Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 2

A thousand thanksgivings that the spring of dominion has revived, and that the banner of the New Year has been upreared! The world has anew turned her face towards equability, and the elemental forces have assumed fresh power.

Clouds changed garden-dust into Tartar-musk,
The zephyr quickened the fire of the rose,
The blossoming branch became a ball of camphor,
The dark hyacinth changed into burning aloes of Qamār,
By the feet of the maidens of the garden-pavilion
Dust became like mirror-holding water,
'Twas the season of love-glances and beauty-worship
The season of blossoms and of wine-drinking
The rosebud and narcissus have joined hands
Strive to commit your heart to an alert hand

The spring-breeze gave like an invisible messenger the glad tidings of victory and fortune. The gates of Divine abundance opened for the terrene and terrestrials, and the imperial servants were gladdened by the news of celestial victories. After three hours and fifteen minutes of Monday 18 Sh'abān 973, 10th March 1566, the sun entered the Sign of Aries, and the year Bahman, viz., the 11th year of the first cycle began. For two or three days Karrali was the exercise ground of the sublime host, and the New Year's feast took place there. The Khān-Khānan Mun'im Khān and Moẓaffar Khān and others were left there for the settlement of the affairs of Khān Zamān, and for the return of those who had been sent to him, and the royal camp proceeded towards Kālpī, and from thence to the capital. On 19th Farwardīn, the day of Farwardīn, corresponding to Friday 7th Ramẓān, 28th March 1566, the shade of the imperial umbrella descended upon Agra, and thereby the dignity of that spot surpassed the sky. After spending some days there, H.M. went to Nagarcīn, which had been built then, and that delightful spot was irradiated by his presence. In fine when H.M. the Shāhinshāh from a regard to his subjects proceeded to Agra, Mun'im Khān and Moẓaffar Khān awaited in Karrah the return of the envoys. When the latter approached 'Alī Qulī Khān, he went forth to meet them and treated them with respect, and used a glozing tongue. He came back to the path of obedience by promises and oaths, which are the documents of hypocrites, and then Mun'im Khān and Moẓaffar Khān, having been freed from their duties there proceeded, stage by stage, to the capital. When they came to Etāwah, Moẓaffar Khān, having become suspicious of Mun'im Khān, posted on to the threshold, and was received with favour. He explained the double-dealing of the grandees and impressed this on H.M. Afterwards Mun'im Khān and the other officers came to Court. Lashkar¹ Khān was removed from his office of Bakhshī, and Khwāja Jahān was reprimanded. The great seal was taken from him and he was dismissed to Mecca. The severity used towards these men, which was the retribution for their deeds, caused greater circumspection on the part of Mun'im Khān. The reputation of Moẓaffar Khān was increased, and by the mediation of the courtiers, the offences of Khwājah Jahān were forgiven. H.M. the Shāhinshāh personally attended to the administration of affairs, and the result was that the world assumed a new aspect.

One of the occurrences was that H.M. the Shāhinshāh displayed his world-adorning graciousness to the servants of the sublime threshold, and directed his attention towards the assessment (jama') of the parganas. In accordance with his orders Moẓaffar Khān set aside the Jama' raqamī¹ (assessment according to kinds of produce?) which had been made in the time of Bairām Khan and in which, on account of the plurality (kaṯrat) of men and the paucity (qillat) of territory, a nominal increase had been made for the sake of appearances. All these (papers) had remained in the public offices and been regarded as authentic, and had become the tools of embezzlement for the slaves of gold. Qānūngoes and others who were acquainted with the whole of the territories the empire fixed according to their own estimates the actual produce of the countries and established a new assessment.

Though it was not a regular estimate (hāl-ḥāṣil), yet in comparison with the former one, it might be so called.

As the branding¹ department, of which an account has been given in the final volume, had not then emerged into being, at this time the number of attendants for all the officers and servants of the threshold was fixed, so that every one should keep some persons in readiness for service. There were three classes of the ordinary soldier assigned to the officers. The first class had 48,000 dāms a year, the second 32,000 and the third 24,000.

One of the occurrences was that 'Abdullah Khān Uzbeg, who had been defeated and had gone to Gujrat, was turned out by Cingīz Khān in accordance with the agreement made with Ḥakīm Ain-al-mulk. From ill-fatedness he did not become circumspect and wandered about in the desert of calamity. He again came to the borders of Malwa and raised the head of sedition. Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, who had been previously appointed to manage the affairs of Malwa got ready an army and marched against him. The wretch was nearly captured. With a thousand troubles he conveyed himself to 'Alī Qulī Khān and Sikandar Khān. Thereafter he went to the abyss of annihilation.

One of the occurrences was the flight of Jalāl Khān Qūrcī. The explanation of this is that, as the holy personality of the Shāhinshāh is pure and chaste, he wishes that all mankind and especially those near to him be so likewise. When he heard that Jalāl Khān kept a beautiful youth and was immoderate with regard to him, he was displeased and separated them. That light-headed one (Jalāl Khān) left the path of wisdom and one night went off with the young man. M. Yūsuf Khān and others were appointed to pursue him, and they seized him and brought him and the youth to Court. He was ordered to be suitably punished. For a long time he was kept in a portico (jilaukhāna)¹ and was kicked by high and low. Afterwards H.M.'s kindness remembered Jalāl Khān's good fellowship (nadīmī) in which he was unrivalled, and he was restored to favour.

One of the occurrences was the appointing of Mahdī Qāsim Khān to prospect the territory of Garha. It has already been related how Āṣaf Khān became a renegade at the time of service and trod the path of disloyalty. When the imperial camp returned from Jaunpūr to Agra, H.M. resolved to send to Garha Mahdī Qāsim Khān, who was one of the old servants of the family. He was to administer the territory and to arrest Āṣaf Khān who had perpetrated so much wickedness. Mahdī Qāsim Khān girded up the loins of resolution and set out, but before his army arrived, Āṣaf Khān got information and with much regret left the country. He became a wanderer in the fields of wretchedness, and, like a wild beast, took refuge in the forests.

Mahdī Qāsim Khān arrived at that rich country, and after taking possession of it hastened off after Āṣaf Khān. 'Alī Qulī Khān, who was always trying to win over Āṣaf Khān, recognised this as a good opportunity, and wrote letters to him, and so showed that he was about to break his compact (with Akbar). The simpleton (Āṣaf) foolishly went off and came to Jaunpūr with his brother Wazīr Khān and joined 'Alī Qulī Khān. Mahdī Qāsim Khān became governor of Garha.

One of the occurrences was as follows: As H.M. the Shāhinshāh wandered about under the veil of inattention and was continually arranging some pleasant screen for himself, he at the time he was residing at Nagarcīn, both for the sake of administration, which the wise can understand, and for ostensible amusement, which all can appreciate, employed himself in polo-playing, which in truth is an image of world-conquest and government. In the season of enjoyment he carried off the ball of pleasure from the world's plain. In appearance he was engaged in sport and amusement, inwardly he was occupied with realities, and was carrying on the world's business. In this pursuit he devised wondrous inventions. Among them was the burning¹ ball. By means of its light he with ease followed the sport of polo-playing in dark nights.

With² the crescent-moon-like stick he drove the ball beyond the stars. In appearance the methods of sport were perfected. In reality horses' paces were improved, and men were taught exertion and activity, which were indispensable for warfare.

One of the occurrences was the death of Yūsuf Muḥammad Khān Kokaltāsh, the elder brother of M. 'Azīz. He died from excessive drink on the day of Khūr 15 Khurdād, Divine month corresponding to 5 Ẕī Q'ada, 24th May 1566, after five days' illness. A remarkable thing was that when his body was removed next day from Nagarcīn to Agra it was still warm. H.M. the Shāhinshāh was, from his kindness of heart, much grieved and showed much sympathy with the mourners, and behaved very kindly to them.

One of the occurrences was the departure of Mahdī Qāsim Khān for the Ḥijāz. It has already been mentioned that he had been appointed to the charge of Garha, and directed to drive out Āṣaf Khan. When that territory came into his hands without exertion, he was unable to manage it on account of its extent and bad condition. He was overcome by depression, and in the midst of this year, he, without the royal permission, left the country and went southwards with the intention of going to the Ḥijāz. Seeing that proximity to great saints, who are possessed of pure spirits, is not beneficial when there is no real connection, what can result from proximity to holy places which have acquired sanctity from association with saints, especially when it is attended by the displeasing of so great a master? When the fact was reported to H.M. he pardoned his (Mahdī Qāsim's) folly and made arrangements for the administration of the country. Shāh Qulī Khān Naranjī and Kākar 'Alī Khān with a number of heroes were appointed to the province. By their being sent, the distractions of the country were set right. They themselves were treated with princely favours.

While the Shāhinshāh was enjoying himself at Nagarcīn, it came to his hearing that Muḥammad Ḥakīm Mīrzā had, at the instigation of short-sighted men, become disobedient and had marched against Lahore. The explanation of his coming there is as follows. From the time that M. Sulaimān had fled at the report of the coming of the imperial army and had retired to Badakhshān, he continually had the idea of coming again to Kabul. Now, when he became certain that none of H.M.'s officers was there, he thought he had his opportunity, and having, in conjunction with Ḥaram Begam, gathered together his troops the fourth time, he once more proceeded against Kabul. When M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm heard of his coming, he made over the fort of Kabul to M'aṣūm,¹ who was distinguished among his followers for courage and wisdom, and went off with Khwāja Ḥasan Naqshbandi, his prime minister, to Shakardara² and Ghorband. M. Sulaimān came to Kabul and besieged the fort. After some days he perceived that the lasso of his power was too short to entangle the battlements. He learnt that the Mīrzā was in Ghorband and its neighbourhood, and wished to accomplish his object by the deceitfulness of Ḥaram Begam. With this evil design Ḥaram Begam left M. Sulaimān at Kabul and went herself to Ghorband. She sent able men to Ḥ. Hakīm and gave him the message that he always was dearer to her than a son of her own body, especially since there had been an additional alliance.³ Her whole soul was directed towards perfect concord and harmony with him, and to building yet higher the foundations of alliance. The object of her present coming was to have an interview, and to strengthen the bonds of friendship, and to guard them from being weakened or loosened. M. Ḥakīm was deceived by the Begam's cajolery and agreed to meet her in the village of Qarā-Bāgh, which is twelve kos from Kabul, and to ratify the alliance. When he had determined upon an interview he sent his confidants ahead in order that they might make conditions and promises void of hypocrisy. When the envoys produced their credentials, the Begam swore great and strong oaths that there would be no trickery, and that the heart and tongue would accord, and that deeds would correspond with the words. When the Mīrzā's men heard the Begam's oaths, they, in their folly, arranged that they would urge the Mīrzā to have an interview with the Begam at Qarā-Bāgh, and that he would tie the knot of sonship and concord.

When the Begam saw that the plot was arranged, she sent messengers to M. Sulaimān saying that she had engaged the Mīrzā's men to bring him to Qarā-Bāgh, and that now he should leave his camp and a few troops near the fort, and make a rapid march with some men and place himself in ambush near Qarā-Bāgh. When the Mīrzā came there he (Sulaimān) should make him prisoner. When M. Sulaimān heard this he left Muḥammad Qulī Shighālī, who was one of his trusted officers, with the camp to besiege Kabul, and hastened off himself by night-marches. He lay in ambush behind a ridge near Qarā-Bāgh. The envoys of M. Ḥakīm, who had returned after hearing the Begam's strong oaths, looked only to externals and were unmindful of the inward perfidy, and gave the Mīrzā a favourable account of the promises and of the interview. All the Mīrza's men urged his going to see the Begam, except Bāqī Qāqshāl, who spoke against going, and ascribed the oaths to deceit and treachery. He plainly said that the Begam wanted, by this pretence, to deliver him into the clutches of M. Sulaimān. He stripped off the deceit which that deceiver had contrived. In spite of this, M. Ḥakīm was helpless and went off with some of his confidants towards Qarā-Bāgh. On the way one of the Kabulis who had come with the Badakhshis on M. Sulaimān's rapid march, separated himself from them and joined M. Ḥakīm's people. He told them that M. Sulaimān was lying in ambush behind a certain ridge with a chosen body of men and was watching for his opportunity. The Kabulī himself had come with them that night. When the Mīrzā heard this he turned round and took the road to Kabul. When M. Sulaimān got news of this he followed him and came up with some of the Mīrzā's men and made them prisoners. Whatever was in the rear was captured. Bāqī Qāqshāl and his brethren were close behind the Mīrzā and urged him on. Some of the Badakhshis got close up to the Mīrzā and it was thought that they would capture him. Bāqi Qāqshāl and his brethren fought bravely and by arrows and bullets occupied the enemy so that the Mīrzā could go on ahead. In this way they brought the Mīrzā out of that dangerous place. M. Sulaimān pursued him up to the Sanjad defile, but when he recognised the fact that the Mīrzā had escaped, he was compelled to halt. The baggage of the Mīrzā and his men fell into the hands of the Badakhshīs. When night came on the Mīrzā halted in one of the defiles of Ghorband and sent men to Ghorband to bring him some things which had been left there. Then he marched on to near the kotal of the Hindu Koh. Next day he passed through the kotal and came to Mazra'-i-ashraf, which was in the possession of the Uzbegs. From there he advanced one or two stages. Khwāja Ḥasan and the men who were of his party wished to take the Mīrzā to Pīr Muḥammad Khān, the ruler of Balkh, and to ask help from him. But Bāqi Qaqshāl did not agree to this and said he would take the Mīrzā to the sublime Court. Khwāja Ḥasan and a number of others went to Balkh, and Baqī Qaqshāl and his brethren, and those who were in accord with him, went back from there and brought the Mīrzā to Ghorband. From there they crossed over to Jalālābād by the way of Īsā¹ and Bahra.² From there they came to Peshawar, and then to the bank of the Indus. The Mīrzā crossed the river and sent a humble petition, together with an account of the dispersion that had taken place, to the threshold of fortune. His ambassadors delivered this at Nagarcīn. Inasmuch as fortune watches over the sublime family, the news of the troubles in Kabul had already arrived. At that time Farīdūn, the maternal uncle of the Mīrzā, was in attendance on H.M., and had been given permission to go to Kabul. As the Mīrzā was young and unprotected, Farīdūn was to arrange his affairs and to confirm him in the path of loyalty and to take care that seditious men should not have an opportunity of speāking to the Mīrzā. The affair of the coming to Kabul of M. Sulaimān occurred before Farīdūn's meeting with the Mīrzā. When M. Ḥakīm's ambassadors arrived, H.M., out of his kindness, sent Khūsh Khabar Khān, who was one of the Court yesāwals, with much money and goods, a dress of honour, and a special horse, and he issued an order that the Panjab officers should proceed to Kabul and put down M. Sulaimān. When Khūsh Khabar Khān came near the Mīrzā's camp, the latter went out to welcome the dispatch,—the preface of eternal fortune,— and received it with reverence. After some days Farīdūn, who had left before Khūsh Khabar Khān, arrived. That indiscreet one, influenced by notions which no sensible man would have entertained, put up the Mīrzā, who had arrived there after a hurried journey, to aim at the Panjab and inspired him with the idea that it would be easy to take Lahore. He was not contented with this, but also instigated the young Mīrzā to arrest Khūsh Khabar Khān. Though the Mīrzā was void of wisdom, and thought that Farīdūn's wicked idea was right, yet he would not consent to the arrest of Khūsh Khabar Khān, and sent for him one night and dismissed him. At that time there was a writer named Sulṭan 'Alī, who had been turned out of Agra and gone to Kabul, and had been given the title of Lashkar Khān, and also one Ḥasan Khān, a brother of Shihābud dīn Aḥmad Khān, who had absconded before this and gone to Kabul. These two wretches joined with Farīdūn in stirring up strife, until at length M. Hakīm, who had not far-seeing intelligence, nor a loyal heart, was induced by the words of these vaunters to cross the Indus and to proceed towards Lahore. His men practised rapine in Bhera and its vicinity. When this news reached the Panjab officers, Mīr Muḥammad Khān, Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān and Sharīf Khān joined together and set about strenghening the fort, and reported the state of affairs to Court. The flames of the wrath of H.M. the Shāhinshāh burst forth on hearing this news, and he directed the assembling of troops. M. Ḥakīm, with the evil thought that perhaps he might by fraud and deceit bring over the Panjab officers to his side, advanced from Bhera to Lahore. He halted outside of the city in the garden¹ of Mahdi Qāsim Khān. Next day he came to the edge of the fort and drew up his troops. The Panjab officers made the eternal fortune of the Shāhinshāh their fortress and by means of cannon and musketry prevented any living creature from treading on the hem of the fortress. Every day they maintained the rules of the defence and displayed courage and loyalty. H.M. the Shāhinshāh appointed Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān to the charge of the capital, and Moẓaffar Khān to look after civil matters, and set out on the day of Shahriyūr 4 Āẕar, Divine month, or Saturday 3 Jamāda-al-awwal 974, 17 November 1566. He followed the pleasure of hunting during the whole of the expedition and after ten days arrived at Delhi. In accordance with custom he visited the shrines of the saints and made liberal gifts to the custodians, and then went and visited the tomb of H.M. Jinnat Āshiyānī. When M. Ḥakīm, who at the instigation of short-sighted men was revolving vain thoughts, heard the reverberation of the march of H.M. he fell into consternation and fled to the bank of the Indus. On the day that the imperial army reached the Satlej the scouts brought the news of the flight of the Mīrzā. The army crossed the river and proceeded towards Lahore. In a fortunate hour in the middle of Bahman, corresponding to middle Rajab (near end February 1567) it reached that city, and the quarters of Mahdi Qāsim Khān were made glorious by the arrival of the Shāhinshāh. Peace and tranquillity extended everywhere. The loyalists who during the time of the siege had contended with the rebels and jeoparded their lives were raised to dignities. Though the imperial servants urged that the Kabulis should be followed and punished, yet as the holy nature of the Shāhinshāh is a mine of kindness, he forgave M. Hakīm for his folly and stopped the pursuit. Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān, Kamāl Khān and a number of other officers were deputed to the borders of the empire in order that they might reassure the peasantry who had suffered from the oppression of the Kabulīs and that in this way the expulsion of the Mīrzā might be best effected. They received the order and went forth to execute it. H.M. stayed in Lahore, and occupied himself with administration and enjoyment. The army proceeded to the bank of the Indus and looked after the peasantry, and learnt there that M. Ḥakīm had proceeded to Kabul on learning that that place had been abandoned by M. Sulaimān.

