Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 2

The far-seeing, screen-choosing mind of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, which was constantly weaving the disguise of insouciance, and left political and financial matters to the lovers thereof, and daily drew a fresh veil over the face of his dominion conjoined with eternity, and thereby tested the boastful lovers of the world, gave its attention to camel-riding and to camel-fights at the time that he was adorning the veil in Kabul. For in that country there were no animals larger then they. Sometimes he, for the sharpening of his mind practised horse-riding, and the hunting with dogs. When India was made illustrious by his blessed advent he gave special attention to elephants, which are wonderful animals both in form and in ways. If in respect of size I liken them to a mountain in order to describe them to those who have not seen them, I do not succeed in my attempt, for where is account taken of their beauty of form, and where is their swiftness? Or if I liken their speed and fury to the wind, how is their wrath depicted at the time of their o'erthrowing the firm-footed on the field of battle? If I compare them for foresight, intelligence, and sagacity to the horse, the real thing is not said. A separate volume would be required to describe their ferocity, their revenge, and their wondrous deeds. Such a work might be written by a sage without the adornments of fine writing. Eloquence and fluency alone are not sufficient for such a great subject being treated of in its entirety. In addition to true wisdom there must be a long life spent in the company of experienced men who have learnt the ways of this wondrous-looking, mighty-formed, highly intelligent, mountain-demolishing, horseman-throwing, army-confounding (animal), and thereby acquiring knowledge of the marvellous, awe-inspiring, astonishment-producing creature. And with all this, there must also be the beholding of his wrath and his gentleness, and of witnessing his wondrous actions. Then perhaps a little out of much can be written about him, so that the brevity of the account may not cause regret in the heart. Why should I, who have not these opportunities, make a long discourse and indulge in word-ornamentation? Why should I turn back from the purpose which I have in this noble volume? Assuredly it is better to be contented with what I have said of those wondrous creatures and that I increase the splendour of my own subject!¹

When the sacred glance of H.M. the Shāhinshāh fell upon this wondrous animal, he recognised it as worthy of his attention and prepared a fresh screen for himself. In fact the world-adorning Deity decreed the commencement² of the beautifying of this unique one of the threshold of greatness (i.e. Akbar), and converted the subject-matter of the fear and terror of the superficial creature-worshippers into current coin, so that they might not break the chain binding them to this spiritual and temporal Khedive, and that they might not indulge in vain thoughts and might not proceed beyond their measure. For the adepts in this art and the teachers thereof were unable to tame the ferocity (of the elephant), while this Divine athlete subdued it by his courage. Evidently³ it was proper to take notice of him! This also was for the wise and the pious the beginning of the perceiving and understanding of the works of this chosen one of God. For deeds which could not come within the mould of speech, and which could not be weighed in the balance of reason were displayed by this enthroned one. Ridings upon mast, men-killing, driver-throwing elephants, the sight of whom melted the gall-bladder of the iron-livered ones of this art were exhibited by this holy personality. When a mast and vicious elephant had killed its driver, and committed several other murders, so that it was a terror to the city, this assisted of heaven and protected by God came, as he was walking between the garden and the courtyard, placed his foot on the elephant's tusk and smilingly took his seat and set the elephant to fight with mast and quarrelsome elephants. In the very thick of the fighting when he saw that the driver of the other elephant had lost control of the animal, that Lion of God leapt from his own elephant to the other. Then did the pious receive the collyrium of illumination! For it was impossible to approach this animal without God's protection, much less, to ride it, and again to control it with severity, and to engage it in fight with another elephant like itself! On beholding these wonders both the exoteric and the esoteric became submissive (lit. came into the condition of having the ring in their ears). It did not occur to anyone that he would saddle the elephant, and that he would arrange other tools and things in order that he might ride. He put a rope round the elephant's neck, as an ornament to him, and sitting near his neck twisted his foot into that rope. What shall I say?—the same thing as I said at first. I can't describe the affair. If the superficial reader thinks that in my description I have turned aside from the long highway of purpose into space, the intelligent and judicious will perceive that I have not deviated one foot from the way, and that I am hastening forward. But of the aggregate of instances of the Divine protection which aroused the spiritual and the worldly from the slumber of negligence and produced wonder in some and regret in others for their want of comprehension in past times, while they increased the understanding of another section and made it praise its own insight, there was this which occurred at Delhi when the holy mind was diverting itself with elephant-riding. One day he mounted the elephant called Lakhna, which was an exhibitor of terrific rage, at a time when it was at the height of its ferocity, evil nature and man-killing, and made it engage with an elephant like itself, so that the proudest were surprised. The elephant Lakhna, on which H.M. was riding, was victorious and was madly pursuing the other when suddenly its foot, which resembled a great pillar, fell into a deep ditch, and in its furious condition, and when the fumes of wrath were circulating in its brain, it made great struggles and movements. At this time an athlete who was riding on the elephant's rump, for the rule is that a lion-hearted, skilful man rides crupper on these mountain forms, and such a one is called in Hindi Bhoi,¹ could not sit the sky-high rearings of the elephant, and fell to the ground. Then, when cries awoke on every side, and the hearts of the loyal melted within them, the holy personality was also moved from its place, and his sky-brushing foot became fixed in the rope of the elephant's neck, which in Hindi is called Kalāwa.² H.M. with a heart which can throw the noose of courage on the heavens, and a palm which had God's help in its fingers, firmly seized the the rope, and having hold of the strong cable of this Divine protection remained strong of heart and serene in soul. In that tumult and uproar which produce an earthquake in the terrene, and a riot in time, and while the elephant with his great strength was extricating his feet from the abyss, and was making marvellous struggles and inclining from side to side to the ground, and while on one hand there were the cries of the people, and on the other the efforts of the elephant for getting rid of H.M's sacred personality, a number of intrepid, loyal and alert men came and released H.M. from the elephant. The disturbed heart of the world was appeased, and the commoved life of the age became stationary again. I do not know if this beauty under the aspect of terror displayed itself without the intention of this chosen one, in order that the far-reaching thoughts of the wicked might be shortened by seeing such (Divine) guardianship, or whether that spiritual and temporal Khedive, that king of the visible and invisible, knowingly and designedly exhibited such glory, so that by one splendid act might be manifested the blindness of weak-sighted malevolents, and the illumination of the loyal. In a short time, when H.M. had put himself in order, the elephant by his own efforts brought out his foot from the hole and began to be riotous. H.M. with the same open view, and serene soul again mounted the elephant and proceeded, encompassed by the Divine protection, to his fixed abode. Bairām Khān Khān Khānān on hearing of the circumstances, which threw into agitation the tranquil souls of devotees, came to prostrate himself at the throne, and in gratitude for the safety of the royal person, and to avert the evil eye, distributed great largesses to the world. The cherubim of the Court of heaven and the members of the holy assembly raised the hands of supplication and implored from a bounteous God enduring dominion and the perfecting of humanity by the fostering care of this great lord of horizons!

When the pleasant region of Delhi had been for six months an abode of justice and peace owing to the stay there of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and its affairs had been arranged according to the instructions of inspiration, the world-adorning mind, which is a ray from the world-lighting splendour of the sun, and a light derived from the fountains of eternal light, resolved that the sublime standards should proceed to Agra, which for air and water makes Bagdad ashamed of the Tigris, and Egypt of the Nile, and his ocean-scattering mind decided on travelling by boat and on the river Jumna. The fluviatile officers prepared vessels and boats, and outside and inside the planks were beautified by silks. On the day of Ishtād 26 Mihr, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 26 Zī-hajja, (9th October, 1558) that ocean-hearted Shāhinshāh and that ocean without a bound embarked, and imparted the dignity of the circumambient ocean to a petty piece of water. The great officers, the courtiers and others who had made preparations for the journey also embarked. It seemed as if the river was in fête; or as if the tulip and the rose had raised their heads from the water. With all kinds of joy and pleasure they set out towards Agra. On that pleasant journey they engaged in fishing and in water-fowling. And the sublime reunion, which was another river brimful of grand jewels, became by the effect of the movement of the boat-shaped flagons billowy with gifts and munificance, till at length on 17 Ābān, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 17 Muḥarrum 966=30th October 1558, the crescent-moon of the standards of the Shāhinshāh emerged from the ascension point of the horizon of the city of Agra, and made that fortunate and auspicious city the centre of the circle of the throne and the ascension point of the light of fortune. H.M. the Shāhinshāh gave celestial rank to the citadel, which was known by the name of Bādalgarha, by his alighting there. Abodes were distributed to the grandees. Fortune took up her dwelling there, and auspiciousness laid her foundation in that rose-garden. In a short space of time this city became, by the blessing of the sublime advent, the rosy cheek of the seven climes. It is a city of temperate heat and cold, its climate harmonises with the constitution, for trees and fruits its soil is like Khurāsān and 'Irāq. The river Jumna, which has few like it for the lightness and digestibility of its water, flows through it. On either side the servants of fortune's threshold erected pleasant homes and made charming gardens which come not within the mould of description. With all grandeur and glory it became once more the abode of the Caliphate, and the centre of the Sultanate.

At length some Rustum-like heroes sallied out one night from the New Gate and attacked the batteries of Walī Khalīfa Shāmlū. They wounded him, and killed many. After a long discussion Sulṭān Ḥusain M. retired from the foot of the fort without having accomplished his purpose. The ruler of Persia was vexed and sent the said Mīrzā, 'Alī Qulī Sulṭān the Governor of Shīrāz, and Walī Khalīfa Shāmlū with a large force to get possession of Qandahār by every means possible. 'Alī Qulī Sulṭān, who had boasted much about this affair, made great efforts to take the fort, but became by a musket-ball¹ a traveller to the region of non-existence. A division arose in the army. Though no outward assistance came from the Khedive of the Age, the Divine aid helped from time to time, and confounded such large forces. Sulṭān Ḥusain M., who could neither venture to return, nor judge it right to remain, spent his days in a distracted manner and encamped round the fort. Meanwhile Shāh Muḥammad Qilātī sent a representation to Court, explaining the state of the case, and in reply a command was issued to him to the effect that H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī used to say that when he had conquered India he would give Qandahār to the Shāh. It was not right to fight with these men, and to carry matters so far. The fort should be delivered to the Shāh's servants, and he, (Shāh Muḥammad) should, after making apologies, repair to Court. I laud the gentleness and humanity which were here displayed in such a high degree; and the observance of right and the adherence to obligations which were so conspicuous! In accordance with the lofty order Shāh Muḥammad delivered over Qandahār to Sulṭān Ḥusain M., and proceeded to the Court, and this year had the bliss of service, and was the recipient of royal favours.

One of the wonderful felicities that befel the holy personality during this time was that the Khedive was engaged in hunting at Mandhākar, which is six kos from Agra, when a cīta pursued a fawn. He caught it in his mouth and was carrying it off when the mother, being moved by her affection, made a fierce attack on him. The cīta which was exulting in the prey it had taken, fell to the ground in disgrace; in appearance it was from the blow of the mother, in reality it was from the graciousness of the Shāhinshāh, and the gazelle escaped from the claws of death and scoured the plain along with its mother. Though the holy heart wished to remain veiled (lit. to adorn the curtain), yet the divine contrivance was revealing his world-adorning beauty. During this dominion-increasing time H.M. the Shāhinshāh always wore in Agra the garb of indifference, and was testing the men of the age. He was continually engaged in hunting deer with the cīta, andin elephant-fights, and such other external matters which the superficial man regards as matters of insouciance, while the wise recognise them as the veil of world-adorning beauty. The incomparble Deity day by day made the light of the sun of fortune of His own chosen one more and more resplendent, and what H.M. regarded as a veil of his beauty was converted by the Creator into exhibitions of his beauty, so that day by day the majesty of that Khedive of the age was exalted. The kingly might and majesty were continually unveiling themselves without any external insignia. The specialities and details of such actions cannot be committed to books and records. The dust-seated mote, Abul Faẓl, who has come in haste and is putting together an abridged account of the acts of this Khedive of the age, by questioning bit by bit those acquainted with them, is somewhat surprised at the eloquent and able men of this dominion-conjoined with eternity. For, if the lord of the world remained under a veil, and did not, for the instruction of mankind, dictate an account of his wondrous deeds, and glorious state, what negligence took possession of these able and connoisseurs, so that they have not collected the holy occurrences of this God-given dominion? Moreover where have I the ill-fated one, who have neither trunk nor leaf of outward growth and have to carry out royal orders, and who know that unstinted service is my reasonable devotion, and so spend my time in discordant occupations, the leisure to record things in detail? Yes, truly, if God grant me sufficient life in the service of His Majesty, I shall recite the wondrous tale of my spiritual and temporal king, and under this guise pay my devotions to God! In short, although the ruler of the age was spending his days under the veil of indifference, yet every day men of genius and talent, loyal combatants devoted heroes, sages, and other men of skill were coming from the quarters of the earth in troops and were gaining their desires. The court of the king became the shadow of the Divine Court, every section succeeded above its wishes and became part of the army of fortune; and the garden of human hearts blossomed out in various colours, and gladness and joy went on increasing.

Thanks be to unequalled bounty, and to unceasing excellence that the third year of the Divine Era has happily come to an end, and that time has come for the beginning of the fourth year. On Sunday¹ 2 Jumāda-al-akhirī 966 (12? March 1559) the light of Akbar² and the great light shed their radiance on the house of exaltation. The visible and invisible world obtained splendour; the gates of joy were opened before mortals, the things of delight displayed brilliancy before the eyes of mankind, the orb (kaukava) of the Sulṭan of spring (the sun) inflamed the world and took possession thereof; the sound of the army of King Rose opened the ears of time and the terrene; the New Year-bounty of the spirit of vegetation breathed on the bodies and moulds of terrestrials; the liberality of spring bestowed brain-nourishing odours and perfumes on the horizons; the vernal breeze taught the nurslings of the garden the tripping gait³ of the partridge and the stately step of the pheasant, the atmosphere gave to earth's fixtures the ascension of fire, and the mobility of water. The brown covering of earth was changed into a satin and brocade⁴ carpet, without woof or warp, of verdure and roses; the throats of the birds of the garden threw discredit on the fine-breathing flute, the beak of the nightingale buffeted Pan's⁵ pipes, the tulip laughed at the bill of the parrot, and the verdure at the tail of the peacock, the violet touched the eyes of beholdors with the collyrium of vision, the narcissus remained in open-eyed¹ admiration of Divine power, lilies² and and hyacinths³ unveiled the mysteries of white and black, tulips and sweet-smelling flowers became skilled exponents of the truths of God and of existence.—

From Paradise came a cup⁴ to the tulip
From Riẓwān came a greeting to the rose
There was glory of the garden-beauties
Each cheek shone like a lamp,
Under each calyx there was a fragrant bud
Like a swart amulet on the arm of the beloved,
The lily put forth her silent tongue⁵
Every moment she sought a draught
The dew shed silver on the grasses's heads
The zephyr shook down a couch of flowers
At each fount the duck was inserting his bill.
Like golden shears in a piece of silk.
On every branch the birds were organists,
The rose-bush tossed her head at every note
The early-waking nightingale sang love-ditties
And quickened the ardour of the wine-bibbers,
The Shāhinshāh by adorning the world
Added another spring to spring.

In this fortunate year, which was the ornamental border of the book of fortune, the world-conquering genius ordained that a proper army should be appointed to the eastern districts to take Lucknow and the territories appertaining thereto from 'Alī Qulī Khān, and to awaken him from his neglectful sleep. “If he betook himself to ways of auspiciousness, and made loyalty his travelling-gear, and sent that camel-driver's son, who was the ground-work of his arrogance and negligence, to Court, or drove him away from his presence, and made obedience and submission to the lord of the world and of mortals the ground-work of his own fortune, he would certainly have been compassed with royal favours, and should march with the army of fortune of the sublime dynasty to Jaunpūr and chastise the Afghans, who still carried in their brains the vapours of sedition, and make a place for himself there, his former good service would be approved of and his present follies would be passed over and he would receive help and support.” An order was issued that the victorius troops should proceed to their fiefs and make their preparations and assist 'Ali Qulī Khān. Should that ill-fated and intoxicated man not recognise the amount of favour that was shown to him, then to punish him and to put him down would be regarded as the ground-work of the administration of the world, and the ornament of the worship of the Creator. On account of these considerations, Qiyā Khān Gung, Sulṭān Ḥusain Khān Jalāīr, Muḥammad Khān Jalāīr, Shāham Khān Jalāīr, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī, Calma Khān, Kamāl Khān Ghakkar, and a number of other loyal heroes were despatched. And a firmān was issued that he ('Alī Qulī) should make over Lucknow to the royal servants and proceed to Court. 'Abdullah Khān Uzbek, who had charge of Kālpī, was exalted by a royal command and directed to take part in this enterprise and to act with loyalty. As the veil over 'Ali Qulī Khān was not yet fully rent, and some days were wanting until the veil should be removed, he on hearing the command, made over Lucknow and its territories to the Jalāīrs and other officers, and bound the girdle of courage on himself for the conquest of Jaunpūr. Ibrāhīm¹, who has already been mentioned, had at the time when Mubāraz Khān was killed, and Hīmū disappeared, made the convulsive movements of a slaughtered animal, and was now in Jaunpūr. 'Alī Quli took from him Jaunpūr without a battle,² and a wide tract of country came into his possession by the good fortune of the Shāhinshāh. He displayed these acts of valour, and one deed which was ostensibly good was the sending away of Shāham. If this had been done from the bottom of his heart he would have sent him to Court. At last in some way or other he separated that groundwork of sedition from himself, and after giving demonstrations of loyalty sent representations and presents to the sublime Court.

One of the instructive occurrences which might be a guide to those astray in the wilderness of denial, and which occurred in this year was the killing of the camel-driver's son. As the Creator is surety for the administration of the sovereignty of this Khedive of the horizons, the superintendents of fate were at work, in spite of the enthroned one of the Caliphate's being under the veil of insouciance, and sent the opponents of dominion-conjoined with eternity to the abyss of destruction, and gave every one their appropriate punishment. At one time they bestowed power and victory on the imperial servants, as for instance in the victory over Hīmū and the capture of the Fort of Mānkot, etc. At another time they struck the enemies with shame and sent them to the wilderness of vagabondage, as in the ruin of M. Sulaimān. At another time they stirred up strife among the black-thoughted opponents, so that they attacked each other and reached the abode of annihilation, as in the catastrophe of this camel-driver's son. The details of his descent to nothingness, which was a great stroke of good fortune, are as follows: When 'Alī Quli Khān showed a semblance of submission and cheatingly put him away from himself for a time, that low wretch went on spending his days in that neighbourhood in arrogance, until one day he went to the town of Surharpūr¹ which was in the fief of 'Abdu-r-raḥmān Beg, the son of Muyīd Beg Duldai, who had been a favourite courtier of H.M. Jahānbānī, Jinnat 'Ashiyāni. This camel-driver's son in the beginning of his infatuated career had held the relation of being the beloved of 'Abdu-r-raḥmān, and according to the wicked ways of Transoxiana, which are neither consuming nor melting, neither love nor friendship, they took the path of shamelessness and immodesty, and played the game of affection with one another. On account of this relation Shāham came to his house, and fell to remembering Ārām Jān, and asked that she might be returned to him.

The story of Ārām Jān is this. She was a prostitute, and 'Ali Qulī Khān, from love to her, which had its source in lust, surrendered his fūtile heart to that street-walker, who was the embraced of thousands, and married her. He put her in the rank of his wives, and had the shamelessness to bring that slut to the drinking-bouts which he had with Shāham Beg in order that she might recite and sing, and become the groundwork of strife. At last Shāham Beg by degrees fell in love with her, or rather came to lust after her, and, as 'Alī Quli Khan was overcome by sensuality, he acted as Shāham's servant, and made his lands into three portions, keeping one for himself, and giving two to that clown's son, and waiting upon him. One night that intoxicated wretch brought forward his wishes, and 'Ali Quli Khān was so wanting in self-respect as to make over to him his own wedded wife. Shāham Beg for a time enjoyed his lust, and then when his heart grew cold he in his folly made over that wanton whom he had adulterously carried off, to 'Abdu-r-raḥmān Beg in the same way that he had received her. 'Abdu-r-raḥmān made her his wife, and kept her secluded. When Shāham Beg was his guest, he remembered in his drunkenness and infatuation that Ārām Jān and showed restlessness (be-ārāmī). Judging of 'Abdu-r-raḥmān as of 'Alī Qulī Khān he expected that Ārām Jān would be returned to him. 'Abdu-r-raḥmān Beg had self-respect and refused to do this. Shāham Beg who was inflamed with wine, and was habituated to insolence and despotism, got angry. He at once forgot the claims of friendship. Such is the degree of stability of a connexion founded upon lust!

