time of Adam's birth.1

To seek more than one wife is to work one's own undoing. In case she were barren or bore no son, it might then be expedient (p. 243).

Had I been wise earlier, I would have taken no woman from my own kingdom into my seraglio, for my subjects are to me in the place of children.

The women of Hindustan rate their dear lives at a slender price.

It is an ancient custom in Hindustan for a woman to burn herself however unwilling she may be, on her husband's death and to give her priceless life with a cheerful countenance conceiving it to be a means of her husband's salvation.

It is a strange commentary on the magnanimity of men that they should seek their deliverance through the self-sacrifice of their wives.

A monarch is a pre-eminent cause of good. Upon his conduct depends the efficiency of any course of action. His gratitude to his Lord, therefore, should be shown in just government and due recognition of merit; that of his people, in obedience and praise.

The very sight of kings has been held to be a part of divine worship. They have been styled conventionally the shadow of God, and indeed to behold them is a means of calling to mind the Creator, and suggests the protection of the Almighty.

Sovereignty is a supreme blessing, for its advantages extend to multitudes, and the good works of such as have attained to true liberty of spirit also profit these.

A monarch should not himself undertake duties that may be performed by his subjects. The errors of others it is his part to remedy, but his own lapses who may correct?

Sovereignty consists in distinguishing degrees of circumstance and in meting out reward and punishment in proportion thereto.

This quality of appreciation adds dignity to the pursuit of happiness and is the chief source of success.

What is said of monarchs, that their coming brings security and peace, has the stamp of truth. When minerals and vegetables have their peculiar virtues, what wonder if the actions of a specially chosen man should operate for the security of his fellows.

(P. 244.) In the reciprocity of rule and obedience, the sanctions of hope and fear are necessary to the well-ordering of temporal government and the illumination of the interior recesses of the spirit; nevertheless a masterful will, never suffering the loss of self control under the dominance of passion, should weigh well and wisely the measure and occasion of each.

Whoever walks in the way of fear and hope, his temporal and spiritual affairs will prosper. Neglect of them will result in misfortune.

Idleness is the root of evils. The duty of one who seeketh his own welfare is to learn a profession and practise it. It is imperative in prefects never to be remiss in watchfulness.

The anger of a monarch like his bounty, is the source of national prosperity.

Tyranny is unlawful in everyone, especially in a sovereign who is the guardian of the world.

Divine worship in monarchs consists in their justice and good administration: the adoration of the elect is expressed in their mortification of body and spirit. All strife is caused by this, that men neglecting the necessities of their state, occupy themselves with extraneous concerns.

A king should abstain from four things: excessive devotion to hunting; incessant play; inebriety night and day; and constant intercourse with women.

Although hunting suggests analogies of state policy, nevertheless the first consideration is to be sparing in the destruction of life.

Falsehood is improper in all men, and most unseemly in monarchs. This order is termed the shadow of God, and a shadow should throw straight.

Prefects should be watchful to see that no one from covetousness transgresses1 the limits of his own business.

Sháh Ṭahmásp, king of Persia, one night forgot a verse. His torch-bearer quoted it. He punished the speaker somewhat, and said, “When a menial takes to learning he does so at the expense of his duties.”

A king should not be familiar in mirth and amusement with his courtiers.

A monarch should be ever intent on conquest, otherwise his neighbours rise in arms against him.

The army should be exercised in warfare, lest from want of training they become self-indulgent.

A king should make a distinction in his watch over the goods, the lives, the honour and the religion of his subjects. If those who are led away by greed and passion will not be reclaimed by admonition, they must be chastised.

He who does not speak of monarchs for their virtues will assuredly fall to reproof or scandal in their regard.

The words of kings resemble pearls. They are not fit pendants to every ear.

According to some accounts this was one of the treasures produced from the ocean at its churning. Tulaśí was a nymph beloved of Kṛishṇa and was turned into the shrub that bears her name. In Sir W. Jones's “Select Indian Plants.” (Vol. II, Works), it is described under its Sanskrit synonym, Parṇása.

↩

This is either from the banks of the Ganges if possible, or ashes from the Homa fire.

↩

The ceremonies of burial are under the authority of the youngest son, and in his absence, of the eldest. The intervening sons have generally no ceremonial powers.

↩

This fact is vouched for by Ibn Batoutah, Vol. VI, p. 137. A horrible scene of this kind is described by him in his journey from Mooltan to Delhi. The sight of the victim upon whom logs and planks were thrown to prevent her moving and her screams, caused him nearly to fall from his horse in a faint, Ibid, p. 141. Cicero believed that the wives disputed the privilege of being burnt alive, and that the honour was conferred on the favourite, ‘Mulieres verò in India, cùm est cujusvis earum vir mortuus, in certamen judiciumque veniunt, quam plurimum ille dilexerit. Quæ est victrix, ea læta, prosequentibus, suis, unà cum viro in rogum imponitur: illa victa, mæsta discedit.’ Tusc. Quæs. L. V. 27.

↩

The taste is extremely bitter and the leaves are also used medicinally as poultices for wounds and to reduce inflammation.

↩

This is properly the spirit of the deceased before the obsequial rites are performed and is supposed still to haunt its abode. Cf., p. 162. n. 3.

↩

See p. 317.

↩

Cf. Müller's Hist. Sansk. Lit. p. 204.

↩

This is the true orthography, but commonly written Jiddah, on the Red Sea. Azráíl is the angel of death who though connected with the creation of Adam, having been sent by God to bring various kinds of clay from the earth for the formation of his body, and having fulfilled the mission in which Gabriel and Michael had previously failed, is not mentioned as sharing his sin or punishment. Iblís or Satan must be here meant whom the chroniclers unanimously declare to have been cast out of Paradise, though they differ as to the place of his fall, Masạúdí naming Baisán; and Tabarí, Simnán near Jurján. He penetrated into Paradise notwithstanding the vigilance of its porter, by entering the mouth of the serpent that had on one occasion strayed outside. The latter was at that time a quadruped, but being cursed at the fall, was deprived of its feet and condemned to the form of a reptile. The peacock is said to have conducted Eve to the forbidden tree. At its expulsion it was deprived of its voice. The relation of these puerilities may be pursued in Tabarí, Masạúdí, D'Herbelot, and in Sale's Korán, and in most general histories of Muhammadan chroniclers who are never more at home or more precise than when referring to events of which they can know nothing.

↩

Firdausi says that he reigned 40 years and devotes to him as many verses of his poem. He imputes to him the discovery of fire from the concussion of two stones, but not a syllable of his visit to India. The work Javidán Khirad or ‘Eternal Wisdom’ is mentioned by Malcolm. Sir W. Jones thinks he was probably contemporary with Minos which scarcely fixes his date, but what is of more importance, he obtained by merit or adulation the epithet of Peshdád or the Lawgiver, whence the Peshdadian kings took the name of their dynasty.

↩

See Vol. II. p 36, n. 4. Of the Táríkh of Ḥáfiẓ A´brú, no copy was known by Sir H. Elliot, to exist in India. The Istiṭálah is not mentioned by Ḥájí Khalífah under that title.

↩

The reader will recall the story of the Grecian king and his physician Dúbán in the thirteenth of the “Arabian Nights”

↩

He was Mamún's favourite minister and dominated him to such an extent that as Ibn-Khallikán says, he once outbid him for a female slave he wished to purchase. He was highly accomplished and noted for his skill in astrology. He predicted the success of Ṭáhir Ibn u'l Ḥusayn whom al Mamún despatched against his brother al Amín. See his life in Ibn-Khall. II. 472.

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This is known to Europe as the Fables of Pilpay, or Bedpái, vizier to the as fabulous Dábilishím, king of the Indies, and is celebrated in the East by as many names as the translations it has undergone.

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The ancient Ctesiphon. It passed into the possession of the Arabs in the Caliphate of Omar in A. D. 637. During the insurrection against al Mamún by the Alide party under the leading of Abú Saráya, Madáin was taken by the latter, but recaptured during the same year, A. D. 815.