The adventures of M. Sulaimān are as follows: When he made his rapid march against M. Hakīm he left Muḥammad Qulī Shighālī with a large force to besiege Kabul. Ma'ṣūm Khān sent out of the fort a number of cavaliers of the hippodrome of valour to display their daring. They engaged Muḥammad Qulī and defeated him, and seized the baggage of the Badakhshīs. The besiegers were scattered, and Muḥammad Qulī conveyed M. Sulaimān's daughters, who were with the expedition, to the Cār-diwār garden, which was in the neighbourhood, and fortified it. The people of Kabul surrounded Muḥammad Qulī and sent word to Ma'ṣūm Khān¹ that if he was quick and would bring help he could easily capture the men whom they had brought into straits. He wrote in reply that as M. Sulaimān's daughters were there it would be disrespectful to behave in such a manner; and he recalled his own men. M. Sulaimān came back from Sanjad-dara, disappointed of his project against M. Ḥakīm, to the neighbourhood of the fort of Kabul, and resumed the siege. Ma'ṣūm Khān sent out a suitable person with a force every day, and fought victoriously with the Badakhshīs. The latter waxed faint in battle and a pestilence broke out among men and horses. M. Sulaimān was constrained to propose peace, and accepted through the instrumentality of Qāẓī Khān Badakhshi some paltry advantage, which might be represented as a condition of his return. First he sent his wife to Badakhshān, and then followed her himself. Just about this time M. Hakīm returned from India to Kabul, and the short-sighted ones of that place felt ashamed and sank down from their vain thoughts. The royal camp established itself in Lahore and cast the shadow of justice over the land. The glory of the standards of victory destroyed darkness in minds and horizons. The great feast of the holy weighment² took place at this time, and was performed according to rule with gold and silver and other rareties. Gifts and alms were distributed to rich and poor, and the rulers of tracts of country, especially the governors and landholders of the northern districts placed the head of submission and the forehead of obedience on the dust of the threshold and scattered largesse in proportion to their means. A number who were unable at that time to obtain the blessing of kissing the threshold sent their children and relatives along with able ambassadors.

During these days Muḥammad Bāqī the son of M. 'Īsā Tarkhān and ruler of Tatta sent a representation full of submission and obedience, accompanied by suitable presents, and conveyed by confidential officers. The purport of it was that his father had been a slave of the sublime court and had offered up his life on the carpet of sincerity and devotion. Now he (M. Bāqī) placed the head of respect on the threshold of obedience as being one of those firm in their allegiance. At this time Sultān Maḥmūd Bakarī was acting contrary to the code (of Cingīz Khān) and to the sublime orders and was at the request of the Mīrzās of Qandahār leading troops against him. On account of the writer's being strongly bound to the eternal fortune (of Akbar's family) Sultan Maḥmūd was unable to lay hands on his territory and his troops had been dispersed. Now the writer hoped that he could on account of his loyalty and sincerity, be reckoned among the faithful slaves and that no dust of separation would settle upon the court of his union (with Akbar's dynasty). His petition was brought to the royal hearing by the intervention of courtiers and in accordance with his prayer a world-obeyed order was issued to Sulṭan Maḥmūd Khān to the effect that he should not advance his foot beyond his limits, and should restrain the reins of his fancy from territories appertaining to Bāqī Khān. The ambassadors received permission to depart after having received princely favours.

One of the occurrences was that whilst H.M. the Shāhinshāh was casting his shadow over the northern regions a petition arrived from Agra, from Mun'im Khān the Khān Khānān. Its purport was that the sons of Muḥammad Sultān Mīrzā and Ulugh Mīrzā, who had been distinguished from among the other courtiers by the glance of favour, and who held a fief in the Sarkār of Sambal, had taken the road of rebellion and put out their hands against the villages in the neighbourhood of Delhi. He (Mun'im) had gone to Delhi in order to extirpate them, but they had got news of this and had fled by the way of Māndū.

This Muḥammad¹ Sulṭān Mīrzā was the son of Sulṭān Wals Mīrzā the son of Bāīqrā the son of Manṣūr, the son of Bāīqrā the son of Umr Shaikh, the son of H.M. Sāhibqirānī Amīr Timūr Gūrgān, and his mother was the daughter of Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā. This last had, during the time of his rule, educated Muḥammad Sulṭan Mīrzā, who was his nephew's grandson. After Sulṭān Husain Mīrzā's death, as a great dispersion took place in Khurāsān, Muhammad Sultān Mīrzā entered the service of H.M. Getī Sitanī Firdūs-Makānī (Bābar), and was received with favour. When the diadem of empire came to Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī that prince also showed him kindness. He had two sons; one was Ulugh Mīrzā and the other Shāh Mīrzā. Both were successful as his servants. In spite of that, several times they showed signs of opposition, but H.M. (Humāyūn) from his innate kindness winked at this. At last Ulugh Mīrzā met with the reward of his deeds in an attack on the Hazāras. He left two sons, Sikandar Mīrzā and Muḥammad Sultan Mīrzā. After Ulugh Mīrzā was killed, H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Ashiyānī cast the shadow of his favour over his sons and gave to Iskandar Mīrzā the title of Ulugh Mīrzā and to Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā that of Shāh Mīrzā. When H.M. the Shāhinshāh came to the throne he showed kindness to Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā and his grandchildren and relatives. When Muḥammad Sultān Mīrzā had grown old he was relieved from military service and given the pargana of 'Aẕimpūr in Sarkār Sambal for his maintenance, so that he might spend his days in tranquillity and in offering up prayers (for Akbar's success). Several children were born to him in his old age— 1st, Ibrāhīm Ḥusain Mīrzā; 2nd, Muḥammad Husain M.; 3rd, Mas'ūd Ḥusain M.; 4th, 'Aāqil Ḥusain M. As the kindnesses of H.M. the Shāhinshāh extend over all classes of men, every one of these Mīrzās received fiefs suitable to their conditions, and took part in all the expeditions. Especially they were attached to the royal stirrup in the Jaunpūr commotion. After the royal standards had returned from there they got leave to go to their fiefs in Sambal. When the sublime army left Agra and went to the Panjab to extinguish the seditious flames of M. Ḥakīm, Ulugh M. and Shāh M. in combination with Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. and Muḥammad Ḥusain M. raised the standard of rebellion, and having collected a number of vagabonds stretched out the hand of rapine over Sambal and its neighbourhood. The fief-holders of that district joined and proceeded against them, and as the latter could not resist them, they fled to Khān Zamān and Sikandar Khān. But their company was not acceptable to the latter, for every one in his folly wanted to rule. They came back from there and made an attempt on the Dūāb. They crossed over to pargana Nīmkār. Yārshāhī, the sister's son of Ḥājī Khān Sīstānī, who was the jājīrdār of that part of the country, advanced to put down those wretches. As the divine destiny intended to deal hardly with them, their destruction was tied in the knot of another season, and Yārshāhī was defeated after fighting manfully. Many goods such as gold, elephants, etc., fell into the hands of those scoundrels, and they went on towards the borders of Delhi, committing rapine. Tātār¹ Khān made Delhi strong and Mun'im Khān came from Agra in order to repulse them. Those ill-fated ones knew that Mālwa was empty and went there. Near Sampat they fell in with Mīr Mu'īzz-al-mulk who had donned the pilgrim's² garb and was going to the Panjab, and plundered him. Mun'im Khān did not think it advisable to follow them, and so returned to Agra. The rebels took possession of Mālwa which at that time had been assigned to Muhammad³ Qulī Khān Barlās, but who, on account of sundry affairs, was then attached to the stirrup of fortune, (i.e. was at Lahore on personal attendance on Akbar). His son-in-law Khwāja Hādī, who was known as Khwāja Kilān, strengthened Ujjain, but some traitors who were with him came out and joined the Mīrzās. The Khwāja's goods were plundered, but he himself escaped on account of his high birth. Qadam Khān the brother of Muqarrab Khān Deccanī was in Hindia. Muḥammad Ḥusain M. besieged him. Muqarrab Khān Deccanī was in the fort of Santwās, and Ḥusain Khān the sister's son of Mahdi Qasim Khān came back from escorting Mahdi Qasim Khān who was going to the Ḥijāz. He had reached Santwās when the turmoil of the Mīrzās showed itself. He too took refuge in Santwās. Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. prosecuted the siege, and at this time Muḥammad Ḥusain M. got possession of Hindia and put Qadam Khān to death. When they brought his head to the edge of the fort of Santwās Muqarrab Khān lost heart and submitted. Ḥusain Khan⁴ too came out. Though Ibrāhim Ḥusain M. offered him service he would not accept of it. When H.M. the Shāhinshāh proceeded to extirpate Ālī Qulī Khān he came forward and obtained the bliss of service. In fine, when the news of this affair was brought to the royal hearing, he issued an order that Muhammad Sulṭan M. should be removed from 'Āẕimpūr to the fort of Bīānā, and be guarded there.

At this time, when the territory of Lahore became by the advent of the sublime cortège a rosegarden of fortune, and H.M. the Shāhinshāh was engaged in captivating hearts, the bounty of spring encircled the land, and the balmy breezes began to blow. The gardens afforded a wondrous spectacle to beholders, and the tulips and other flowers cast nooses of enchantment over the onlookers.

Arise for the peacock of spring has come
The call of the nightingale has come from the garden
The red rose has fallen all over the grass;
Or¹ have parrots set their beaks on their wings?

After eight hours, fifteen minutes, of Tuesday 29 Sh'abān 974, 11th March 1567, the sun entered (Aries), and the 12th year, to wit, the year Isfandārmaẕ of the first cycle began, and the equable mind of the Shāhinshāh felt a desire for hunting and for the qamargha,² which is the most delightful form thereof. An order was issued that birds and beasts should be driven together from near the mountains on the one side, and from the river Bihat (Jhilam) on the other. Each district was made over to one of the great officers, and Bakhshīs, Tawācīs and Sazāwals were appointed to every quarter. Several thousand footmen from the towns and villages of the Lahore province were appointed to drive the game. A wide space within ten miles of Lahore—like the capacious heart of princes—was chosen for the collecting of the animals. During the space of one month, while the officers and other persons, both high and low, were actively engaged in driving the game, H.M. was chiefly engaged in stablishing the foundations of justice and in developing inward and outward civilization. At length there was a suitable completion of arrangements; beaters were collected, and there was a large assemblage of animals. First H.M. the Shāhinshāh went to the hunting ground, and viewed it from the circumference to the centre. Every one of the grandees and other servants who had exerted himself in this delightful service was gratified by H.M.'s. approbation. Then he placed the foot of dominion in the stirrup of auspiciousness and made his tiger-like steed career in the pursuit of the prancing deer. He used the arrow, the sword, the lance and the musket. At the beginning, the hunting ground was ten miles in circumference. But day by day the qamargha was pushed on, and its area lessened. Within the space his swift steed sometimes swept after the game from the ground, and sometimes he caught the lightning-footed deer by the lasso. Various modes of hunting were displayed. Among the intimate courtiers, M. 'Azīz Kokaltāsh came into the middle of the qamargha and attended on the auspicious stirrup. The officers put up screens in front of their stations and guarded the game, in the daytime by their eyes, and in the night by blazing torches. There was pleasure from morning till evening and from evening till morning. After H.M. the Shāhinshāh had, during five successive days, enjoyed various kinds of sport, the great officers and the attendants on the harem were allowed to come into the hunting-ground. Gradually the servants of the court were allowed to enter until at last the turn came of individuals from among the troopers and footmen.

One of the wonderful occurrences that took place during the hunting was that Hamīd Bakarī (of Bhakar) one of the yesāwals had become evilminded and had placed an arrow on his bow and discharged it against one of the servants of the Court. The latter abided his time and reported the matter to H.M. in the hunting-ground. The royal wrath ordered that he should be capitally punished and gave his special sword to Qulīj Khān, in order that he might relieve that unruly one of the burden on his neck. Qulīj Khān twice struck him with that segment of a diamond, but did not injure a hair of his head. With the tongue of fate it was uttered

If the swords of the world move from their place
They'll not touch a vein so long as God does not will it.

On this account the mystery of destiny was accepted and his life spared, but as a warning his head was shaved and he was mounted on an ass and taken round the hunting-ground.

One of the occurrences of the hunting-time was the arrival of Muẓaffar Khān. He brought Wazīr Khān the brother of Āṣaf Khān and begged the forgiveness of the two brothers. The brief account of this is that when Āṣaf Khan by his bad fortune fell into the snare of 'Alī Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khān's society, he did not like their company and was disgusted with their arrogance. Also 'Alī Qulī cast eyes of avidity on his property. Āṣaf Khān was looking for an opportunity of separating himself from them. Meanwhile, 'Alī Qulī sent Āṣaf Khān along with Bahādur Khān, and kept Wazīr Khān under surveillance. Wazīr Khān wrote an account of the facts to his brother and suggested a rendezvous for escaping. In accordance therewith Āṣaf Khān separated one night from Bahādur Khān and proceeded towards Karrah and Mānikpūr. Wazīr Khān also came out of Jaunpūr and hastened along the same road. Bahādur Khān heard of what Āṣaf Khān was doing and pursued him, and came up with him near Cunār. A fight took place between them, and Āṣaf Khān was defeated and made prisoner. Bahādur Khān put him into an elephant-litter and went off. His men had dispersed in pursuit of plunder when Wazīr Khān and his son Bahādur Khān arrived. When he heard that Āṣaf Khān had been captured he made ready, and while Bahādur Khān's men were dispersed he came up and fought bravely. Bahādur Khān could not resist him and fled, but made a sign for the killing of Āṣaf Khān, whom they were bringing along on the elephant. The guards wounded him once or twice with swords. The top of his finger was severed and he was wounded on the nose, when Wazīr Khān's men suddenly pressed forward and released Āṯaf Khān. They came to Karra and reposed there. In this fight Bahādur Khān the son of Wazīr Khān distinguished himself, and on this account acquired glory by receiving such a title¹ (Bahādur Khān). Āṣaf Khān repented of his past life and recognised in all these misfortunes and losses the results of his exclusion from the sublime threshold, and with feelings of shame earnestly betook himself to the Court. He sent his brother Wazīr Khān to Muẓaffar Khān at the time when the latter was, in obedience to royal orders, proceeding from Agra to Lahore. Wazīr Khān came to Delhi, and Muẓaffar Khān treated him with great kindness and took him with him. He (Muẓaffar) had an opportunity of representing the case when H.M. was engaged in hunting, and he begged forgiveness for Āṣaf Khān. H.M. pardoned him and his brother and issued a diploma of favour in Āṣaf Khān's name, directing him to proceed to Mānikpūr and act in conjunction with Majnūn Khān Qāqshāl. When the sublime cortège returned to the capital he had the bliss of doing homage and received princely favours.