In fine, Shāham Beg proceeded to violence and bound 'Abdu-r-raḥman Beg and took the prostitute away from his house to a neighbouring garden and there celebrated a singing and drinking party. Meanwhile Mūyīd Beg, the brother of Abdu-r-raḥmān Beg, heard of this, and having armed himself went to the door of the garden where that low wretch was. The men tried to stop him and a fight took place. Suddenly, in the confusion, an arrow reached that miscreant and the bird of his soul was released from the narrow cage of his body. 'Abdu-r-raḥmān obtained deliverance from his bonds, and turning to flee he with all haste betook himself to the world-protecting Court. There he put¹ up to sale this proper action, which in his case was but the result of ¹ an accident, as the preamble of good service, and having attained the same price as if he had been the cause of the occurrence, he was made the recipient of favours and was ranked and welcomed among his peers.²

When 'Ali Qulī Khān heard of the occurrence he rent the collar of patience and cast the dust of sorrow upon his head. He pursued 'Abdu-r-raḥmān Beg and came as far as the Ganges. When it appeared that he had already crossed, he returned in despair, and conveyed the carcase of that camel-driver's son to Jaunpūr, and buried it on the edge of a tank, and erected a lofty building over it. Thus without the efforts of the loyalists all this disturbance subsided. Assuredly, whoever rebels against one who has been made great by God, and a ruler whom the inhabitants of the visible and invisible world hasten to obey, strikes with his own hand the dagger of death into his bosom, and his own action as sufficient for his suppression, so that the occurrence may be the groundwork of increased awakening of the enlightened and fortunate. Such instances are to be found in the career of the Khedive of the world, and a few of them will be mentioned in their proper places.

One of the happy occurrences of this year was the arranging of the marriage of Adham Khān. The succinct account of this is that the favour of the Shāhinshāh which was bestowed on the cupola of chastity, Māham Anaga and her children, directed itself towards the marriage of Adham Khān, who was Māham Anaga's younger son, and after inquiry and consideration the daughter of Bāqī³ Khān of Baqlān,⁴ who for a long time was M. Hindāl's secretary (parwānīc) was betrothed to him. In a short time preparations for a feast were made and the marriage took place. The lofty disposition of the Shāhinshāh made this feast the occasion of a thousand favours.

As the world caravanserai is a source of warning to the far-sighted spectator, whatever appears in it has thousands of designs and equities in deposit and is an expression of Divine power. It behoves the seer to see this. In the hall of justice of the True Judge which is in the market-place full of noise and evil (the world) no good fortune is destroyed and no one is brought from the heaven of honour to the earth of ignominy so long as he does not abandon rectitude and take the road of wrong. Accordingly, at this time, when the capre of Bairām Khān's fortune was nearly full, there came a rift into his disposition, so that by the agency of short-sighted strifemongers and ill-fated envious ones who are displeased with destiny and at war with God, and who from meanness of understanding are grieved at others' joy, and rejoiced at others' grief and trouble, Bairām Khān's heart became alienated from Mullā Pīr Muḥammad. The latter in the abundance of his loyalty and sincerity continued in his devotion and disposed of matters political and financial. He relied upon his rectitude and probity, and did his work without a wrinkle on the brow of his heart, or a knot in the eye-brow of his soul. As such a person is inevitably the mark of high and low, and is surrounded by crowds, this makes the hearts of the incompetent bleed with envy, and from their evil imaginations indulge in calumny and slander; while the minds of the great on account of press of business, and want of leisure for investigation, become confused by the buzzing of such fly-like creatures. Pīr Muḥammad Khān was also the asylum and refuge of mankind, and enviers by profession felt their blood boil and girded themselves up to be tale-bearers and stirerrs-up of strife. Baīrām Khān's day was near its close, and he let fall from his hand the thread of deliberation, which is fitted to be the comptroller of men, and put himself into the hands of the envious, and grew suspicious of Pīr Maḥammad's lofty actions. Without the latter's having done anything which merited dismissal, he, at the instigation of enviers by profession, and on the statements of untrue and interested persons flung off an honest man who had put his trust in him.

Just at this time there was the incident of the Nāṣir-ul-mulk's falling ill for some days, and of the Khān-Khānān's paying him a visit. The Turkish slave, who was the doorkeeper, ignorantly said: “I'll announce (your arrival).” The Khan-Khānān was put out by this treatment, and when Mullā Pīr Muḥammad knew of it he came out and made a thousand apologies. At the same time only a few of the Khān-Khānān's suite were allowed to enter with him. The frowu which for some time had been behind his brow came out, and he meditated something against the Nāṣir-ul-mulk. The envious waiters upon events got their opportunity and made remarks, especially Shaikh Gadāī. After two or three days Khwāja Amīnu-d-dīn Maḥmūd, Mīr 'Abdulla Bakhshī, Khwāja Muḥammad Ḥusain Bakhshī and some servants were sent to Nāṣir-ul-mulk with the message: “You were wearing the dress of a poor scholar when you came to Qandahār. As you appeared simple and honest, and did good service you were raised to high office by me, and from being a Mullā you became a leader of armies. As your capacity was small you easily became intoxicated and got out of hand after one cup. We fear lest some great mischiefs may be committed by you which it will be difficult to remedy. It is better that for some time you should draw in your feet under the blanket of disappointment, and sit down in a corner. You will now make over your standard, drum and other insignia of distinction and of your exaltation, and betake yourself to the amending of your disposition, for this is good both for yourself, and for the world. Thereafter whatever we shall determine with regard to you, will be carried out.”

As soon as Pīr Muḥammad Khān heard this message he, being a man of independent mind, made over with an open brow the paraphernalia of office, and with a blithe heart accepted retirement. Some days afterwards, Bairām Khān, at the instigation of some evil-disposed persons, resolved upon imprisoning him in a fortress. With this idea he sent the Mullā along with a number of men to Bīāna. There, at the intercession of men who held a medium between well-wishing and enmity, he got permission to go to the Ḥijāz, and set off for Gujrāt. When he came to Rādhanpūr¹ Fatḥ Khān Balūc watched over him for a time, and strove to do him honour. At that time letters came from M. Sharafu-din Ḥusain and Adham Khān bidding him stay at whatever place he had reached, and to await events. He returned from there and took up his abode at the valley of Jhāīn² near Rantambhūr, and fortified that defile. When Bairām Khān heard of this he sent Shāh Qulī Maḥram, Kharam Khān and a body of troops to seize him. When this force approached, there was an engagement. When night came on, Pīr Muḥammad Khān evacuated the place and went off with a small following. His goods fell into the hands of those who had been sent on the expedition.

In short Bairām Khan, on account of his own carelessness and the instigation of envious, short-sighted men put aside this honest and able servant, and with his own hand struck with a hatchet the foot of his fortune. As H.M. the Shāhinshah had made over the whole business of sovereignty to Bairām Khān and was remaining behind a veil and testing the characters of men, he left to God the retribution of this evil deed which had its origin in wicked designs, and in the plenitude of his wisdom said nothing openly, and merely watched the spectacle of the world. Bairām Khan appointed, as vakīl in succession to Pīr Muḥammad Khān, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī, who was an old servant of his. But though Ḥājī Muḥammad was the nominal holder of the office, the real Vakīl was Shaikh Gadāī who was the Ṣadr. In all political and financial matters Bairām Khān did nothing without consulting him, and the latter being unhinged by the man-throwing wine of the world did not consider the poor and weak. Arrogance, which casts down old fortunes; what then must happen to newly-made ones?—was assumed by him and was the cause of his own fall and of that of his patron. The effects of this were soon seen, as will be related in its place.

One of the events of this year was the sending Ḥabīb 'Alī Khān³ to conquer Rantambhūr, which was a fortress famous for its height and solidity. In the time of the Afghan supremacy Salīm Khān had entrusted this fort to his slave Jajhār Khān. When the drum of the Shāhinshāh's fortune beat high, this ill-fated slave saw that the maintenance of the fort was beyond his powers and, with the evil intention of preventing its falling into the hands of the imperial servants, sold the fort to Rai Surjan, who was a servant of Rānā Udai Singh, and who was powerful in that neighbourhood. Surjan built houses in the fort, and established himself there. He also forcibly seized the villages round about. At this time the sacred mind turned its attention to the capture of the fort and despatched Habīb 'Ali Khān and other leaders. The force girded the loins of resolution for the capture, and beseiged the fort. The flame of battle rose high, and the courage of the foe became like water, but as the Almighty reserved the taking of the fort for the supervision of H.M., there happened just at this time the disruption of Bairām Khān, and prudent men thought other matters more necessary and so did not proceed with the siege.

Among the occurrences of this time is the Shāhinshāh's, the dweller under the veil, going to Gwaliār. As the lofty genius of H.M. the Shāhinshāh is innately devoted to the capture of kingdoms and the chase of hearts, he, during this interval of his career, was much inclined to hunting with the cīṭa. He made that the veil of his world-adorning beauty. At this time he directed his progress southwards for the sake of hunting and glorified the territory of Gwaliār by his presence. While he was hunting, some deer-keepers (āhubānān) and other huntsmen represented that the merchants accompanying Shaikh Muḥammad, who was one of the famous Shaikhs of India, had brought bullocks¹ from Gujrāt which were unequalled and fit for the royal hunting equipage. Accordingly an order was issued to bring the bullocks after paying the merchants the price which was agreeable to them. Thereupon it was represented to H.M. that Shaikh Muḥammad and his relatives had better cattle than these, and that if he would pass by his location on his way back, the Shaikh would certainly for the sake of his own glorification present him with them. Accordingly, with the ostensible object of procuring those animals, but in reality in order to test the Shaikh's urbanity, he went to his abode. The Shaikh made the dust of the royal party the eye-salve of his glory and recognised in H.M.'s advent a protection¹ against Bairām Khān's oppression, and presented all the cattle which belonged to his people, together with other gifts and curiosities of Gujrāt. He also tendered various sweet-meats and perfumes. At the end of the interview he asked H.M. the Shāhinshāh if he had become the disciple of anyone (lit. given the hand of fealty.) H.M. who had placed the hand of trust in God's hand and was a treasury of the treasuries of spiritual and temporal truths, and sought to conceal his status and spiritual rank, had withheld the hand of his genius from the empty-handed, and was a spectator of the varied spectacle of the universe, formally replied in the negative. The Shaikh put out his arm, and laid hold of the sacred hand of that divinely nurtured one, and said, “We have taken your hand.” H.M. the Shāhinshāh in the abundance of his courteousness and modesty took no notice,² but smiled and departed. H.M. the Shāhinshāh often used to relate in his high assemblages that, “On that same night we returned to our tents and had a wine party and enjoyed ourselves, and laughed over the way to catch bullocks and the Shaikh's dodge of stretching out his arm.”

Under their variegated robes they have nooses,
See the long arms of those short-sleeved³ ones.

Good God! What was the rank of this boastful simpleton, and what was the degree of the just appreciation, urbanity and gentleness of H.M. the Shahinshah! For although it was reported universally to H.M. that this Shaikh in general conversation instead of feeling remorse for his misbehaviour gloried in it, he took no notice and did not try to correct him! This Shaikh was the younger brother of Shaikh Bahlūl who has already been mentioned as having been put to death by M. Hindāl. Though these two brothers were void of excellencies or learning, they at various times lived in mountain hermitages and practised incantations with the Divine Names. They made these the proofs of their renown and credibility, and obtaining, by the help of easily-deceived simpletons, the society of princes and amīrs, they put saintship to sale and acquired lands and villages by fraud. His elder brother was in the service of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshyiānī, and as the latter was inclined towards magic he held the Shaikh in reverence. The Shaikh (Bahlūl) also used privately and when in the company of simple ones to boast of his having relations with H.M. Jahānbānī of devotion and of teachership. At the time of the sedition of Sher Khān, as his elder brother had lost his life from his loyalty to H.M. Jahānbānī, and as people regarded his family as appertaining to the enduring dominion (of the imperial family) the Shaikh had, from fear of being ill-treated by the Afghans, gone to Gujrāt. When the vast country of India had been irradiated by the light of the Shahinshah's fortune and had become a periphery of peace and quiet, the Shaikh came with his sons and grandsons to Agra and presented himself at Court, and was received there with honour. Shaikh Gadāī, who had an old grudge against him, girded up anew the waist of enmity, and produced before the Khān Khānān a treatise which the Shaikh had composed in Gujrāt, and in which he ascribed exaltations to himself and made strange claims, and thereby attracted to himself the minds of the simple. This indisposed the Khān Khānān towards him, and the Shaikh having managed by the help of some men to escape from the Khān Khānān's ill-treatment, went off to Gwāliār and became a hermit. On 3 Ardībihisht, Divine month, of the 8th year corresponding to Monday, 17th Ramẓān 970, 10th May 1563,¹ he went to the abode of annihilation.

Of the occurrences of this year there was the sending of Bahādur Khān, the brother of 'Alī Qulī Khān, with a large army for the conquest of Mālwa. Let it not be concealed that Mālwa, which is a country with a good climate, with many springs and full of cultivation was governed by Shujā'at Khān, who is generally known by the people of India as Sujāwal Khān. After him, his son Bāz Bahādur possessed the country. During the tyranny of Salīm Khān, Sujāwal Khān once visited his court. After some time he got suspicious and went off to Mālwa without taking leave. Salīm Khān went there with a large army in order to seize Sujāwal Khān, who took refuge with the Rajah of Dongarpūr. Salīm Khān sent men from Mālwa to reassure him, and by dint of promises got him to come to him. He then made over the whole Sirkār of Mālwa to men whom he trusted and gave them fiefs, and taking Sujāwal Khān along with him gave him some parganas out of the province. After that when Muḥammad Khān 'Adlī came to power he restored Mālwa to Sujāwal Khān, and he remained governor thereof till the end of his life. After that his son Bāz Bahādur become governor in his room. At this time when the world-conquering mind was engaged in knitting together the dispersions of the world, H.M. turned his attention to the administration of Mālwa. He determined in his mind that if Bāz Bahādur behaved properly he should have the honour of coming to court, which was the elixir for obtaining desires; otherwise it would be right to rescue such a fine country from unjust sonsualists. With these thoughts Bahādur Khān was sent with a number of distinguished officers in order that the auspicious design might be realised, and that the sympathy for and relief of the oppressed, which appertain to sovereignty, might be carried into effect. Bahādur Khān went off to conquer the province, but when the army was encamped at Sīrī,¹ the confusion of Bairām Khān's affairs, of which details will be given, became known, and the latter for his own sake sent and recalled Bahādur Khān and his army. The conquest of the province therefore remained over till another time, as will be related in its proper place.

Again the heart-expanding spring came with a thousand adornments of the world, and the fifth year Ilāhī, from the auspicious accession of the Shāhinshāh, which is the year Amardād, began with glory and splendour. In the night known¹ as Monday, after four hours and nine minutes, on 13 Jumāda-al-akhirī 967, 12th March 1560, the world-warming sun cast its rays on the sign of Arie and reported to the feeders at the table of the elements the arrival of the new year. The flowers of fortune bloomed anew and from every leaf there came out afresh before the eyes of the gazers on the garden of sovereignty the diploma of dominion. The market-day of abundance was born for the new-comers to the garden of youth, and the apathetic melancholy of those in the valley of frenzy (of love) was stirred up to activity.

The earth was of flowers, and the grass-plot of rose-bushes,
The rose's lamp was brightened by the breeze,
The violet twisted² her curl
And made a knot in the heart of the bud.
The rose and tulip oped their luminous veils
Regarding from afar the eye of the narcissus,
At the voice of the francolin and the dance of the pheasant
The cypress grew nimble and rose to his feet
The carpet of flowers was spread on the garden
Lovers came out into the fields.

In this fortunate year, which was the ornamental border of beauty and the beginning of the removal of the screen over this aggregate of the works of the embroiderers for eternity, the garden of Reason came into flower, and the bud of contrivance opened. For the expectant world this year was the beginning of the attainment of desires. This day gave the revolving sky the good news of the results of its motion and enabled it to obtain repose. It was the commencement of the locating of their aspirations in the bosom of the celestials. For terrestrials the flower of success came forth from the lap of hope and took root. Among these things was the circumstance that Bairām Khān, who regarded himself as the unique of the age in regard to courage, administrative abilities, devotion and sincerity, and who in consequence of a crowd of flatterers had got the belief that the affairs of India could not be managed without him, took, from the bad advice of shortsighted associates, the path of destruction, and did shameful deeds, such as should not have come from him.

It is an old rule that when the wonder-working Creator for reasons known to Him, or for considerations which may be partially followed by a sage, casts anyone into enduring affliction, He begins by making him the source of certain acts which do not bear the cachet of well-pleasingness to God. Accordingly, a man who in this material world makes himself illustrious does not regard Prudence, which is the greatest of Divine gifts, as of no account, but recognises in the following of it the means of pleasing God. And the first thing which it behoves men immersed in business to look to, is that they give little access to flatterers. It is difficult on account of the constitution of the world to be clear of them altogether; it is indispensable that they after using circumspection and insight select one or two servants and intimates who may in privacy tell them the truth, which may be very bitter, and is indigestible by most dispositions. For the numbers of flatterers are unlimited, and busy men have not the time to distinguish truth from falsehood and right from wrong. The wine of success robs the senses, and out of a hundred thousand successful men perhaps there may be one who from largeness of capacity preserves his mental stability. For instance, this great gift and perpetual table is the fortune of the Divinely nourished Khedive of our age, so that in proportion as his success and world-conquest increase, the degree of his perspicacity becomes greater, and his progress steadier. And though flatterers in this sublime court attain their desires, yet the wise prince holds firmly the thread of discrimination and prudently gives them the go-bye, so that neither is the veil of the reputation of these men rent nor has the flatterer any influence. Do you not know that in former times flatterers have, owing to the insouciance of rulers, ruined houses and families, and what other evils they have done? Doubtless it is in accordance with eternal decrees that there should be flatterers in the workshop of governments, but so also is it that there should be foreseeing wisdom. And this consists in not letting them interfere with root-questions, and not letting go altogether the Reason which unravels difficulties and is the Sulṭān of the material world.

There's both road and well, an eye to see, and the sun,
So that man may look in front of his feet,
He has so many lights and yet goes the wrong road!
Let him fall and see his own punishment
Enemies do not work to one another the ill
That folly and passion do to oneself.