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He receives this surname in the Sháh Námah. His justice and vigour cleansed the country of crime, and produced the rebellion of the Devs or demons, probably the barbarous neighbouring peoples who resented his iron control. They were defeated by him and bound, and were saved from extermination by promising to instruct him in knowledge. They taught him the art of writing in nearly thirty languages of which Firdausi enumerates six, which were possibly all he had heard of. Tabarí states that Jamshíd was said to be the brother of Ṭahamúraṣ. He introduced the solar year among the Persians, the first day of which, when according to Tabarí he administered justice in open darbar, was called Nauroz when the sun enters Aries. His prosperity turned his head and he proclaimed himself a deity, which disgusted his subjects and led to the invasion of the Syrian prince Zohák, the descendant of Shedád, and according to some the nephew of Jamshíd. Malcolm says that the wanderings of the exiled prince are wrought into a tale which is amongst the most popular in Persian romance. He was pursued through Seistán, India and China by the agents of Zohák and carried before his enemy who, after every contumely he could inflict, placed him between two boards and had him sawn asunder. When the news of his death reached his widow in Seistán she put an end to her life by poison. The son of this marriage was Atrut, whose son was Garshásp, whose son was Narímán, father of Sám, whose son Zál was the father of Rustam. See Malcolm. Hist. Persia, I. 3, and Atkinson's Abridgment of the Sháh Námah.

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The quotation must be from the Garshásp Námah of Hakím Asadí of Tús, one of the seven poets at the court of Mahmúd of Ghazní, who had often requested him to undertake the Sháh Námah. The poet declined it on account of his age. He was the master of Firdausi. His “Controversies” are well known, especially that between ‘Night and Day.’ Some of these are published in the Majmạ-u'l-Fuṣaḥá. I have not met with a complete copy of this poet.

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The Majmạ-u'l Fuṣaḥá, rightly I think, reads Zábul for Kábul. Malcolm considers him to have been the Assyrian monarch who conquered Persia, and that his long reign includes that part of ancient history in which the latter kingdom was subject to Assyria. I. VII.

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Malcolm gives Atrut, but the Dictionaries write the name as I have rendered it. Firdausi makes him the son of Zav. He was the last of the Peshdadian monarchs. If Sir W. Jones quotes the chronologers correctly, Rome was built in this reign, Athens was first governed by Archons, Dido built Carthage, Homer wrote his poems, the Pyramids were raised, the Assyrians founded a powerful dynasty, and according to Newton, Sabaco the Ethiopian, invaded Egypt.

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The conjecture that Gushtásp was the Darius Hystaspes of the Greeks accords with the chronology of Herodotus; and starting from this first secure footing amid the quicksands of fable, the identification of Isfandyar with Xerxes is historically probable. The arguments in favour of this hypothesis are marshalled by Malcolm who reconciles the exaggerations of the Greeks and Persians in its support, with brevity and address. The Greeks speak of Xerxes as king, but Persian authors make Bahman succeed his grandfather Gushtásp. Isfandyár commanded his father's armies and was perhaps associated with him in the monarchy, but though Viceroy of Balkh, and possessing quasi-regal power he never possessed the name of king, and he was killed by Rustam, according to Firdausi, during his father's lifetime. For the introduction of Zoroastrianism, see Malcolm, Chap. VII. It was unknown to Herodotus.

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Whatever doubt may exist regarding the identification of Xerxes with Isfandyár, there is little or none regarding that of Bahman with Artaxerxes Longimanus. Bahman was known to the Persian historians as Ardishír Darázdast, the similarity of the epithet adding conclusive evidence to the similarity of the name. Rustam, though he had unwillingly and in his own defence slain Isfandyár, the father of Bahman, nevertheless protected his son. Bahman on his accession avenged his father's death by that of his slayer, wasted his hereditary province and put to death all his family. A couplet in Firdausi, incorrectly printed in Murray's Edition of Malcolm, says that ‘when he stood upon his feet; his closed hand reached below his knee.’ The lines run—

and will be found at p. 1228, Vol. III. of Macan's Edit. The substance of Firdausi's narrative may be gathered by readers unacquainted with Persian, from the abridgment of Atkinson, the pages of Malcolm, and the XIXth Chap. of Zotenberg's translation of Tabarí.

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These lines are taken from Firdausi and vary somewhat from the ordinary text, where they are not consecutive. The substance of a great deal of what follows in the reply of the Brahmans, is from the same source.

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The term which I have rendered in its usual acceptation may be also applied to the Zoroastrians. Abul Fazl had probably seen or heard of translations from the classics through the Jesuit Fathers at the Court of Akbar and confounded them with the originals. Strabo, Plutarch, Arrian and Porphyrius have mentioned these Gymnosophists whom Quintus Curtius passes by with the uncomplimentary remark “Unum agreste et horridum genus est, quos Sapientes vocant.” For the general idea of the letters, Abul Fazl is indebted to Firdausi, who in turn in one passage regarding the unprofitable questions put by Alexander to confound the Bráhmans, is in agreement with Plutarch. The jazíra or isle of the Bráhmans is perhaps Bráhmanábád, identified by Genl. Cunningham as the town where Ptolemy was wounded by a poisoned sword (Quintus Curtius IX. 8.), the Harmatelia of Diodorus, described by him as the last town of the Bráhmans on the river.

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This crabbed and obscurely-worded sentence is capable of a different, but in my opinion, not so satisfactory an interpretation. The name Dídím in the text is not in Firdausi. It occurs in Plutarch (Alex. LXXXVI.) and in Arrian (Anab. VII. 2.) as Dandamis; in Strabo (LXIV.) as Mandanis.

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This probably refers to the embassy of Onesicritus to the Gymnosophists, who endeavoured to persuade some of them to return with him to Alexander's camp. Plutarch says that Calanus insolently told him to divest himself of his robe in order to hear his precepts in nakedness, symbolical doubtless of humility and ignorance. He was however induced by Taxila to visit Alexander who retained him in his suite with distinguished favour. He displayed to that monarch an emblem of his empire by stretching a bull's hide before him that had shrunk from dryness. Placing his feet on one end of it, he caused the other extremities to rise up, and making thus the circuit of the hide, he showed the king that by standing in the middle, the sides would lie evenly, and that in like manner, he should not absent himself for any period from the centre of his dominions. His self-chosen death by burning at Pasargadœ in Persia, when suffering from a fit of cholic, is told by Arrian, Diodorus, and Plutarch.

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This story is told at considerable length by Masạúdi in the 26th Chapter of the ‘Meadows of Gold.’ The king's name is there Kend. Firdausi's version is somewhat different, but the name is Kayd, as in the text.

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The izáfah after in the text is an error.

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This account appears to be taken from Khondemir and agrees in the main with D'Herbelot's sketch from the same historian. Firdausi makes him a native of China and places his death in the reign of Sháhpúr by whom, he says, Mani was flayed alive and his skin stuffed with straw as a warning to his followers. The Manichean sect takes its rise from this impostor who, according to D'Herbelot, was a Christian priest in the province of Ahwáz and had many controversies with the Jews and Magians and maintained the Indian doctrine of metempsychosis. He named twelve apostles to preach his doctrines in India and China, and gave them his book called the “Anghelion.” “Anghelion, c'est à dire l'Evangile.” One of his principles was abstinence from all flesh, and he forbade the taking of animal life, but his followers became divided into Ṣádiḳún or the true, who abstained from the killing of animals, and the Sammákún or fishmongers, who affected a distinction in their mode of killing, fish not being sacrificial animals. He admitted two principles of good and evil and the dual soul, one bad and created with the body by the evil principle, and the other the good created by the good principle. He denied free-will and the necessity of baptism. The Manicheans were persecuted by several emperors especially by Justin and Justinian. Baronius relates that a few were found lurking in France in 1052, and were hanged by order of the Emperor Henry II. These doctrines had the sole merit of claiming St. Augustine as a convert. According to Shahrastáni, Máni was the son of Fáten or Fáter, and according to M. b-Ishák, Fettak b-Abí Berdsám. He was born about A. D. 240, and his birth place differently given in Persia, Babylonia, Níshápúr and Khorásán. See Dabistán. Shea and Troyer, I. 205.