In fine, when the Qamargha was at an end, H.M. ordered a return and came to the river Rāvī, on whose bank Lahore is situated, and which flows with ocean-like majesty. H.M. the Shāhinshāh took in his hands the reins of trust in God and put his steed to the river. That fleet, fiery nature passed lightly over, like the breeze. The attendants, who necessarily were close by, also put their horses to the water and all crossed and arrived at the shore of safety except Khūsh Khabr Khān Yesāwal and Nūr Muḥammad, the son of Sher Muḥammad, who were drowned. When H.M. reached Lahore he spent his² days in the administration of affairs and the distribution of justice which are part of his nature.

Among the occurrences was the flight of Muḥammad Amīn Diwāna. The brief account of this is that he was distinguished among the champions (īkkajūānān) for his courage and daring. He also led an ill-regulated, intemperate life. At the time that the camp was at Lahore, he encountered one of the faujdārs,¹ as he was riding a special elephant (fīl khāṣa), and he launched an arrow from the quiver of unrestraint against him. When this boldness was reported to H.M., an order was issued for his being put to death. The courtiers attached to the harem interceded for him, and H.M. granted him his life, but ordered him to be beaten. From his ill-fortune he² left the road of fortune and fled that night to Ālī Qulī Khān, who was the head of strifemongers.

One of the occurrences was that Junaid Kararānī, who had obtained the bliss of service, and received princely favours, fled, owing to a groundless apprehension, from Hindaun,³ which had been assigned to him as his jāgīr, and went to Gujrāt. Those who are illfated and choose remoteness from the seat of dominion and fortune, think that they are going to better themselves, but in reality they increase their loss and cast themselves into the well of wretchedness. At the time when H.M., after arranging the affairs of the Panjab, was meditating a return, there arrived from Agra petitions of well-wishers and especially of Mun'im Khān to the effect that Ālī Qulī Khān, Bahādur Khān and Iskandar Khān, had again twisted their heads out of the line of obedience and stretched out their necks for rebellion. The misbehaviour of M. Ḥakīm had increased their frenzy, and in their folly and disloyalty they had recited the Khuṭba in the name of the Mirza! Those heedless, fortune-overturned ones had closed their eyes to the beholding of the glory of the Shāhinshāh, and for the sake of their own designs had cast the simple Mīrzā into the whirlpool of destructtion.

Kingship is a gift of God, and is not bestowed till many thousand grand requisites have been gathered together in an individual. Race and wealth and the assembling of a mob are not enough for this great position. It is clear to the wise that a few among the holy qualities (requisite) are, magnanimity, lofty benevolence, wide capacity, abundant endurance, exalted understanding, innate graciousness, natural courage, justice, rectitude, strenuous labour, proper conduct, profound thoughtfulness, laudable overlooking (of offences), and acceptance of excuses. And with all those notes of perfection, of which a few out of many are mentioned in detail in the ancient books of ripe philosophers, so long as the subject of such encomiums has not wisdom sufficient to overpower improper desires and unbecoming anger, he cannot be fit for this lofty office. And on coming to exalted dignity if he do not inaugurate universal peace (toleration) and if he do not regard all conditions of humanity, and all sects of religion with the single eye of favour,—and not bemother some and be-stepmother others,—he will not become fit for the exalted dignity. Thanks be to God! The holy personality of the Shāhinshāh is a fount of perfect qualites, and a mine of holy principles. Volumes would not be sufficient to describe the glories of the Lord of the Universe. How then can an incidental reference be sufficient? Give all that thou hast, and purchase eyes, and behold the world-adorning qualities of our spiritual and temporal king so that thou mayest know what is kingship, and what is the meaning of sovereignty!

In fine when the account of the disloyalty of this crew was reported to H.M., his equable disposition was affected and he made over to Khān¹ Bāqī Khān M. Mīrak Raẓavī who, at the time of the return of the royal cortège, had come to court in order to arrange about the fiefs of Ālī Qulī and Bahādur. H.M. resolved to proceed to Agra that he might punish the sedition-mongers. He rapidly arranged for the settlement of the Panjab, and alloted the parganas of that province to great officers, such as Mīr Muḥammad Khān Kalān and Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān and to their sons and brothers, and to the other devoted soldiers. The whole administration of the province he committed to Mīr Muḥammad Khān, and on the day of Tīr, 13 Farwardīn, Divine Month, corresponding to Monday, 12 Ramẓān, 23 March 1567, he returned his standards towards the capital. He was encamped at Serai Daulat Khān when the elephants Gajgajan and Panjpāya, which were noted animals, died on one day. A number of superficialists were saddened by this. H.M. said, “We draw a good omen from the event, viz., that those two unlucky brothers (Ālī Qulī and Bahādur) will, in this campaign, hasten to the pit of annihilation.” Good God! What capacity, what intellect, and what insight!

When the standards of fortune reached Sahrind, what shall I say of the folly displayed by Moẓaffar Khān such as that all were astonished? The account of this affair is that H.M. the Shāhinshah always kept himself informed of the condition of the soldiers and peasantry, and showed a paternal interest in amending the ways of mankind. He guarded men against improper actions and used to make efforts to elevate their characters. At this time it came to the royal hearing that Moẓaffar Khān had developed a fancy for the smooth (i.e., beardless) face of one Quṭb Khān and had flung away the veins of judgment. H.M. from his native kindness sent for the latter and made him over to keepers lest Moẓaffar Khān should fall into great evil from this snare. That besotted one assumed the garb of a faqir and went off into the wilds. He did not recognise the extent of the royal kindness and thoughtfulness. H.M. the Shāhinshāh who holds with perfect control the balance of discernment and appreciation took no notice of all this ignorance and indiscrimination but treated him with princely graciousness and sent the servant (Quṭb) to him. He also guided him by weighty admonitions. He indulged in hunting during the whole of this march, and conferred joy upon mankind.

While he was encamped at Thānesar, a dispute arose among the Sanyāsīs which ended in bloodshed. The details of this are as follows. Near that town there is a tank which might be called a miniature sea. Formerly there was a wide plain there known as Kūrkhet which the ascetics of India have reverenced from ancient times. Hindus from various parts of India visit it at stated times and distribute alms, and there is a great concourse. In this year before H.M.'s arrival, the crowd had gathered. There are two parties among the Sanyāsīs: one is called Kur,¹ and the other Pūrī. A quarrel arose among these two about the place of sitting. The asceticism of most of these men arises from the world's having turned its back on them, and not from their having become coldhearted to the world. Consequently they are continually distressed and are overcome of lust and wrath, and covetousness. The cause of the quarrel was that the Pūrī sect had a fixed place on the bank of the tank where they sate and spread the net of begging. The pilgrims from the various parts of India who came there to bathe in the tank used to give them alms. On that day the Kur faction had come there in a tyrannical way and taken the place of the Pūrīs, and the latter were unable to maintain their position against them.

Their leader Kīsū Pūrī came to Umballa and did homage, and made a claim for justice, saying that the Kurs had fraudulently come and taken their place. He added that though they had not the strength to encounter them, yet they would, trusting in God, engage in fight with them, and would either shed their own blood or take the place from them. The Kurs represented that the place belonged to them by inheritance, though the Pūrīs had settled there for some time. Now they would sit there, and the site would remain theirs as long as there was life in their bodies. When the sublime cortège came to Thanessar, and H.M. went to the spot and flung out the jewels of advice and counsel to those vain spirits, it was like casting pearls on the ground, and their absurdity and error only increased. Their desperation and disposition to kill themselves augmented and they entreated with fervent supplications that there might be a fight and a slaughter. As both parties were disordered in their minds and desires and had entered on the pathlessness of misery, they obtained permission to have a contest, so that in this way they should obtain the punishment of their wild deeds and so learn a lesson. It chanced that on that day a great number of each party had assembled. The two sides drew up in line, and first one man on each side advanced in a braggart fashion, and engaged with swords. Afterwards bows and arrows were used. After that the Pūrīs attacked the Kurs with stones. As the Pūrīs were few in number, H.M. signified to some men who understood fighting with stones, such as the Petamcahā, ¹ of Turān, and the Cīrūs of India, to assist the Pūrīs. They joined the Pūrīs in their attack on the Kurs and so exerted themselves that the Kurs could not withstand them and fled. The Pūrīs pursued them and sent a number of the wretches to annihilation. They came up with their Pīr and head, who was called Anand Kur, and slew the miserable creature. The rest scattered. The holy heart, which is the colourist of destiny's worship, was highly delighted with this sport. Next day he marched from Thānessar.

When the camp reached Delhi M. Mīrak Raẓavī, who in Lahore had been made over to Jān Bāqī Khān, and who was waiting for his opportunity, fled from prison. Jān Bāqī hastened after him, and as he did not catch him he was afraid to come to court. H.M. the Shāhinshāh visited the shrines of the saints and sought for inspiration. He also distributed abundant alms among the devotees of those places. Tātār Khān, who was the governor of the city, represented that Muḥammad Amīn Diwāna, who had fled from Lahore, had come to the town of Bhojpūr, and that Shihābu-d-din Khān Turkamān, who was the jāgīrdār thereof, had kept him concealed for some days in his house and then supplied him with a horse and money and sent him to the rebels. On hearing this terrible news the wrath of the Shāhinshāh, which never blazes forth without just cause, grew high, and he issued orders to Shāh Fakhiru-d-dīn Mashhadī to bring the wretch to court. Next day he marched on and, when he came to Palwal,² Shāh Fakhiru-d-dīn³ did homage and produced the inauspicious one. He was made over to Ḥasan Caghatāī and executed at that place.

When the expectants in Agra heard the sound of the approach of the sublime cortège the Khān-Khānān and a number of loyalists went out to welcome H.M. and were exalted by doing homage. The Khān-Khanān reported the condition of the country and read a list of the crimes of Ālī Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khān, and of the other rebels who had raised their heads anew. How can I say that clemency and advice are profitable to one who is innately bad? They do harm, for such an one regards conciliation and monition as weakness and increases in his sedition. Accordingly eminent sages have seen no remedy for the inwardly bad except prison and stripes. And when even this remedy does not act upon the wicked, it is kindness to mankind and indeed to themselves to send them to the abode of annihilation. Those responsible for the affairs of the kingdom and the intimates of H.M. had not arrived at an understanding of this mystery and had on the first occasion not permitted the Khedive of the Age to make an end of those wretches. They brought the mind of H.M. over to their view, and the raising of the veil remained in abeyance. When Ālī Qulī Khān and the other rebels heard that H.M. had marched to extinguish the flames of the sedition of Muḥammad Ḥakīm Mīrzā they in their foolish thoughts considered this to be their opportunity and indulged in seditious imaginings. Ālī Qulī Khān went from Jaunpūr to the town of Sarharpūr which was the jāgīr of Ibrāhīm Khān, and Iskandar Khān came out of the city of Oude (Ajūdhya) to join this rebel tyrant. All the sedition-mongers assembled in that town and agreed that Ālī Qulī Khān should, with his forces, proceed by the way of Lucknow and take possession of the whole country to the bank of the Ganges; that Bahādur Khān should proceed to Karra and Manikpūr against Āṣaf Khān and Majnūn Khān; and that Iskandar Khān and Ibrāhīm Khān should take possession of the Sirkār of Oude and its neighbourhood. After making this evil compact they separated. Ālī Qulī Khān proceeded to Sarkār Qanauj. As the fief-holders in that part of the country had no leader who could cope with him, they went off to Qanauj. When Ālī Qulī Khān reached Qanauj, M. Yūsuf Khān, who was the fief-holder thereof, took refuge in the fort of Shergarha. The people dispersed, and petitions of the loyalists arrived one after the other at court. Fortune stepped out to do her work.

As the sublime office of world-rule is in reality guardianship and watching, H.M. the Shāhinshāh in consequence of his rectitude of intention, and contrary to the practice of most former sovereigns, finds his own satisfaction in the soothment of his subjects, and his own joy in the peace of mankind. Assuredly, the unique pearl of the Caliphate fitly adorns the diadem of such a crowned one who, in spite of so much majesty and glory, keeps himself at the Court of the Eternal and is strenuous in the administration of justice, and who considers the repose of mankind to be his own ease. Certainly, whoever withdraws himself from obedience to such a sovereign, works destruction to himself with his own hands. Especially if he be one who has been nurtured by the sublime family, and has gathered by its means the materials of outward grandeur! What inhumanity and baseness, and folly, are in those who use those materials of grandeur in rebelling against their benefactor! Whenever there is such a sovereign, and such opposition, the Divine favour assists the former and gives victory in every campaign. The affair of Ālī Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khān, and the uprooting of those two haughty wretches are a specimen of this. The abridged account is as follows. When the sublime cortège returned successful from the Panjab campaign to the capital, and the rebellion and crimes of Ālī Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khān and the other leaders of sedition had been reported to H.M., he resolved to proceed to the eastern provinces and to extinguish the flames of sedition. He appointed Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān to the charge of Agra, and chose out 2,000 war-elephants to accompany the troops. Before the army marched, he ordered Moẓaffar Moghal, M. Qulī, Qulīj Khān, Saiyid Muḥammad Maujī, Hājī Yūsuf, to proceed quickly to succour M. Yūsuf who was shut up in Qanauj. He himself put the foot of intent into the stirrup of dominion on the day of Ashtad 26 Ardībihisht, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday, 26 Shawwal, 6 May, 1567.

When he arrived at the town of Sakīt,¹ Ālī Qulī Khān, who was engaged in stirring up strife at the Qanauj ferry on the banks of the Ganges, fled as soon as he heard of the expedition of H.M., and went towards Manikpūr where his brother, Bahādur Khān was confronting Āṣaf Khān and Majnūn Khān. The royal army advanced from Sakīt to the bank of the Ganges and next day it crossed that tempestuous river and went on stage by stage. When it reached Mohān,² Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās was made leader and there were sent with him Moẓaffar Khān, Rajah Todar Mal, Shah Budāgh Khān, his son 'Abdu-l-maṭlib Khān, Ḥasan Khān, Qiyā Khān, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī, Āādil Khān, Khwāja Ghīāṯu-d-dīn Āli Bakhshī, and other brave men on the day of Dībādīn 23 Khurdad, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday, 24 Ẕī-l-Qāda, 2 June, 1567, against Iskandar Khān, who had opened out the hand of sedition in Oudh. H.M. himself went on towards Karra and Manikpūr. When he came to Rai Bareilly, reports were received from Āṣaf Khān and Majnūn Khān to the effect that Ālī Qulī Khān and his brother intended to make an attack on Gwālīār, and wished to cross the Ganges. Immediately upon hearing this, H.M. resolved to make a rapid march. Most of the officers, some from cowardice, some from sloth, and some from regard to their bodies, and some because they did not want the rebels to be disposed of until their own ends had been served (lit. until the market of their selling of themselves was brisk), did not approve of this rush. The wise Shāhinshāh did not strip the veil from the behaviour of any of them, but committed his design to God, and on the night of Zamiyād 28 Khurdād, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday, 29 Ẕī-l-q'ada, marched rapidly from the town aforesaid.