Of the improper acts which were done by Bāirām Khān in consequence of bad company there was the putting to death of the Shāhinshāh's own elephant-driver. The succinct account of this warning-giving occurrence is as follows: The royal elephant became mast and beyond the control of the driver and attacked one of Bairām Khān's elephants. It struck the other elephant so severely that the entrails came out. Bairām Khān was so enraged that he put the driver to death. By such an act as this, which was beyond all bounds, and transgressed both loyalty and respect, he made himself an object of disgust to men of experience. More strange still was what happened when one day one of the Shāhinshāh's private elephants got mast and rushed into the Jamna. Bairām Khān was taking the air in a boat, and the elephant, which had got out of hand, proceeded towards his boat. The Khān Khānān was much alarmed; but at last the driver contrived to master the elephant, and Bairām Khān was saved from the animal's attack. When this affair was reported to H.M. the Shāhinshāh he, in order to soothe Bairām Khān, had the driver bound and sent to him, though he was innocent. The Khān, the time of whose fall was near at hand, put him to death and paid no heed to the fact that this driver belonged to the altar of his loyalty and allegiance, and that H.M. had out of politeness sent him bound to him. Apart from this he did not consider that nothing could be done with intoxication, especially when it was a brute that was intoxicated, and that too an enormous beast which was specially apt to become mast. H.M. the Shāhinshāh, who was a mine of gentleness and wisdom, passed over such improper actions as this, of which only a few out of many have been described, and abode under the veil of indifference. All his genius was turned to this consideration, that those men might take the reins of justice into their hands, even if they could not advance some steps on the road of loyalty, and might become travellers on the way of practical wisdom. This faction became intoxicated by power, and being unhelped by sound ideas, it daily became worse. But so long as the wickedness of those oppressors did not exceed all bounds, H.M's sacred soul was not affected by the mean nature of his allowances, for the kingdom of the Lord of the Age was withheld from him and distributed among his (Bairam Khān's) flatterers, and as H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat, Āshiyānī had given Baīrām Khān the name of Atālīq, and as H.M. (Akbar) often called him Khān Bābā, as it is the custom of young monarchs to call old men Bābā (father), he magnanimously observed the meaning of the phrase and overlooked his improper acts. He was eager about travelling and hunting, and kept the head of surrender on the ground of well-pleasing (to God), and worshipped the incomparable Deity, until, at last, things came beyond bounds, on account of ill-fated, maladaroit flatterers such as Walī Beg Ẕū-al-qadr¹ and Shāikh Gadāī Kambū. He (Bairām) took ruinous ideas into his head, and his crude thoughts ripened. When the enlightened mind of H.M. the Shāhinshāh was aware of the frauds of this ungrateful crew, he, before they disclosed their evil intentions, laid his closely-hidden secret before the sincere, and united, such as Māham Anaga, who was a marvel for sense, resource and loyalty, Adham Khān, M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain, and a number of other courtiers, and intimated that he would throw off some of the veils of his world-adorning beauty and would assume sovereignty, and would inflict suitable punishment on Bairām Khān and his assemblage of flatterers, so that they should awake from their sleep of neglect and long mourn over their misconduct. Good God! How could such thoughts enter a human head in the face of the supremacy of Bairām Khān, the largeness of his army and the tyranny of the lords of opposition? But as the world-adorning Deity was desirous that this chosen one should throw off one or two of the hundreds and thousands of the veils of his beauty, and should put another veil over his world-illuminating countenance, and that he should take his seat on the throne of command, it was inevitable that at such a time thoughts and inspirations such as these should find their way into his truth-worshipping mind. On one occasion these considerations were adduced at Bīāna, whither he had gone for hunting, and the servants of fortune's threshold, partly on account of vexation at the life they led, for these servants of the king were on account of the tyranny of the Bairām Khān confederacy in indigent circumstances just as the king of the Age was, and partly from the glory of a little loyalty, and at this time of the typhoon and simūm of disloyalty, a little loyalty made a great show, engaged in proper schemes. Māham Anaga communicated this close secret to Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, who was governor of Delhi, and a favourite on account of his judgment, loyalty and truthfulness. On 8 Farwardīn, Divine month, corresponding to Monday 20th Jumāda-al-akhirī 967 (19th March, 1560) he left Agra with an intention which involved in it the administration of the world, and was a cause of peace and tranquillity. Ostensibly he went to hunt at Kūl (Alighar) and its vicinity, and so crossed the Jumna. As he had no residence he spent that night in the house of Ḥakīm Zanbīl¹. As Bairām Khān always showed adherence and attention to Abul-Qāsim the son of M. Kāmrān, and as the evil thoughts of the faction always put him forward, he, in accordance with the dictates of reason, sent for him from that side of the Jumna and took him with him on this hunting-party in which the game of his design fell into his hands, so that he might not be the staff of the inwardly blind ones of the stage of enmity and rebellion, or a voucher for the wayfarers in the desert of sedition. Certainly the idea was a good one, and it was carried out in accordance with H.M's inspiration. Next morning he arrived, under the guidance of fortune, at the town of Jalesar,¹ and from there he went to Sikandra.² Muḥammed Bāqī Baqlānī father-in-law of Adham Khān was there. Māham Anaga had sent for him and confided the secret to him. That low-minded, inauspicious one sought exclusion from the bliss of meeting (Akbar), and not being content with this he sent news of the scheme to Bairām Khān; but as the time of the expiry of Bairām Khān's sway was near at hand, and the rulers of the Shāhinshāh's fortune had planned this divine contrivance, Bairām Khān regarded the report as old, idle tales and paid no heed to it. The sublime standards proceeded from there, hunting as they went, towards Kūl, and as His Highness Miriām Mahānī was in Delhi and was in somewhat weak health, he made this his motive and went there. He came to the town of Khurjah³ and alighted at the Serai of Bahankīl (?). At this stage Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān and his brothers and other relatives met him and had the bliss of welcoming him.

They were made the objects of royal favours. From there he proceeded to Delhi and in a fortunate hour on 16 Farwardīn, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday, 28th Jumāda-al-ākhirī, 27th March 1560, that city received celestial glory by his advent. Mankind obtained their desires and raised shouts of joy to the skies. H.M. became by his God-given wisdom the guide of the sincere, and employed them in proper occupations. He issued orders to the special retainers of the threshold of fortune, and to the old members of the family, to the effect that as Bairām Khān owing to the pressure of wordly affairs had deviated from the straight path he had disregarded him and come to Delhi. Whoever was loyal to H.M., or was intelligent and wished for his own safety, and desired to attain his desires should, on receiving these commands, proceed to the Court—the protection of mankind—for everyone would be exalted to high office. This was the commencement of the emergence of his (our) dominion conjoined with eternity. Fortunate was he who should unite himself to this daily-increasing supremacy! Among these orders was one sent to Shamsu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān Atka, who was in Bhera,¹ directing him on becoming acquainted with the firmān to come to Lahore and to make over that city to Mīr Muḥammad Khān Kalān,² and to come himself rapidly to Court. He was also to bring Mahdī Qāsim Khān, for this was the way to fortune. Shamsu-d-dīn under the guidance of perfect fidelity acted according to the command and hastened to render service. Similarly orders were sent to Kabul to Missron Mun'im Khān. The imperial servants on every side donned the garb of pilgrimage towards this K'aaba of fortune.

When Shamsu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān Atka entered upon service he was received with princely favours and the rank of his elevation exceeded the degrees of hope. In conformity with his loyalty he attained to a lofty dignity which he had not even imagined. The standard, drum and tumān togh of Bairām Khān were presented to him, and he was entrusted with the government of the Panjab. Right-minded novices and devoted seniors, and experienced men came trooping in from all parts to the sublime Court. Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān from motives of vigilance and precaution engaged in strengthening the fort of Delhi and in repairing the bastions and walls, and took charge of political and financial affairs. In a short time the report of the alienaton of the sacred disposition from Bairām Khān was spread far and near. There was a rift in his sway and men began to separate from him. The first man to leave the Khān-Khānān and to proceed to the throne, and the forerunner on the path of rectitude, was Qīyū Khān Gang. He was an old and able officer. After him men came, one by one, and two by two, to the sublime threshold. Māham Anaga was joined with Shihābu-d-dīn Ahmad Khān, and being entrusted with the vakalat represented matters to H.M. Everyone who brought sincerity to the threshold was exalted by fitting offices and titles and fiefs.

From the auspicious time when the sublime standards were upraised in Agra for the purpose of chasing fortune, until the glorious arrival at Delhi, Bairām Khān, in spite of all his wisdom and discernment, was unaware that the throw of the dice had been the reverse of his wish and that the scheme of the world had taken another form, and was unconcernedly beating the drum of power. In the complete intoxication of his pride, if any report of this came to his ears, he did not believe it, and if an honest friend cast a ray of the truth into his mind, it had no effect, as the wind of arrogance was in his brain, until the time when the comforting mandates reached the officers, and the report of the alienation of the sacred mind was bruited abroad, far and near. He became certain that the H.M. the Shāninshāh's hunting was this time of another sort, and he perceived that he had been dismissed, and that H.M. was going to undertake the direction of the Sultanate. He dropped the thread of counsel and became confused. He inquired after M. Abū-l-Qāsim.¹ Nothing but sorrow and regret came into his hands. Of necessity he put his hand to deceit and sent Tarsūn Muḥammad Khān, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī and Khwāja Amīnu-d-dīn Maḥmūd, who on account of his good service had received from the Shāhinshāh's court the title of Khwāja Jahān, to the threshold of fortune, and submitted a message of submission and supplication for various offences and of excuses in order that he might succeed by smoothness of tongue. He did not know that the Ruler of divulgation was concerned with this display of the Lord of the Age in order that he might emerge from the screen and show his beauty in the guise of administering the terrene and terrestrials, so that the expectants of heaven's court might witness the revelation of power and might arrange for increased adoration, and that terrestrials might hope for spiritual and temporal bliss. When such is the case what effect can fraud and deceit have or what fruit can they yield except material and spiritual loss?

In short, when the envoys arrived at court they heard the words of wisdom and became ashamed and downcast. Accordingly they saw that their own welfare was outside of the reply, (i.e., had nothing to do with the reply), and moreover they were not allowed to leave the court. When Bairām learnt the state of affairs from their letters, and from the dispersal of his dependants he became astonished, and the thread of counsel was snapped in his hand. At one time he thought that the general stampede had not yet occurred, and that he would quickly convey himself there, and put matters right. Again, when he reflected, the consideration of the words, sincerity and devotion, which he had often taken on his lips, came to stop him, and the idea of going under the guise of loyalty did not fit; and moreover he had no stomach for such a proceeding (?). At last he decided to throw the scarf of loyalty on his shoulder, and to go weeping and wailing, and burning and melting, to the entrance-porch¹ of the Court of honour.

When prudent intelligencers reported the true state of the case to the royal hearing, a number gave it as their opinion that whatever form Bairām Khān's coming might take, there was danger and deceit involved in it. H.M. should go to Lahore before he arrived, and should not grant him an interview. They were not prepared for open war, and what would be the use of an interview at this stage? If Bairām Khān should come to Lahore, H.M. should go to Kabul. Another number were prepared for war, and did not think the departure of H.M. the Shāhinshāh would be proper. After much discussion, that tiger of the forest of dominion and fortune, and that lord of the material and spiritual universe put down the foot of determination and decided on war. He sent Tarsūn Muḥammad Khān and Mīr Ḥabīb-Ullah to forbid Bairām Khān to come, and not to permit him to approach under the guise of friendship, for H.M. would not see him under such circumstances. When Bairām Khān found this road, on which he had advanced, closed, he fell into a long meditation. For to go in fighting order was to act contrary to his repeated avowals. Though Walī Beg and Shaikh Gadāī, who were the ringleaders of disloyalty, exerted themselves in this direction, and held to the view that he should march quickly, and carry out his object before there should be a general rush, yet from the regard which he had for righteousness he could not decide upon levying war. In reality too he was restrained by the “Stand back” (dūr bāsh) emanating from the daily-increasing fortune of H.M. the Shāhinshāh. His arrogant mind too did not admit the idea that the administration of India could go on without him. Consequently it seemed better that he should act hostility under the guise of friendship, so that the writing of eternal infamy should not be inscribed in his record. He did not see the world-adorning, intrinsic beauty of H.M., nor was he aware of the guardian courtiers who were adorning the territories of India. For these reasons he did not throw off the veil from his actions. He saw from men's faces that they were going, and so proceeded to give them leave to depart. He had thoughts of a fine snare. Sometimes it occurred to him that as he had sent Bahādūr Khān to conquer Mālwah, and he had not yet arrived there, he would go with his followers and join Bahādūr Khān, conquer that country and there take his repose and get leisure for his designs. Sometimes he thought that he would leave Agra and join 'Alī Qulī Khān by way of Sambal and come into the country of the Afghans, and collect a force there. Sometimes he spoke of asceticism, and would say that a wish for abandonment and seclusion had seized him by the collar, in order that he might spend the remainder of his life in holy places. Now that H.M. was applying himself to the management of affairs, what better opportunity could he have for carrying into effect his long-cherished wish or for asking leave from the court? In this way perhaps all his desires would be fulfilled. At last having determined upon this plan he turned back Bahādūr Khān, who had gone towards Malwah, and gave him leave to kiss the threshold of the sublime Court. In giving men leave he took this into consideration, that if they were disposed to be loyal and of one opinion with himself, it was well that such men should be in the royal forces. And if they wanted to separate from him, his giving them leave, apart from the fact that to have such men with him would not help his affairs, would be a means of his acquiring a good name, and of convincing all that he had the intention of retirement. At last, after much talk and little intent, for he spoke of pilgrimage (ḥaj) but inwardly he thought of crookedness (kaj), he began by sending Iskandar¹ Afghan's son to Ghāzī Khān Tanūr, in order that he might go and stir up strife in the imperial territories. He also sent secret letters to various quarters, and hastened towards Alwar in order that he might take his family and proceed to the Panjab. If things did not turn out according to his plan, he would of necessity make preparations for a rule suitable to the time of contest.

When this evil design became known to H.M., inasmuch as the disposition of this great one of the horizons is one of much kindness and gentleness, he did not approve of the disgrace of Bairām Khān and sent him a firmān full of kindness and graciousness. In that wisdom-increasing exhortation, an exact copy of which has been seen by me, there were the following among other expressions.

“You having taken counsel with a faction, which has been the source of this trouble, and being without consideration of final consequences, have at their instigation and misdirection come forth and been the cause of putting the provinces into disorder. You have given Iskandar's son and Ghāzī K.leave to depart so that they may make disturbances in the country. And you have sent a letter to Mahdī Qāsim Khān along with his diwān Mubārak, telling him that you are coming to Lahore, and bidding him guard the fort and not make it over to anyone else. You have also sent a message to Tātār Khān Panj Bhīya, and you have sent instructions in all directions for making commotions. You have also proceeded to Alwar with the design of going from there to Lahore. Though we are certain that, inasmuch as you are perfectly loyal, you never of your own accord assented to any of these acts nor were the author of them, and that a faction has been the cause of these errors and has brought matters so far, yet you yourself said that ‘it was impossible that after forty years’ service with all that loyalty and devotion, and after receiving such honours and favours, you should in this last stage of life convert a name, which by the favours of this glorious family had been famous throughout the earth for loyalty and fidelity, into that of a rebel, and not be ashamed before one's God. As you are still dear to us, in spite of these troubles and improper and unseemly actions, and we wish your welfare, it appears to us right that, seeing that our meeting is in the knot of delay, and if we bestow on you a province in these territories, whither you may go designing¹ people will again say things to me which will cause us increased grief, you should adhere to the resolution of going to the sacred² places, which you have intimated to us by a petition, and for which you have asked leave to depart. And send persons to convey the presents for these places which you have left in Sihrind and Lahore. After that, when you shall have, by the divine guidance and assistance, attained this blessing and have turned your face towards the pilgrimage of service, we shall under these circumstances grant you a favourable interview such as your heart may desire. And we shall be mindful of your former services and show you more and more favour. And as it is by the infamy of that gang that things have come to such a length, and that your good name has been made a bad one among the people, and as we do not wish that you should have a bad name, beware lest after you have set your foot on the road you turn aside from the right path at the words of designing men! And as by our prestige you have attained the height of earthly desires may you also by our directions become a partaker in final bliss.”

Bairām Khān who from foolishness and deficiency in practical wisdom had a boundless reliance on himself, and who had been deceived by the sense-robbing wine of success and of flatterers, did not find the road in consequence of this noble missive which was worthy of being the bracelet-amulet of the wise, and the charmed necklace of the fortunate. How shall I say that he went all the faster in the wrong path? Māham Anaga in her great loyalty and wisdom took charge of affairs and made Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān and Khwāja Jahān her tools, and exerted herself to soothe those who came, and to hearten every one.

Among the occurrences was this, that Māham Anaga for the sake of the welfare of the kingdom and for the better-ordering of the superficial and inexperienced, devised the appointing of Bahadūr Khān, the brother of 'Alī Qulī Khān, to the lofty office of Vakīl, and made a reference to this effect to the seat of royalty. H.M. paid regard to the necessity of the time and affected¹ to clothe him with this glorious robe which does not suit every form. Though professionally wise and experienced men who did not get to the bottom of the affair said much about this, and in appearance they were in the right, for perfect capacity, complete experience, great integrity, ample understanding and extreme diligence are required for this great post; and in addition to these qualities there is need of complete independence, so that the holder put aside his own loss or gain and engage with all his strength in furthering his master's work. Should the putting to death of his own father be required for his benefactor's service he should not recede but exert himself to bring it about! And together with all this, which constitutes a great gift, he should be at peace with all men. For should the Vakīl of the Lord of the Age, whom the world-adorning Deity has brought out from among thousands of thousands of men, and has entrusted to him so many human beings, and has made over to him the education of so many different races and religious sects, not possess such notes (nishān), how shall the world be governed? And how shall opposing creeds, and diverse faiths, such as have sprung from the Divine wisdom, have repose? But in reality the words of those men arose from ignorance, for this appointment was an imaginary (must'aār) one, and made for the satisfaction of the superficial, and, apart from this, the intention was to put down commotion, for all the foolish Tūrks, such as Qīyā Khān Kang,² Sulṭān Ḥusain Jalāīr, Muḥammad Amīn Diwāna, were in league with him (Bahādūr), and were attacking Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, Khwāja Jahān, and such like men. The world-adorning mind exalted him to the office of Vakīl, in order to extinguish the flames of those malcontents. Qīyā Khān on account of his old good services was given Bahraich and dismissed thither. Sulṭan Ḥusain Khān and a number of others were imprisoned for some days, and then released after punishment. Muḥammad Amīn Dīwāna fled and became a vagabond. When the stone of separation fell among this evil crew Bahādur Khān was given the fief of Etawah and dismissed. And in those days, though Bahādūr Khān had the name of Vakīl, yet in reality the business was transacted by Māham Anaga. O ye worshippers of forms, what do you behold? For this noble work, wisdom and courage were necessary, and in truth Māham Anaga possessed these two qualities in perfection.

Many a woman treads manfully wisdom's path.

When the world-adorning Creator wills that the Khedive of the Age shall come forth from the veil of concealment and display his world-decking beauty, assuredly He darkens the judgment and the fortune of the wise of the age who engage in opposition to such a great one. Accordingly, the schemes of Bairām Khān and his crowd of wise men by profession came to nought. In a helpless condition he came out from Agra, the capital, on the day of Anīrān the 30th Farwardīn, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday 12 Rajab (8th April 1560), and proceeded towards Alwar. When he came to the city of Bīāna he took off the chains of Shāh Abū-al-M'aāli and Muhammad Amīn Dīwāna, who had been confined in the fort of Bīāna in order to suppress their sedition-mongering, and set them at liberty. Though he professed to tell them to resort to the sublime court, yet his object in releasing such experienced troublers was nothing but to give them the opportunity for sedition. When the news of Bairām Khān's having left Agra reached the royal hearing, and it appeared that his intention was to proceed in his evil course towards the Punjab, the universe-adorning mind determined that the world-traversing standards should advance from Delhi and establish themselves at Nāgor, so that Bairām Khān might not be able to plant his foot in that region. The road would thus be blocked if he in his vain imagination thought of entering the Punjab. Accordingly on the day of Aẕar 9 Ardībahisht, Divine month, corresponding to Friday 22 Rajab (18th April), the world-conquering army marched from Delhi. As the vigilance and caution of the Shahinshāh were unwavering, he was not contented with giving such excellent admonitions as have been already described, but on the first stage out from that place he sent Mir Abdu-l-laṭīf of Qazwīn who was distinguished for knowledge and fidelity, that he might guide Bairām Khān by righteous exhortations. The gist of his words was as follows: “Your services and your fidelity to this great family are known to mankind. As owing to our tender age, we gave our attention to promenading and hunting, we did not cast our glance on political and financial affairs, and all the business of sovereignty was entrusted by us to your excellent capacity and knowledge. Now that we have applied our own mind to the affairs of government, and the adminstration of justice, it is right that this sage well-wisher (Bairām), who ever boasted of his sincerity and devotion, should recognise a Dīvine gift in this truth, and offer up endless thanks for it. He should for a time gather up his skirts from business and turn his attention to the bliss of pilgrimage of which he was always desirous, and with regard to which he was constantly, in public and in private, expressing his great longing to obtain such a boon. We shall grant him whatever place and whatever extent of land he may wish for in India, so that his servants may remit him the proceeds, harvest by harvest and year by year.” On 13 Ardībihisht, Divine month of the above-mentioned year (22nd April) corresponding to Tuesday 26 Rajab, the standards of glory were planted at the town of Jhajhar.¹

In the meanwhile Shāh Abū-al-M'aālī, who was a repository of strife and sedition, arrived with his evil ideas at the sublime court, in order that, as he could not do anything outside, he might effect something under the disguise of service. But whoever cherishes evil thoughts against God's chosen one, is his own ill-wisher, and his affairs worsen daily. In order to refresh my narrative I shall here give a short account of Abu-al-M'aālī from the time of his escape from Pahlwān Gulgaz kotwāl's custody in Lahore, already described, till now.