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Hammer Purgstal supposes that the Artang might have been an ensign upon which cabalistic figures were represented, and which the Mongols and Buddhists used to call Máni. (Jahrb. der- Lit. for April, May, June, 1840, p. 28 quoted by Troyer. (Dabistan, I. 205), who refers for a further account of this personage to Hyde, pp. 281 and Beausobre. Hist. Crit. de Manichée). Máni is also said to have been the inventor of the 'úd (), or Arabian lyre, the of the Greeks. Ibid.

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See Vol. II. pp. 210-215, for the connection of Bahrám Gor with the royal house of Málwah. The adventures of this monarch were the subject of a poem by the Persian poet Kátibí, and they are amply narrated in the Sháhnámah. Firdausi gives the name of the Indian prince as Shangal. Bahrám is represented as having fled from Kanauj with his wife after his marriage, being wearied of his splendid exile. The monarch pursues, but after an interview becomes reconciled to his departure. He subsequently visits his son-in-law in Persia escorted by seven subject princes, viz., those of Kábul, Hind, Sind, Sandal, Jandal, Kashmír and Multán. Firdausi gives the number of singers, male and female, as ten thousand. These did not accompany him but were furnished by his father-in-law at his request on account of their scarcity in Persia. The poor had complained that the banquets of the rich were made mirthful with music and flowers, and that they were themselves despised as destitute of these luxuries. The king laughed and sent for these musicians, gave them each an ox and an ass, and divided amonst them a thousand ass-loads of grain in order that they should support themselves by agriculture, and give their services free to the poor. They eat their cattle and corn, and at the end of the year presented themselves before him with emaciated faces, but he dismissed them saying that they had still their asses left. Since which time they have been a wandering race, with dogs and wolves for companions, and subsisting by theft. Sháhnámah.

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At p. 2 this name has been spelt Barzawayh after the Arabic fashion as in Sibawayh, Nifbawayh, &c., but the Persian form Burzúyah as in Sherúyah, is correct.

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This story is somewhat differently told by Firdausi. Burzúyah, he narrates, was one of the distinguished circle of learned men at the court of Núshírwán, and one day presented himself before that monarch saying that he had lately read in a Sanskrit work of a mountain in India where grew a herb bright as a Greek sword-blade, which skilfully compounded and sprinkled over a corpse would restore it to life, and he asked permission to go in search of it. The king despatched him to India osṭensibly as a merchant, with many presents, steeds, and a letter addressed to the king of Kanauj, and with merchandise laden on 300 camels. The Indian prince offered him every facility in his search for the wonderful herb, of which no trace could be found. He was directed at last to a hoary sage who informed him that the mountain was wisdom, the herb an eloquent monitor, and the corpse an ignorant man and that this herb was fitly represented by the work called Kalílah which was in the king's treasury Returning elated to Kanauj, Burzúyah petitioned the Prince for the gift of the work, which in Arabic was called Kalílah. The poet does not stop to explain how it could have been so called before it was known to the Arabs or translated into Arabic, but continues, that the prince demurred to so unusual a request, eventually consenting that the work might be read and inspected only in his presence. Burzúyah complied, reading only as much at a time as he could get by heart and transmitting it in his correspondence to Núshírwán. As soon as he learnt, in reply, that the whole work had been received, he took his leave and returned to Persia. On his arrival he asked the king to command its translation by his minister Buzurj-mihr, and in recompense for his own toils to permit his name and connection with the work to preface the translation. This favour was granted and the translation was made in the current Pahlavi dialect and was so read until its translation into Arabic in the time of Mámún. Under Naṣr-b-Aḥmad Samani (A. D. 913-43), it was translated into the Dari dialect of Persian by order of his minister Abu'l Fazl, and then read out to Rúdakí who turned it into verse. Such is the narrative of Firdausi. It is remarkable that he should incorrectly ascribe the Arabic translation to Mámún instead of al Manṣúr, in whose reign it was rendered into Arabic by the Kátib Abdu'llah-b-u'l Muḳaffạ.

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See Vol. p., 344.

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Elphinstone gives the date of the first as A. H. 391 (A. D. 1001) and the last as A. H. 415 (A. D. 1024.) The discrepancies may be reconciled by including or excluding the initial preparations and the time occupied in the invasion. In the case of the last invasion, Elphinstone supposes it to have occupied one year and a half; Ferishta two years and a half; Price more than three years. Abul Fazl may take into account the return of Maḥmúd to Multán within a year of his twelfth expedition.

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Elphinstone, A. H. 432 (A. D. 1040).

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This poet was a native of Ghazní. His Hadíḳah is well known and is altogether of a religious character, a mystical treatise on the unity of God and other devotional subjects. The motive of these aids to piety is excellent, but their treatment is somewhat monotonous and would be more efficacious in prose. Ḥusayn Wáịẓ, in his preface to the Anwár i ´Suhaylí, mentions the poet Sanáí and also Naṣru'llah's version of Kalíla and Damna. Vide Eastwick's translation, pp. 15 and 8. An account of the translations this work has undergone is given by De Sacy in the “Memoire Historique” which prefaces his own edition of it. Eastwick gives A. D. 1180, as about the time when Sanáí flourished. The Natáiju'l Afkár places his death in A. H. 525 (A. D. 1132). Bahrám Sháh came to the throne in A. D. 1118, and was succeeded by Khusrau Sháh in A. D. 1153. Mustaufi signifies President of the Exchequer, and may be either a family designation or derived from occupation of the office.

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This latter version is correct. Khusrau Sháh died in A. D. 1160, after a reign of seven years. Khusrau Malik, his son prolonged his feeble rule for 27 lunar years to A. D. 1186. He was taken prisoner by Shihábu'ddín through a stratagem, and sent with his family to Ghirjistán where, some years after, he was put to death.

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Against the Turkish tribe of the Euz or Ghuz long settled in Kípchák, and who about this time first came into prominence.

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In Ferishta the name is Eldoz; in D'Herbelot, Ildiz. In Turkish, Ildiz or Yildiz signifies a star, and this is doubtless the true orthography. D'Herbelot gives the names of the two provinces as Kirmán and Sourán, Ferishta, Kirmán and Sheorán; Keith Johnston writes the latter both Sarawan and Sahárawán. D'Herbelot describes it as marching with Kermán on the east.

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Another epithet of Shihábu'ddín Ghori. See Vol. II. 263.

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See Vol. II. p. 341 n. which quoting the U. T. duplicates the b in Ḳabbácha, but there is no warrant for this orthography. The Burhán i-Ḳáṭị gives it the measure of Saráchah.

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See Vol. II. p. 303 and ff.

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See Vol. II. p. 304, n. 2.

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He was the fifth prince of the elder branch of the Seljúḳs of Persia, omitting the ephemeral reign of Malik Sháh, son of Barkiarok. He succeeded to power in A. D. 1105 and died in A. H. 511 (A. D. 1118). The author of the Táríkh-i-Guzídah, Ḥamdu'llah-b-Abí Bakr Ḳazwíní, mentions his invasion of India and the capture of the idol. His reason for rejecting the offer of the Hindus was that as A´zar, the father of Abraham, was a maker of idols (but tarásh), it should never be said of him that he was the seller thereof (but farosh). See the sketch of this conqueror's career in D'Herbelot. Art. Mahommed fils de Melikschah.

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So Hammer enjoins that the word should be written, yet his coins give Mankbarín. See Elliot, II. 549.

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See p. 86. This is a port on the Caspian which in that neighbourhood received the name of the Sea of A´baskún. V. Maynard, “Dict. de la Perse.”