A wonderful circumstance was that H.M. left the usual road on account of its length and took the middle road, which was shorter, in spite of its being stated that it was without water, and that owing to the springs of secret aid which yielded abundance to the Shāhinshah's army, plenty of water was found on the way. For before this the rain of mercy had fallen and filled the ponds. He marched the whole night and half of the next day and reached Mānikpūr where Muḥibb 'Alī, the jāgīrdār, rendered his services. As the march had commenced at the beginning of the night, and few were aware of the route, and a forest intervened, the troops got dispersed and missed the right track, and only a few kept in touch with H.M.'s stirrup. But what fear of paucity of followers is there for him whom Almighty God vouchsafes to keep? On the way, Āṣaf Khān did homage near Mānikpūr and was graciously received. He was immediately sent on ahead in order that he might hasten to his own camp which was opposite Khān Zaman's. Nor had any long time elapsed when Hatwā Mēwrah¹ who was a swift courier and a trustworthy intelligencer, brought news that Ālī Qulī and Bahādur had made a bridge over the Ganges in pargana Singraur² and had crossed. When H.M. received this information, he at once mounted, and though but few men were in attendance, he went on trusting to the armies of the grace of God. He left Rajah Bhagwant Dās, Khwāja Jahān, and others in charge of the camp in order that they might conduct it to the town of Karra, and be on the watch. He went from the village of Shaikhān, which is a dependency of Mānikpūr, and at the end of the day, on Sunday, he crossed the Ganges on an ele phant. As it was the beginning of the rainy season, and the river was in flood, a strange agitation and outcry arose from the people when H.M. drove his elephant into the water. For the crossing of such a destructive river was an impossibility and it was only by the miraculous power of the Shāhinshāh that this swelling ocean gave a passage to that mine of holiness. He crossed without trouble by fording the river, and the spectators knew that this was a proof of victory! At the time when the sublime cortège crossed there were not more than eleven persons in attendance, viz., M. Koka, Saif Khān Koka, Dastam Khān, Shujā'at Khān, Khān 'Aālam, Khwāja 'Abdullah, Darbār Khān, Shahbāz Khān, Saiyid Jamālu-d din, 'Aādil Khān, Dilāwar Khān. There were also several elephants. On the day when the cortège crossed the Ganges and the river-bottom was trodden by the elephants, two of them, Khudā Bakhsh and Bāl Sundar were raging and roaring in their impetuosity. These two were noted for their courage, swiftness, fighting and rank-breaking qualities, but when the sublime cortège had crossed the river and had approached the rebels, the elephant Khuda-Bakhsh abandoned his fierceness and became cautious. The drivers and faujdārs were saddened on seeing this condition, but H.M. the Shāhinshāh said with the inspiration of fortune that the circumstance of such a fierce elephant's becoming cautious was an announcement of victory, for victory and success accompanied the cautious and intelligent. Moreover, by the elephant's becoming cautious his reliance was no longer upon elephants and their fierceness. He was confined to reliance upon the assistance of God and whosoever was confined to reliance upon the Divine favour and goodness was bounded by victory. In truth two¹ lofty points were made by that exhibition of marvels which were fitted to be the illuminated books of an inspired treatise. When night came on they reposed by the side of the river, while the rebels were one kos off. H.M. in reliance on the Divine aid ordered that they should halt here. At the same time Majnūn Khān and Aṣaf Khān came and did homage. Majnūn Khān and a number of others were of opinion that they should, without delay, fall upon the camp of the wretches that very night. Āṣaf Khān represented that they had taken up a strong position and encompassed it, and that it was not proper to attack at this time. Moreover in the day-time men fought better on account of their conduct being visible. His view was approved of and H.M. dismissed the arrivals after giving them exalted admonitions. He ordered that they should report to him twice in each watch, and that they should arrange for scouting, lest the rebels should hear of his having come and should depart.

'Ālī Qulī and Bahādur in their pride and arrogance were utterly careless and got no information. That night, when the sublime army had arrived, they spent in drinking, and with their paramours, and had grand feasts (bishkan¹ bishkan), by which very phrase they drew an omen for their defeat. More wonderful still, on that night a man went near the rebels' tents and cried out “O all ye doomed ones, know that H.M. the king has crossed the Ganges with an innumerable host to destroy you.” As the cup of their life was full, they considered the report of the arrival of the royal standards to be an artifice of Āṣaf Khān and Majnūn Khān and so waxed more presumptuous. It would seem that this warning came from an ignorant loyalist. He was apprehensive that as H.M. had crossed that river with a small force, while the enemy had 3,000 or 4,000 experienced horsemen, he might by this device cast a stone of dispersal among them so that they should not engage. He did not know that hidden armies were marching along with the world's lord.

In fine, on the morning of day of Mārisfandr 29 Khurdād, Divine month, corresponding to Monday the 1st Ẕī-1-ḥajja, which was in truth the first day of royal victory and the last day of the lives of the wretches, H.M. called for his cuirass and stepped out in the armour of the mystic aid. He placed the helmet of fortune on the head of majesty, and all the gallant men of the company prepared for war. The centre was dignified by the presence of the Shāhinshāh, the right wing was commanded by Majnūn Khān Qāqshāl, and the left wing by Āṣaf Khān. Muḥibb Ālī Khān and a number of heroes formed the vanguard. H.M. rode on the elephant Bāl Sundar, and M. Koka rode in the canopy on the same elphant and thereby his position transcended the skies. At sunrise H.M. proceeded against the camp of Khān Zamān. It appeared that the blackhearted rebels had begun to march off. An order was issued that Majnūn Khān should quickly advance with his troops, and not let them get away. Having such a strong support they pressed forward and engaged the enemy's rear. After some time Āṣaf Khān was also ordered to advance quickly. As the air was very warm, and the elephants were slow in moving, the world-conquering prince got down from the elephant and mounted a horse. The wretches did not believe that H.M. the Shāhinshāh was himself present, and thought that the fight was due to the rashness of Āṣaf Khān and Majnūn Khān. When there was much contest and they saw the majesty of the army and the onset of the elephants, they understood that it was the sublime cortège of the Shāhinshāh, and that H.M. in person had set the foot of victory in the stirrup of conquest, 'Ālī Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khān set their hearts on death and stood in the plain of rebellion, and as eternal renegades determined upon war. With this evil idea they drew up their forces and sent a number of their best men against the imperial vanguard and bowmen (ūqci). At this time the whole force of the imperial army which was with the Shāhinshāh was about 500 men, and about 500 elephants. The distance between H.M. and the vangard was now less, and Bābā Khān Qāqshāl, who was in command of the bowmen, joined this body (where Akbar was). A hot engagement with swords and arrows took place, and by the aid of the Shāhinshāh's fortune the enemy was driven off. The victorious troops pursued them and drove them up to 'Ālī Qulī Khān's line. The rebels got confused in their flight and could not distinguish head from trunk, or front from behind. It was an instance of fortune that, in that flight, the horse of one of the fugitives struck 'Ālī Qulī Khān's horse so that his turban fell off. 'Ālī Qulī Khān was astonished and dispatched Bahādur Khān against Bābā Khān Qāqshāl. Bahādur Khān came up with the bowmen and made a hot fight. From time to time 'Ālī Qulī got reports from Bahādur and sent him fresh reinforcements. Babā Khān saw that the enemy were full of force and retreated. Bahādur Khān pursued him and advanced as far as Majnūn Khān. Just then his horse was struck by an arrow and reared and flung Bahādur Khān on the ground. The brave men of the army of fortune fell upon him. Wazīr Jamīl¹ seized him; but from wickedness and greed took something from him and let him go. Naẓar Bahādur, a loyalist and a servant of Majnūn Khān, threw himself upon him and captured him. The victors surrounded Bahādur Khān's comrades and shot them with arrows.

During this joyful time while the lord of the world was moving rapidly about on horseback, and the combatants were putting their hands on the collars of the foe and slaying them, and 'Alī Qulī Khān was standing in the pride of his disloyalty and was inquiring after the position of Bahādur Khān, a mast elephant called Citrānand, which was one of the royal elephants, rushed against the elephant Gaj Bhanwar, which was one of the special elephants and which had ceased to be mast. Gaj Bhanwar did not withstand him, but fled, followed by Citrānand. Gaj Bhanwar's driver drove his elephant among the ranks of the rebels, and the latter opposed to Citrānand the elephant Ūdiya. Citrānand left Gaj Bhanwar and ran at Ūdiya and with one mountain-breaking blow stretched him on the dust of destruction. A great discomfiture ensued among the rebels, and many of their leaders became the harvest of the sword. The weeds and stubble of their existence were burnt up by the fire of Divine wrath and the lightning of the Shāhinshāh's power. A number who fled from the field of battle were killed on the roads by the peasantry, whose animosity had been excited by their oppression. The spring-breeze of victory blew upon the nursling of fortune, and the Naisān cloud of victory scattered pearls over the garden of dominion. The field of battle was cleansed from the dust of the sedition of the rebellious, and the figure of victory emerged from the curtain of Divine favours and gloriously established herself on a lofty dais. H.M. the Shāhinshāh was on horseback and was making inquiries about 'Alī Qulī and Bahādur. At this time Naẓar Bahādur appeared before H.M., with the captured Bahādur Khān mounted in croup behind him. H.M. the Shāhinshāh opened the lips of commiseration and said, “Bahādur,¹ what evil had we done to you that you have been the cause of all this strife and sedition?” Confusion and shame laid hold of him, he hung down his head and said nothing. After being questioned many times there came from his ungrateful lips the expression,² “God is to be praised, whatever happens.” It would seem that the wretch did not at his latest breath perceive his faithlessness and wickedness. Otherwise words of repentance would have come upon his tongue. But whoever turns away from such a mighty lord is ruined temporally and spiritually, and becomes bad outwardly and inwardly. In spite of such sedition, H.M. the Shāhinshāh did not wish to send him to the hollow of annihilation. After urgent solicitations from the officers, Shāhbāz Khān and Bansī Dās Kambū were ordered to relieve his neck of the burden of his head by the edge of the sword. Just then the warriors captured and brought Shahriyār Kul, who was one of 'Alī Qulī's confidants. The servants cast his vexing head also to the dust. H.M. the Shāhinshāh inquired about 'Alī Qulī Khān. A number of persons said that he had left the field, and another set were agreed that he had been killed. Meanwhile they brought Bātū who was 'Alī Qulī's faujdār. When they examined him, he said that he had seen 'Alī Qulī killed by a royal elephant with one tusk, and gave the marks of the elephant and the driver. By order, all the elephants of the vanguard were produced, and that man pointed out the one-tusked elephant Nain Sukh (delight of the eyes), saying that this was the elephant that killed 'Alī Qulī. Thereafter an order was issued that whoever brought a Moghul rebel's head should get a gold mohar, and whoever brought a Hindustani's head should get a rupi. The crowd ran off after heads and brought them in, and were paid. Physiognomists examined them. At last one brought the head of 'Alī Qulī which had been lying under a tree. There was a doubt about its genuineness. Meanwhile a Hindu named Arzānī, who had been all-powerful with Alī Qulī, and who was one of the prisoners, heaved a deep sigh on seeing the head. He came forward and took it, and then smote his own head severely.

It now appeared that a mysterious arrow had struck 'Alī Qulī, and M. Beg Qāqshāl claimed that it was his arrow which had struck him. In fact the rebel was in the agonies of death from this arrow when the driver Somnāth drove his elephant Nain Sukh against him. 'Alī Qulī said to him, “I am one of the leaders of the soldiers, take me before H.M. and you will be rewarded.” The driver took this to be idle talk, and drove his elephant over him. He was trampled under the foot of the elephant, or rather, under the weight of his sins and ingratitude. A contemptible wretch severed the head in order to get the ashrafī, and was bringing it away. On the road a slave¹ named Ghālib carried off the head from him, and brought it before H.M. and asked for the reward. Thereafter H.M. dismounted from his horse and placed the face of supplication on the ground of thanksgivings. The great officers and others who had distinguished themselves were rewarded by promotion, and the heads of 'Alī Qulī and Bahādur were sent, along with bulletins of victory, by the hands of 'Abdulla, son of Khwāja Murād Beg of Qazwīn, who had been for a time Diwān of H.M. Jahānbānī Ashiyānī, to Agra, Delhi, Multan and other parts of the dominions. Thus the imperial servants' stock of joy was increased and advice and warning were given to the waiters upon events who had gone astray. This glorious victory, which may be considered as the masterpiece of daily-increasing fortune, took place in the territory of the village of Sakrāwal, which is in the province of Ilahābās. They made it a city and gave it the name of Fatḥpūr. The phrase faṭh-i-Aḳbar¹ mubārak is the date of the imperial victory.

One of the wonderful occurrences was this that when the standard of fortune marched to put down the ingrates, and Mun'im Khān was left in charge of Agra, the market of the empty-brained and talkative became active. The disobedient and disaffected exceeded all bounds. Mun'im Khān, who had faith in the father, teacher, and director of Abulfaẓl, the writer of this volume, came to him and sought for moral support from him. That mine of testifiers (shahūd) spoke lofty words about the greatness of the Lord of the Age and gave a wondrous indication about the extirpation of the opponents of his dominion. At his request (Mun‘im’s) it was arranged that he should hold that night a special Sufistic service and that he should come and report what transpired on the occasion. Next morning, a marvellous joy was seen on his noble forehead, and he stated that it had been intimated to him in the night that the heads of 'Alī Qulī and Bahādur would soon be brought in. Mun'im Khān was delighted on hearing this good news, and returned thanks to God. But a little time had elapsed when they brought the heads of those two faithless rebels. What is strange in such a revelation being made to those who address themselves to the Divine Court and are followers of the mystic way?

When by the blessing of the heavenly aids which attend the armies of H.M. the Shāhinshāh both at home and abroad, such a dominion-adorning victory had been manifested, H.M. went off the same day to the province of Ilahabās, as sundry disloyalists were stirring up strife there. At evening that territory obtained the morning of dominion by the advent of H.M. He passed the night in that pleasant place. Some renegades from fortune who had fled and joined 'Alī Qulī, such as Shaikh Yūsuf Cūlī, were captured. H.M. spent two days there and on the third proceeded to Benares. There many of 'Alī Qulī and Bahādur's soldiers, such as Martaẓa Qulī, did homage. From the innate kindness of H.M. their offences were forgiven. The women and dancing-girls of Bahādur Khān fell into the hands of the imperial servants and Khwāja 'Aālam the eunuch there was attached to the saddlestraps of auspiciousness and promoted to near attendance on H.M. As the people of Benares had from ignorance and disloyalty shut their gates, the royal wrath decreed that they should be plundered. But he soon forgave them. Shihāb Khān and a body of troops were sent to protect and rule Jaunpūr, and Qulīj Khān was sent with a force to Sirharpūr, where the families of some of the Uzbegs were. After spending three days at Benares, he proceeded to Jaunpūr, and arrived there on the second day. The lights of safety shone upon the men of 'Alī Qulī who were there and they came under the shadow of the Shāhinshāh's favour. He stayed three days in Jaunpūr and the inhabitants who had been buffeted about, were tranquillised by the Shāhinshāh's kindness. From there the royal cavalier of the steed of fortune made a rapid journey to Karra, where the great camp was. He accomplished the journey in three days and came to the bank of the Ganges at the Karra ferry. At that time not more than four or five persons had kept up with him. He crossed the river in a boat and alighted at the Karra fort. Near Manikpūr Khwāja 'Aālam absconded, but was recaught. From that city an order was issued for the attendance of Mun'im Khān Khān-Khanān, and the jagirdars of the country were allowed to go to their estates. They were exhorted to cherish their tenants. Some of the evil-disposed and seditious, who had fled from the holy threshold and joined the rebels, and who were always stirring up strife, and had now been caught by fortune's lasso, such as Khān Qulī Uzbeg, Yār 'Alī, 'Aālm Shāh Badakhshī, Mīr Shāh Badakhshī, Yahiya Bakhshī, Calma Khān fosterbrother of M. 'Askari, were made the subjects of wrath and trampled by mast elephants. M.¹ Mīrak of Mashhad, who was one of the special confidants of 'Alī Qulī, and who had fled from the imperial camp and been caught in Karra, was, along with other offenders, trussed up and brought into the plain of justice. All the other strifemongers were executed in his presence, and then an elephant was let loose against him.² The elephant caught him in his trunk and squeezed him and the stocks, and shoulder-boards, and flung him from one side to the other. As a clear sign for his execution had not been given (by the driver) the elephant played with him and treated him gently. For five successive days he was brought out and tortured in the place of execution. At last on account of his being a Saiyid, and on the intercession of courtiers, he was granted his life. On the same occasion Jai Tawācī brought Shāh Nāṣir Khwājā, who was a ring-leader of the disloyal, to Court, and he was capitally punished.

Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān came according to orders from Agra to Karra and was exalted by doing homage. Out of the abundance of his bounty, H.M. conferred upon him all the fiefs of 'Alī Qulī and Bahādur, in Jaunpūr, Benares and Ghāzīpūr up to the bank of the Causa river, and he went off successful to Jaunpūr and that neighbourhood. The sublime cortège moved on towards the capital on the day of Mihr the 16th Tīr, Divine month, corresponding to Saturday 20 Ẕi-l- ḥajja, 28 June 1567. H.M. went on, stage by stage, hunting and administering justice. Every city and territory that he passed through was ennobled by his justice and the benefits of his advent. In the town of Kura¹ which was in the fief of Farḥat Khān, a great feast was held at the latter's petition, and Shujāa't Khān had similar good fortune in Etawah. Likewise other loyalists were gratified by this favour in various places. At last on the day of Khurdād 6 Amardād, Divine month, corresponding to Saturday 11 Muḥarram 975, 18 July 1567, he reached Agra. The world assumed special freshness, and mankind peculiar joy. The universe became the seat of peace and justice.

The account of the victorious forces that went against Iskandar, under the command of Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās, is as follows: They marched, stage by stage, and on the day of Ardī-bihisht 3 Tīr, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 7 Zi-l-ḥajja, they arrived at the city of Oudh. Iskandar, on hearing of the arrival of the imperial army, shut himself up in the fort of Oudh. The officers besieged it and distributed their batteries. At the side of the city there is a lofty hill which bears the name of Swarag-dwārī,² and which is the citadel (sar-kob) of the city and the fort. Iskandar had established a number of his followers, including many musketeers, there, so that by shooting with bows and muskets they might prevent any one from coming within the city's verge.

Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās first addressed himself towards the taking of this citadel and appointed a number of brave men to attack and capture it. They drove off the rebels and got full possession of the city and the fort, so that not a single person could put his head outside of a window, and the Uzbegs became doomed men and were utterly disconcerted. Meanwhile news of the victory of the imperial army and of the slaying of 'Alī Qulī and Bahādur reached both inside and outside of the city. This strengthened the imperial servants and disheartened the enemy. Although a letter had previously come from Rai Pattar Dās to Rajah Todar Mal, telling of the victory and of the slaying of 'Alī Quli and Bahādur, and this had come before the troops reached Oudh, yet as the common people regarded those two wretches as asses'¹ heads, they considered this news to have been fabricated. When at this time the news became notorious, Sikandar continued to keep it secret, and, using trick and stratagem, he sent for Raḥmān Qulī Qūshbegi saying that he had several things to communicate. The imperial servants did not agree to this. At last he sent Ḥājī Ughlan, who was one of his confidants, to the officers. They had a discussion with him, and it was arranged that Raḥman Qulī should go with Ḥājī Ūghlan and come back after settling the agreement. The two went off the same day and returned. They reported that Iskandar repented of his past deeds and was looking forward to his obtaining through the intervention of the officers the blessing of kissing the threshold. He wished that they should first, by themselves, see one another in an appointed place and confirm the agreement by oaths. It was arranged that as next morning was 'Id Qarbān, his desire should be fulfilled on that day.

In short, Iskandar vacillated and put off the imperial servants by stories and pretexts, and at night came out by the fort-gate, which was towards the river, and crossed over by means of some boats which he kept in readiness for the day of his retreat, and came out of the whirlpool of danger, half-alive. When, in the morning, the imperial servants became aware of Iskandar's flight, they immediately entered the city and beat high the drum of victory. As Sikandar (sic) had left no boats on that side, there was a delay of two or three days in pursuing him, on account of their having to collect boats from other ferries. Meanwhile Iskandar arranged for the security of his family and sent a message that he still stood by his promise, and that he had crossed¹ the river on account of men's fears. He now wished that Muḥammad Qulī Khān, Moẓaffar Khān and Rajah Todar Mal should enter a boat and come into the middle of the river and that he should come with ten men and salute them, and hear directly what had been agreed upon. When his mind has been set at rest he would go to the world-protecting court. Those three magnates agreed to his proposition. Iskandar Khān came from the other side with four or five of his confidants in a boat, and held a conference which was a picture on water and a knot on the wind. The imperial servants took oaths and did what was proper in the way of conciliation. But Iskandar did not abide by his word, and said that he could not just now, when he was an example of crimes, have the courage to kiss the threshold. What was necessary was that, in forgiveness of his crimes, his jāgîr should be left as it was, and that he should be nominated to service in the province, so that he might by good actions make himself fit for royal favour. As his tongue did not accord with his heart, he spent the time in idle talk and in spite of the rains he went off two stages down stream and sent an untrue message, alleging the force of the current on the banks. When the imperial servants perceived that nothing would come from the rogue except deceits and vulpine tricks, they crossed the river and pursued him. He, after traversing quagmires and floods, conveyed himself to Gorakpūr. There Sulaimān Qulī, an Uzbeg who had fled to the Afghans from 'Alī Qulī Khān, and who held the ferry on behalf of the Afghans, collected boats and crossed him over and his men with all rapidity, and so saved him from the billows of the wrath of the Shāhinshāh's fortune. The great officers came to the borders of the Afghan territory, but as orders for entering that territory had not come from Court, they halted and sent a report to Court, relating the facts and asking permission to enter the country. The petition arrived on the day that H.M. reached Agra, and an order was issued that as that remnant of the sword had gone out of the dominions, they should be content at this time with what they had done, and should set about arranging the distracted condition of the province. Sirkār Oudh was made the fief of Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās and the other officers were summoned to Court. When the rescript reached the imperial servants, they established Muḥammad Qulī Khān in the government of the Sirkār and set off for the capital. There they did homage and were recipients of auspiciousness.

To overthrow the neck-stretching rebel is to establish oneness, which is the choicest worship in the fore-court of plurality, and to make current the coin of peace and tranquillity. By the lord of the Age's realising this truth, the pillars of the Divine vice-regency are revealed and a stock of bliss conferred on mankind. God be praised! H.M. the Shāhinshāh, by the help of eternal favour, and the assistance of secret hosts, sees his own happiness in giving peace to mankind, and day by day increases his efforts to control and remedy the madness of the refractory and wrong-headed. The Divine aid keeps close to his holy personality and renders him successful, both in spiritual and in temporal matters. At the time when the capital was made resplendent by the lights of his justice, and when the army was not yet rested from its labours, the news came of the rebellion of the sons of Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā and of their scattering the dust of dissension in the province of Malwa. When they had withdrawn their heads from bearing the burden of obedience to their spiritual and temporal king, and had become vagabonds in the land of destruction, they, after long wandering with little result (lit. much twisting of heads and littleness of speech), had found Malwa empty and had gone there. It passed into the holy heart of the lord of the Age, who knows hidden secrets and is a mine of pity and gentleness, that if he, in consideration of the condition of his soldiers, overlooked the quelling of these sedition-mongers, he would be acting contrary to God's will, and that if an expedition were undertaken to put down this disturbance, and he personally took part in it, he would be acting coutrary to the canons of reason, for the set were not of such a nature as to require his presence for their suppression. And it is an axiom of the laws of sovereignty that whatever can be done by words should not be done by the sword, and that whatever can be done by the courage of officers of middling or lower rank should not be made over to great ministers. In respect to the scale of duties, regard should always be had to the laws of sovereignty, which are an expression for judgment and appreciation. If in accordance with the laws of sovereignty, attendants on the threshold of fortune were nominated for this service, the first men of the country, who regarded obedience to their king as the bliss of two worlds, would in a moment gird up the loins of effort and proceed to perform it, but delay would be caused by having to collect the soldiery, whose presence was indispensable, and in this way a little affair might become a great one. Now the laws of sovereignty did not admit of delay in such matters. Accordingly the Shāhinshāh of the universe and the sage of the time resolved to dispose of this business by his own ripe understanding, and by giving attention under the guise of inattention, and care under the screen of carelessness. He in appearance overlooked the thing, and in reality applied his genius to putting down the disturbance. On the day of Rashn 18 Shahriyūr, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 25 Ṣafr, 30 August 1567, he set out to hunt in pargana Bārī, where he had often enjoyed himself in hunting deer with citas, in order that the loyal and devoted leaders might come without the notoriety of being sent for, while others, either their servants or not, would, seeing that there was no prohibition, readily assemble in order to pay their respects. When men should have quickly assembled, a number of them would be picked out and sent on this duty. With this judicious idea he set out from the capital, and, having encamped at Bārī, he went on hunting towards Dholpūr and Gwālyār which are in the direction of Malwa. The officers and other servants turned the face of hope towards the camp and arrived in crowds. If all the faithful servants of the court, who were associated with hunting, should be added up, they would be enough to conquer a world; if all the loyal heroes were gathered together, who could count them? and if the servants of the servant were also collected, who could estimate their numbers?

When Dholpūr had been made the camping ground, Sakat¹ Singh, son of Rānā Udai Singh, was in attendance on the victorious stirrup. H.M., either from pleasantry, or in order that the presumptuous rebels of Malwa might be led by the circumstance into the slumber of negligence, said to him that though most of the landholders and great men of India had paid their respects, yet the Rānā had not as yet done so, and that therefore he proposed to march against him and punish him. H.M. also asked what service the prince would render in this case. On one occasion he spoke at large about these matters with the prince, and the latter made hypocritical proffers.

At last that crooked-minded one, from want of understanding and from taking a jest seriously, ran away. In his folly he ran away from apparent dishonour, and fell into real disgrace. For the ignorant fellow imagined that H.M. was meditating the punishment of Rānā under the pretence of hunting, and that he himself would get a bad name to the effect that he had gone and brought H.M. against his father. He did not know that it was all a joke, and that there was no reason why this powerful and God-restrained one should personally proceed against such a class of landholders. Nor did he perceive that, on the supposition that his notion was correct, his running away from such a good fortune was to throw himself into the lowest hell of destruction and to hurry from disrepute to misconduct. When the news of his flight reached the royal hearing, the Shahinshāh's wrath was stirred up, and jest became earnest. And in truth this was proper, for, from the time of the accession, most of the leading men of India who had cocked the hat of pride and had not lowered the head of obedience before any of the Sultans, had bowed down and kissed the ground, except Rānā Udai Singh, than whom there was in this country no one more foolish and arrogant. This audacious and immoderate one, in whom the turbulence of ancestors was added to his own haughtiness, was proud of his steep mountains and strong castles and turned away the head of obedience from the sublime court. His brain was heated by the consciousness of his possessing abundant land and wealth, and numbers of devoted Rajputs, and so he left the path of auspiciousness. H.M.'s world-conquering genius decided to chastise him. In the beginning of Mihr, Divine month, corresponding to the middle of Rabī'-al-awwal, about 19 September 1567, the expedition took place and he set off towards conquering the territory of Hindwāra. When the vicinity of the fort of Sīvī Sūpar, which is famous in that country, became the encamping ground, it transpired that the fort was empty. Before H.M's arrival the servants of Sūrjan, the governor of the fort of Rantanbūr, had become terrified and had gone off together with the peasantry. H.M. the Shāhinshāh took the evacuation of the fort as an omen of great victories and remained two days in that pleasant spot. He ordered the fort to be victualled from the neighbourhood and made it over to Naẓr Bahādur. From there he marched six stages and encamped at the town of Kotah, which is one of the strong places in that country, and then made over that fort and its territory to Shāh Muḥammad Qandahāri and left him there. Marching from thence, he halted in the vicinity of the fort of Gāgrūn.

One of the occurrences was that the acute, wisdom-gathering, enchanting, spiritually and physically elder brother (of the author) Shaikh Abu-l-faiẓ Faiẓī was exalted by being brought from the chamber of retirement to the court of service of the world-lord and was distinguished by the Shāhinshāh's favours. This new fruit of the garden of knowledge had continually been gathering wisdom in attendance on the conductor of the heavenly caravans, the garland-twiner of the pinacothek of Plurality in Unity—his honoured father—and in a short time had attained high rank in his truth-teaching school, which was the meeting of the two seas of perception and illumination, and the rendezvous of the comprehenders of theory and practice. One of the results of this association was that his tongue was loosed for word-adornment and for poetry. The renown of his excellences embraced the outer as well as the inner world. Inasmuch as it was the holy nature of his honoured father to draw his foot under the skirt of retirement and so conserve his spirit, and as he, for the sake of concealment, chose the teaching of rational and traditional sciences, he kept closed the road of intercourse with the classes of mankind. From the blessed influence of his spirit, his sons did not indulge their natural inclinations nor were affected by the sight of this deceitful world. He (Mubārak) spent all his time in adorning his soul, and in hiving wisdom and in good actions. And though that enlightened old man divined the ambushes of the spiritual and temporal Khedive, and was one of his faithful believers, he did not bring the unique pearl of love into the market. And in spite of its great value and of its being keenly sought after in the bazar, and of there being a purchaser who could appreciate it, he did not bring it into the mart of sale. And because the doing homage to him (Akbar) was to do homage to Plurality under the guise of Unity, he chose solitude rather than Plurality. Moreover, those attached to the unique worshipper of God (Akbar) received salaries from that fountain of truth. On this account he (Mubārak) had no intercourse with the lords of dominion and pillars of the empire. And though many of his profession spread, by the instrumentality of the outwardly great, calumnies against him out of envy, and made trouble—afterwards falling into the abyss of failure through the acute perception of the truth-discerning prince—his mind was not at all disposed to have dealings with the well-meaning persons attached to the court, and did not take the customary means to remedy his affairs.

At the time when the Khedive of the world was meditating the conquest of Citūr, mention was made to him of the light-increasing lamp of perception and most excellent of brothers (Faiẓī), and an order was given for the attendance of that nosegay of ability. A party of evil-dispositioned and short-sighted persons who did not know the real facts took this gracious summons to be the prelude of censure and sent a peremptory order to the governor of the capital. …On the night of Ābān 10 Mihr, Divine month, corresponding to the night of Wednesday 20 Rabī-al-awwal (975), 24 September 1567, when a portion¹ of the blue robe (of night) had disappeared, and that seer (dīdawar) had gone off to contemplate the new flowers of the garden, a number of Turks came and surrounded our abode. It appears that a part of evil-disposed, base people, who were the scorched centres of the sands of envy, had supplemented their wickedness by suggesting to those ignorant capturers that the Shaikh would hide his son, and seek excuses for not sending him. Their sole wish was that some harm might happen (to Faiẓī). When the real fact was known there was an increase of astonishment, but owing to the delay in the appearance of that overflowing abundance of absolute excellence, their stratagems and wickedness assumed almost the appearance of truth and they were about to commit an outrage, when my honoured brother arrived! Thereupon the disturbance was quelled, and that set was drowned in shame. As the gates of acquisition were closed, it was difficult to make arrangements for the journey, but this obstacle was also smoothed by the exertions of pupils and friends. But a stone of distraction fell into the skirt of that night, and all the members of the family were sunk in the whirlpool of grief.¹ He who was acquainted with the secrets of creation (Mubārak) set himself to assuage their restlessness. He said that at first the face of his heart had in consequence of human nature been saddened by the evil-natured gossips, otherwise his feelings would have been joyous. Nothing but exultation and delight could be produced and maintained from this apparently grief-causing event. Just about then the good news of promotion arrived and the bolt upon rejoicing was withdrawn. In the first instance it was a draught of pain which touched the palate of him who did not know the congregation of wisdom, and then after some days the glad tidings arrived of the kindness shown by the Cyrus of horizons. A stock of everlasting joy came to hand. The following ode was composed about this time in praise of the favours bestowed.