When Shāh Abū-al-M'aālī escaped from Lahore in the first year of the Divine Era by his own craft, and the carelessness, or avarice and treachery of his custodians, he, by the contrivance² of Yūsuf Kashmīrī, who served him, conveyed himself to the country of the Ghakars. There he was imprisoned by the landowner Kamāl Khān. By his trickery he managed to escape and arrived at Naushahra, which is a town between Bhimbhar and Rājaurī.¹ The Kashmīrīs who had seceded from Ghāzī ² Khān, the ruler of Kashmīr, came there, and about 300 Moghals, who are always opportunists and ingrates, joined them. The Kashmīris also to the number of about 700 or 800 men joined him, and this filled Abū-al-M'aālī with pride and arrogance. Shams-l-mulk Cārdara, and Khwāja Ḥājī,³ who had formerly been in the service of H. M. Jahān-al-bānī Jinnat-Ashīyānī came and infused spirit into them. Daulāt Cak, the ruler of Kashmīr, who had been blinded⁴ by Ghāzī Khān, assembled there along with a number of Kashmīr Sirdārs such as Fatḥ Cak, Hasūbat and Mūsūbat, the nephews (brothers' sons) of Daulat Cak, Lohar⁵ Ẕẖānkar, the sister's son of Daulat Cak, Yūsuf Cak, who also had been blinded by Ghāzī Khān, but without effect, owing to the contrivance of the Kashmīris, and Muḥammad Khān Mākrī, the father of 'Ali Sher, who is at present in service; they proceeded via Punc and Khāwara⁶ by secret passes, called in the Kashmīrī language Ākūdeo,⁷ and arrived at Bārahmūla. From there they hastened to Nūrpūr, and having passed it they fought a battle above the village of Pattan with Ghāzī Khān. As he (Abū-al-M'aālī) had turned his back on the altar of fortune, he was defeated, and returned without having effected his object and in a wretched condition by the same route as he had set out, and came to India. He nearly fell into the hands of the Kashmīrīs; but one of the Caghatai¹ heroes who was with him got off his horse and occupied a narrow place and shot arrows. He continued doing so till his quiver was empty, and then the Kashmīrīs came and finished him off, while Abu-al-M'aāli took advantage of the opportunity and escaped. He came by the Dāmān-ī-koh and arrived at Sīālkot. Troubled and in distress he wandered about in disguise from village to village, and was in quest of a disturbance. At last he came to Dīpālpūr which was then the fief of Bahādūr Khān, brother of A'lī Qulī Khān, and obtained shelter with one Tūlak, a servant of Bahādur Khan and whom he formerly knew. He was long concealed in his house, and was preparing the methods of a disturbance when Tūlak's wife, on account of a disgust which she had conceived for her husband, went to Bahādūr Khān and told him that her huband was keeping Abū-al-M'aālī concealed in his house, and that they meditated killing him (Bahādūr). Bahādūr Khān immediately mounted his horse and came to the house. He had it surrounded and he captured Abū-al-M'aālī, and put Tūlak to death there and then. He confined Shāh Abū-al-M'aālī and sent him to Bairām Khān who made him over to Walī Beg in order that he might send him to Gujrāt via Bakar. Walī Beg sent him by that route to Gujrat in order that he might go from there to the Ḥijāz. When Shāh Abu-al-M'aālī reached Gujrat he in unruliness and madness did improper actions and committed a murder. Then he fled from there and came to the eastern provinces, and joined 'Ali Quli Khān, thinking that he might by his help stir up a commotion As that disloyalist was himself meditating on sway and sovereignty, he did not give any room to Shah Abu-al-M'aālī, and sent him to Bairām Khān. He arrived at the town when Bairām Khan's affairs were in convulsion. For the sake of apparent loyalty he confined him and sent him to Bīāna. At last, at the time when, under malign influences, he was going to Alwar, he released him from Bīāna Fort and turned him loose on the world, as has been stated. The Shahinshah's victorious standards had reached Jhajhar, when that headstrong and disrespectful one came in his folly and offered the kornish¹ from horseback. H.M. ordered the mad man to be put in chains and to be made over to Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān in order that he might be sent off to the Ḥijāz. On this occasion, too, the spiritual and temporal Khedive, acting on the advice of old servants, and out of consideration of the times, ordered the release of such a sedition-monger. They should have released his futile soul from the prison of the bodily elements. Alas, alas! that they should not² have freed that essentially and innately wicked one from the burden on his neck (his head). Because his evil soul long remained connected with his body, many wicked deeds of his came to pass. He thus became still more the subject of eternal punishment. I now leave this subject and return to my task.

It is not unknown to the wise and instructed that as Bairām Khān worsened so did fortune turn away her face from him. Though he ostensibly accepted the admonitions, in his heart he retrograded, and on the day when the imperial camp was established at Jhajhar, the Nāṣir-al-mulk Pīr Muḥammad Khān Shīrwānī arrived and made the dust of the threshold of fortune the collyrium of his lessoned eyes. The above-mentioned had not yet reached Gujrat when he heard of the overthrow of Baīrām Khān's fortune. As he was a well-wisher of the Court he hastily came and did homage. H.M. distinguished him by royal favours and exalted him by the title of Khān and the communication of a standard, and a drum. In consequence of his excellent character, which was innate in him, he was successful both temporally and spiritually.

As H.M's mind was not at ease about Bairām Khān's proceedings, and it was not fitting that the Shāhinshāh in person should make the expedition, the world-adorning mind resolved that Adham Khān, Sharafū-d-dīn Ḥusain Mīrzā, Pīr Muḥammad Khān, Majnūn Khān and a large body should be sent to Nāgor. If it should appear that he did not intend to go to the Hijāz, but wanted to put H.M. off his guard by this report, and to proceed to the Panjab, which was a mine of resources, and there become a reservoir of disturbance, these brave men were to bind on the girdle of courage and inflict punishment on him, otherwise they were to arrange for his leaving the imperial domains. Nāgor and its territory were given in fief to M. Sharifu-d-dīn Ḥusain. The officers proceeded in a proper fashion to perform this service. Muḥammad Ṣādiq Khān was sent to put down the sedition of Sikandar Khān's son and of Ghāzī Khān Tanūr, whom Bairām Khān had separated from himself, when he marched out, and who, in conjunction with Mattar Sen were making a disturbance in the province of Sambal. He hastened there and chastised them. The troops having been sent off, the imperial cavalcade set out on its return, and on 28th Ardībihisht, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday 11th Sh'abān (3rd May) it arrived at Delhi. The gates of justice and benevolence were opened before mankind.

Bairām Khān was in Sirkār Mewāt when the news of the approach of the army was spread in his camp. At once his flourishing circumstances declined, and men separated from him. Except Walī Beg and his two sons Ḥusain Qulī Beg and Ism'āīl Qulī Beg who were related to him, and Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, and Ḥusain Khān and some others, no one remained with him. The soldiers separated from him in crowds and came to Court.

When the fortunate army was coming in that direction, march by march, Bairām Khān became convinced that it was not possible for him to remain longer. His heart turned away from power, and he sent a petition full of supplication and various kinds of excuses. He expressed his regret at separation, and begged leave to visit the holy shrines. He also sent some elephants, tumāntogh, a standard, a kettledrum and other insignia of office along with Ḥusain Qulī Beg, who afterwards received, by the Shāhinshāh's favour, the title of Khān Jahān, in the hope that by submissiveness he might be able to effect something. To the officers, who had been appointed to dispose of him, he wrote: “Why do you give yourselves trouble; my heart has grown cold to the world and the burden thereof. I have sent my insignia to Court.” The officers were deceived and returned. Ḥusain Qulī was admitted to do homage in Delhi, and it appeared perfectly clear to everyone that Bairām Khān had set off on pilgrimage. At the same time Shaikh Gadaī the intriguer returned to Court frustrated and lost. Though he was worthy of punishment he was treated with favour. Far-sighted courtiers kept their ears open for the report that perhaps there was some treachery and that such would raise its head again from some quarter, and that it would be difficult to amend it. Just then a report suddenly sprung up that he had turned away to the Panjāb, and the dust of commotion arose. The evil-minded waiters upon events were pleased for a time. O God, may such runagates never attain their objects!

On account of the coming of the victorious forces, the Khān-Khānān left the imperial territories and came to Bīkānīr. Rai Kalyān Mal who was the chief of that country, and his son Rai Raī Singh, who is now one of the devoted servants of the Court, and is ranked among the great officers, came and visited Bairām Khān. He had no place to stay in, and now finding a pleasant residence he remained several days in that agreeable country. He was looking for an opportunity of raising a disturbance. As owing to the royal fortune every plan which he had put together turned awry, it behoved him to traverse with blistered feet the stages of auspiciousness and to proceed to the holy places, and thus with a shamed face prostrate himself on the ground of ashamedness. But as he was especially an open-minded man he was deceived by some miscreants and became overpowered by sorrow and anger. The wind of pride and arrogance increased in his head, and he in concert with ill-fated, black-thoughted ones went towards the Panjab. He withdrew his hand from every plan, and taking the veil off his face proclaimed himself a rebel. To the officers on the borders he wrote that he had been going towards the Ḥijāz, but he had come to know that a faction had spoken words for the purpose of perverting the noble mind (of Akbar) and had made him a vagabond. Especially Māham Anaga, who was a great authority, had wrought this, and was making it her business to ruin him. At present his sole desire was to come and punish those evil-doers, and to take leave once more and proceed on the blessed journey. He wrote such whimsical things and summoned men, and sent Khwāja Muẓaffar 'Alī, who obtained by the royal favour the title of Muẓaffar Khān, to Darvesh¹ Beg Uzbeg, who was one of the great officers of the Panjab, and had been educated by him, in order that he might bring him by filling him with hopes. When the news of this came to the royal hearing, H.M. out of his great kindness sent a letter of advice to Bairām Khān in order that if he wished to be fortunate and happy he might accept these excellent admonitions and exert himself to obtain his own felicity. For the better instruction of the prudent both now and of the future I give a copy of this document.

Be it known to the Khān-Khānān that whereas he has been nourished and cherished by this sublime family and his duties of good service to this Court have been ascertained, and as H.M. the king Jinnat-Dastgāh (Humāyūn)—May God be bountiful to him! on account of the good qualities and sincerity which appeared in him, bestowed favours on him, and confided to him the great office of being our guardian (atālīq), and whereas, after that king had departed from the defiles of this world to the wide spaces of the eternal world, he (Bairām) with loyalty and sincerity bound upon his waist the girdle of devotion and discharged the offices of prime minister (vakil), we, observing his alacrity in that service, and his seemingly good dispositions, left to him the bridle of loosening and knotting to the utmost extent conceivable. Accordingly, whatever he wished, good or bad, was carried out, and thus in these five years some improper acts of his came to light which disgusted everyone, such as his patronage of Shaikh Gadaī¹ so that he made him Ṣadr, and in spite of the office's requiring consummate ability and knowledge, he, on account of his own private companionship and intimacy, chose him from among all the men who were fit for it by capacity and lineage. And in addition to making him Ṣadr and allowing him to endorse² decrees with his seal, he exempted him from the ceremony of homage (taslīm), and in spite of his utter ignorance and want of capacity, he gave him precedence in the paradisaical assemblies over all the Saiyids of noble rank and all the distinguished 'Ulama, to whom we paid reverence on account of their rank and qualities. He thus showed in the clearest manner his contempt for the purest and holiest family, (that of Muḥammad) in spite of his boasting of his love and affection for that lineage. He gave his protegé, who was rejected¹ and despised by everyone precedence over those who were divinely nurtured, and feeling no shame or reverence before the holy spirits of all our ancestors, he advanced him to such a rank that he appeared before us on horseback² and took us by the hand! To his own menial servants, whose conditions and qualities were well-known, he gave the titles of Sulṭān and Khān, and presented them with flags, kettle-drums, rich fief, and productive territories, whilst he with total want of considerations made the Khāns, the princes, the officers, and the trusted servants of H.M. Jahānbanī Jinnat Āshiyānī, whose rank, claims and qualifications are known to everyone, to be in want of even dry bread. Nay, he aimed at the life and honour of all of them, and he took no thought for old³ servants and domestics, who had served for years in hopes (of reward) and had become entitled to kindness and favour, and did not provide them with even the smallest offices which might have been a means of livelihood to them. As for those who in hunts and expeditions had done service and had undergone thousands of labours and troubles, he every now and then fabricated lies against them and thirsted for their blood. He committed various immoderate and disproportioned acts. If his own servants committed a hundred faults, such as murder, theft, highway robbery, plundering, &c., and these were brought to his notice, he from partiality and hypocrisy took no notice of them; whereas if a small thing were done by the Court-servants, or were slanderously alleged against them, he had no hesitation in imprisoning them or in putting them to death, or in plundering them. He also practised various kinds of oppression and insults for purposes of espial; and some in their utter baseness had engaged themselves in his service, and uttered flatteries to him, such as Shāh Qulī Nāranjī,¹ Muḥammad² Ṭāhir, and Lang Sārbān.³ He in his simplicity believed them to be truth-speakers and patronised them, and supported them. For instance, Shāh Qulī behaved in an offensive manner and did not listen to orders, and Muḥammad Ṭāhir gave such a rude answer that he deserved to have his tongue cut out or rather to be put to death. He (Bairām) heard of this and did nothing. Lang Sārbān uttered before a number of people and in his presence such rude expressions that he too was deserving of condign punishment. He himself knows what was the position and rank of Walī Beg among the Qizilbāshes. Without considering his service, his lineage or his position, and mainly on account of relationship, viz., his being his (Baīrām's) brother-in-law,)⁴ he brought him and put him over the great officers, so that he even gave him precedence over Saiyid Qulī⁵ Mīrzā, who is distinguished for the height of his Saiyīdship and for his connection with the sovereign. He gave Ḥusaīn Qulī, who has not even fought with a chicken,⁶ equal position with Iskandar Khān, Ābdullah Khān, and Bahādur Khan, and gave him cultivated fiefs, while he satisfied the great Khāns with waste lands. At these times in many assemblages such deeds were performed by him as to distress and trouble our capacious soul. As we wished to please him, and regarded him as a sincere well-wisher of our family, and fully relied upon his words and actions, we considered all these unseemly actions of his as his extreme loyalty and good-will, and knowingly and intentionally passed them over with consummate benevolence. At last it was represented to us that he at the instigation of the same gang meditated rebellion, and the separating from us of the few who remained with us, and of reducing us to solitude. In order to defeat this wickedness we went from Agra towards Delhi, and wrote to him that on account of various acts which had come to light, and of speeches which had been repeated to us, we did not hold that he could serve us at this time, and that though we had received many injuries from him, we still continued to regard him as the Khān Khānān, and to style him such, and in order to comfort him we took solemn oaths that we had no design against his life, property or honour. But as we were ourselves giving our attention to affairs of government, it was considered that he should take his own position and submit what he judged proper, and that then we should according to our judgment pass orders thereon. As we had on various occasions represented that the time had come when we should address ourselves to the duties of sovereignty, it was thought that on hearing of this good news he would be pleased, and that he would be firm and constant in obedience. But it came to our knowledge that he had utterly forgotten the favour which had been shown to him while holding his office, and the claims of our glorious family from their favour and patronage of him during forty years, and from their support of him from his cradle, and had hearkened to the words of that rebellious crew. They for their own selfish objects wished to enlist him among the rebels, and in this last stage of his life to exclude him from other-world joys and to involve him in eternal disgrace. Accordingly, from perfect devilry, baseness and arrogance, they won him over and have carried him off the (right) road. He has sent a message to the son of Iskandar to come forward in opposition, and has also sent men to Tatār Khān Panj Bhīya to invite him to come into the Dāmān-i-koh and commit violence there and then come out. He himself had thoughts of Lahore, thinking that there he might lay the foundation of strife, and come into opposition. Into the imperial dominions he has introduced dissension and has endeavoured to extinguish by a cold breath the lamp of the dominion of this family which has been kindled by the eternal radiance, and kept alight by the hand of Divine power. Seemingly the veil of pride and arrogance has blinded the eyes of his understanding, and that he does not know that

Who puffs a God-lighted lamp,
Sets fire to his own beard.

Since from considering all that sincerity and reliability which were clearly manifested in all his behaviour, it appeared and still appears that these actions originated in wicked men and were in reality far from himself; nor can it be believed that they are his own, for he has been nourished and cherished by this great family, and obedience to our orders is for him right and proper, we directed for the sake of demonstration that he should withdraw himself from these abominable proceedings, and that he should arrest and send to Court this lost and abandoned crew who have been the cause of the destruction of his fortune and honour, and who for their own objects support his rebellion and enmity. As we, during these five years, have respected his wishes and have not shown any recusancy, and have not gone beyond his good pleasure in anything that he proposed, whether it was acceptable to us, or inacceptable, he likewise should at once submit to this our order, and not be vexed therewith. Whenever he acts according to this order, we shall clear our heart with regard to him and entirely forgive his crimes and offences. And whenever he is inclined to serve, and there is occasion for it, we shall summon him to our service, so that the veil over him may be removed. And as his services are still appreciated and approved by us, though he has received a thousand favours equal to them, we desire that his name, which has for years been celebrated in all countries and cities for sincerity, devotion, obedience, and reliability, may not become notorious for rebellion, contumacy and sedition, and that it be not included in the list of the Qarāca Qara Bakhts (see ante). Accordingly we make known to him the duties of obedience. Let him beware of cherishing other thoughts, and let him be assured that if out of ignorance and short-thoughtedness he leave the path, and if pride and arrogance ruin his brain and place him among the seceders, we shall proceed against him with our victorious troops, and attended by dominion and prestige, with the determination to put him down, and by the Divine favour we shall abolish him from the earth. There is hope that under these circumstances, when the fortune of our Caliphate is preluding, and his is beginning to retrograde, there will be a great victory, and that he shall be overcome by the army of fortune and put to shame and made a prisoner. Let him not show his folly by thinking that he has bestowed so many favours on his own men during these five years, in order that they might be of use in time of need. In his shortness of thought and ignorance he does not know that fortune is linked to the Divine favour. Whenever that favour does not exist, an unfaithful servant does not succeed. Accordingly, it is transparent that most of those who called themselves sons and brothers, and who, he thought, never would separate from him, have under the guidance of auspiciousness separated from him. Those who have remained, are separating, one by one, and coming to Court. Gradually they will leave him all alone. Under these circumstances, nothing but submission and surrender will avail.

The head must bend and the neck obey
For whatever a just prince does is right.

The Khān-Khānān, whose decline was near at hand, or rather who was going headlong into the dark night of decline, did not receive instruction from these admonitory words which were capable of constituting an auspicious code. Shall I say that they increased his disaffection? But he who knows, knows that he by his own endeavours hastened down the precipice of dishonour. In short, he went on from the pargana of Bikānīr towards the Panjab. When he came near the fort of Tabarhinda,¹ which was in the fief of Sher¹ Muḥammad Dīwāna, he left his son 'Abdur Raḥīm and the rest of his family and his baggage in the fort with Sher Muḥammad, who was one of his special intimates, and passed on. Sher² Muḥammad paid more regard to his real benefactor and separated from him. He took possession of all the goods and chattels that were left in Tabarhinda³ and took Bairām's family to the Court. Darvesh Muḥammad⁴ Uzbeg imprisoned Muẓaffar 'Ali, who had come to fetch him, and sent him to Court, and he himself bound on the girdle of loyalty. He recognised his own liege lord and withdrew from his fictitious benefactor. When he (Bairām ?) came near Thārah⁵ M. 'Abdulla Moghal put it in a state of defence and prepared for battle. Walī Beg came to Thārah and was defeated. Bravo! Whoever tries to extinguish a lamp lighted by God flings into the fire the harvest of his fortune and felicity! As it was the time of Bairām Khān's fall, whatever he thought to be to his advantage resulted in loss. And as self-interest is a veil over the eye of counsel, he did not know what was his own good, and regarding causes of awakening as causes of somnolence, he went to the pargana of Jālandhar.

During that auspicious time when the capital of Delhi was the abode of the sovereign, news were brought of Bairām Khān's proceeding from Bīkānīr to the Panjab, and the royal resolution was taken to send an army to block his progress, so that there might be no cloud of disturbance in the province of Lahore. A number of short-thoughted ones were of opinion that H.M. should go in person to prosecute the war, and another party said that the army of fortune should be despatched thither. H.M. the Shāhinshāh accepted both opinions, and decided that the victorious forces should proceed in advance, and that afterwards he should go in person. After much discussion, he approved of Māham Anaga's maternal solicitude and kept back Adham Khān. Shāmsu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān Atka and his son Yūsuf Muḥammad Khān Kokaltāsh, Mahdī Qāsim Khān, Muḥammad Qāsim Khān of Nīshāpūr, 'Ali Qulī Khān, Mīr Laṭīf Ḥasan Khān, a relation of Shihābu-d-dīn (khwesh, perhaps son-in-law), Aḥmad Khān, and a number of others were appointed to the Panjab, in order to prevent the Khān-Khānān from going there. Shamsu-d-dīn Muḥam mad Khān and these great officers went towards the Panjab, relying upon the Shāhinshāh's daily increasing fortune. After they had started, H.M., as a measure of increased precaution, made arrangements for his own expedition.