He fled says De Guignes, into Ghilán, passed Astarábád and took refuge in “the island of A´baskún,” where he died miserably abandoned by every one. As Suyúṭi narrates that he fell ill of a pleurisy and died alone and abandoned, and his corpse was shrouded in his bedding, A. H. 617 (A D. 1220). v. Hist. of the Caliphs. Jarrett, p. 495. The narrative in the text is borrowed from Mirkhond and may be compared with D'Herbelot under Art. Gelaleddin, and De Guignes. Hist. des Huns, Tom. II. 278, and III. 52–58. The latter gives Manbekberni as a variant of Mankberni. His retreat into India (A. D. 1221), is mentioned by Ferishta, who adds that Nizámu'ddín Aḥmad Bakshí and some other historians place the date of his arrival after the death of Náṣiru'ddín Ḳabáchah (A. D. 1228, Tab. Náṣirí), but without sufficient warrant.

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See this story in the Tarikh-i-Jahán Kushá of Juwaini. Elliot, II. and the narrative taken from the Rauzatu'ṣ Ṣafá. Elliot, II. Appendix 558.

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According to D'Ohsson (III. 4), he proposed peace and the hand of his daughter which were both accepted by the Sulṭán. Elliot, II. Appendix 561 n.

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Ferishta says he compelled him to retreat towards Sind and Sewistán, and Mírkhond that he remained an independent power in India for three years and seven months. Elliot, II. 561.

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This name appears in the Táríkh-i-Jahán Kushá as Túrtái (Elliot, II. 391), who was despatched by Changíz Khán in pursuit of Sulṭán Jalálu'ddín. He captured Multán and ravaged the surrounding country returning through Sind to Ghazní. I cannot trace the name of Túrtáí or Turmatai in the Rauzatu'ṣ Ṣafá. The word Noviana, (or Novian in oriental historians), in the Mogul language signifies chief or general, corresponding to the Arab word Emir (De Guignes a. III. p. 69), and will be found as an adjunct to many names in the history of the Moguls (Vol. III. Book XV). The principal generals are mentioned by De Guignes, but none of the name of Turmatai, the orthography of which I do not know as the vowel points are wanting in the text.

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Commonly Khilji. The origin of the name is given by De Guignes, as bestowed on an officer of his service by Ogouz Khán, an ancient Mogul king. This officer having been delayed on the line of march through the unseasonable accouchement of his wife, was unable to find any provisions for her. The starving mother was without milk, and he went in pursuit of game for her nourishment. Taken before Ogouz Khán he related the cause of his delay, and the king dismissed him with the surname of Kall-Atz, Kall signifying ‘repose’ and Atz hungry. D'Herbelot writes the words Cal-ag (with a soft g) and the story with different particulars on the authority of Mírkhond. The tribe he names Khalag.

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This invasion is noticed by Ferishta without naming the invader, as having taken place on the 16th Jumáda. I. A. H. 639 (A. D. 1241), and according to Briggs, was under “a famous Turki leader Toormoosherín Khán.” De Guignes gives the date of “Tourmeschirín Khán, of the Zagatai branch of the Western Tartars, as A. H. 728 (A. D. 1327). He succeeded his brother Daoutmour Khán in the rule of Transoxiana and forced his people to adopt the faith of Islám D'Ohsson places the date of his death in 1330 (Elliot III. 42). The name may mislead, but the date fixes the distinction of person. In the beginning of the reign of Aláu'ddín, (A.D. 1295-1316), Prince Katlagh Khwájah brother of Turmashirín invaded India. In A. H. 729 (A. D. 1328) Turmashirín himself advanced to the confines of Badáon. Badáoni speaks of a previous inroad by the same leader, but that could have taken place only a few years previously. I find no authority for Briggs's statement, nor the name of Ṭáhir in De Guignes, Ferishta or Elliot.

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In the Ṭabaḳátu'n Náṣiri, Mankúta with a variant Mankúna. A change of the diacritical points will produce any of the three forms; the person intended is Mangú Khán: v. Elliot, II. 344.

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They arrived al Lakhnauti in Shawwál, A. H. 642 (March 1245), by way of Khaṭá and Tibet according to Ferishta, the same route taken by Mahḍ Bakhtyár Khilji, when he invaded Tibet and Khaṭa from Bengal.

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Afterwards Ghiyáṣu'ddín Balban. The history of his family is given in the Ṭab. Náṣ. Elliot, II. 360.

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See p. 304, and Elphinstone. The phrase is not inappropriate, as Ḳadar Khán was surprised by the routed enemy as he halted by a stream to drink and to return thanks for his victory.

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Ferishta Harám; Briggs, who thinks his MSS. in error, Bairám; the Táríkh Firoz Sháhi Barrám; a river divided the two armies, but there is no mention of the province in which the engagement took place.

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Elliot, Ulghú (III. 148). Briggs, Oghloo, Ferishta Aghlún or Ughlún. De Guignes gives the orthography Algou. The Táríkh Firoz Sháhi says that these Mughuls embraced Islám and were allotted residences in Ghiyáṣpúr, Kílughari, Indrapat and Tálúka, which were called Mughalpúr after them.

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Ferishta says in the second year of his reign A. H. 697 (A. D. 1297), and that the army was despatched by Duá Khán, king of Transoxiana. Elphinstone and Briggs incorrectly give the name as Dáúd Khán. Almás Beg was the brother of the king and one of those concerned in the murder of Jalalu'ddín Fíróz Khiljí. Ferishta says that all actually concerned in the tragedy perished miserably in the course of four years, yet the abettor who profited most by the crime reigned for 20 years, unequalled in wealth and power by any monarch who preceded him. Nevertheless, that his end was evil is a warning to “those that have eyes.”

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Mentioned in the Táríkh Fíróz Sháhí. Elliot III. 165. The name of the leader in Ferishta is Chaldi.

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He was the son of Duá above mentioned, as stated by Waṣṣáf (Elliot III. 62). The name of Ẓafar Khán is omitted by Abul Fazl, and the context would imply that the narrative concerns Aláu'ddín. Ferishta and Zíau'ddín Barni both give the details of this action which took place in A. H. 1015 (A. D. 1606), and mention the failure of Ulugh Khán (properly Alp Khán. See Elliot III. 208), and other chiefs to support Ẓafar Khán and the favourable offer of Katlagh which was refused. Ẓafar Khán's reputation for valour among the Mughals resembled that of Cœur de Lion in Syria. If their horses shied they would ask if they had seen the ghost of Ẓafar Khán. Aláu'ddín's jealonsy or fear of his general was such that he thought his death the richest reward of the day. The Mughals retreated after the fight and returned to their country.

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He had previously accompanied Ḳatlagh in his invasion and it was through his successful ambush, that Ẓafar Khán was surprised and slain. The narrative of these events will be found in the reign of the prince, both in Ferishta and Barní.

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Var. Tiryák. This variant and Ziák are also in Barni. In Ferishta, Khwájah Tarbál or Tiryál; in Briggs, Khwájah Tásh, which Elliot says is in accordance with D'Ohsson (Hist. des Mongols, IV. 571). III, 198, n.

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In Ferishta, ; in Briggs, Eibuk, Elliot has Kank, which is Ferishta's name, but no diacritical points determine the pronunciation. Kapak or Kepek is a Tartar name and claimed by one of the princes of Turkestan. See D'Herbelot under Al Giaptu.

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Faẓlu'llah Rashídu'ddín was born in A. H. 645 (A. D. 1247), in Hamadán, and as a physician was brought into notice at the court of the Mughal Sulṭáns of Persia. He was raised to the dignity of Wazír by Ghazán Khán Maḥmúd of the Ilkhanian dynasty and maintained in office by Oljáitú, surnamed Khudabandah, brother and successor of Ghazan Khán (A. D. 1303–16). The Jámi'u't Tawáríkh was finished in A. D. 1310, and is a general history in 4 Vols. containing the history of the Turkish tribes, the life of Oljáitú, an account of the prophets, kings, Caliphs and Arab tribes concluding with a geographical description of the earth. A portion of the 1st Vol. called the Táríkh Gházání has been translated by Quatremère. See Elliot's Bibl. Indica. to the Hist. of Mhd. India, p. 1, and D'Herbelot under Al Giaptu for the life of the monarch.