At dawn the Solomon¹ -like messenger bearing good tidings
Arrived with an open brow like that of Felicity.
His face brightened the heart like a company of friends,
His lips shed pearls, like the band of the generous,
By his head he, like Genius, seized greatness,
By his feet he, like Power, gripped wide countries,
Friend and stranger gathered around him
As round a rich host on a feasting-day.
His loins were girt with alacrity and speed
As the path of the Zodiac girdles the revolving spheres
A lofty plume appeared in his cap
He seemed a gracious bird² with outstretched wings
An auspicious rescript bound upon his head
Showed³ its preface atop where Reason's seal is,
A letter he had received in the glorious court
Was a summons from the prince of the Caliphate
Auspicious harbingers proclaimed, “Read
Thy letter of release, O sorrowing captive”
The distant view of the courier caused me an agitation
Worth hundreds of non-agitations
My heart fluttered at the motion of his bells⁴
As flutters the⁵ Nazarene's soul at the swaying of the nāqūs

I kissed his crippled feet,¹ forgetting that
This action was an impediment to his advance
His sudden call produced such ecstacy² in me
As the Divine attraction excites in the pilgrim,
How shall I write of that time when my heart's boat
Was tossed on the billows of the tempest,
A quickening Spring visited my words-garden
A youthful morning came to my spirits' tulip,
Whiles I was disturbed, thinking by what argument
I could raise doubts about absolute verities,
Wherefore diversity of practice in Islām?
Wherefore ambiguities in the words of the Qorān?
Why did false witness shoot out the tongue in the tribunal
Of pride and hypocrisy, and claim belief,
If such be the religion of Islam in this world
Scoffers can have a thousand smiles at the Musulman faith!
Whiles I went on, like Reason, thinking how I could comprehend
The secrets of the wisdom of Greciạn sages
What ideas did the “First Master” (Aristotle) entertain?
What explanation was given by the “Second Interpreter”?³
What is Divine wisdom that the precepts thereof
I may engrave on the tablets of my soul?
But how shall truth's light shine upon
My heart which is not turned towards the holy lamps?
What path is there to the genius which understands
The nature of heat, cold, moisture, and the dryness of the desert and the mine?⁴
How does the sage by the touch of his forefinger

Understand the condition of the heart by the arterial current?
What is the path to mathematics by whose discipline
I may learn the mysteries of the revolving spheres?
Why is the fifth sphere the throne of Mars?
Why the seventh the portico of Saturn?
Whiles I was taken with the weighing of the jewels of poesy
The scales of the balance were full of words and meanings
My brain was perfumed with the āṭr of Firdūsī
My fancy's ear filled with the fame of Khāqāni
Whiles I meditated on prose and belles-lettres
And turned with a smitten brain to the Gulistān's nosegay,
Whiles I was occupied with riddles,¹ since perhaps
They would act as a file upon iron,
My tongue full of wisdom's words, and yet
My head not a moment clear of secret madness
Reason showed to my exterior² Tayfurī's³ asceticism
The Ṣan'aāni's⁴ love impressed my brain

There was intellect prologuising demonstrative reasoning
There were rays of visionary love which burnt books
There were flowery gales of knowledge turning over their pages
Of my soul what shall I say? One soul had a hundred appetites!
Of my heart what shall I boast? One love and a hundred griefs!
The eyelashes which encircled the eyes of youthful singers
Lacerated my liver as if they were tiger's¹ hairs,
My father—may his kindly shadow long endure!
Did not suffer me to abandon study
As perchance I might by his assiduous teaching
Become, like himself, one of the Divinely learned.
His advice ever was, “O famished one of life's morning
Receive wisdom's morsels (luqma) from Luqman's² tray
Lust not after beauteous fairy-forms
Lest Satan's wings sprout from thine arms
Let not sweat³ be aye dropping from thy brow
For such floods, like heaping cotton in the fire, end in destruction

What is thy heart's condition, and what is Love?
Be not o'ercome (by love), for glass¹ will not make an anvil
Why has thy heart opened to Indian love?²
Seek³ not the key of the K'aaba from the monkish cross”
In fine I moved between reason and madness
For wisdom was mingled with unwisdom.
The sound of the footsteps of the Sultan's courier
Roused me to wakefulness from the sleep of neglect
I know not what was the magic whereby
My mind was freed from foolish thoughts
God be praised! that attraction flung my soul
From the stony field of sorrow into a condition of repose
All those weeds and thorns of lusts were consumed
By the sparse rays of the Divine lightnings
I become an alert rider on a swift steed
Which careered in its wisdom through the spheres,
Like Noah I traversed the tempestuous ocean
Like Khiẓr I went alone in the desert
In ecstasy of joy I so hastened along
That I was like a spirit freed from the body's chain
I moved like a petitioner on the highway of respect
With my heart's fist I snapped the bonds of sloth
Meanwhile all my imagination and inquiry were engaged
In considering how the affair would be arranged
On the way there came to the point of the pen of my thought
The broidery of the Shahinshāh's praises wīth a Saḥbānlike⁴ eloquence

Suddenly the blackness of his encampment¹ showed itself afar off
'Twas a blackness which made my eyes bright
It was announced to the royal tent “Lo”
The garden-bird has come to the gate of Paradise”
An order issued to treat it kindly and to bring it in.
Raising me from darkness' abyss to the sky of bliss
Fortune's lord² drew the rein of my star
Towards the court of the world-ruler.
First I kissed the dust of the thereshold
I reached the fountain-head which cures the thirsty
I placed my forehead on the ground in thankful adoration
I made ablution not of my body but of my soul
What shall I say of the door of his fortune's abode
'Twas a wondrous exemplar of the Divine Court
No earthly court, for in it there were
A hundred times more things of pleasure and grace.
They who dwell in the precincts of that sublime place
Are approximated to the attendants of heaven
Men of light and leading stood around.
The exalted Cyrus sate on a Grecian³ throne
Akbar Shāh⁴ the bestower of glory on India's night
Lamp of the court of dominion of Taimur's dynasty
God be praised! from the noble nature of that country
Both trees and soil yield aloes and balsam⁵ 'Twas signified that I should sit and enjoy myself.
In the antechamber of the assembly of friends
I sate down before the pedestal of the Shāh's throne
My speaking tongue ran over with encomia
Eloquent men of 'Irāq and Khurāsān
Poured out pearls of praise over my words
One was amazed and said, “Who is this magician
Whose tongue makes pearls and corals?”
One said with wonder, “This noble pearl
From what cloud of Naisan¹ was it produced?
What is this new singing-bird
That revives the notes of the nightingale?”
The tongue of the evil-thoughted was lengthened against me;
As my heart's palace had a lofty base
The moisture of my spirit did not evaporate in a hot reply
For there was on Faiẓi's lips abundance (faiẓānī) of cool water
My Shāhinshāh soothed me with varied kindnesses
So that I gradually became less and less bewildered
He opened his mouth to ask, saying, “O parrot,
Who was the doorkeeper of your garden of speech?
Who gave brightness to the dark city of your fancy?
Who laid the foundation of your lofty rhymes?”
After paying the respect of ground-kissing I said,
“O Ruler, whose orders are obeyed by the spheres,
The peace of thy reign is my gracious teacher
And the horn-book of its instruction is a large one
If you ask the secondary cause, my father was my teacher
For truly I have no greater or purer than he,
So long as my tongue has wagged with the joy of speech
My teeth have been sharpened by my father's kindness
From the beginning of the disease of ignorance till convalescence
He administered remedies to my inward pains.”
Then he (Akbar) said, “Of those profound leaders
Who placed the things of excellence in the scales

Which one has followed the right road in verse
So that there are no wrong steps in his gait
Which one has traversed the spiritual world?
Whose vision has been disturbed by the abyss of madness?”
I humbly said to the Shāh, “O Protector of speech,
The record of the society of poets is not ignoble
The eloquent who before this have uttered speech,
From whose lips have been struck out jeux d'esprit
Were all wise and pure of heart
And kept themselves pure from iniquity
They drew true pictures by the movement of their thoughts
They revealed subtleties by the quickness of their intellects
All are present by the witness of their souls though their bodies are hidden (i.e. they are dead)
All exist by their divine personality, though themselves have perished
Especially that most eloquent one of Ṭūs (Firdūsi)
Who was an old husbandman of the gardens of speech
Estimate his deeds from the Shāhnāma
For Rustum of Sijistān is not his equal in strength of arm
Save this he reaped no harvest, it was loss
That he lived in the time of the slaves of Nūḥ¹ Samānī
Had he been in the appreciative cycle of the Shāhinshāh
His days would not have been dark nights.
Next comes the Ghaznī toper² whose spiritual wine
Gives lasting intoxication to the soul,
Ask not about that parterre-adorner of the garden
For he has made pomegranate plots in his garden
'Tis a variegated garden so that were it terrestrial
You might gather flowers from it for a hundred Springs
It would be fitting to write with the ink of the heart
The truth-showing excellencies of the Shirwānī³ His choicest work is the “Taḥfa-al-'Irāqīn”
It should be passed from hand to hand like a flower
Ask not after the magical work of the treasure-scattering Treasurer¹
For his pen was a dragon over hidden treasures
If another's poems are placed beside his
It is like putting a false prophet's² fancies by the text of the Quran
Of Anwarī what shall I write; from whose genius
Burning³ rays flash out to highest heaven
The combination of spiritual fervour with ability
Is like nature contending with the crisis of illness
Behold the sweet-tongued Ẓahīr⁴ who produced
A spiritual banquet of fresh dainties
But his excellencies were not as fully known
As is the collyrium⁵ of Ispahan farmed in the world
Critics call him “the creator of ideas”⁶
You will perceive that his lofty ideas are not threadbare
God be praised for the hierophant who in the invisible world
Became a Solomon by his “Language of Birds”
From 'Aṭṭār⁷ comes the medicine for lovers' pains
For when his shop was broken up, he received the Holy Ghost.
Behold the sugar-sprinkling of S'aadī whose spirit's plume
Waves o'er his sweet genius like a fly-flapping fan
He shed joy among the spiritual nightingales

Who sang sweetly in his Bostān and Gulistān
Khusrū¹ of Hind is ancestor of the spiritual Khusrūs
Who wielded sovereignty over spiritual thrones
He is the admired Lord of Lords of speech's kingdoms
For his sway extends over Īrān and Tūrān
What shall I say of the exquisite conceits of Ḥāfiẓ
Men and² spirits know the mystic tongue,
The soft flow of the Kirmānī³ garland-twiner
Gives fresh life to the adult brain
The eloquence of Akhsīktī⁴ and Umānī⁵
Is not inferior to that of Isferangī⁶ and Ṭabasī⁶
In fine, to number the pillars of spirituality
Unless we pass over many like Rafī' Lunbānī⁷
Requires that the equitable critic of his rivals should possess
Such rapidity as existed in the tradition of Solomon!⁸
Hail to the inspired songster of Jām
Before whose eyes the spectacle of worlds was effaced
From his abundant pleasantness words mingled with subtleties
Spirituality shone forth in a beauteous form
No one after him attained to his universality
Eloquence in prose and verse closed with him

To compare competitors with him
Would be the tale of the swift steed and the pack bullock
One by one, all have reposed on the bed of death
They have drawn over their heads the sash of concealment.
In the ear in which such profound strokes repose
What place is there for such and such's poetry?
Now, too, there are innumerable poets
But they're set on property and the dog-keeper's board
They have a dog's hunger and in pursuit of their desires
And for want of bread have thrown all honour in the dust
They are blinded and are bad craftsmen of an obsolete pattern
Their darkened souls are mud-choked, deserted wells
They are captives to the buying and selling noxious goods
In the market of disgrace, which may the dust of time cover,
Sometimes they bring out rough expressions
Which look like sheets thrown over the body of the sense
Sometimes they produce frigid conceits in a hot garb
Like cold water poured in winter into a hot bath
They carve undressed potsherds and on them
Affix the price of Badakhshān rubies
Their compositions are so rugged that they won't stick
To the heart even if you fasten them with glue
If you dip their poems in the Seven Seas
They will come out dry as dust-scattering sand
They have robbed a hundred volumes from the masters
So what they have pillaged cannot be counted,
To the fancy the inky pages of their writings
Look like the black blanketed, asinine Multanīs¹
With iron pen, nay, with diamond pen
The've drawn useless lines on truth's pages
A heart that looks for the colour of truth in their poems
Asks from the rattan the flower of the anemone

'Tis best to shut the garden-door in their faces
For this ragged¹ crew would throw the flowers into the dust?
As no one (else) was in the world, I this day am he
Who makes speech new in a new divān
I'm a stranger from the spiritual country in this station
Of the caravan of speech and have all its equipment
Now has heaven granted me the key of speech
The aperture is from the heart, the turning of the key is from me
The angelic ones of the pleasant home of fancy
Have made all my meanings hourīs and pages
They have watched over the beauteous tablet and writing
And preserved my pen from the scraping of calumny.
My interview with the slave-cherishing Shāhinshāh
Was like the conversation of Moses with God
He said, “Rise and draw wisdom from your pen
For to-day the world of speech-knowing is entrusted to you
Set your pen to subtleties for in the wonders of verse
Farazdaq² is mean beside you, and so is Hissānī³
What magic is there in the tricklings from your pen
That it should surpass in colour the masterpiece of Mānī?”
The order was, “Present to us of your subtle poetry
Whatever amount you can, in future
Any poet who contends with you in speech
Should have his neck twisted by you with correction's hand”
What shall I say of the golden dress of red silk
Of me the naked being clothed in gold from head to foot?
What shall I say of how when drawn up from the dust
I was exalted by receiving a swift horse (caugānī)?

What shall I say of the treasures of his favour
Of white and red money I gathered in purses?
What shall I say of how I received
All that befitted a Khān and a Tarkhān?
Two blessings showed themselves to me from fortune's door,
My evil horoscope¹ was changed to a good one
One was, I was made a tutor to the great princes
Who were branches of the tree of honour
1st, There was H.M. Sulṭan Selīm the ocean-hearted
The bridal chamber of whose intellect is the billowy ocean
2nd, Shāh Murād the winged broidery of Hope
Who makes the skirt of heaven his collar
3rd, The courteous Daniel whose happy stars
Have bestowed on him brotherhood
But in truth I was when beside them
Like a schoolboy before his old Instructor
Hail heaven-minded ones who in their perfect wisdom
Are joined with the spheres in world-government
'Tis a mistake to turn to letters the eyes of him
Whose heart-eyes are opened to Reason's tablets
For why should a head lighted by the rays of guidance
Deposit the blackness of ink in its heart's² core?
The other blessing was the prostration of discipleship
Whereby I lowered the strength of sensuality,
By heaven's kindness each of those two great boons
Is a bounteous favour to my star,
World-protecting Shāh, Sun of mighty power
Who is to-day the life of the world, and the world of the living
I speak the truth, for the seven³ moulds
You impart the soul; and the soul which is the soul of souls,
Together with the glory of fortune, majesty of nature, and height of power

Give a thousand times more than all that reason can comprehend.
On the feast day of thy birth it would be proper
To sacrifice celestial dromedaries
Thou hast no option as regards kindness and grace
What can come from the sun but sunshine?
Repentance brings back with the acme of entreaty
Him who on leaving your door's safety binds on the load of the litter
Let it not displease if for the glorious hearing
I tell a new tale with confirmatory oaths.
By that God who hath implanted in the Shāh's nature
Princely graces and perfect humanity
By the heavens by observing whose motions
The acute philosopher governs nature
By the division of the stars into Fixed and Planetary
All which are drops of existence in heaven's ocean
By the order of the elements which on Being's page
All form feet¹ (metrical) in the poem of Existence
By the conjunction of organisms whose dissolution
Works the overthrow of progeny
By the talisman of man's body which is a microcosm
Before which the senses and the intellect are confounded²
By the zeal of the pure souls who have never made
An untrue oath for the sake of eternity (?).
By the forehead-adorning dust of the performers of sijda
Who excel the devotion of the saints of Lebanon³
By the road-dust of the travellers to the holy station
By the guides of the path of certitude
By the acute unitarianism of the son of Arabī⁴ By the austere cloak of the Pir of Kharqān¹
I became not (I swear) from pelf a believer in
Thy Majesty glorious in fortune and throne
Whom the glorious Deity has placed in splendour.
That thou mightest henceforth be the qibla of me the beggar
'Tis worship to prostrate oneself before thy face
For as regards worship thou art the world's altar.
Enough! The God-knower knows thy perfections
Thou art the altar of the hopes of the pious
The prostration of service toward thee is right for men
In this matter there is no conflict of faiths
Why should thy shrine not be my fortune's attār
When judge and sage turn their heart-faces to thee
Every hair of me speaks in praise of thy favours
To me the charge of impiety is preferable to that of ingratitude
Who can describe the niceties of thy favours
The things of ecstacy come not within the bounds of words
To put the woof of words and thoughts o'er the full moons² of thy justice
Were to place cotton raiment on the moon's shoulder
When I put³ on the pilgrim's robe to visit thy throne's shrine
The rose of paradise became a thorn in comparison therewith
From eve till morn my bosom is pricked
By the budding-breasted bride of my heart;
My pen-bow has pointed word-arrows
For piercing the hearts of the envious
A holy strain is poured forth by the birds of my fancy
When my pen's palm-tree swells with sap
All their pens do not equal the movement of mine

There is a difference between the Shāh's ensign and the shepherd's staff
From the Attic salt which I sprinkle from my pen
My inkstand can claim to be a salt-cellar
From the glorious morsels at the Shāh's banquet
What comes to my soul is like balmy wine
If grace and favour assist me
I'll ascend hundreds of steps above Hope's summit
My tongue's wish does not exceed the bounds of respect
Grant my desire such as Thou knowest it!
This is the end of my request.
On Thee is my trust!