When in his perfect foresight H.M. determined to make the expedition, he, for the purpose of carrying on the affairs of state, exalted Khwājah 'Abdu-l-Majīd,¹ who had been made Sharaf-i-dīwānī, by conferring on him the title of Āsaf Khān, and he assigned to him the government of Delhi, as part of the office of Vizier. He gave him kingly admonitions, and bade him not to be proud of his own wisdom and dignity, to remember the favours he had received, and to regard his exaltation as involved in his humility, and to consider H.M.'s grace as the reward of his services, and to withhold his eye, his heart, his hand, and his tongue from men's goods. The Khwājah understood the precious monitions, and illuminated his auspicious forehead by prostrating it on the sublime threshold. He gave his heart to his work and exerted himself sincerely and devotedly.

When the uproar caused by Bairām Khān's rebellion arose, an order, consistent with sense and precaution, was given for arresting Ḥusain Qulī Beg, and he was made over for some days to the care of Adham Khān. With the consummate humanity which was one of his characteristics, H.M. informed Adham Khan that he would be held responsible if any injury happened to Ḥusain Qulī. On 31 Amardād, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday 20 Ẕī-al-Qāda, 12th August 1560, H.M. left Delhi to put down the sedition. As it is in accordance with the Divine decree that noble achievements, such as the world could not imagine, should be accomplished merely by their coming within purview it is clear what happens as soon as H.M. gives his personal attention to a matter. There was a fresh instance of this when the faithful men who had been deputed took leave and went to perform their service. They gave no heed to any other considerations, as is the way of old, self-seeking servants, but went firmly on without slackening rein till they came to pargana Dikdār,¹ which is near the pargana of Jālandhar and lies between the Sutlej and the Bīāh, and blocked the path of Bairām Khān at Gūnācūr¹ which appertains to Dikdār. Bairām Khān was arranging for the capture of Jālandhar when he heard of the approach of Atka Khān. In his pride he did not heed Atka Khān and was eager for battle. In his presumption and arrogance he distributed his force into two bodies, and made the advanced one consist of Walī Beg, Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, the brothers of Walī Beg, Ism'āīl Qulī Khān, Ḥusain Khān, (Tukrīya) Y'aqūb Sulṭān, Sabz Talkh (?)² and a number of men destined to be vanquished. Another army was under his own direction and had in front of it nearly fifty famous elephants. On the other side Shamsu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān arranged his forces, and was supported by the Shāhinshāh's fortune. He heartened his men and advanced. He himself took charge of the centre, the right wing was commanded by Muḥammad Qāsim Khān of Nīshāpūr, and the left wing by Mahdī Qāsim Khān. 'Alī Qulī Khān of Andarāb, Qīyā Khān Ṣāḥeb Ḥasan, and other devoted servants formed the vanguard. Farkh Khān and some brave men formed the altamsh, and Yūsuf Muḥammad Khān Kokaltāsh with some gallant heroes took post between the centre and the altamsh. As Atka Khān was not certain of his men he took oaths and promises from them, and strengthened their hearts before engaging. Though Bairām Khān had not many men with him, they were of good quality. He also placed much reliance on the royal army, as many from an evil disposition and double-tonguedness were sending him letters.

When these two forces engaged in the village of Gūnācūr in the middle of Shahriyūr, Divine month, corresponding to the early part of Ẕī-al-ḥajja, 23³ August, there were brave feats on both sides. Though in the first encounter the advance-corps of the enemy displayed such valour that most of the soldiers of the army of fortune were put to flight, Atkah Khān and many of his own force, and Yūsuf Muḥammad Khān with a few men stood on the field of battle, and in their astonishment at the hypocrisy and cowardice of their men sought help of courage from the sacred soul of the Shāhinshāh. At this time when Bairām Khān's men had driven off most of their foes and were pursuing them, and Bairām Khān was advancing with his own army and exulting in the thought of victory, the army of Atka Khān, which had been standing behind a ridge, appeared in sight. Bairām Khān advanced to overthrow him, and in the first place sent forward the elephants, of which the leader was the elephant carrying the travelling litter (takht rawān).¹ He himself was in the back part of it (the litter). Suddenly the royal fortune and heaven's help withdrew the veil of concealment from the face of success. Between the two armies there was a rice-bottom² and the elephants came into that bog³ and stuck there. The brave men of the victorious army shot arrows at the drivers, and by the favour of a hidden succour one hits the driver of the leading elephant and he hangs down from the animal's neck. When Bairām Khān saw that such was the condition of the elephants, which were his mainstay, he sought to come out by their rear, leaving the rice-bottom on his right, and to get to the dry land and make his attack. The Atka Khan in his foresight and courage perceived Bairām Khān's manœuvre, and prepared to make the attack himself before it was carried out. Yūsuf Muḥammad Khan said, “Most of our men have thrown the dust of disgrace on their heads and gone off, where is the time for fighting?” The Atka Khān replied, “Though men are few, the Shāhinshah's fortune is on our side, and besides we do not think of flying: this is a day of killing or being killed (jān-fishānī yā jān sitānī).” He sent on Yūsuf Muḥammad Khān with a body of brave men, and made ready to fight himself with another body of courageous combatants. At the time when Bairām Khān turned back in order to execute his manœuvre, those seekers of renown drew the sword of vengeance from the scabbard of resolution and attacked Bairām Khān's force. His men thought his retreat was a flight, and fell into confusion, and Bairām Khān was obliged to withdraw, and to retreat in disgrace. By the Divine aid a victory which might be the embroidery of other victories, showed her face in spite of the want of harmony, and the discouragement and the disgrace of so many men. The black-fated foe, whether those who had pursued the fugitives, or those who with Bairām Khān were determined on fighting, was dispersed. The victorious troops pursued the retreating army and made many the repast of the blood-drinking blade. A number of the wounded and half-dead were levelled with the dust. The heroes pursued the abandoned crew for two kos. Ismāīl Qulī Khān was caught alive. Just then news was brought that Walī Beg was wounded and lying hidden in a sugar-cane field. He too was seized, and also Ḥusain Khān¹ who had been blinded by an arrow. Yāqūb Hamadānī, Aḥmad Beg and many of the hostile leaders were caught in the noose of retribution. An immense booty fell into the hands of the imperial servants. Atka Khān was prudent and did not pursue the fugitives very far. It was solely by secret aid that such a victory which was the preamble of other victories, emerged from the hiding-place of fortune.

H.M. the Shāhinshāh was marching with a firm mind, and a contented soul. Inwardly he was keeping close to the Divine temple; outwardly he was engaged in hunting. Near Sihrind the messengers of fortune brought the good news of victory. The confused world obtained fresh repose, the materials of praise and thanksgiving were provided, and the rites of joy and pleasure took the upper hand. The affairs of the Sultanate received fresh arrangement. The beverage of abundance was supplied to the small-natured. The thread of understanding fell into the hands of the simple and ignorant. Dominion was freed from the hands of the proud. The king of the time was released from the oppressive partnership of the non-recognisers of right. The wisdom of the wise was increased. Dominion showed her face, prestige unveiled her countenance. The universe received fresh moisture. Time and the terrene put on fresh beauty. The inwardly blind and the envious descended into the pit of humiliation and scattered the dust of defeat on their heads. The old world grew young. Justice was born, and the administration thereof became patent. One veil, which the Khedive of the age threw off from his world-adorning beauty Thou, O heart, sawest and beheldest what was the nature of the great of the world! and to what height the greatness had arrived! One can infer from this that if several veils more beautiful than this were withdrawn from the face of my subjects and some special glories were shown, what achievements there would be, and what secrets would be revealed! But it seems that permission to show them is not granted, or that display does not come within his far-seeing design. May he remain for generations in fortune and felicity, for such a Khedive has very rarely come into the world's possession. Abul Faẓl the writer of this preamble of fortune utters¹ a cry from his bosom and says, “If I were not a dependant and did not wear the clothes of service I would make some remarks out of my own knowledge. But as I am included among the conformists I shall not say anything more because the inwardly blind and prejudiced will regard such words as flattery. This apprehension has no place in the house of my understanding for there tainted worldlings do not come. It is my feelings² that I speak, not my understanding

When shall the envier of light depart
That I may say what 'tis right to say.

While H.M. was encamped at Sihrind,¹ Mun'im Khān who had come from Kābul in obedience to commands, arrived along with other officers such as Muqīm Khān, a relative² of Tardī Beg Khān, Qāsim Khān Mīr Baḥr,³ Khwājagī Muḥammad Ḥusain his brother, Khwajah 'Abdu-l Mun'im, commonly known as Khwāja Pādshāh-i-Marīẓ⁴ Mau lānā 'Abdu-l-bāqī Ṣadr,⁵ Mallā Khird⁶ Zargar, Payindah Muḥammad, Shagun Muḥammad,⁷ Fārīdūn, maternal uncle of M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm, Abu-l fatḥ son of Faẓīl Beg, Mīr Muḥammad Nīshāpūrī, and many others, including a large number of soldiers. They arrived on 27 Shahriyūr, Divine month, corresponding to Monday 18 Ẕī-l-ḥajja, 10 September, and were received with royal favours. Mun'īm Khān was appointed to the high office of Vakīl and styled Khān-Khānān and decorated with a robe of honour, while all the officers received favours proportionate to their rank and merits. At the same delightful spot Shamsu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān Atka, and the other loyalists who had done good service and had returned victorious, did homage and were distinguished by favours. The dāqū⁸ dress (pelisse) and the fattaḥī dress⁹ of Bāirām Khān were bestowed on the Atka Khān, and he received the title of Ā'āzim Khān. Some wretches, who had been made prisioners on the battle-field, such as Walī Beg, his son Ism'aīl Quli, Ḥusain Khān, Aḥmad Beg Turkomān and others were produced with chains on their feet and necks, together with abundant spoil, also the standard which was embroidered with gems and intended for the shrine of Raẓavī of the holy Mashshad, but had not been sent. The arrival of this standard was looked upon as the beginning of happy omens for the Shāhinshāh. Muḥammad Qāsim Khān Nīshāpūrī, Abu-l-Qāsim, brother of Maulānā 'Abdu-l-Qādir Akhūnd and a number of others who had got leave to go to Multan before the news of Bairām Khān's rebellion, Multan having been taken from Muḥammad Quli Khān Barlās and given to them, were now despatched to Multan. Among those who were captured on the day of battle, Walī Beg, who had received severe wounds, died in prison, and his head was sent as a warning to the eastern provinces. The others were kept in prison until they were released by the intercession of intimate courtiers, and afterwards showed loyalty and obedience and were raised to dignities. The particulars of each of them will be related in its proper place.

God be praised! Whoever was more wicked and more seditious (than others) received separately condign punishment, above all, Walī Beg, who was the substratum of sedition and strife, received such a punishment as might be an increase of the devotion of the right-seeing and right-acting. Owing to the overthrown fortunes of Bahādūr Khān, what might have been a source of instruction and auspiciousness became a cause of increased wandering and error. When the brainless head of Walī Beg was brought by a Tawācī to pargana Itāwa, which was the Bahādur's jāgīr, the inward dissension and disloyalty of that ingrate were revealed. He inflicted martyrdom on the Tawācī! Several unbecoming actions were exhibited by this disloyal one. For¹ some days his loving companions induced him to feign madness (lit. pointed the way of madness to him). Nay, nay, his real madness was the commission of this shameful act. Afterwards, in truth they brought him from madness to sense, and so saved him. The imperial servants, who doubtless were neither hypocritical nor negligent knowingly concealed so improper an act. Though some in their black-heartedness regarded such conduct¹ as a kind of loyalty, yet to the eyes of investigation is most disloyal. Accordingly, after a little consideration, they revealed the mystery.

When a great blessing had been conferred, and the extirpation of Bairām Khān was assured, and the Atga Khān had been honoured by a reception, H.M. decided to leave the army and to proceed towards Lahore, hunting as he went. In this way there would be both the pleasure of hunting, and Lahore would again be made illustrious by H.M's advent. Accordingly the army was left there (Sirhind) under the command of Mun'im Khān, and H.M. set out. On the 4th Mihr, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday 26 Ẕī al-ḥajja 967, 17th September 1560, he alighted in Lahore, and the Atga Khān held great feasts. H.M. the Shāhinshāh exalted him by royal favours and made over the choicest parts of the Punjab to him and his brethren. During the period of H.M.'s stay at Lahore the Khān Ā'āzim fell ill, and H.M. kindly left him there and proceeded to the army which had been placed under Mun'im Khān.

When it was ascertained that Bairām Khān had gone to Rājah Ganes¹ at Talwāra,² which is a strong place in the midst of the hills, and was seeking protection there, the spiritual and temporal Khedive proceeded towards the Siwāliks on 18 Mihr, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday 10 Muḥarram 968 1st October 1560, under the Divine protection, in order that the affair might be concluded without the chicanery of designing persons, and that the world might obtain tranquillity. The great camp was in Mācīwāra awaiting the arrival of H.M., when the Khedive of the earth came there, march by march. Mun'im Khān and the other grandees went out to welcome him, and were exalted by performing the kornish. From thence they proceeded to carry out their object. On the way the Mīr Munshī and Khwāja Sulṭān 'Ali, who had fled at the time of the affair of Tardī Beg Khān, and had undertaken the journey to the Ḥijāz, were permitted to kiss the threshold. When the standards had been set up in the Siwāliks, an army of brave men entered the defiles and pressed forward. Many Hindu troops and their leaders, viz., hill Rajāhs and Rayān, opposed their march, and there were several contests between them. There were great onsets on both sides, and Sulṭān Ḥusain Jalāīr of the victorious army had the good fortune of martyrdom. The Rajāhs were defeated and fled, and many of those ill-omened hill men were made the harvest of the sword.

When the rumour of the approach of the victorious standards reached Bairām Khān he came to think of his latter end and placed the head of justice in the collar of shame and repentance. He sent Jamāl Khān, a trusted servant, with a request for pardon of his offences, and made excuses, viz., that on account of various occurrences which were the result of compulsion and not of his free will, the sweat of shame was on his brow, and the countenance of penitence on the earth; if H.M. would complete the skirt of fortune by affixing thereto the hem of forgiveness and would raise from the dust him who had fallen on the road of wretchedness, his was the head of supplication and here was the dust of the threshold. Jamāl Khān arrived at the Shāhinshāh's tent and delivered the petition. He also stated vivâ voce the purport of Bairām's desires. H.M. the Shāhinshāh on account of his general benevolence, and special kindness, and in gratitude for so great a blessing, listened to his unheard of excuses, and, because his noble nature relishes forgiveness, he with an open brow and an expanding heart drew the line of pardon over all his offences. In order to assure him, he sent Maulānā 'Abdullah of Sulṭānpūr with some of his intimates along with Jamāl Khān, in order that they might comfort Bairām Khān with the good news of pardon and favour and bring him to kiss the threshold. The deputies performed their office, but Bairām Khān's mind was not consoled. He said that he was ashamed and downcast for what he had done, and was deserving of every kind of punishment. His heart was at rest as regarded the graciousness and glorious kindnesses of the Khedive of the age, but he was in trepidation on account of the Caghataī grandees and the other imperial servants. If Mun'im Khān would come and give him assurance and make oaths and vows he could by his instrumentality come forth from the rebels and perform the prostration. Then, having got leave, he could spend the remainder of his life in holy places, and could seek in humiliation and self-abasement the amendment and atonement of his crimes. As the sea of beneficence was in effervescence, this request of his was also granted. The standards of fortune were pitched in the town of Ḥājīpūr¹ which is near the dāmān-i-koh, and between the Satlaj and the Bīāh, and Mun'im Khān, Khwājah Jahān, Āshraf Khān, Hājī Muhammad Khān Sīstānī were sent to assure Bairām Khān by promises of favour and to bring him to do homage. The envoys went with a few men into those wild defiles where he had taken refuge. There was a rush (or a crowd) of the zamīndārs, and with a chivalry¹ (ḥamīyat) which is rooted among the zamīndārs of India, they stood determined to sacrifice their lives. The envoys threaded the defiles and entered the fort where Bairām Khān was. As soon as Bairām Khān saw Mun'im Khan he became reassured, and knew that the message which they had brought from H.M. the Shāhinshāh was genuine. He came forward hopefully and embraced him, and showed excessive shame. Mun'im Khān encouraged him by promises and covenants and took him towards the sublime threshold, Bābaī² Zambūr and Shāh Qulī Maḥram laid their hands on Bairām Khān's skirt and wept and lamented, saying that there was perfidy, and that he should not go. Though Mun'im Khān and the other envoys soothed them, they were not satisfied. Apparently they were under apprehensions about themselves. Consequently when Mun'im Khān said to them, “You remain here this night and wait for news, and after that, when your minds are composed, you will come and do homage,” they let Bairām Khān go, and themselves remained behind. Bairām Khān went on to the threshold of fortune. The royal army was waiting in the confines of the hills in expectation of events, and the opportunists (wāq'i'a ṭalabān) were making various remarks when the goodly company ('aizzā³) made their appearance. The royal army raised a shout and there was general rejoicing. The day was unpropitious to the sedition-mongers and their faces were blackened. He (Bairām) turned his face towards the sublime court, and in Ābān, Divine month corresponding to Muḥarram 968, he flung a handkerchief round his neck and made the prostration of shame and contrition. He laid his dust-strewn head at the sphere-traversing feet of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, partly with pain, partly with shame for his crimes, and partly with joy at his pardon, and wept aloud. H.M. the Shāhinshāh accepted his excuses, and with his sacred hand raised Bairām Khān's head from the ground of humiliation and embraced him. He took the cloth (fauṭa) from his neck and wiped from his face the tears of penitence and the dust of shame. With his gracious lips he inquired about his health and bade him sit on his right hand, as had been the rule when Bairām Khān was prime minister (vakīl). He bade Mun'im Khān sit down beside him, while the other officers took their places according to their rank. With his gracious lips he uttered such words of kindness and favour that the dust of bashfulness and the mist of shame disappeared from his brow. Yet the word remains true.

Though the crime be forgiven, shame abideth.

Thereafter he rose up and bestowed on Bairām Khān a glorious robe which he was wearing over his own breast, and gave him permission to go to the Ḥijāz. In accordance with vigilance and foresight, which are the basis of every act, especially of acts of sovereignty, he gave him as companions Tarsūn¹ Muḥammad Khān and Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī. They were to be his guides to the confines of the empire, and were to conduct him in safety over the dangerous roads. They returned from the territory of Nāgor.

One day Bairām Khān reproached Hājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī, saying, “No one's opposition and infidelity hurt me so much as yours; you forgot all your old obligations.” Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān replied, “You in spite of all the claims to loyalty which H.M. Jahanbānī Jinnat 'Ashiyānī possessed, and all his nurture of you, and all the kindnesses which you had received from H.M. the Shāhinshāh, showed yourself a rebel and drew the sword, and then occurred what has occurred. If I have left your society, what is there extraordinary? and what have I done?” Bairām Khān felt ashamed, and made no rejoinder. I have heard on good authority that Bairām Khān continually during that journey felt the pain which these forcible words had given him.

God be praised! The magnanimity and innate kindness of H.M. the Shāhinshāh made an impression on all hearts. This simple man, who was proud of his courage and his sagacity, awoke from his sleep of negligence and emerged from the whirlpool of rebellion. The sincere were exalted and the market of the seditious fell flat. The age received lustre, and mortals wore the face of joy. A letter from the Khān A'aẓim Atga Khān has come to light, and as it gives accounts of various events, I give an exact copy of it in this Iqbālnāma (record of fortune), so that the wise may receive instruction.