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The Akbarnámah, of which the Aín-i-Akbari is the third. The second contains the history of the reign of Akbar. Accounts of Humáyún will also be found in the 1st Volume.

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The names of almost all of these personages will be found in the Index of the 1st and 2nd Volumes.

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Compare with this, Jámí's introduction to his Nafaḥátu'l Uns min Ḥadharáti'l Ḳuds (Halitus familiaritatis e viris sanctitate eminentibus prodeuntes), p. 3, Lees' edit. where the derivation and meaning of walí are discussed and illustrated. “Do you desire to be a Walí?” said the celebrated devotee Ibráhím Adham, to a certain man, “then seek not the things of this world or the next, but resign thyself wholly to God and turn to Him.” That is, that the selfish desire for the delights of paradise is an obstruction to perfect communion with God in a similar sense with worldly pleasures though, of course, differing in degree.

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This personage is referred to in the 37th Maḳámah of al Ḥarírí; “and the crowd thronged round Abu Zayd praising him and kissing his hand and seeking a blessing by the touch of his tattered garment, till I thought that he must be Uways al Ḳaraní or Dubays al Asadí.” He was the son of Aámir and one of the Tábií'n (or those next in time to the companions of Muḥammad) celebrated among the devotees of Kúfah and was killed fighting at the battle of Ṣiffín under Alí, in A. H. 87. Kạran is the name of one of the halting places of the people of Nejd on their pilgrimage to Mecca. See Arabic note to De Sacy's Harírí, p. 506, for the prophetic announcements of his birth and sanctity, the visit of Omar and Alí to him, and their discovery of the “white wonder” of his hand in the Mosaic sense. Jámí quotes Farídu'ddín Aṭṭár to the effect that certain exalted mystics of the spiritual life are called Uwaysí after the above-named saint, through their being directly inspired by the prophet without any visible director, a rank and office to which very few can aspire and given only to the chosen of God. Nafaḥátu'luns, p. 21.

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He is said by Jámí never to have used any support for his back, night or day, for 40 years, but always to have sat resting his knees on the ground declaring it to be the proper attitude for a servant in front of his Lord the King, meaning the Almighty.

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Sufyán Thaurí is noticed in Jámí, p. 716; and in the same volume will be found the names of all the saints and doctors mentioned in the following pages. Internal evidence conclusively proves that Abul Fazl utilized Jámí's work in this compilation, one sentence being taken almost verbatim in the account of the fourteenth name in the second list, and as usual without acknowledgment. I do not think it necessary to disturb the dust of these uninviting biographies which are often as brief and colourless as those in the text, a bald record of names and dates with laudatory epithets of erudition or sanctity, and concluding occasionally with a few devotional maxims. Many of these are excellent precepts of conduct and are proofs of a true interior spirit of piety, but this is not the place to record them. For the rest, the English reader can be neither edified nor instructed by a hagiography of fossil names, most of them as profoundly forgotton as if they had never survived. The few that require any special mention shall receive it.

↩

This term denotes a doctor who exerts all his capacity for the purpose of forming a right opinion upon a legal question, and the title assumes that he was successful, an assumption commonly made by his friends and denied by his enemies, as in the case of Suyúṭi. See my Introduction to the translation of his ‘History of the Caliphs,’ p. xiv.

↩

Or the Cobbler. There are two of this epithet in Jámí, viz., Abd'ullah of Rayy, who died in A. H. 320, and Aḥmad-b-I´sa, who died in A. H. 286 (A. D. 899): the latter is here meant. It is remarkable that many of these ascetics were of the humblest origin and petty tradesmen by profession.

↩

Relative adjective of Baghshúr, a town between Herát and Marv. called also Bagh according to Yáḳút.

↩

I am not sure of the orthography. Saḳaṭiy signifies a dealer in small wares, a pedlar. According to Beale who pronounces the word “Sakti,” he was also so called because he formerly dealt in metals. The etymological connection is not evident. Jámí is silent on the epithet. I have also heard it pronounced Suḳṭi, but so many of these holy men were of the lowest class and were known by their trades, that I think Saḳaṭíy is most probably correct.

↩

Abu'l Fayẓ Tḥúbán-b-Ibráhím. The reputation for sanctity and miracles of this mystic extends throughout the Moslem world and his name constantly occurs in its literature. He died in A. H. 245 (A. D. 860), and a flock of birds of a kind never before observed, fluttered over his bier when carried to the grave. On the day following his burial was found written on his tombstone in characters dissimilar to those used among men: “Zu'n Nún, the friend of God, and slain by this love of God.” As often as this was erased, it was found ever freshly engraved. Jámí records some of his devotional maxims. Beale (Orient. Biog. Dict.) states that the Laṭáifu'l Akhbár contains his Memoirs. Unless this refers to the work (Laṭáif u Akhbári'l Uwal) by Mhḍ Abdu'l Mụṭí on the dynasties of Egypt, I am ignorant of its author.

↩

There were two of this epithet called al Kabír and aṣ Ṣughír, Major and Minor: they were cousins and both natives of Baghdad; the former was buried in his own town in A. H. 327, the latter in Mecca. This information which is nearly all that Jámí gives is scarcely deserving of a note.

↩

Var. Abú Ḥalmán. Abu Ḥalímán. Abú Ḥukmán.

↩

See p. 74. The history of this latter personage is well known. He was crucified alive for three days from early morning till midday by order of the Caliph Al Muḳtadir in A. H. 309 (A. D. 922). He was accused of blasphemy for his words “Ana'l Ḥaḳḳ,” “I am the Truth,” by which he was supposed to claim divinity. Ibn-al-Athír denies this pretension on his part and maintains that he was a devout worshipper of God. On examination he was found to hold no heterodox opinion, but the Wazír Ḥamíd was determined on his death and had him scourged with a thousand stripes on the judgment of Omar, the Kádḥi, that the shedding of his blood was lawful. His hands and feet were cut off, his body burnt, and his ashes thrown into the Tigris.

↩

Hind, the daughter of Abú Umayyah, and the latest survivor of the wives of Muḥammad. She died in A. H. 59 (A. D. 678). An Nawawí in his Tahzíbu'l Asmá (correctio nominum) says, that the mother of Ḥasan of Baṣrah was the favourite slave or freed woman of Ummu-Salimah, and Ḥasan was born to her two years before the close of the Caliphate of Omar (A. H. 21) When the mother was occasionally obliged to leave her infant, Ummu Salimah would nurse it from her own bosom, and it was through the blessing of this privilege that he afterwards attained to his eminence of wisdom and sanctity. He died in A. H. 110 (A. D. 728). His mother's name is not given by An Nawawí.

↩

A pious lady of this name, a native of Baṣra is mentioned by Beale; her death is placed by him in (A. D. 801), and she is said to have been a contemporary of Saríy Saḳaṭiy who died in A. D. 867. He must have been a mere youth when she was living. She cannot be the person here alluded to. Another Rábiạh Adawíyah, also of Baṣrah, a contemporary of Sufyán Thaurí, is given by Jámí, but without date.

↩

See p. 83. Yáḳúṭ mentions two among many religious doctors from the town. Jámí notices the life of one of them and besides these of three others of the name, of which one may possibly be the person alluded to, but no date of his period is given.

↩

That is probably, that he felt himself unworthy of supernatural aid.

↩

Because in all controversies, says Jámí, in which he was engaged in his youth, he was ever triumphant, and so received the appellation. He was killed by the Tartars on their invasion of Khwárzam after the flight of Muḥammad Khwárzam Shah. Jámí gives a lengthened biography of this saint and records some of his miracles, which are extraordinary enough, if they occurred.

↩

This and the following sentence are almost verbatim from Jámí.

↩

This sentence is almost word for word identical with a passage from the notice of this personage in Jámí.