Where was I? Whither has the plenteous flood of words carried me? In fine, as the design of the lord of the world in undertaking this expedition was based upon benevolence to all, the great officers, who regarded service as the substance of their religion, gathered together for their duties without any arrangements having been made for the forming of camps. The great encampment assumed another appearance from the assemblage of a victorious soldiery. H.M.'s innate dignity demanded that he should proceed in person to chastise the Rānā, while a number of officers should be dispatched to Malwa in order to cleanse that province from the dust of the rebellion of the sons of Muḥammad Sulṭan Mīrzā. The lot of this service fell upon Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān; Shāh Budāgh Khān, Murād Khān, Hājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī and others who had received fiefs in Malwa, undertook the preparations. They set out from the fort of Gāgrūn and did not draw rein till they reached Ujjain. The Mīrzās fled to Gujrat. The details of this are that when they heard that the grand army had left the capital and was advancing stage by stage, Ulugh M., who was the eldest brother, and whose head itched with contumacy, departed and went to Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. and Muḥammed Ḥusain M., who were in Ujjain, in order to join them and plot his own destruction. When those wretches got the news of the arrival of the imperial forces at Gāgrūn, they were amazed and went off to Māndū. There Ulugh M. quitted his body (i.e., died) on the uplifting of the noise of the drums of fortune. The other brothers perceived that to resist the royal army was beyond their power and fled towards Gujrāt. There they joined Cingīz Khān, who had been a slave of Sulṭān Maḥmūd of Gujrāt, and who, after his death, had seized several of the forts of Gujrāt, such as Cāmpānīr, Broach and Surāt. There, too, they misconducted themselves and spread dissension until they threw the dust of destruction on their own heads after the conquest of Gujrāt. An account of that masterpiece of good fortune will be given in its proper place. In short, the victorious troops cleansed Malwa from the dust of those ill-fated ones, and then went to repose in their fiefs. They sent to Court reports of their success and of the abandonment by the rebels of the imperial territories.

At the time when the sublime camp was pitched in the environs of Gāgrūn, on account of making arrangements for the Malwa campaign, Āṣaf Khān and Wazīr Khān, who had fiefs in this neighbourhood, went off in accordance with orders to attack the fortress of Māndal. It was one of the strong forts of the Rānā, and was defended by the valour of Rawat Balvī Solangī, but by the prestige of the Shāhinshāh they conquered it. After the completion of the arrangement for the Malwa army, though the imperial forces were in appearance few in number, yet H.M. relying on the Divine aid, and being contented to have secret auxiliaries, ordered a march forward with the idea that perhaps the Rānā might hear that the army was small, and so might come out of the defiles, and be thus easily disposed of. But as that ill-fated one knew that the army had not much of a siege-train with it, and thought that on that account H.M. would not attempt to take fortresses, he strengthened the fort of Citūr, which, in the opinion of the short-sighted, was such a place that the lasso of conquest could not attain to its battlements, and supplied it with provisions sufficient for several years. He also left in it five thousand gallant Rājpūts, and devastated the surrounding country so that there did not even remain grass in the fields, and himself retired to the defiles of the hill-country. When the sublime army encamped in the neighbourhood of Citūr, H.M. did not judge it proper to pursue that doomed one, and to enter the heart of the hills. By Divine inspiration he decided to capture the fort of Citūr, which was the foundation of the Rānā's power, and the centre of his dominions; and on the day of Ābān 10 Ābān, Divine month, corresponding to Thursday 19 Rabī-'al akhir, 20 October 1567, he arrived at the outskirts of the fort and pitched his camp. At this time there was a great storm of wind, accompanied by thunder and lightning, so that the earth was shaken. But after an hour the sky became clear, the world was revealed and the fortress appeared in the distance.

A fort on the face of that mountain
Reared its head up to the fourth heaven
The bird of the imagination could not reach it
No one knew its nature and condition.

The world-conquering mind decided upon besieging that sky-high fortress and upon hemming in the garrison. Accordingly he next day marched from that station, and encamped on the skirt of the mountain, on the summit of which was the fortress. He then rode out, accompanied by some of his courtiers and made the circuit of the mountain. The surveyors, who are always in attendance on the royal stirrup, found by measurement that the circumference was more than two kos, while it was five kos at the part used by the general public. H.M. applied himself to the task of taking the fortress and directed the Bakhshīs to set out the batteries. The troops who had come along with H.M. went to their batteries, and those who came up afterwards had separate batteries. In this way the whole circuit of the fort was encompassed in the space of one month. During the same time some of the officers were sent to devastate the Rānā's territorry, and to punish the contumacious. Āṣaf Khān with a number of officers was sent off to Rāmpūr, and he opened it with the key of the sword, and received the applause of the Shāhinshāh. As the Rānā was pointed out as having gone to Udaipūr and Kombalmīr, Ḥusain Qulī Khān was sent with a large force to lay hold of him. Ḥusaīn Qulī Khān arrived at Udaipūr, which was the Rānā's capital, and slaughtered the rebellious. Wherever he heard of any gathering of rebels of Udaipūr, or the hill-country of Kombalmīr, he consumed them with the lightning of the fiery sword. He obtained much booty and made great search for the Rānā. But as he could get no trace of that vagabond, he, in accordance with the royal command, returned and was exalted by the bliss of doing homage.

Whilst the army was engaged in besieging the fortress, it came to the royal hearing that I'tmād Khān of Gujrāt had been defeated by Cingīz Khān and the Mīrzās, and had come to Dongarpūr. About this time I'tmād Khān's petition, accompanied by suitable presents, was received. Among the latter was a sea-elephant¹ which had exceedingly long ears, and had strange motions. H.M. the Shāhinshāh received the envoys graciously and dismissed them along with Ḥasan Khān Khazāncī and a conciliatory rescript. At this time he (I'tmād) had not the good fortune to come and kiss the threshold. Ḥasan Khān came to Agra from Gujrāt and there had the felicity of doing homage.

As H.M. was very desirous of taking this fort, which was famous for its height and strength, the gallant spirits of the army were continually rushing upon it and daringly attacking it. Thus acted Khān Aālam and 'Ādil Khān. But as terrestrials cannot reach celestials, so these efforts were abortive. H.M. was very solicitous about this and was continually forbidding those intrepid men and saying that such mode of attack should not be called courageous. Rather it was to be called rashness which the wise regarded as remote from moderation, and as blameable. But those men were overcome by rashness and did not give ear to these wise counsels and were continually rushing to the ambit of the fort, with the result that many had the cheek of their courage stained with red wounds. Many also drank the wholesome cup of martyrdom, for the arrows and bullets which those rank-breakers discharged passed off after grazing the surface of the walls and battlements, while those which the ill-fated garrison discharged reached men and horses. Accordingly an order was issued that proper spots should be selected and that there the walls and bastions of the fort should be mined, and that then these mines should be filled with gunpowder and set on fire. When the walls and bastions had thus been destroyed, brave men could enter. Also that at one place a covered way (ṯabāṭ) should be made. The servants of the Court girded up their loins of effort for these two works. Though there were many batteries, for the holy warriors had made various shelters and enclosures for their protection all round the fort, there were three principal batteries. One was the Shāhinshāh's special battery and was opposite the Lākhūta Gate, and was in charge of Ḥasan Khān Caghatāī, Rai Pattar Dās, Qāẓī Ālī Baghdādī, Ikhtiyār Khān Faujdār and Kabīr Khān; it was here that the miners worked. The second battery was in charge of Shujā'at Khān, Raja Todar Mal, Qāsim Khān Mīr Barr-u-Baḥr. In this battery they constructed, in the height of the rains, a covered way of the length of a bowshot, from the middle of the hill, on the summit of which the fort was situated. The third battery was in the charge of Khwāja 'Abdu-l-Majid Āṣaf Khān and Wāzir Khān and many other noted heroes. As to send for large mortars from the magazines would cause great delay, a large mortar which could throw a ball of half a man was cast in H.M.'s presence. When the garrison became aware of this fact, which never had entered into their ideas, the smoke of astonishment suffused their obfuscated brains, and they recognised that the foundation of their destruction had been laid, and that there would be daily progress to this consummation. As they were helpless, they had recourse to craft and sent, firstly Sāndā Silāḥdār, and secondly, Ṣaḥib Khān, and made use of entreaties and lamentations. They offered to enrol themselves among the subjects of the sublime court, and to send a yearly present. Several of the officers approved of this offer and made representations to this effect to H.M. They advised that in accordance with this agreement they should withdraw from this difficult task, but the sovereign dignity did not accept this view, and made the coming in of the Rānā a condition of release from the siege. Although the great officers were brought into straits by the long contest and endeavoured to get away from the dangerous place, they were not successful; and as the defenders did not know the bliss of service, they assembled on the walls and bastions and waged hot war. There were many dexterous artillerymen among them and they continually showered balls on the trenchers and other workmen. The latter protected themselves by shields of raw hides and laboured hard at making the covered way. But, in spite of all precautions nearly two hundred men were killed daily. Day by day the sābāṭ was pushed forward, and the mines advanced. The coin of presents was poured into the lap of the workmen's hopes, and silver and gold were reckoned at the rate of earth. On two¹ sides they produced a broad, mud wall such that balls could not penetrate it, and it was sinuous in shape as being for the destruction of those viperous and scorpion-like natures. The miners also drove their mines and brought them up to the foot of the fort. They made two excavations contiguous to each other under the wall and in one they put 120 mans and, in the other, 80 mans of gunpowder. An order was given that the brave and enterprising should stand armed, and in readiness, and be on the watch so that when the mines were fired, and the wall broken down, they should rapidly take possession of the fort. On the day of Isfandārmuẕ 5 Dai, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday 15 Jamāda-al-akhirī, 17 December 1567, the gunpowder was set fire to. The bastion was pulled up from its foundation and sprung into the air with all the ill-fated soldiers who were on it. The match of the second excavation had not taken fire when the assailants, seeing that the wall had been demolished, rushed on heedlessly to the breach in order to enter by it. All at once the second mine exploded, and the troops who were entering, and also a body of their opponents who were preparing to prevent them, were involved in the catastrophe and their souls severed from their bodies by the fierce storm. Their limbs were blown here and there, and stones were carried for leagues. The report of the explosion extended to fifty kos and more, and astonished those who heard it. The cause of this accident was that there was one train for both mines and so it was fired from one place. One mine took fire after the other, and the brave men made their attack without noticing this and without reflection. Before this, when it was reported to H.M. that the mines were ready, he had observed that they should be fired from two places lest there should be delay in the ignition of one of them. Thus he had foreseen the accident with his far-reaching vision. Kabir Khān and the other superintendents of the work formed their own ideas, and the fire ran quickly from one point to two places. But as the thing was fated to occur, planning was of no avail, and that took place which took place. Nearly 200 of the victorious troops ascended to heaven, and among them there were about 100 men of note. About twenty of the latter were known to the king, and among them were Saiyid Jamālu-d-dīn son of Saiyid Aḥmad, one of the Saiyids of Bārha, and who was distinguished by H.M.'s favour. Others were Mīrak Bahādur, Muḥammad Ṣālḥ son of Mīrak Khān Kūlābī who was in his early youth a fiery spark of valour, Ḥayat Sulṭān, Shāh 'Alī Ishak Āqā, Yezdān Qulī, M. Bilūc, Jān Beg and Yār Beg, brothers of Sher Beg Yesāwal-bāshī and Mīrak Bahadūr. A number of about forty who were, as they thought, protected in the defiles of the mountain and were waiting their opportunity, were overwhelmed by earth and bricks from the fort. After the taking of the fort it was ascertained how they had been destroyed. Of the enemy, about forty were consumed by the wrath of God and sent to the abode of annihilation. When the catastrophe became known to the other combatants they advanced and engaged in battle. Their opponents sacrificed their lives in one place, and in the other exerted themselves in raising up a wall, till in a short time they succeeded in building another broad wall as high as the former one. On the same day a mine was exploded in the battery of Āṣaf Khān, but it did not take fire properly. About thirty of the garrison were killed, but, though no injury was sustained by the imperial army, the progress of the siege was not advanced. Although the situation was such as might have opened the eyes of the doomed garrison and have led them to supplication and lamentation, yet as something had occurred to the besiegers which the superficial might regard as a subject of exultation, the besieged made it an adminicle of presumption and pride. The genius of the sovereign recognised the catastrophe as a cause of increased exertion, and strove more and more. Though some of the assailants had been slain, the devotion of the others increased, and though the garrison shewed exultation, H.M. the Shāhinshāh was tranquil, for he knew that there had been a want of plan and gradual progress in regard to the siege, and he pointed out to the eager spirits that haste was not effective in matters of this kind. Patience and planning were necessary. For first, there was the strength of the position, secondly there was the strength of the fortifications, and thirdly there was the large supply of provisions and the number of fighting men. His mind fixed upon the completion of the covered way, which was the best mode of capturing a fortress, and he devoted himself more and more to this work. He frequently visited the sābāṭ and went close to the fort and used to fire at those of the garrison who showed themselves. One day that tiger of the mighty forest was going round the fort. When he came near the Lākhuta battery the holy warriors were engaged in prosecuting the seige under the protection of the wall. H.M. stood under the wall and fired from the loop-holes. His servants were in attendance. Jalāl Khān was standing two removes from H.M. and had placed his shield on the top of the wall, and was watching from behind it the shooting by the garrison. The devoted men who were in the battery were admiring the skill and rare failure of one of the musketeers of the fort who had injured many of the ghāzīs. Suddenly that seldom-erring marksman aimed at Jalāl Khān's head and fired. He shot him through the flesh but did not do him much harm. H.M. the Shāhinshāh remarked, “Jalāl Khān, that mārksman does not show himself, if he would do so, I'd avenge you.” He aimed at the musket which projected from the loop-hole and said, “We shall this very instant take revenge for you on his gun.” The firing and the passing of the bullet through the aperture and its striking the marksman were all one and the same thing. Though it could not be exactly ascertained at the time, yet the lowering of the musket indicated that its owner had been hit. Afterwards it was found that the royal gun had finished the wretch, and that he was named Ismā'īl and was the head of the musketeers. The king's good fortune calmed the men of the battery. Similarly, H.M. killed many of the noted members of the garrison and sent them to the sleep of annihilation. One day he came to the battery towards Citūrī, which is a little hill near the fort, and was superintending the work. He was going slowly along at a place where many bullets and cannon-balls were coming, and as he had perfect reliance on the Divine protection and assistance, no dust of apprehension entered his mind. Suddenly a large cannon-ball fell near him and martyred twenty of the brave combatants. On another day a bullet struck Khān 'Aālm, who was standing near the King; it passed through his cuirass but when it came to his under-garments it was, by the Divine favour, cooled by his sweat. This, too, increased the confidence of the leaders of the holy war. One day a bullet struck Moẓaffar Khān, but eventually did no harm. During the siege many such instances of the Divine protection occurred, and were a cause of guidance to the simple, and increased the devotion of the loyal.