“After prayers and expressions of devotion he represents that when this well-wisher arrived at Delhi, and when your Majesty bestowed royal favours on him and gave him the flag, the kettle-drum and the tuman-togh of Bairām Khān and made him governor of the Panjāb, it appeared right that this well-wisher should perform service corresponding to such favours and preferment, so that none of the loyal might say anything against his promotion. When the news came that the disloyal and seditious had by letters and messages brought Bairām Khān into the neighbourhood of Fīrūzpūr, an order was issued that the pillars of the empire should assemble and should represent what should be done for the welfare of the state. In that meeting the letter of Bairām Khan to Darvesh Muḥammād Khān was produced. It was there written, ‘I am the slave and bondsman of His Majesty, but I wish to take vengeance on H.M.'s vakils.’ Each well-wisher stated at that meeting what he thought should be done to baffle Bairām Khān. As two days ago the paraphernalia of the said Khān's dignity had been bestowed on this well-wisher, he decided that the occasion for doing good service had arrived. There was much talk and discussion among the pillars of the empire—and both small and great were gathered there— and this faqir claimed the right of move (dāv talbīd),¹ and proposed that the affair of Bairām Khān should by God's favour and the unending auspices of the king come to him, and added, that if wherever he met him, or came in sight of him he should slacken in his advance, he would be less than girls or catamites. The pillars of empire said “the putting down of Bairām Khān is a great undertaking. So long as H.M. does not go in person it will not be possible to capture him.” When the pillars of empire were of this opinion, your servant did not say much, but represented to his Lord that Muḥammad Qāsim Khān and Mahdī Qāsim Khān had got leave and gone towards Multan and Lahore. It might be that this servant could also go in the employment of a scout of his Lord (mukhādīm) and report day by day everything that occurred. This well-wishing servant's application was favourably received, and an order was given that he should go, accompanied by the great officers, and suppress Bairām Khān. An order was also given that a thousand men should be enrolled² as auxiliaries. He took leave and halted four or five days in the neighbourhood of Rohtak and in pargana Māhim,³ but there was no sign of the auxiliaries. On a representation being made to his Lord fifteen men, out of all the thousand, were sent. As there were many veterans⁴ present, the anxieties which are part of warfare came home to them. As also it was the rainy season, and there was mud and water, there was some delay in marching. Men made use of the “Mother”⁵ as a go-between, and told a hundred thousand tales, such as that the Atga marched every day two kos and did not advance because he was afraid, and that matters would not progress in his hands. He should be deprived of his fief and allowances. The “Mother” acted upon what men said, and without giving weight to (my) twenty years' service and affection represented (to Akbar) whatever they said. Your Majesty knows that this was so. My son 'Azīz Muḥammad could not stand men's words and allusions, and wrote: “Father, men's words have killed us. Whatever is your fate will happen. By all means act quickly and dispose of the affair of Bairām Khān.”

This well wisher knew what was designed.¹ In reliance upon the Divine favour and the king's fortune he advanced to suppress Bairām Khān. Now the affair of Bairām Khān has been disposed of by your Majesty's fortune; a number of his attendants and leaders (sulṭānān) have been killed, and all his relations have been arrested and brought to court. God deliver us! if things had turned out otherwise, one knows what would have happened. Probably the truth of the case has been represented to you by Bairām Khān.

After the victory, all the well-wishers who were not present at the battle, and whose services are known to your Majesty, received tenfold presents and favours. As yet no one had asked after the well-wishers who were in the engagement, when Jān Muḥammad Sulṭān Bahasūdī, who was two days in Jālandhar fort, was recommended and received the title of Khān. Besides him, everyone has received presents and pensions tenfold more than their services. When after all these this well-wisher and his son Yūsuf Muḥammad, who wielded his sword in that great battle, had their turn, the favour shown to them was the order of the first day that the name “Atga” should appear on the firmān, (i.e., bulletin of victory)! Protector of the world! this well-wisher regards the Bega (Māham Anaga) as a mother, and says no evil of her. May God make lawful what I am about to say! This well-wisher took his life in his hand for the behoof of your Majesty, and taking with him his twelve-year² old son encountered Bairām Khān and his ten to twenty relatives, servants and sulṭāns. None of the great officers came from their parganas to help me, and the men who were with me acted in a way which Bairām Khān has probably represented. In such a manner did they behave to this old servant. All the body-guards (qūrcīān) of Bairām Khān, who were in your Majesty's service as spies,¹ have by your Majesty's favour received titles, and grants of two or three krors. Yūsuf Muḥammad Khān encountered with the sword Bairām Khān, and his Khāns² and Sulṭāns, and your Majesty gave him the title of Khān. The authorities gave him an order for one kror, but it has no assignment (tan).³ They gave one kror as a reward to this servant who has been exalted by the title of Khān Ā'aẓim. Out of the whole of it the authorities assigned (only) forty lakhs on Fīrūzpūr. Protector of the world! all the retainers of this well-wisher have for a lifetime been serving with their brothers and sons in expectation (of reward). And now by your Majesty's good fortune each has been exalted by the title of Khān and Sulṭan. As the flag, kettle-drum and tuman-togh of Bairām Khān have been presented to this humble one, and as after the victory over Bairām Khān his dāqū and khil'at-i-fattāḥī (robe of victory?) and the insignia of his dignity have been granted, and his rank bestowed upon him, he is hopeful that his office also will be assigned to this humble one.”

When H. M. the Shāhinshāh had by the might of soaring fortune removed one screen from the face of his actions and had set before himself the management of political and financial affairs, when the shops of the short-sighted and ill-fated had been overset, and each one of them had retired to a corner, ashamed and downcast, and when the holy soul was by heavenly aids freed from these affairs, he turned his rein towards the capital. His object was that by increase ing his attention to the administration of justice, new vigour might be given to the perturbed universe, and that certain regulations should be established which should be codes for the use of administrators, present and future. As the standards of fortune were pitched at Sihrind the order was issued that the camp should proceed by the direct road to Delhi, while his own cavalcade should, for the purpose of hunting, proceed towards Ḥiṣār Fīrūza. When Ḥiṣār Fīrūza became the seat of the standards, the huntsmen represented that there were in the neigh bourhood jungles containing yūz, which in Hindī are called cīta, and that the method of catching that ravening animal was one of the most remarkable of the arts of hunting. Accordingly the sacred heart, which is a decorated mansion of sports, mental and physical, turned its attention towards this charming spectacle. An order was given for making the necessary arrangement. In a short time all the apparatus was got ready, and sundry pits, which in Hindī are called odī¹ were dug according to a special plan (of Akbar's, see Blochmann 286). Several heads of cīta² were caught there and then, and the cavalcade moved towards Delhi. Though before this many cīta had been collected for the royal establishment, this was the first time that H.M. hunted them in person. On 11 Āẕar, Divine month corresponding to Saturday 4 Rabī'al-awal 968, 24th November, 1560, the standards were set up in Delhi, and mortals attained the materials of tranquillity.

Among the occurrences of this time was the despatch of a body of troops under the command of Abū-l-fatḥ, brother's son of Mun'im Khan to Kābul. The short account of this is that at the time when Mun'im Khān came to the foot of the throne under the pressure of the Shāhinshāh's commands, he made over Kābul to his son Ghanī Khān, and appointed him in his own stead. In order to help him and instruct him he left Ḥaidar Muḥammad Ākhtabegī. Owing to the incapacity and childishness of both of them things fell into disorder When the imperial cavalcade alighted at Delhi, a petition from Ghanī Khān came to court disclosing the unsatisfactory character of Ḥaidar Muḥammad Ākhtabegī. Accordingly, on the recommendation of Mun'im Khān, Ḥaidar Muḥammad was summoned to court, and in order to help Ghanī Khān, Shagūn the son of Qarāca, Darvesh Muḥammad, Khwāja Dost, Khwājagī Muḥammad Ḥusain, brother of Muḥammad Qāsim Khān and a large body of troops were sent to Kābul under Abū-l-fatḥ's command.

In short, H.M. the Shāhīnshāh after passing some days in Delhi proceeded on the day of Āzar 9 Dai, Divine month, corresponding to Friday 2 Rabī'-aṯ-ṯānī, 21st December, to Agra, and he made the journey by water. The nobles and pillars of the empire accompanied him, while the great camp proceeded in the same direction by land. H.M. arrived at Agra on the day of Farwardīn 19 Dai, Divine month, corresponding to Monday 12 Rabī'-aṯ-ṯānī, 31st December. The gardens of the hopes of the sincere bloomed. The wounded ones of the age obtained healing plasters. The market of justice grew brisk. Fortune embraced the truthful, and a time of joy came to the good. The sapling of fortune shot up. The bud of prestige began to expand. The world-adorning mind of the Shāhinshāh gave its attention to the education of the spiritual and temporal world under the guise of inattention. He took up his abode in the fort, which is the best building in the city. The foundations of delightful dwellings were laid. The house of Bairām Khān was given to Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān. All the other courtiers and servants commenced to build pleasant houses on both banks of the Jamna, and so the city became adorned. In the interval Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān gave a royal feast and begged that H.M. would honour it by his presence. His prayer was granted, and his mansion received celestial glory by the radiance of H.M. the Shāhinshāh's advent. The Khān-Khānān tendered rare and exquisite presents and stood ready to sacrifice his life for H.M. (lit. stood with the coin of life in his palm).

One of the instructive events which occurred at this time and was an eye-salve to the fortunately-minded was the killing of M. Ibrāhīm, the son of M. Sulaimān, and the latter's having recourse to the world-protecting court. Inasmuch as the truth-founded purpose of the Shāhinshāh is the portico to fortune's summit, it follows that whoever opposes and contends with him, receives punishment therefor from the superintendents of fate, even though H.M. the Shāhinshāh courteously passes such opposition by, and apparently takes no notice of it, and is compelled to take help from his court. For the punishment for raising the head of disaffection, and for letting stream the flag of pride is that such an one receives fitting chastisements and is brought into the ignominious abode of want, so that he may awake from the sleep of negligence and be active in service. The state of M. Sulaimān is an instance of this. In the beginning of the reign he displayed such improper conduct, as has already been mentioned, and the world-adorning Deity placed the retribution thereof in his bosom, and inflicted so great a defeat upon him, and made him a suppliant of this court. He sent a petition by one of his confidants, who was distinguished for his knowledge of affairs. At this time the said ambassador had arrived and was waiting to pay homage. He obtained leave for an audience after H.M. had alighted at Mun'im Khan's house and was exalted by performing the prostration. The petition of M. Sulaimān was presented along with appropriate presents. The purport of it was the expression of shame and contrition for past offences, an account of the killing of M. Ibrāhīm, and a request for assistance against his enemies. The account of the event is briefly this. M. M. Sulaimān and Ibrāhīm had in the beginning of the reign taken the road of destruction and sown the seed of their own overthrow, though victory had several times shown her face to them in their contests with the Uzbegs, and so was a cause of increasing their arrogance. Among these successes was the falling into their hands of the son¹ of 'Abbās Sulṭān who was continually coming from Ḥisār and making forays on behalf of Timar Khān who was the ruler of Ḥisār, and was his cousin. At length they brought an army against Ḥisār and captured the outer fort. Timar Khān shut himself up in the citadel, and was spending his days in stratagems. He was waiting in expectation of assistance from the Uzbegs, who had been summoned from various quarters. As the Mīrzās knew that help was near at hand they returned from Ḥisār to Badakhshān. In the fifth year of the Divine Erā corresponding to 967 of the lunar year, the Mīrzās collected an army of their servants and Aimāqs and marched against Balkh. The shrewd and far-seeing were not favourable to this expedition, as the march against Balkh was unreasonable. For the army of Balkh was larger than the army of Badakhshān, and their military leaders were more numerous. A lesser army may engage with a greater if it have more leaders, but in the Badakhshān army there were only two, viz., Mīrzās Sulaimān and Ibrāhīm; while in the hostile army there were Pīr Muḥammad Khān, and many princes. It was therefore not right to make this expedition. Though what the acute said was reasonable, their words did not find admission to the ear of reason, as the Mīrzās were drunken with the wine of arrogance. Rather their haughtiness was increased and they pressed on the expedition more than ever. The truth is that the eternal managers wished to punish them for their improper behaviour to H.M. the Shāhinshāh, so that by becoming intoxicated with insouciance they might with their own hands throw themselves into the pit of destruction.

When Pīr Muḥammad Khān heard of the enterprise of the Mīrzās he sent messengers to call for help, and at the same time sent an experienced ambassador to the Mīrzās and proposed an agreement. The ambassador declared that Pīr Muḥammad Khān would surrender Khulm and Aibak to the Mīrzās. They sent M. Beg Barlās, who was an old and confidential servant, on an embassy, and said that if Pīr Muḥammad Khān would give them Khulm and Aibak, and put peace on a firm foundation, there would be an end of disputes. When they themselves marched out of Badakhshān they decided that for two reasons it would not be right to proceed against Balkh. First, because they had sent an ambassador. Second, because they would go and take along with them the Aimāqs¹ of Balkh, the hill-country² of which is towards Khurāsān, and get them into their power. Then the affair of Balkh would easily take shape. If they did not take this course, Pīr Muḥammad Khān would strengthen the fort, and collect troops from all sides. In pursuance of this design and in palpable oblivion of rectitude, they took their route by the foot of the hills, left Balkh behind them and proceeded towards Khurāsān, and brought under their control the Aimāqs who inhabited the wolds (ṣaḥarānishīn).

Meanwhile news came that M. Beg had been killed, and that Pīr Muḥammad Khān had collected an army and was preparing for war. The story of this catastrophe is that the Mīrzās had on their march to Khurāsān advanced to near the Cūl-i-Zardak (the brownish desert?) which is known by the name of Sān¹ Cārek, and had passed the Casma-i-Gāzarān, and were purposing to go on still further when the news came that M. Beg had left Pīr Muḥammad Khān's house after finishing² a great piece of work, when at a sign from Pīr Muḥammad Khān, Khusrū³ had killed him with a sword. (Pīr Muḥammad's view was) “what weakness is there in us that we should give up our own territory,” and his whole intention in proposing peace was to procrastinate, and to collect his forces. Now that assistance had come he had marched across country and headed the Mīrzās. When the Mīrzās heard this news they took counsel among themselves. Men of experience said that the proper course was to bend round (urīb shuda) and make a rapid march to the shrine¹ (Ribāṭ) of Mī Rūzadār. The Uzbegs would be left behind. If it should come to a fight that too would be advantageous. But to march on to meet them was in no way expedient. The Mīrzās did not accept this opinion and went on to meet the enemy. The Uzbegs with great dexterity struck the bank² of the Casma-i-Gāzarān, which has a winding course³ and dug trenches, and constructed a wall in front of their position, and having lined them with musketeers and archers remained ready for battle. The Mīrzās quickly put their troops into fighting order and were approaching the spring (sar-i-casma) in ignorance of the fortification; M. Sulaimān coming by the low ground near the river, and M. Ibrāhīm by the upper route. M. Sulaimān advanced against the enemy but could make no impression. As he did not know what to do he retreated, and perceived that to go on towards Khurāsān and its neighbourhood would lead to nothing but his being captured. Then he turned round and by great management got out of the ravines⁴ (jarhā), and passing the enemies' rear (arqa,—the back, the rear, Tūrkī) went on to the desert (dashtcūl ) which is on the side of Badakhshān. Many of his men perished. M. Ibrāhīm came to the spring and attacked, but could make no impression. He drew bridle and stopped, and many of his men were killed by bullets and arrows. Muḥammad Qulī Shighālī⁵ ran up to him and said, “What time for standing is this? Your father has got out.” The Mīrzā asked his own people what they advised. Many of his warriors said, “It will be very difficult to get out. The proper thing is to fight in this very place and see what the result will be.” Muḥammad Qulī spoke roughly and said, “It is a fixed principle with military men that whenever soldiers have gone a bowshot away from the enemy it is difficult to come to close quarters with him again. Why do you unnecessarily bring the Mīrzā into destruction.” After much talk the Mīrza came out from that place aud proceeded to retreat. He fell into the enemies' country and many of his men dispersed. He shaved his head and face and went on with a few men, thinking that in this way they might perhaps get out. When they had gone some way their horses became tired out. They took to their feet and marched for two days more. Then getting poines they came to a village in order to get something to eat. Meanwhile the brother of Kul Kāfir recognised the Mīrzā and arrested him with the aid of the villagers and took him before Pīr Muḥammad Khān. He confined him for some days and spoke of releasing him. The impure wretches of Transoxiana came in numbers to visit the Mīrzā on account of a similarity of disposition. Pīr Muḥammad Khān grew suspicious and hastened to put him to death. The chronogram of this occurrence was Ḵūrāk kusht (Kūrāk killed, 967) Kūrāk was the name of an executioner. M. Sulaimān found the chronogram Ko nakhl-i-umed-i-pidr (“where is the sapling¹ of a father's hope,” 967). Two days before this event M. Ibrāhīm composed an ode (qaṣīda) of which the opening lines were—

I went to the land of regret like a tulip with a scar² on my heart,
At the resurrection I'll rise from the clay with a scarred heart!

A wonderful thing was that before this march M. Ibrāhīm was always troubled about a dream which he had had, and was divided between fear and hope. M. Ibrāhīm used to describe the dream as follows: “One night I came to wait upon H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī. I was gazing on his beautiful countenance, and was in a reverie, being much in contemplation of the Divine halo. From time to time a longing to have his features took possession of my heart. One night I saw myself in a dream, possessed of his features, and was rejoicing thereat, but when I put my hand on my beard and eyebrows, I found that they were all rotten and came to pieces, so that in a short space of time I had no beard, or eyebrows or eye-lashes. I awoke grieving at this, and the sorrow for it will not leave me. It appears that some harm will come to me.”

When M. Sulaimān had crossed the ravines (jarhā) he went towards Badākhshān by way of Wakhsh¹ and the desert of Maḥmūd With a few men he came amongst the people of the Hazārajāt and had to fight. He gave proof of courage and went on attacking, whatever loss he incurred (kushta kushta). Two and thirty times they blocked his progress. He personally fought and gained deliverance. When he reached Badakhshān, he got the news of the Mīrzā's mishap. The gates of sorrow were opened on his days. Especially did Ḥaran Begam, the daughter of Sulṭān Wāis Qibcāq and mother of the Mīrzā fall into prolonged sorrow. She put on blue clothes and wore them as long as she lived. One of the eloquent recited this quatrain—

Ah, ruby of Badakhshān, thou has gone from Badakhshān,
Thou wentest shining from the protection of the sun;
Thou wert in the world like Sulaimān's ring,
Alas, thou hast gone from Sulaimān's hand.

Assuredly whoever fails to recognise the power of the lord of the age, and becomes intoxicated with the heady wine of the world, will see such days. This is the first stage that has been reached. Give ear to me, for among the occurrences I shall describe the downfall of M. Sulaimān,¹ so that the wise may take warning. The brief statement now is, that on the day when Mun'im Khān, the Khān-Khānān gave his feast the ambassadors were introduced. And when the protestations, the laments and the apologies for crimes of the Mīrzā had been made known, the heart of the Shāhinshāh, which is an ocean of kindness, accepted the excuses, and after making kind inquiries he expressed compassion for the Mīrzā. He used lofty utterances, and the whole of that joyful day was spent in mental and physical pleasures.

During this auspicious year a large number of aspirants left their homes and came to prostrate themselves at the threshold of fortune, being attracted by the reports of the justice and liberality of the Khedive of the age. They succeeded in their objects and made the eulogium of H.M. the Shāhinshāh the amulet of their faith and fortune. Among them came the blessed feet of that bowl of knowledge and deposit of truths—Khwāja Abdu-shahīd, the son of Khwāja 'Abdulla, who is known as Khwājagan-Khwāja, who again was the son of Khwāja Nāṣiru-d-dīn Ubāidullah, who is known as Khwāja Aḥrār¹. Khwāja Abdu-shahīd had external accomplishments and also internal gifts. He obtained the exultation of joining the sublime assembly, which is an auspicious elixir of things temporal and spiritual, and H.M. the Shāhinshāh who was inwardly a student in the Divine school, came forward with reverence and did him honour. That reservoir of instruction, Maulāna S'aīd² Turkistānī, who was at the head of the learned men of Transoxiana, and who had spent a lifetime in the society of Maulānā Aḥmad Junaid³ also made the acquintance of H.M. the Shāhinshāh. The Maulānā also was imbued with inward knowledge. Though he had not plunged so far into the niceties of Divine wisdom, or into physics and mathematics, yet he had attained a high rank in those sciences which are current in Transoxiana, and had not made his knowledge a cause of trouble and disturbance. At this auspicious time, when the management of political and financial affairs and the expansion and contraction of the affairs of the Sultanate were illuminated by the radiancy of H.M. Shāhinshāh's supervision, various ranks of men and skilful persons of every country came and were successful spiritually and temporally By the felicity of the attention of God's shadow the transactions of the Sultanate took an upward course. The market of administrations became brisk. A lofty foundation was given to faith. The world's springtime became more adorned. The masters of religion received support. Slanderers lost their trade. Worshippers of the creature received eyes to see with. The morning of auspiciousness breathed for the worshippers of God. The real world became revealed. The outer world acquired splendour.