↩

Among them Jámí from whom this notice is taken. His spiritual connection with ash-Shiblí signifies the investiture with the dervish's habit which ash-Shiblí performed upon Abu'l Fazl at Tamímí, who invested Abu'l Faraḥ Ṭarsúsí, who clothed Abu'l Ḥasan at Ḳarashí, who in his turn conferred it on al-Makhzúmí. In his infancy he refused his mother's milk at the appearance of the new moon, on the fast of the Ramazán: a cow that he was tending in his youth addressed him in Arabic and inspired him with his vocation: he fasted for 40 days. These are some of the miracles reported by Jamí.

↩

According to Jámí the term in his biography of Báb Farghání. Báb (father) is applied to religious elders in the Farghána country. The appellation in this sense seems universal.

↩

Yáḳút's authority decides the pronunciation of this name. Rámíthan () he states, is a village in Bokhárá. Jámí and Abul Fazl after him write the word . This account has been taken from Jámí's notices of Khwájah Muḥammad Bábá Sammási and Baháu'ddín Naḳshbandí to which I refer the reader for those of the other doctors herein named. Hinduán according to Yáḳút, is a stream between Khúzistán and Arráján, flowing through a district bearing that name. The prefix ḳaṣr, or castle, is given to many places in Yáḳút's work, but omitted in this instance. Amír Kulál was the Khalífah or vicar, of Bábá Sammásí.

↩

He was one of the Turkish Shaykhs and his reception of Baháu'ddín is noticed by Jámí.

↩

Ghujduwán is a small town in Bokhára. Yáḳút.

↩

Andaḳ is ten parasangs from Bokhárá. Fármid is one of the towns of Ṭús. Kharaḳán is one of the Bisṭám villages on the road to Astarábád where, in Yáḳút's time, was still to be seen the tomb of Abu'l Ḥasan who died on the 10th of Muḥarram, A. H. 425 (A. D. 1033), at the age of 73.

↩

The Imám Abú Abdu'llah Jaạfar aṣ-Ṣádiḳ (the Veracious), fourth in descent from Ali-b-Abí Ṭálib, born A. H. 80 (A. D. 699); died and buried at Medina A. H. 148 (A. D. 765). The same tomb contains the bodies of his father Muḥd. al-Báḳir, his grand father Alí Zaynu'l Aábidín and his grand-father's uncle al-Ḥasan, son of Alí. “How rich a tomb,” says Ibn Khallikán, “in generosity and nobility.”

↩

He was a freedman of Muḥammad; his name Abú Abdu'llah Salmán al-Khayr, or the Good, a native of Ṭayy, one of the villages of Ispahán; others say from Ráma Hurmuz. His father was headman of the village and a Magian. The youth fled from his home and fell in with some monks, in whose company he remained till their death. The last of them directed him to go to Ḥijáz and foretold the coming of a prophet. He travelled thither with some Arabs who sold him to a Jew of Ḳurayḍha at Wádi'l Ḳura, who took him to Medína. There he met Muḥammad and recognized his prophetic mission, from his signet ring, and from an alms twice offered to him which were the three signs announced to him by the last of the monks. He is said to have been one of the most learned, pious and liberal of the companions, and to have advised Muḥammad to dig the ditch or entrenchment round Medina when attacked by Jews of Al-Naḍhír and Ḳurayḍha. He died at Madáin in A. H. 31, and according to others in 35 (A. D. 655). An-Nawawí remarks that the learned are unanimous that he lived to the age of 250 years and some say three hundred and fifty. This unanimity is, indeed, wonderful.

↩

This is perhaps Tabarhindah (see vol. I. p. 316). Badáoní makes this place the head-quarters of Raja Jaypál, the antagonist of Maḥmúd of Ghazní. Ferishta states that the territories of Jaypál extended from Sarhind to Lamghán. The position of Tabarhindah I cannot determine. In the account of Bábá Ratn given in the Iṣábah fi tamyíz iṣṢiḥábah (Recta institutio de distinctione inter socios prophetæ), he is said to have lived in a village near Delhi (p. 1098). Ibn Ḥajr Asḳalání, the author of this work, does not quite bear out the statement of Abu'l Fazl. Bábá Ratn pretends that he lived to the age of 700 years by virtue of a blessing of Muḥammad, whom as a stripling he saw tending camels and carried in his arms over a stream between Juddah and Mecca, which the lad could not cross. The youth then three times prayed for his long life. Bábá Ratn again visited Mecca and there found in the Prophet, the youth of his first visit, and again three times the blessing of old age was invoked upon him. Various accounts place his death in A. H. 596, 612 and 632. Nothing appears to have been known of him till the end of the sixth or beginning of the seventh century of the Flight, and Asḳalání says that if his statement were true, the earlier centuries would have heard something of him. Aḍ-Ḍahabí has no words too strong to condemn him as a flagrant imposter whose lies inspired by the father of them, were credited by fools. The specimens given in Asḳalánií's account fully bear out this condemnation, but as fictions they are amusing.

↩

This is the orthography of Yáḳút, but he says the ráwis, or relators of tradition commonly pronounce it Ḳuhundaz, the Arabicised form of or “the old Fort.” This is no doubt the correct form. There are many of this name, e. g., in Bokhára, Samarḳand, Herát, Balkh, Marv, Níshápúr and other places, and it is applied, he says, to the citadels of the large towns and not to isolated forts. He gives the names of several persons with this cognomen, but no Ibráhím. See Ferishta's account of this saint.

↩

A work on Ṣúfiism by Shaykh Abu'l Ḥasan Ali b. Othmán al Ghaznaví. Khatlí is the relative adjective of Khatlán, a province in Transoxiana near Samarḳand. Yáḳút says that some pronounce it Khutlán which is wrong, Khuttal being a village on the road to Khurásán going from Baghdad in the vicinity of Daskirah.

↩

Zanján is a large town in the Jabal district between it and Azarbíján, near Abhar and Ḳazwín. Yáḳút.

↩

The text duplicates the K which is not admissible, and is corrected in the Errata. He is briefly noticed by Jámí. Ferishta who has a long monograph on him, says that he left seven million tankahs to his son Ṣadru'ddín, besides other furniture and goods which the latter gave away on the very first day of possession. Being asked why he so disposed of wealth amassed by his father and given in due measure to the poor, he replied that his father had sufficiently conquered himself to have no fear of an improper use of it, whereas he himself, not so advanced in sanctity, dreaded the temptation. Taking the silver tankah at 4d., according to the computation of Nizámu'ddín Bakshí, (Briggs, I. 432), this sum would be equal to £116, 666 pounds sterling. The word tankah succeeded the appellations of dínár and dirham of the earlier kings, and the tankah was divided into dáms and jítals. Sher Sháh changed the name of tankah to rupaiya or rupee, adopted by Akbar. The tankah, according to Ferishta in Aláu'ddín's time, was equal to 50 jítals, (a jítal being about equal to a paisa) but in Mḥd. Tughlaḳ's time was not worth more than 16 jítals. At its proper standard it was probably about the same value as the rupee which in Akbar's day was of 174.5 gr. of pure silver. Queen Elizabeth's shilling contained 88.8. gr. of pure silver. The rupeo of Akbar was, therefore, worth 1. s. 11½. d. of English money of his time. See Elphinstone's Hist. Ind. B. VIII, and note on Akbar's coinage.

↩

See Vol. ii. p. 303, n. 2. The date of his death in Ferishta is Monday night, the 14th of Rabíi' I., A. H. 634. His father died when he was 1 year 6 months old.

↩

The izáfat after is an error.

↩

The text has Wednesday morning, but this, according to Prinsep's Tables, must be an error.