A lofty genius is the key to difficult enterprises, and a lamp of the mysteries of destiny. Especially, wherever such a lord of fortune put his heart into an arduous task, he easily accomplishes it in spite of the apprehension of worldlings. Thus it was by the lofty genius of the Shāhinshāh, which is the interpreter of the Divine aid, that the work of the sābāṭ was accomplished under the supervision of Rajah Todar Mal and Qāsim Khān Mīr Barr-u-Baḥr. Excellent quarters were constructed on the top of the sābāṭ, and H.M. stayed in them for two nights and one day before the work was completed, and directed the operations. The fortunate combatants strung up their hearts to the taking of the fort and destroyed its walls. The besieged also displayed bravery. H M. personally put his heart into the conflict, and kept up a fusillade. He took up a place on the sābāṭ and watched the spectacle of the brave-hearted and of the chain-breaking tigers. During these two nights and a day those gallant men so engaged in conflict that they took neither sleep nor food. The strength of both sides was exhausted. At length on the morning of Daibamihr 15 Isfandarmāz, corresponding to Tuesday 25 Sh'abān, 23 February 1568, that sky-based fortress was conquered. The account of this glorious event, which might serve as the bulletin of fortune, is that on the previous night an attack was being made on the fort from all sides, and several breaches were made in the walls. There were manifest indications that the fortress was ruined. Near the sābāṭ, brave men of the conquering army had pressed forward and had destroyed much of the solid wall of the fort. Half of the night had passed when the garrison crowded into the breach and, while part of them gave themselves up to destruction, the other brought muslin, cotton, wood and oil and were filling up the breach so that when the ghāzis should approach they should set fire to the heap and prevent anyone from entering. At this time H.M. perceived that a person clothed in a cuirass known as the hazār mīkhī (thousand nails) which is a mark of chieftainship among them, came to the breach and superintended the proceedings. It was not known who he was. H.M. took his gun Sangrām, which is one of the special guns, and aimed it at him. To Shujā'at Khān and Rajah Bhagwant Dās he said that, from the pleasure and lightness of hand such as he experienced when he had hit a beast of prey, he inferred that he had hit the man. The Khān Jahān represented that the man had been continually there during the night and been directing the operations; if he did not come back it was evident that he had been killed. An hour had not passed when Jabbār Qulī Diwānā reported that the enemy had all disappeared within that space of time. Just at the same time fire broke out at several places in the fort. The courtiers had various ideas about this, but Rajah Bhagwant Dās represented that the fire was the johar. For it is an Indian custom that when such a calamity has occurred a pile is made of sandalwood, aloes, etc., as large as possible, and to add to this dry firewood and oil. Then they leave hardhearted confidants in charge of their women. As soon as it is certain that there has been a defeat and that the men have been killed, these stubborn ones reduce the innocent women to ashes. And in fact on the morning when the breeze of victory and dominion arose, it was ascertained that the Shāhinshāh's musket had reached Jaimal, the governor of the fort, and had at once destroyed both him and the fort. The fires were the johar, and they took place in the house of the Pata who belonged to the Sīsūdia clan and was one of the Rānā's principal servants, and in the house of the Rāthors, of whom Ṣaḥib Khān was the chief. There was also a great johar-fire in the house of the Cūhān-s whose chief was Aissar Dās. As many as three hundred women were burnt in the destructive fire of those refractory men. Though on that night no one remained in the breach and though every one had given up heart on the killing of Jaimal, and withdrawn to a corner of retreat, yet the rules of precaution were observed and the heroes and ghāzīs were collected from every side and directed to enter the fort at dawn. When the morning-breeze of dominion arose, the active young men and the bold warriors came from the batteries and entered the fort, and engaged in killing and binding. The Rajputs gave up the thread of deliberation and fought and were killed. An order was issued that the active and experienced elephants should be brought in from the front of the sābāṭ. First, Girdbāz Dhokar was brought and stationed at the head of the wall. Then came Madhukar, and then Jangīā, Sabdaliya and Kādira. Each of them did things which surpassed imagination.

Two armies raised their lances
They formed ambuscades, and drew up in line
They were all iron-fisted, biters of steel,
All were famous and were clad in iron
The heroes brandished swords red with blood
One was yielding up his life, another was flying,
They mowed down with swords the elephant-trunks
You'd say serpents were being rained down from the clouds¹
The Commander on a mighty, raging elephant
Continually assailed the bow string²
One paid off his debt of hate with lance and sword
Sometimes the heart was riven, sometimes the breast was consumed
Tulips were painted by his dagger
There was a rain of rings from the heroes' armour.

At the white dawn, which was the morning of fortune for the imperial servants and the evening of destruction for the enemy, H.M. the Shāhinshāh mounted on an elephant, majestic as heaven, and proceeded to the fort. Several thousand devoted men accompanied him on foot. A wonderful thing was that Aissar Dās Cohān, who was one of the brave men of the fort, saw the elephant Madhukar and asked its name. When they told him he, in a moment, with daring rashness, seized his tusk with one hand, and struck with his dagger with the other and said, “Be good enough to convey my respects to the world-adorning appreciator of merit.” The elephant Jangīā displayed great deeds. One of them was that a Rājpūt ran and struck his trunk with his sword and cut it off. Though his trunk was severed, which makes life difficult, it made wonderful conflicts before it died. It had killed thirty distinguished men before it was wounded, and it slew fifteen afterwards. The elephant Madhukar also displayed wonderful deeds. A wonderful thing was that the elephant Kādira ran away inside the fort on account of the noise and tumult, driving before it a number of doomed men who were coming to the breach. The lane was narrow, and it trampled and scattered them all. It was by the Divine aid that such a great boon was conferred. 'Aẓmat Khān, who was riding on the elephant, was wounded, and died of his wounds a few days afterwards. H.M. used to state that, at this time, he was standing on the wall of the fort and contemplating the Divine aids. The elephant Sabdiliya came inside the fort and was engaged in casting down and killing the Rajpūts. A Rajpūt ran at him and struck him with his sword inflicting a slight wound. The elephant, however, did not regard it and seized him with his trunk. Just then another Rājpūt came in front of him and Sabdiliya turned to him while the first man escaped from his grasp and again daringly attacked him from behind, but Sabdiliya behaved magnificently. H.M. also said that in the very heat of the conflict a hero, whom he did not recognise, came under his observation. A Rājpūt who was separated from him by a low wall challenged him to combat, and he joyfully went towards him. One of the imperial soldiers, whom also H.M. did not recognise, ran to the assistance of the other hero, but the latter forbade him saying that it was contrary to the rules of chivalry and courage that he should come to his aid when his opponent had challenged him. He did everything to prevent him from helping him, and engaging personally with his opponent he disposed of him. H.M. used to say that, though he endeavoured to find out this brave and chivalrous man, he did not succeed. Presumably he was one of the mysterious men who put on a bodily form in order to help the spiritually and temporally august one. In the beginning of the fight there were fifty elephants, and at the end as many as 300 entered the fort and trampled down the enemy. H.M. related that he had come near the temple of Gobind Syām when an elephant-driver trampled a man under his elephant. The elephant rolled him up in his trunk and brought him before H.M. The driver said that he did not know the man's name, but that he appeared to be one of the leaders, and that a large number of men had fought round him with sacrifice of their lives. At last it came out that it was Patā who had been trampled to death. At the time he was produced, there was a breath of life left in him, but he shortly afterwards died. There were 8,000 fighting Rajpūts collected in the fortress, but there were more than 40,000 peasants who took part in watching and serving. When the standards entered the fort some of the garrison squeezed themselves into the temples, thinking that they were holy places and and that the idols would help them, and awaited the sacrificing of their lives. Others awaited their doom in their own houses. A number lifted up their swords and shortened their lances and came forward to face the holy warriors. The latter disposed of those evil-fated ones by their swords and lances. A number of those who were in the temples and in their houses came out on seeing the ghāẓīs, but were struck down before they could reach them.

No one ever saw such battles
Nor ever heard of such from the experienced
What shall I say of that battle and engagement
I cannot mention one item out of a hundred thousand.

From early dawn till midday the bodies of those ill-starred men were consumed by the majesty of the great warrior. Nearly 30,000 men were killed. The reason of so many being killed was that on the former occasion on 3 Muharram 703, 16 August 1303, when Sulṭān 'Al'aū d-dīn took the fort after six months and seven days, the peasantry were not put to death as they had not engaged in fighting. But on this occasion they had shown great zeal and activity. Their excuses after the emergence of victory were of no avail, and orders were given for a general massacre. But a large number were made prisoners.

One of the wonderful things was that the Shāhinshāh's wrath had been greatly excited against the skilful musketeers, but though much search was made no trace of them could be found. At last it transpired that those evil-doers had, by means of the disguise of trickery, carried off their lives in safety from the fort. The way they got out was¹ this: When the victorious army was hotly engaged in plundering and capturing, these musketeers, who were a thousand in number, bound their wives and children as if they were prisoners and set off with them. The truth remained concealed from the searchers, and they thought that they were royal troops carrying off their prisoners. The stratagem was effectual at such a time and they escaped. Though on that day there was no house or lane, or passage where there were not heaps of dead, yet there were three places where the numbers of the slain was very great. A large number of Rājpūts had collected in the house of the Rānā in the fort. They came out by twos and threes, and threw away their lives. A large number collected in the temple of Mahādeo, who was much reverenced by them, and gave their bodies to the winds in the Rāmpūra gateway. A glorious victory, such as might be an embroidery of increasing dominion, displayed itself from the ambuscades of fortune, and the fumes of pride at once departed from the heads of the contumacious ones of India, and they adopted submission after a special fashion. Except Ẓarb Ālī Tuwācī no one of the armies of fortune drank the cup of martyrdom on that day. H.M. the Shāhinshāh offered thanksgiving and after midday proceeded towards the camp. He remained there for three days arranging affairs, and made over the whole of the Sarkār to Khwāja 'Abdu-l-majīd Āṣaf Khān. As, at the commencement of this great enterprise, he had vowed that after the achievement of victory he would go on foot to the shrine of Khwāja Muīnu-d-dīn Cistī in Ajmīr, he, when he returned from the fort, in accordance with his vow, walked back to the camp. On the day of Farwardīn 19 Isfandārmāẕ, Divine month, corresponding to Saturday 29 Sh'abān, 28 February 1568, the drum of return beat high, and he set off on foot as before and went on stage by stage over the burning desert-sands and while the wind was extremely hot. Although the order was that the troops should come on, mounted, yet the courtiers did not fail to do as he did, and many of the ladies of the harem travelled on foot under the shadow of H.M.'s protection. When he reached the town of Māndal, Shagūna Qurāwal, who had gone in advance to Ajmīr and had conveyed the good news of H.M.'s approach, came quickly and brought representations from the ascetic hermits of the shrine to the effect that his holiness the Khwāja had appeared in a vision and had announced that the spiritual and temporal king had, from feelings of religion and righteous endeavour, formed the intention of visiting the shrine of his humble self on foot, and had directed them to restrain the caravan-conductor of Truth's way from his design by every means in their power. “If he knew the amount of his own spirituality he would not bestow a glance on me the sitter-in-the-dust of the path of studentship.” When this representation reached the royal hearing, he allowed himself to be conveyed from that stage, and on the day of Āsmān 27 Isfandārmaẕ, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 7 Ramẓān, 6 March 1568, made the district of Ajmīr fortunate by his advent. The last stage he, in accordance with his vow, performed on foot, and, without going to his quarters, at once proceeded to circumambulate the holy shrine. He encompassed all the attendants on the shrine with liberal favours. He stayed there for ten days, intent on the worship of the Author of all good.

Among the fortunate things which occurred during the siege of Citūr there was this, that Sulaimān, the governor of Bengal, again recited the Khuṭba in the name of H.M. the Shāhinshāh. He also had an interview with Mun'im Khān the Khān-Khānan, and made an insincere peace with him (gurg āshti). The account of this is, that at the time when Mubāriz Khān, who was known as 'Adili, became an ingrate and a claimant of rule, Tāj Khān Kararāni fled with his brothers and came to Bihār, and continuously practised hypocrisy and feline stratagems, both while Muḥammad Khān the ruler of Bengal was lifting up the head of dissension, and also after him, during the time of Bahādur. At last after 'Adili had been killed in battle with Bahādur, the latter died of a natural death, and his younger brother Jalālu-d-dīn laid claim to the sway of Bengal and Bihār. Tāj Khān and his brother were sometimes at strife with Jalālu-d-din, and sometimes were on friendly terms with him. They also laid the foundation of a friendship with the Khān Zamān and behaved in a hypocritical manner. After many adventures Jalālu-d-dīn also died, and the rule of Bengal and Bihar fell to Tāj Khān. After a short time, during which Tāj Khān had, by fraud and deception, obtained possession of Bengal and Bihar, he too died, and his younger brother Sulaimān obtained the power. He formed a friendship with the Khān Zamān and strove to make his own position secure. He acquired strange power and the brainless Afghans all gathered round him. He collected treasure and a large number of elephants. When the Khān Zamān got his deserts by being punished, and H.M. the Shāhinshāh had returned after granting Jaunpūr, etc., to Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānan, as has already been narrated, Asad Ullāh Khān was holding Zamāniya, which had been founded by the Khān Zaman, on the latter's account. When the Khān Zamān was killed, Asad 'Ullāh, from weakness of intellect, sent a person to Sulaimān and asked for an appointment. He proposed to make over Zamānya to him and to become unfaithful to his salt. When the Khān-Khānan became aware of this, he sent men to him and conciliated him. As he had some goodness in him he hearkened to the advice, and made over Zamānya to Qāsim Mashki, the Khān-Khānan's agent, and personally appeared before the Khān Khānan. The Afghan army which had come for Zamānya returned unsuccessful. Lodī, who was distinguished among the Afghans for wisdom and goodness, and was Sulaimān's prime minister, was on the bank of the Son. As he knew the Khān-Khānan to be a sedate man and a lover of peace, he made friends with him and planned by this means to save his country from the impact of the Shāhinshāh's troops. Presents and messages passed between him and Mun'im Khān, and close relations were thus established. When the world-conquering standards marched against Citūr, Sulaimān was engaged in extirpating the Rajah of Orissa, and Ibrāhīm. As he was not at ease about Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānan he, at the opportune time when H.M. was engaged in taking Citūr, endeavoured through Lodī to come to terms with him, and laid the foundations of friendship. After a friendly correspondence it was arranged that the Khān-Khānan should come to visit him, so that by coming face to face alliance might be confirmed, and that the Khuṭba and the coinage might be adorned by the lofty titles of the Shāhinshāh. The Khān-Khānan decided upon visiting Sulaimān and so completing the outward arrangements. Though far-seeing well-wishers endeavoured to dissuade him from this unsound idea, he did not listen to them and set off for Patna with 300 chosen men of his own and with Muḥibb 'Alī Khān, Ibrahīm Khān Uzbeg, L'al Khān Badakhshī, Kucak 'Alī Khān son of Mīr Sultan Wais Qibcāq, Mīr Hāshim, brother of Abū-l-máālī, Hāshim Khān, and their dependants who might altogether amount to 1,000 men. Lodī came and paid his respects, and after him came Bāyazīd the eldest son of Sulaimān. When they were five or six kos from Patna, Sulaimān came to welcome him and respectfully embraced him. First, the Khān-Khānan had a feast and invited Sulaimān to his quarters, and had a brilliant assembly. Next day Sulaimān exercised hospitality and exalted the pulpit by the holy name (of Akbar). He also glorified the coinage by the sacred stamp and offered suitable presents. A number of his strife-mongering nobles urged the seizure of Mun'im Khān. They represented that the sublime standards were engaged in conquering Citūr, and many of the great officers were there. If they disposed of the Khān-Khānan there was no one between them and the throne who could oppose them. When Lodī heard of this perfidy he spoke wise words and said that it was far from wisdom to make an enemy of such a lord of fortune, the lights of whose power shone more powerfully year by year over countries. Moreover the Khān-Khānan was only one of the slaves whom H.M. had reared. Whatever humble individual fell under the glance of the God-assisted one could be a Khān-Khānan? What benefit would result from killing those few men? Then they had an opponent such as Ibrāhīm lying in wait for them. How could such a plan (as that of seizing Mun'im Khān) be successful? Though Sulaimān accepted these views, the other Afghans, who were drunk with the wine of ignorance, did not listen and plotted mischief. When Mun'im Khān heard this news he, by a clever stratagem, left his camp and, by Lodī's advice, came away quickly with a few men. The black-hearted Afghans only heard of it after he had gone a long way. As the business was at an end, they could only behave in a soothing manner. Bāyazīd and Lodī came rapidly to the Khān-Khānan, and after doing him honour they returned. Mun'im Khān had crossed the Ganges and made two or three marches when the bulletin of the victory of Citūr arrived. This increased the confidence of the imperial servants a thousand times. Sulaimān went with a tranquil mind towards Bengal, and engaged in the disposal of his own business. He by fraud got possession of Orissa, where the temple of Jagannath is, and perfidiously put the Rajah to death. He also, by oaths and deception, got Ibrāhīm into his hands, who had taken refuge with the Rajah and indulged in ideas of sovereignty. Him also Sulaimān sent to the abode of annihilation. Mun'im Khān engaged on his duties with a mind at rest.