Among the events of this time was the marriage of M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain. The auspicious-minded Shāhinshāh, who from outward signs knows secrets constantly distinguishes by royal favours and raised to lofty rank a number of persons who come before him, and are noted for good services and loyalty, and in whom high lineage adds to their intrinsic merits. By causing them to revolve continually in his presence he observes and studies their character. For the well-founded idea of the Shāhinshāh is, “Perchance a knave has put on the garments of the honest and has come into the lists of the elect, and there may occur a fault and a fissure in the pillars of the sovereignty through his wickedness.” It was on the same principle that the sages of old, when they would strip the veil of secrecy from hearts, poured reason-robbing wine into their mouths and made them intoxicated, so that their weak heads gave out from drunkenness whatever secret there was in their minds.

Men try man by the test of wine.

And when the intention is right, to give wine of this kind as approved by the dicta of the wise. To overthrow such knavish intelligence and to test it is befitting to world-adorning religion. In the same manner the principle of this world-adorning Shāhinshāh is that when he desire to know the calibre of anyone's talents and disposition he primes him with the man-overthrowing wine of the world (i.e., prosperity) and makes him mad with the world's inebriety, and then reads with the eyes of insight the nature of his character. Short-sighted men, whose eyes do not fall on the object, and are whirled round in the trough of error shoot out the tongue of reproach saying, “Why was such confidence reposed without inquiry?” While they who know the degrees of perfection recognise in this practice the use of the mirror of characters and eulogise such testing. An instance of this testing is M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain, who was of very exalted lineage, and whom H.M. looked upon with the eye of promoting, and to whom he gave lofty rank in order that he might be a prop of the Sultanate. As the high connections and the reputation of the Mīrzā were visible to all the world, some of the imperial servants, who only looked to external rank, judged him to be sound inwardly as well as externally, and gave him in marriage the cupola of chastity, the holy fruit of the Sultanate, Bakhshī¹ Bānū Begam, who was H.M. the Shāhinshāh's pure sister. By this alliance the position of the Mīrza was enormously exalted. Soon afterwards he obtained leave to go to Sarkār Nāgor which was his fief.

One of the occurrences of this year was the sending M. Qarā Bahādūr Khān, the brother² of M. Ḥaidar Gūrgān, to conquer Kashmīr. As it is a proper part of the rules of the administration of justice and of world-sway that whenever a ruler engages in his own pleasures, and spends his time in gratifying his lusts, and does not attend to the cherishing of his subjects and to symphathising with the oppressed, and to overthrowing the oppressors, the Lord of the Age, to whom Almighty God has given power and made him the governor of the terrene and terrestrials, should for the sake of thanksgiving to God, strive to uproot that tyrant, and to make over the inhabitants of his country to the prudent and just-minded, and should consider that as the preamble of elect devotion; so, acting upon this principle, an order was issued this year that a force be put under the command of M. Qarā Bahādūr, a relative of M. Ḥaidar, and one who was acquainted with the country, and that he be sent to conquer Kashmīr, inasmuch as the disturbances by intriguing Kashmīris, and the injustice of Ghāzī Khān, the ruler of Kashmīr, had been brought to the royal ears. A large body of men were nominated to assist Qarā Bahādūr. At this time Ghāzī Khān, the son of Kācī Cak, was the ruler of Kashmīr, for the government thereof had come to him after his father. But the truth is that he was the son of Ḥusain Cak the brother of Kācī Cak. When the measure of Ḥusain Cak's days was filled, Kācī Cak, either swayed by lust, or influenced by political considerations, took to himself his pregnant wife. Two or three months after the marriage Ghāzī Khān was born.¹

As Qarā Bahādūr was not skilful nor laborious he proceeded on his service after long delay, and arrived at Rajaurī in the height of the hot season. Naṣrat Khān, Fataḥ Cak, nephew of Daulat Cak, Lohar, Ankarī, Najī Rīnā, the brother of 'Īdī Rīnā, Yūsuf Cak, son of Ramakī Cak, and Khwāja Ḥājī came and joined him. As they saw that the army was not well constituted, Naṣrat Khān, Fataḥ Cak, Lohar and Ankarī² fled to Kashmīr. The army remained for three months in Lālī Khokar, near Bimbhar, waiting for the coming of the auxiliaries. As the leaders of the force were old servants, they took the longer time in arriving. It is not by such slowness and heaviness that the entrance into Kashmīr is to be effected, for the roads of that country are of such a nature that if the ruler get news a few days before of the approach of strangers and seize the passes, it would be difficult, or rather impossible, for an army adorned with thousands of Rustams to get possession of the country. Ghāzī Khān, who heard of the coming of the army, and some months had passed meanwhile, so strongly fortified the roads and passes that there could be no idea of getting through them. He also sent³ his infantry down from the hills. M. Qarā Bahādūr, after fighting for some days near Rajaurī, was defeated and turned back. It was not solely the strength of the Kashmīris that effected this. The season of ague, the beginning of the rains and the non-arrival of the auxiliary force were the principal causes of the defeat. A wonderful fight occurred on this occasion. On one side were musketeers, and on the other archers. Though the royal soldiers were few in number, yet by heavenly aid they did great things and gave proof of their courage. Kucak Bahādūr, a Rustam-hearted man, specially distinguished himself. At last, as the thing was an impossibility and as the superintendents of fortune had reserved the conquest of this delightful country for another time when the world-cherishing Shāhinshāh should throw off the veil over his world-adorning beauty and undertake the management of affairs without the partnership of the destructive and contumacious, they did not on this occasion gather together the materials of victory. Qarā Bahādūr made such arrangements as he could and came to the fort of Dāīra¹ near Rajaurī. Kūcak Bahādūr was wounded with an arrow. He became a prisoner and was brought before Ghāzī Khān. As the Kashmīris had seen his valour, Ghāzī Khān received him with kindness and made him over to the physicians. But as remedies were of no avail he took the path of annihilation.² Next day Qarā Bahādūr arrived at Naushahra. At this time of increasing dominion H.M. the Shāhinshāh in accordance with the suitability of the time was engaged in Agra, the capital, in rendering thanks for the glorious favours of God and under the disguise of inattention to the affairs of the sovereignty, for every day the notes of fortune and felicity were coming into evidence. In every direction countries were being conquered, and the news of victories was arriving. From all quarters the lords of sincerity were congregating in crowds. Dominion was increasing, and fortune was adorning. Understanding was becoming far-sighted, and men were becoming devoted. What place in that holy festival could be held by such news as that of what had happened to Qarā Bahādūr? And what dust of loss could it raise in that sublime sanctuary?

Among the occurrences was the coming of the news that Bairām Khān had passed away. As the holy personality is a fountain of generosity and humanity he expressed regret at this event in spite of the things that had taken place, and of which a few out of many have been related. I do not know if this event was the retribution of past deeds, or if his mind was still polluted by evil thoughts, or if his prayer had been answered, or whether the favour of God released that good man from the heavy burden of shame. In truth Bairām Khān was in reality a good man, and of excellent qualities. On account of bad company, which is the worst evil for mortals, his excellencies were first perceived by him, and his infatuation was increased by excessive flattery. For, whenever one fixes his eye on his own goodnesses and abilities there becomes a brisk market of flatterers in the antechamber of his heart. And he takes every flattery that reaches him to be true, and becomes a self-worshipper, and a self-adorner. Consequently, when the time came, the true beauty of the Lord of the Age remained hidden from Bairām Khān, because it was screened by the tender age and the absence of practice in political matters. While searching for the defects of others he did not consider his own. But the house of flatterers did not do him so much harm as did his honest but inexperienced and short-sighted friends. At length, as he in reality belonged to the band of the auspicious of mind and awakened of fortune, he by good guidance did not end in rebellion and contumacy, and lived to repent. By the blessing of service and the grace of pardon he attained to happiness, and the king of the world became pleased with him and was gracious. He set off on a pilgrimage to the glorious places, with honour, accompanied by his family, and provided with goods. When he arrived at the city of Pattan,¹ which is the nearest city of Gujrat, and used formerly to be called Nahrwāla, he stayed for some days in that delightful neighbourhood in order to take repose. At that time the governor² of the city was Musā Khān Fūlādī, and he was firmly established there. A number of Afghans had assembled round him, and were disturbers of the country. Among them was Mubārak Khān Lohānī, whose father had been killed in the battle of Mācīwāra when Bairām Khān was in command. A desire for revenge took possession of that mad Afghan, and he resolved to kill Bairām Khān. Moreover¹ a Kashmīrī wife of Selīm Khān, the son of Sher Khān, and her daughter by him, were in the caravan, and were intending to go to the Ḥijāz along with Bairām Khān. It had also been arranged that Bairām Khān should marry his son to the daughter; this too was displeasing to the Afghans.

While Bairām Khān was in Pattan he was continually visiting its gardens, &c., and one day he went on the great pond,² which is a delightful excursion, and has within it a pavilion³ which can be reached by boat. At the time when he disembarked and was about to mount his equipage, that ignorant, unrighteous one and 30 or 40 other Afghan wretches came to the bank of the pond to attack Bairām Khān. It appeared as if they had come to pay their respects to him, and so he called them to him. When that villain went up to him he incontinently drew his dagger and struck Bairām Khān on the back with such force that the point came out at his breast. Another wretch struck him on the head with a sword and finished him. In such a condition did he, fortunate in his end, depart from this world with the words Allah Akbar (God is great) on his lips. He had the bliss of martyrdom which was ever his wish, and for which he asked in his morning prayers and for which he sought the prayers of the men of God. One day, in the very midst of his authority, one of the simple-minded Saiyids¹ said, as he rose up to quit his levee, that he would say the Fātiḥa² with the intention that the Nawāb should obtain martyrdom; Bairām Khān smiled and said, “My good Sir (Mīr), why this commotion, and why this regret, we wish for martyrdom, but not in such a hurry.”

In fine, his companions were disconcerted and confused at this and dispersed, and Bairām Khān lay in the dust and in his blood till some faquirs and poor men lifted up his bloody corpse and committed it to earth in the precincts of the tomb of Shaikh Ḥisām³ who was one of the great Shaikhs of his time. On the day⁴ of Bād 22 Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Friday 14th Jumāda-al-awal 968, 31st January 1561, this catastrophe occurred.⁵ Qāsim Arslān made the following chronogram:—

When Bairām donned the pilgrim's dress to visit the K'āaba
His martyrdom by the way fulfilled⁶ his object.
An invisible angel uttered this chronogram
Shahīd shud Muḥammad Bairām.
(Muhammad Bairām became a martyr, 968).

Afterwards the body was removed to Mashhad by the exertions of Husain Qulī Khān¹ the Khān Jahān and buried there. On the occasion of this strange catastrophe the vagabonds of Pattan plundered Bairām Khān's camp, and left nothing undone in the way of insolence. The horror of the murder produced great affliction among the people of the deceased. Muḥammad Amīn Dīwāna, Bābāī Zambūr and Khwāja Mulk brought away 'Abdu-r-rahīm, Bairām Khān's heir, and who was then four years old, from the scene of the catastrophe along with his mother and some servants, and went off to Aḥmadābād. A crowd of Afghan wretches quickly followed them, and the unfortunate sufferers had to fight the whole of their way through to Aḥmadābād. They stayed there four months, and then Muḥammad Amīn Dīwāna and some servants took the proper course and set off for the mankind-protecting court, taking with them Abdu-r-raḥīm. Before they had kissed the threshold, news of Bairām Khān's death had reached H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and a gracious order was issued for the attendance of 'Abdu-r-raḥīm. This order reached Jālor² at the time of friendlessness and orphanage and was healing for broken hopes. The purport of the order was that he should come to Court and be reared by the Shāhinshāh. Several true men such as Bābāī Zambūr, Yādgār Ḥusain,³ brought that new fruit of loyality to Agra in the middle of the sixth divine year, corresponding to the beginning of 969, September 1561, and submitted him to the testing eye of H.M., and exalted him by prostration on the threshold. H.M. the Shāhinshāh, in spite of evil-speakers and evil-thinkers received that child of lustrous forehead, in the lines of whose brow there were the notes of nobleness and truth, with inborn kindness, and reared him in the shadow of his own supervision. In a short time he was distinguished by the title of Mīrzā Khān. Day by day his good manners and nobility of nature revealed themselves, and he attained to lofty eminence. He was raised to the very highest rank, that of Khān-Khānān. An account of this will be given in its proper place.

In the end of this year, beginning in fortune and ending in joy, the cupola of chastity Māham Anaga, who was linked to H.M. the Shāhinshāh by real and ostensible ties, and to whose knowledge and perspicacity the bridle for opening and closing all affairs, political and financial, was, through the blessings of the sublime regard to business, entrusted at this time, formed the design of marrying¹ her elder son Bāqī Muhammad Khān. As one daughter of Bāqī Khān Baqlānī had been married to Adham Khān, she wished that the other daughter should be united to her elder son and that she might prepare a delightful banquet in view of the holy advent (of Akbar). With this design she obtained leave from the sublime Court, and engaged herself in arranging this joy-giving festival. The marriage-feast was adjusted according to the rules of magnificent spirits, and alert and skilful attendants on the sublime threshold applied their arts to the fitting up of the premises and to the disposition of the entertainment. At the petition of this fortunate and approved servant H.M. the Shāhinshāh in his abundant grace and favour bestowed the light of his presence on that picture-gallery of delight. Every day there was a new arrangement of the festival, and all and sundry partook of excellence and joy.

Among the melancholy occurrences of this time was the appearance in H.M. the Shāhinshāh's holy person of some obstruction¹ (ṯabra cand) from pustules. The sincere loyalists and the superficial cognoscenti were grieved, but it was not hidden from the acute and far-sighted that the great Physician, upon whose will depend health and sickness, and of whose justice and equity, sorrow and joy are the manifestations, doth, for the purposes of prosperity and wisdom, make that servant whom he shall raise to high rank and bring to the garden of eternal joy, and make successful both in temporal and in spiritual matters, subject in the first instance to things repugnant in their nature. The design of this is to increase watchfulness, or to avert the evil eye, so that in recompense therefore he may ascend on the steps of desires and be filled with eternal joy. In accord with this wise design, the equable body of H.M. the Shāhinshāh became at this time somewhat heated, and his holy temperament declined from the centre of equability. What shall I say of how the hearts of the faithful bled, and how their livers melted? The shopkeeper spirits of business-men became disturbed. After some days some pimples, which were like rue¹ to the disease, came out on the surface of the skin, and Almighty God decreed, as was fitting, the preservation of that great one whom He himself had formed. In a short space of time that commotion died down, and that note of loss was erased, and there was complete health. The sick world became well, and the troubled minds of the good were refreshed. For the sake of thanksgiving for the Divine bounty, there were gifts and largesses. Want departed from the country of the poor, longing subsided in the hearts of the supplicants. The imperial servants showered gifts in proportion to their condition and loyalty, and were bestowers of joy on mankind.

Worship and devotion are incumbent on every class of the sons of Adam, and the worship which befits the household of sovereignty, and the thanksgiving which is prescribed for the princely dispensers of justice is that they be continually meditating the tranquillity of their subjects; that they apply their royal energies to the raising up of the injured and oppressed; and that they free the heads of those distressed ones from the heavy burden of tyrants and troublers. First, let them take proper measures for appointing right-thinking, right-speaking intelligencers. If the collecting of such a band cause delay, let them, by the strength of their understanding and foresight, appoint individuals who have no mutual acquaintance, and let them by this excellent means learn the characters of high and low. Secondly, let them bring to bear that steady contemplation which has in it a divine illumination, and let them observe right reason both in their wrath and in their levity. Thirdly, let them by every method which their lofty intelligence may suggest practise extensive views and wide sagacity, and give power and influence to men of talent who have partaken of the sweet waters of sincerity, and let them increase their authority and preserve their own dignity. Let them not take microscopic views on great occasions, and let them treat every member of the tribe of the disloyal according to his deserts. Let them, after warning, inflict suitable chastisement on the seditious and intriguing who have uplifted the head of troubling and who for the sake of their own lusts regard corruptions as emendations. And as mighty princes maintain such principles within their own territories; so, too, do they in other countries exercise such administration of justice and build their world-conquests upon this foundation so that their glory and their dominions increase day by day. As these world-adorning qualities are not acquisitions, but are innate in the holy personality of the Shāhinshāh, he at this auspicious time, when he was becoming convalescent, and was opening the gate of joy for mankind, gave some measure of attention to the affairs of sovereignty and took to bestowing light and justice on the darkened world.

When the facts of the oppression of the people of Malwa and of the injustices of Bāz Bahādūr, of whom an abridged description has already been given, were brought to the Shāhinshāh's notice, his justice demanded that an army should be prepared and dispatched against that intoxicated, right-disr egarding one, and that the classes of humanity in that country, who are a grave trust from God, should be delivered from the evils of the time. Stringent orders were issued to those charged with the administration of affairs to make ready a large army commanded by brave and loyal officers and to employ it in this lofty service. In a short space of time the administrators prepared an army in accordance with these orders. In the end of the fifth Ilāhī year, and beginning¹ of 968, Pīr Muḥammad Khān, 'Abdullah Khān, Qīyā Khān Kang, Shāh Muḥammad Khān Qandahārī, 'Aādil Khān, his son, Ṣādiq Khān, Ḥabīb Qulī Khān, Ḥaidar 'Alī Khān, Muḥammad Qulī Toqbāī, Qīyā Khān Ṣaḥib ḥasan (the beautiful?), Mīrak Bahādūr, Samānjī Khān, Payanda Muḥammad Khān Moghal, Muḥammad Khwāja Kushtīgīr² (the wrestler), Mihr 'Alī Sildūz, Mīram Arghūn, Shāh Fanāī, and other sincere heroes and devoted men were appointed under the command of Adham Khān to proceed southwards and display justice and liberality and to be balm for the wounds of the oppressed ones of Malwa. If the ruler of that country should awake from his negligent slumbers and be prepared to amend his ways, he was to be made hopeful of the royal clemency and to be exalted by kissing the lofty threshold, so that he might be treated in accordance with his behaviour. If his foot was slippery from the wine of insouciance and could not convey him swiftly on the highway of obedience and service, punishment was to be brought home to him (lit: be placed in his bosom) so that he might be a lesson to other stiffnecked ones. The victorious troops tightly bound the strap of courage according to the rules of service and set forth to conquer, placing their feet aright on this highway. They did not march so fast that the camp-bazaar could not keep pace with them, nor did they go so slowly that anyone could suppose they were sparing themselves.

He's no traveller¹ who whiles goes fast and whiles goes slow.
He's a traveller who goes slowly and steadily.

At this time of smiling fortune the standard of the procession of the New Year shone forth spiritually and physically, and the flag of the new spring-morning reflected mirrorwise the countenance of dominion and fortune. After 9 hours, 59 minutes of what is commonly¹ called the night of Wednesday, but which was really Tuesday, 24 Jamāda-al-akhirī 968 of the lunar year, 10 March 1561, the great Light and Illuminator of the universe cast its rays on the glorious mansion of the Ram and came into the increasing realms of the Shāhinshāh, and the sixth year from the holy accession, viz., the Ilāhī year, Shahrīyūr began. The troops of flowers displayed their effulgence, and the odours of the gardens insinuated themselves into the brain of joy.

The night-wandering winds brought back the zephyr from the stream.
The New Year clouds again unfurled the flags from the hills.
The former came swiftly like messengers of good tidings.
The latter were like jewel-laden elephants moving in line.
Hail the fragrance in which the perfumer ('Aṭṭār) has no part.
Glorious the broidery whose embroiderer is hid.

The heavenly bodies gave the good news of peace and tranquillity from the prolongation of the shade of daily-increasing sovereignty. The movements of the spheres conveyed to time and terrene the news of the conquests of new territories.

When the victorious troops, who had girded up their loins for the conquest of Malwa, approached that country and ascertained the infatuation and arrogance of Bāz Bahādūr, who had exercised his power with highhandedness and tyranny, they drew up their ranks in proper array. Adham Khān and Pīr Muḥammad Khān were in the centre, 'Abdullah Khān and a number of others were on the right wing, Qīyā Khān Kang and others were on the left. The vanguard was commanded by Shāh Muḥammad Khān of Qandahār and Ṣādiq Khān.

From innate insouciance Bāz Bahādūr did not concern himself with public affairs. Wine, which experts have prescribed, in small quantities and at fixed times, in consideration of the arrangement and composition of their bodily elements, for certain temperaments and constitutions, was made by this man, who was immersed in bestial pleasures, a cause of increased folly, and he was continually indulging in it, without distinguishing night from day or day from night, and was continually using it. Music and melody which the wise and farsighted have employed at times of lassitude and depression, such as arise from the press of business and the burthen of humanity, as a means of lightening the mind and of cheerfulness, were regarded by this scoundrel¹ as a serious business, and he spent upon them all his precious hours—for which no exchange is possible. In the arrogance of infatuation he wrought works of inauspiciousness, and regarded not what has been said.