↩

I adopt the variant which is confirmed by Ferishta. The text has Salmán, and Jalád for Jamál as a variant. Ferishta has Kamál. The name Khotwál in the text has several variants, but Ferishta accords with this reading. Ferishta gives various accounts of the derivation of his epithet Ganj i Shakkar, (the treasure-house of sweets). Once on going to see his spiritual director, being weak from fasting, his foot slipped and he fell in the mud, it being the rainy season. Some of the mud entered his mouth and was changed into sugar. His director, on his arrival, had preternatural intuition of the event, and told him that the Almighty had, probably, designed him to be a store-house of sweet things and would preserve him in this condition. On his return home, he found that this epithet had spread among the people who designated him by it. Another account is that meeting with some banjárás who were taking salt to Delhi, they asked him to bless their bales that they might sell with profit. He did so, and on their arrival the sacks were discovered to be full of sugar. A third account is that his mother knowing his sweet tooth, told him when he was a child, that the Almighty gave sweets to those who said their morning prayers, and at night as a reward surreptitiously put some sugar, wrapped in paper, under his pillow. When he was 12 years of age she thought it time to discontinue this cheat, but the sugar still continued to be miraculously supplied.

↩

The text gives Saturday as the day of the week, but this is not in accord with Prinsep's Tables. According to Ferishta, Thursday, the 5th of Muḥarram, A. H. 760, an error of a century by a slip, as he gives the date of his birth as A. H. 584, and his age at death 95, which would fix the date of death in A. H. 679. Beale gives A. H. 664.

↩

“In Ghiyáṣpúr,” says Ferishta, “which is one of the quarters of new Delhi” He relates that Ghiyáṣu'ddin Tughlaḳ Sháh who then reigned at Delhi, though outwardly treating Niẓámu'ddín with consideration, was in reality displeased with him. When about to return from his expedition to Bengal he sent a message to the Shaykh directing him not to await his arrival in Delhi, and that henceforth he was no longer to remain in Ghiyáṣpúr. The Shaykh replied, hanúz Dilhi dúr ast: Delhi is still far off. Before the king's arrival in Delhi while at Afghánpúr, the building which had been raised by Alaf Khán for his reception, fell upon the king and crushed him in the ruins, in Rabíi' I., A. H. 725. The proverb Dilhi dúr ast owes its origin to this event.

↩

Ferishta who narrates the whole story in his memoirs of Niẓámu'ddín, does not mention this incident.

↩

See p. 303, n. 2, Vol. I.

↩

Var. Kaṛak.

↩

See Vol. II. p. 167, n. 2. This personage is mentioned by Ferishta in his account of the reign of Jalálu'ddin Fíróz Khilji, and his tomb is stated to be at Karrah.

↩

The text inadvertently omits the M in Muayyad. His life is briefly given in Ferishta.

↩

Bákharz, according to Yáḳút, is a tract between Nísábúr and Herát containing numerous villages, the original name being Bád harzah, ‘the quarter whence the wind blows.’ The derivation is scarcely accurate as to meaning.

↩

Var. Ṣadru'ddín.

↩

One variant reads Ḳáẓí for Shaykh, and Ṣadru'ddín for Ḥamídu'ddín, and in two MSS. the word Suwálí is omitted. This and the preceding name appear to be confounded, and I am unable to decide the question of identity.

↩

The Sarkár of Nagor is in Márwár. See Vol. II. p. 270.

↩

Abu'l Fazl writes indifferently Ghaznah and Ghaznín. Yáḳút calls the former the vulgar pronunciation, and the latter correct.

↩

See Vol. I. p. 543, n. 94.

↩

Rúm, a vague term. It may mean Turkey or Asia Minor.

↩

See Vol. II. p.262.

↩

His memoir is given by Ferishta.

↩

See Chron. Pathan Kings. Thomas, p. 94. where the mausoleum of the Makhdúm is described by Munshi Mohan Pál as a very poor structure, raised about seven feet from the ground. A Persian inscription with the proverbial veracity of an epitaph, describes the darkness of the world at his death, and gives the date of this eclipse. The tomb is still visited by pilgrims.

According to Beale he is the founder of the Malang and Jalálíya Fakírs, and his memoirs, called the Kitáb-i-Kuṭbí, have been written by one of his disciples. He adds that a popular belief prescribes the eating of the earth of his tomb as a cure for folly. It would certainly be unimpeachable evidence of the malady.

↩

See Vol. II. p. 169.

↩

Var. Kashminí, Kasímí.

↩

See Vol. II. p. 241.

↩

See Ferishta under Jalálu'ddín Ḥusayn Bokhárí, for the history of the family.

↩

Gulbarga in the map of the Gazetteer. Kulburga, in Keith Johnstone.

↩

See Vol. II. p. 261.

↩

See p. 240.

↩

See Vol. I. Biography of Abu'l Fazl, p. v.

↩

Var. Ḳáẓí, Fáẓil.

↩

Var. Jabland; Chánd, see Vol. I. p. 106, 545.

↩

Var. Sherpúr, Wazírpúr.

↩

In the Muzaffarnagar dist., N. W. P.

↩

Gangoh, is a town in the Saháranpúr dist., N. W. P. It consists of an old and new quarter, the former founded by the legendary hero Rájá Gang and the latter by Shaykh Abdu'l Ḳuddús who gives his title to the western suburb, where his tomb still stands among other sacred shrines. I. G. See Vol. I. 538, 546. Blochmann's references are to Badáoni Vol. III and the Mirát'ul Aálam.

↩

See Vol. II., p. 187.

↩

The generations of Sem to Abram in Gen. xi. descend through Arphaxad, Sale, Heber, and Phaleg. The further generations through Reu and Serug are here displaced for the fictitious substitutes. According to D'Herbelot the name of Khiẓr or Khedhr or Khedher—green, flourishing—was given on account of his having drunk of the water of life. The prophetical office of Khiẓr is inferred from Sur. xviii., v. 64, of the Ḳorán. “They found one of our servants unto whom we had granted mercy from us and whom we had taught wisdom before us.” Ṭabarí has the hardihood to deny the inference. He gives the tradition that his name was Elias, the son of Melká, the son of Heber, the son of Sáliḥ, son of Arphaxad, son of Sem, son of Noé; that he accompanied Alexander in the search for the water of life which he himself discovered and drank of, thus becoming immortal; that Alexander failed, and so perished; that this was not Alexander of Greece mentioned in the Ḳorán, but a monarch who lived in the time of Abraham. Ṭabarí is silent on the subject of his professional occupation as a broker, which is scarcely in accord with a prophetical mission. Abul Fazl disdains no information from whatever source, and has little sense of the slender partition between the sublime and the ridiculous.

↩

This work is in Persian by Shaykh Aláu'ddaulah Aḥmad-b-Muḥammad Simnáni and was completed on the 23rd Muḥarram, A. H. 721 (A. D. 31st January 1321), in the town of Súfiyábád. Háji Khalífah.

↩

The word is madhúsh. I have respected the prophetical character. The word may be interpreted, especially in connection with dancing, to the disparagement of his sobriety.

↩

Jámí. a great authority on points of mysticism, says that the saints are providentially raised to prove the truth of the prophetic mission, and are the sources of grace to the faithful and an assurance of victory to them over the infidels. They are 4,000 in number; do not recognise each other, nor know their own dignity and are hidden both from themselves and mankind. Three hundred among these have the office of binding and loosing, and are called Akhyár (the Good). Forty others are called Abdál (Just). Seven others are termed Abrár (Pious). Three others are Nuḳabá (Leaders), and one is termed Ḳuṭb (Pillar), or Ghauṣ (Defender). Another authority quoted by Jámí, the author of the Futúḥát i Makkíyah, says that there are seven Abdáls to each of whom is entrusted one of the seven climates. I restrict my quotations to the needs of the text. The scholar may pursue the definition at p. 21 of the Nafaḥátu'l Uns.

↩

He received this epithet says Ṭabarí because he traversed the world from end to end, the word Ḳarn signifying a horn, a term applied also to the extremities of the universe. It is given to him in the Ḳurán (Sur. xviii. vv. 82, 84, 92). D'Herbelot states that ‘Two-horned ’ was originally applied to a monarch more ancient than Alexander, who lived in the time of Abraham. He also gives Ḍhu'lḳarnayn as a surname of Khiẓr. According to Sale, other opinions of the derivation are, that he had two horns to his diadem, or two curls of hair. Scaliger supposes it was occasioned by his being represented in his coins and statues with horns as the son of Jupiter Ammon, or as being compared by the prophet Daniel to a he-goat (Dan. viii), though there represented but with one horn. It as probably implied his supremacy and power, as in the case of the noble statue of the two-horned Moses of Michael Angelo in Rome. See Chap. CXII. Vol. I. of Ṭabarí (H. Zotenberg), for his account of this monarch. The oriental tradition of Yájúj and Májúj is here circumstantially narrated. Their innumerable descendants dwelt behind the iron gates at Darband. Their stature was of two cubits, and their ears were so long that they trailed on the ground. When they slept, they laid themselves down on one ear while they covered themselves with the other. They went naked and bred like cattle, and each before he died produced 1,000 children. Against the gates they could not prevail, but a million of them proceed at sunrise daily, to lick them with their tongues and by evening the iron is attenuated to the thinness of an egg shell, but miraculously recovers its thickness in the night, and this will continue till a deliverer arises amongst them who will become a believer, and the gates will then yield to their tongues and they will rush through.

↩

“And when he was there and sat under a juniper tree he requested for his soul that he might die and said, “It is enough for me, Lord, take away my soul: for I am no better than my fathers.”

III. Kings xix. 4.

Thus spoke Eliseus as he fled from Jezabel to Bersabee of Juda. Abul Fazl confounds Samaria with Heliopolis, and, perhaps, from the similarity of names, places the slaughter of the false prophets of Baal at Mount Carmel in Baalbak. Mount Carmel is still remembered as the Jabal Már Elyás. Eliseus was the son of Saphat of Abelmeula. Ṭabarí gives Elias the genealogy assigned by Abu'l Fazl and calls Eliseus the son of Akhtúb. See Ṭabarí, Zotenberg, p 419, 10.

↩

Akbar's brother, king of Kábul. He rebelled against Akbar, invaded India and besieged Lahor in the 11th year of Akbar's reign. See Vol. I. p. 462, and Index under Mḥd. Ḥakím Mírzá.

↩

Alluding to the Persian idiom.

↩

The latter part of this sentence is corrupt in the reading. Three variants in the notes are unintelligible, and one MS. omits it altogether. My rendering is, therefore, conjectural. I would suggest the following emendation:

↩

“Who shall follow the apostle, the illiterate prophet.” Ḳurán vii; and again “It is he who hath raised up amidst the illiterate Arabians an apostle from among themselves.” Sur. lxii.

↩

must be an error for or .

↩

See Vol. I. XXX. and 468; this prince had written to Akbar regarding his apostasy from Islám, and Mírán Ṣadr and Ḥakím Humám were sent on an embassy to explain matters with an ambiguous Arabic verse to the effect that, as God and the Prophet had not escaped the slander of men neither could His Majesty. One of the letters in the collection called ‘Inshái Abu'l Fazl’ is addressed to this monarch, in reply to his inquiry whether Akbar had renounced Islám. This story is so obscurely worded that I am not sure whether I have seized the sense of the concluding lines. I infer that Akbar wished it to be known that he had no grudge against Abdu'llah.

↩

The XCI. of the Ḳurán. “By the sun and its rising brightness; by the moon when she followeth him; by the day when it showeth its splendour; by the night when it covereth him with darkness; by the heaven and him who built it; by the earth and him who spread it forth ……… how is he who hath purified the same, happy, but he who hath corrupted the same is miserable.”— Sale.

↩

The Súrya-kánta or ‘sun-loved,’ a sunstone or crystal, cool to the touch and supposed to possess fabulous properties because, like a glass lens, it gives out heat when exposed to the rays of the sun. Monier-Williams, S. D.

↩

Or perhaps ‘his own gormandising nature.’

↩

This recalls the lines in Dryden's “Cleomenes:”

“A noble soul
Does much that asks: he gives you
power to oblige him
Know, Sir, there is a proud modesty
in merit
Averse from begging and resolved
to pay
Ten times the gift it asks.”

↩

“The learned man may fix his thoughts on science and wealth, as if he were never to grow old, or to die: but when death seizes him by the locks, he must then practise virtue.” Introd. “Hitopadesa.” Sir W. Jones' Translation.

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The ephemeral controversies of the Court which Abu'l Faẓl seemed to regard as enduring to all time, and of which the subjects and actors have long been forgotten, are to be elucidated only on conjecture. The saying alluded to in the text appears to be a parody on the tradition, ‘the love of country is a part of religion’ (). Some traditions regarding the cat have been preserved and will be found in the Ḥayát u'l Ḥayawán [Vita animalium: auctore Shaykh Kamálu'ddín Mhd b-Ben I´sa Demíri, anno, A. H. 808 (A. D. 1405) mortuo, Háj. Khal]. One of these, on the authority of Salmán al-Fársí, says that “the Prophet gave an admonition respecting the cat,” i. e., its humane treatment. Abú Hurayrah, the well-known companion, who received his epithet (father of the kitten), on account of having always a kitten with him, narrated a tradition that a woman was punished in hell for maltreatment of a cat. Ayesha asked him if this was true. He replied, he had heard it from Muḥammad's own lips. She rejoined that a Muslim woman could not have been so punished on account of a cat, and that the culprit was an infidel. He should, therefore, be careful how he repeated these traditions. Other examples are given on the spiritual advantages of kindness to these animals which cannot be of general interest. In explanation of the grammatical point, I suggest that what is meant is the duty of mankind in the humane treatment of cats, and, no doubt, all other animals; but if the word ‘love’ be in construction with a definite agent, and it be said that “the love of Zayd towards a cat is a part of religion,” the application is censurable.

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See p. (Alexander of Greece, MS.) He must refer to the passage of the Hydaspes. The morality is somewhat fine-drawn. He might have looked at home for far graver delinquencies.

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This is scarcely true. The names of Rám Autár, Krishan or Kishan Chand, Rám Kishan, Arjun, Hanumán, Ganésh and many others are common enough.

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See Vol. I, p. 474.

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This I conceive to be the meaning of this allusion. The serious obscurity of language which Abu'l Fazl affects is never more conspicuous than in these records of conversation. The story of Manṣúr is well known: absorbed in his pantheism he imprudently gave utterance to the feeling that he was God (Ana 'l Ḥaḳḳ), and was executed at Baghdad, in the reign of Al-Muḳtadir

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This sentence is omitted by three MSS., and the note marks a variant in another. My interpretation is conjectural, the text being in the opinion of the Editor, corrupt. It is certainly unintelligible.

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This is a conceit on the well-known eastern duty of protecting a guest who has eaten of one's salt. This protection does not extend to the offer of water, but the use of nitre gives water this salt and its consequent rights.

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This was the famous chief of the Persian Ismaílians and known in the history of the Crusades under the name of the ‘Old man of the Mountain’,—for such was the interpretation put by the Latin historians on the title Shaykh u'l Jibál, properly signifying Lord of the Mountains, by which is meant, the mountainous district from Iṣfahán to Zanján, Ḳazwín, Hamadán, Dínawar and Ḳirmísín. The name I'ráḳ is commonly given to this tract by the Persians, but improperly according ‘to Yáḳút, and is quite a modern term unknown to ancient geographers. He however allows that it is of common usage; the word is also written Jabal. The history of Ḥasan Sabbáḥ is well-known. He ended his reign and life in A. H. 578, (A. D. 1124).

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Var. Kháurá Khárá.

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Var. Malibár, Balísá.

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A. H. 968 (1560-1). See Vol. I, p. 317. The spelling of the name as Bayrám is more common than Bayram.

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The truth of the statement is not within my experience.

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I hazard this interpretation of which the editor has marked with a note of interrogation. There are several variants in the notes which are of no value.

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I omit four of the royal opinions which may be consulted in the original.

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Or it may be rendered, though not with strict grammatical propriety, “abandons his own profession.”

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