Observe some secrecy in your meetings
Lest the watchman come in with sword-play.

When the army of fortune came near to Sārangpūr, which was the fool's paradise of this drunkard, he awoke in some measure from his insensate slumbers and came out from Sārangpūr, crapulous and wine-stained and took post three kos beyond it. He put his army in order and prepared for battle. He gilded the centre (qalb)¹ with the base copper of his personality, and Selīm Khān Khaṣa-khel, the governor of Raisīn and Canderī, commanded the right wing. Adam² commanded the left wing. Tāj Khān Khāṣa-khel and Ṣūfī who had the vapours of audacity in their brains commanded the vanguard. The armies faced one another at the distance of two or three kos, and the braves on both sides were continually coming out and encountering. They put the observance of the rules of wariness into the charge of men of skill while they themselves displayed intrepidity in combat. Every day a troop of gallant and capable men headed by an experienced loyalist, who possessed both abundant sense and abundant courage, proceeded to the flanks of the enemy and stopped the egress and ingress of the rebels, and especially of the convoyers of grain who in the language of India are called Banjāra. They made the position of the enemy difficult. One day it was the turn of Shāh Muḥammad Khān Qandahārī, Ṣādiq Khān, Payanda Muḥammad Khān Moghal, Shāh Fanāī, Mihr 'Alī Sildūz, Samānjī Khān, and Muḥammad Khwāja Kushtīgīr. They set out after one watch of the night and losing their way they got on the other side of a body of the enemy and came near their stations. Of necessity a fight took place; and there was a fierce hand-to-hand engagement. When news of this was brought to the imperial camp, 'Abdullah Khān, Qīyā Khān Kang and a number of others galloped up and took part in the fight. Though at first Adam came out and fought like a Rustum and repulsed the victorious army, yet Ṣādiq Khān and a number of others skilfully took possession of a ravine³ and remained firm. The imperial troops came up and discomfited the enemy. A hand-to-hand fight took place between Qīyā Khān and Selīm Khān, and the former was victorious, Ṣādiq Khān and Qīya Khān joined their forces and repulsed Bāz Bahādur who had driven off the troops in front of him.

A watch and somewhat more of the day had passed when the breeze of victory blew from the vent of fortune and the bud of conquest bloomed on the rosebush of hope. Owing to the Shāhinshāh's fortune and the excellent qualities of the Khedive of the age a glorious victory was gained, such as might be the embroidery of great successes. Bāz Bahādūr, wine-stained and disgraced, hastened off towards Khandesh and Barhānpūr. All his goods and chattels, his seraglio, and his singing and dancing women, who were the material of his pleasures and the decoration of his life, fell into the hands of the victors. The wretch, when he was about to face the victorious troops, had in accordance with the Indian custom placed confidential men in charge of his wives and concubines and had arranged that if they got sure tidings of his defeat they were to put all of them to the sword that they might not fall into strangers' hands. When the form of Bāz Bahādūr's defeat appeared in the mirror of results those devil-born ones acted according to the arrangement and with the water of the sword wiped out some of those fairy-framed puppets from the page of life. With the knife of injustice they erased from the world's folio the life-records of those innocents. Some were wounded and yet retained a breath of life, and for many the turn of slaughter had not come, when the victorious troops hastily marched into the city. The villains had not time to lay hands on these innocent women. The chief of them was Rūpmatī, renowned throughout the world for her beauty and charm. Bāz Bahādūr was deeply attached to her and used to pour out his heart in Hindī poems descriptive of his love. A monster who had been left in charge of her uplifted the sword of wrong and inflicted several severe wounds on her. Just then the army of fortune arrived and brought out that half-slaughtered lovely¹ one. When Bāz Bahādūr had fled Adham Khān came in all haste and excitement to Sārangpūr to seize the buried and other treasures, and the seraglio with its singers and dancers whose beauty and melody were celebrated throughout the world, and whose heart-ravishing charms were sung of in the streets and markets. He took possession of all Bāz Bahādūr's property, including his concubines and dancing girls, and sent people to search for Rūpmatī. When this strain² reached her ear her faithful blood became aglow, and from love to Bāz Bahādūr she bravely quaffed the cup of deadly poison and carried her honour to the hidden chambers of annihilation!¹

When Adham Khān had become victorious by the good fortune of the Shāhinshāh his innate infatuation increased, and the cap of his pride was set awry by the wind of arrogance, that is, by his folly and ignorance. His brain deteriorated and whatever Pīr Muḥammad Khān, his disinterested preacher, said to him in the way of advice was unheeded. He personally returned thanks to God for so great a victory,² and performed the rites of thanksgiving (i.e., the distribution of alms, etc.), to the extent of his ability. In order to gratify the imperial officers he inaugurated a great feast and made presents according to his own pleasure to all the servants of fortune's threshold who were in his company. Thereafter the whole of the conquered territory was parcelled out. Sārangpūr and some select parganas were assigned to Adham Khān who was the ostensible leader. Māndū and Ujjain were assigned to the real leader, Pīr Muḥammad Khān. Sarkār Hindīa was given to Qīyā Khān, and Mandesūr and its appurtenants to Ṣādiq Khān. 'Abdullah Khān Moghal returned to his fief of Kālpī. Ādham Khān reserved for himself all the rare and exquisite articles as well as the stores and buried treasures of that country which were the collections of ages, and many of the famous dancing girls and beauties whose loveliness and grace were bruited about in all the nine heavens, as well as many singers and musicians, and occupied himself with delights and pleasures. He set apart some elephants out of the spoils of fortune and sent them to the world-protecting Court along with the reports of the victory.

Among the glorious victories which made this year illustrious was that won by Khān Zamān over the Afghans. Though Alī Qulī Khān Zamān had no portion of the sweet-waters of loyalty—nay, did not understand his own loss or gain and was always regardless of the Shāhinshāh's kindness and favour and was swiftly careering in the whirlpool of error, yet as the veil over his actions had not been withdrawn, and he was giving himself out as one of the officers of eternal dominion he was, by the blessing of daily-increasing fortune successful in all his undertakings. At the time when Bairām Khān had left the scene the black-hearted and short-sighted Afghans thought they had their opportunity and exalted the son of Mubāriz Khān, commonly known as 'Adalī, and gave him the name of Sher Khān. They gathered themselves together and determined to march against Khān Zamān and abolish him. Khān Zamān was aware of their designs and set about strengthening the fort of Jaunpūr. He sent information to the neighbouring officers and, with the exception of Sikandar Khān Uzbeg, he collected them all together, viz., Bahādur Khān, Ibrāhīm Khān Uzbeg, Majnūn Khān Qāqshāl, Shāham Khān Jalāīr, Mīr 'Alī Akbar, Kamāl Khān Gakhar and others. As the enemy was very strong, and had nearly 20,000 cavalry and 50,000 infantry, and 500 elephants, it was not judged prudent to advance and engage them. The Afghan wretches thought the respite was to their advantage and marched with a large force, and a complete equipment against Jaunpūr, and encamped beside the Gūmtī on whose bank the city is situated. On the third day they, being drunk with the wine of presumption, crossed the river with their forces in battle-order. Sher Khān and Fataḥ Khān and a large body of troops proceeded towards the mosque of Sulṭān Ḥusain Sharqī. They sent off on the right a large detachment under the command of Y'aqūb Khān, Fattū, Saiyid Sulaimān, Selīm Khān Kharwār, and Jau'har Khān towards the Lal Darwāza, and despatched Ḥasan Khān Bacgotī, and Adam the son of Fataḥ Khān with a number of vainglorious blackguards to the left towards the band¹ of Shāikh Bahlūl. Khān Zamān kept his men in hand according to rules and tactics (batuzuk-u-yāsāmīsh) and made ready for battle. Brave men who had their hearts in their hands and were ready to sacrifice life for honour came forth on every side and engaged in hand-to-hand combats. Grand heroes fell upon Ḥasan Khān Bacgotī and he chose the disgrace of fleeing before the hair-splitting archers. At this moment Sher Khān came up with a body of brave men who were eager for battle and fought valiantly. He drove off the victors into the city-lanes. The black-hearted Afghans thought they had won a victory and turned off in another direction. Meanwhile Khān Zamān took the lead with a number of determined men and retrieved the defeat. He assailed the enemy in the rear with arrows and destroyed the futile success of the Afghans. By the Divine aid, which supports the eternal dominion, a great victory soon declared its elf Much booty and many noted elephants fell into the hands of the imperial servants. When partizans of the glorious dominion who are not pure of heart or possessed of right dispositions can rear such victorious standards, merely from their being connected therewith, how can the extent of the victories of the sincere and loyal be reckoned up?

Whenever the world-adorning Deity establishes the pillars of an auspicious one He totally subverts his opponents. He overthrows those who begin by showing wheat, but who sell barley,¹ together with the open and secret foes, and in order that the rule “the most important and then the next most important²” may be observed, he begins by trampling in the dust of contempt the openly and inwardly perverse and sends them as outcasts to the realm of annihilation. Then He despatches the inwardly worthless to the abyss of ruin and so cleanses the world of those who with vulpine trickery come in the guise of loyalists and do the work of enemies. In brief, when God the world-adorner made such a victory fall to 'Ali Qulī Khān's lot He increased the stock of his infatuation. He did not send to court the spoils of this celestial victory, which was a gift of God. The world-conquering mind of the Shāhinshāh wished to visit the eastern provinces so that the Khān Zamān's infatuation might not become madness. But as he knew that the correction of Adham Khān, who after the Mālwa victory was become seditious, was the most important matter, he determined on visiting and regulating that province which was one of the glorious gifts of God. The excellent idea of the king, who in the beginning of things ever looks to the termination, and his far-sightedness which in the commencement of cases considers how they may be happily ended, demanded that he should, in the first instance, gallop the steed of intention towards Mālwa so that the actions of that evil-doer might not be irremediable. He was occupied with these thoughts when Ṣādīq Khān came to Court and told the real state of affairs. This confirmed His Majesty in his resolution, and the officers were ordered to make the necessary arrangements for the expedition. It was his innate kindness which inclined his heart to the amendment of Adham Khān. The desire to see that delightful country and to arrange its affairs became fixed in his far-seeing mind. He left Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān, Khwāja Jahān and a number of others in Agra and without informing the great officers and Eyes of the State he went off with a band of special attendants in an auspicious hour of the day of Sarosh 17 Ardībihisht, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 11th Sh'ābān 968, 27th April, 1561.

In passing near the fort of Rantambhūr, of which Rai Sarjan was the governor, he did not think of taking it but continued his advance. Rai Sarjan, when he heard of the approach of the victorious cavalcade, sent suitable presents by able officers and paid the homage of submission. When he halted near the fort of Gāgraun,¹ which is one of the strong forts of Mālwa, it transpired that Bāz Bahādūr had made it over to one of his confidants and that it had not yet been captured. It was also reported to His Majesty that Adham Khān intended to take it in person. One day while His Majesty was encamped there, the conquering heroes had been ordered to invest the fort (lit. to inhoop that bezel of strength). When the governor became aware that the Shāhinshāh was casting the shadow of conquest over the fort he, inasmuch as he was able and far-seeing, made the keys of the fort the adminicle of his safety and became exalted by kissing the ground. He was honoured by royal favours. His Majesty left Khāldīn in charge of that strong fort and went on in the end of the same day. He travelled rapidly all night and in the morning, which is the time of expanding hearts, and augmenting life, he arrived in the neighbourhood of Sārangpūr. He made the long march (from Agra), in which there were so many ascents and descents, in sixteen days and planted his darkness-dispelling standards in the district of Sārangpūr on the day of Bahman 2 Khardād, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday the 27th Sh'ābān (13th May).

One of the wonderful things was that on the same day Adham Khān had marched out from Sārangpūr with the intention of taking the fort of Gāgraun, and had advanced two or three kos. He had no knowledge of the Shāhinshāh's expedition. Though Māham Anaga had sent off swift couriers to inform him of the expedition and to enable him to make proper preparations for service, yet the rapidity of His Majesty was such as dream-messengers could not keep pace with, what then could be done by hard-riding couriers? Adham Khān had arranged his forces and was tranquilly proceeding towards Gāgraun when the world-lighting gilded balls (kaukaba) were seen in the distance. Although but few of the victorious troops were on that night in attendance on His Majesty's stirrup, yet throughout the whole of those plains and deserts there were, by reason of the armies of the Divine favour, such a press and aggregation of soldiers of the invisible world, and horsemen of the heavenly land, that they appeared to the eyes of his companions to be beyond count. Some of Adham Khān's soldiers, who had gone ahead of him, suddenly came upon the royal escort. When their glance fell upon His Majesty they involuntarily threw themselves from their horses and did homage. Adham Khān was amazed when he saw his men so confused and flinging themselves off their horses. “Good God, to whom are they paying such reverence?” In his astonishment he urged on his horse, and came nearer. When his eye fell on the world-illuminating beauty of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh he became confounded, and like a bewildered moth dismounted and did homage. He placed the face of servitude in the dust of supplication and was exalted by kissing the stirrup. As the rule of kindness to servants and of ignoring their faults is innate in His Majesty, he received Adham Khān with favour and dismounted there for a while in order that the latter might be re-assured and also that the other followers who had come with Adham might obtain the bliss of doing homage. Then he remounted and proceeded to Sārangpūr. By alighting at Adham Khān's quarters in that city he made them the envy of heaven's ante-chambers. Adham Khān stood on the carpet of servitude and brought forward things rare and beautiful, but as he had not comprehended the extent of His Majesty's nurturing care and kindness, and had raised his foot above his degree, the enlightened soul, which is a divine and truth-revealing chalice, did not open out towards him.

Devotion's law is that when there is material absence there is real and spiritual presence, and that due respect and reverence are still paid to one's master and that one's private wishes are forgotten in the pleasing of one's benefactor. What am I saying? Devotion is a priceless jewel. It does not deck every head, nor is imparted to every heart. Whither had calculation gone? And what had become of business considerations? What sort of dexterity is it to trick out the booth of disguise and dissimulation in the face of such fostering and kindness? Assuredly, he who out of wickedness plays the game of deceit on the board of honest men casts the dust of destruction into the cup¹ of his name and fame! When Adham Khān was making his hypocritical fawnings the acute mind of the Shāhinshāh felt no pleasure, and whatever Adham did was not approved of by the holy soul. Among other things he had produced clothes in order that His Majesty, as he had come off a dusty ride, might put on fresh attire. But as Adham's behaviour had not cleansed the fine dust on the skirt of the pure and holy soul His Majesty disdained the garments of hypocrisy. Adham Khān stumbled into the net of agitation and confusion. In the abundance of his distress he sought the aid of each one of the favoured courtiers, and displayed humiliation and self-effacement. At length His Majesty, who is a mine of gentleness and pity, took compassion on his misery, and, yielding to his own magnanimity, he favoured his servant by putting on the fresh clothes which he had brought. He also spoke pleasantly to him. As on that day his chaste ladies had remained behind and had not come with the cavalcade, His Majesty slept that night on the roof of Adham Khān's house. That evil, inauspicious wretch was lying in ambush and was waiting for his opportunity, as perhaps the glance of the holy one might fall on his harem, and so the villain might make this a pretext and slay him. His Majesty's holy mind which is a spiritual rose-garden was void of such thoughts, and as he had made a long march he indulged in a long repose. Adham Khān's ill-omened harem-house was a thing of which that wise and chaste one never thought. As the Divine protection ever watches over that spiritual and material cynosure, that black-hearted and ill-fated one had no power or pretext (for injuring him) and the “Avaunt” of real and spiritual sovereignty protected him in his loneliness.

Next day Māham Anaga brought the zanāna which had remained behind and arranged a great entertainment. Adham Khān was roused from the sleep of negligence by that able dame and recognised the supreme honour of the advent of the Khedive of the world. He tendered gifts and prepared a feast. He produced before His Majesty whatever had come into his hands from Bāz Bahādur's estate, whether moveable or immovable, as well as all the wives, dancing girls and courtezans. His Majesty in accordance with his general benevolence accepted them, and presented him with some of them. He stayed four days in Sārangpūr and on the day of Khardād 6 Khardād, Divine month, corresponding to Saturday, 2 Ramẓān (17th May, 1561), he set out on his return to Agra. At the first stage, which was in the district of Sārangpūr and was called Patāncor, Adham Khān gave way to evil thoughts and disgraced himself for ever and ever. As Māham Anaga was dear to that appreciator of service, and connoisseur of jewels he winked at the affair and said nothing. The details are briefly as follows: As folly and blindness of heart were the confirmed qualities of Adham Khān he intrigued with his mother's servants who waited in the royal harem, and spirited away from the Shāhinshāh's enclosures two special beauties from among Bāz Bahādūr's women and who had been recently exhibited to His Majesty. He indulged in the vain thought that as everyone was at this time engrossed with preparations for departure no one would follow up this trail. From this foolish idea he elected to place such a blot on his fortune's forehead. He became marked with an eternal curse and was disgraced for ever. When this scandalous proceeding came to the royal hearing an order was given to stop the march for this day and to send off swift messengers to search for the lost ones. Able men undertook the service, and by making proper search they caught both of them and brought them back. Māham perceived that if these two women were introduced to His Majesty the veil over her acts would be raised, and her son's treachery be revealed. She therefore caused these two innocent ones to be put to death for “a severed head makes no sound.” The Khedive of the age overlooked this gross outrage, as the veil was not yet removed from his world-illuminating countenance, and regarded the done as not done. I laud the ocean-drinking capacity which in its abundant affection and plenitude of wisdom can regard such shocking crimes as uncommitted!

From the time when the news of the arrival of the sublime cavalcade reached the officers of Mālwa everyone of them came from his fief and carried the countenance of sincerity to the princely threshold. On the day when the tents were pitched outside of Sārangpūr Pīr Muḥammad Khān, Qiyā Khān, Ḥabīb 'Alī Khān and other officers came and were exalted by doing homage. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh distinguished each of them by favours and exalted their rank. Adham Khān, Pīr Muḥammad Khān and the other Mālwa officers obtained leave after doing obeisance and went to their fiefs. The royal cavalcade proceeded towards the centre of sovereignty. His Majesty went on, stage by stage, hunting and shooting, but also going on rapidly. When his crescent standards cast their rays on the territory appertaining to the fort of Narwar, a tiger¹ such as might terrify the leopard² of heaven came out of the forest with five cubs and on to the track by which the cavalcade was proceeding. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh, who had the strength of the lion of God in his arms and the coat of mail of the Divine protection on his breast, went alone and without hesitation in front of that iron-clawed,³ fiery-natured wild animal. When the spectators beheld this the hair on their bodies stood erect and sweat distilled from their pores. His Majesty with swift foot and alert arm attacked the brute and killed it by one stroke of his sword.

'Gainst him whom God defends
Who is there that dares contend
If he assail a tiger or other beast of prey
He easily strips their skins from their bodies.

The wild beast, so great and terrible, fell bleeding to the dust before the strength of his arm and the might of his courage, and a shout arose on all sides. This was the first beast of prey which His Majesty personally attacked. Its cubs¹ were killed by the swords and arrows of a number of brave men who were in attendance on the sublime stirrup.

Among the excellent occurrences that happened during this journey was the designating of the Mīr Munshī Muḥammad Aṣghar by the title of Ashraf Khān.

In fine, Agra was made fortunate by His Majesty's arrival on the day of Dībādīn, 23 Khardād, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday, 19 Ramẓān, 968 (4th June, 1561), and the gates of joy were opened for mankind. This great expedition was completed in one month and seven days. The going² took sixteen days, four were spent in Sārangpūr, and seventeen were occupied in returning. In it the degrees of courage were fulfilled, and the stages of wisdom revealed. The dues of grace and kindness were paid, and breadth of capacity and greatness of soul were manifested.

The great Vicariate demands that just rulers should without ostentation or personal motives enter into affairs to the full extent of human power and should not delegate them to another. For scrutinising intellect only employs lieutenants and agents in those affairs of human concernment to which it cannot personally attend. Most secular rulers confine their attention to the choice of a lieutenant and then delegate the care of mortals to others and give themselves up to pleasure. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh from his abundant wisdom, and universal benevolence derives his satisfaction—to an extent which the human capacity cannot comprehend—from the soothing of mankind and personally takes part in most matters of business. And, as one of the chief duties of sovereignty is to know the condition of the people, and as of all worldly pursuits this is the one in which corruption is most patent, for it is a pursuit which has chiefly to deal with the mean, the low and the base who are specially addicted to mischief, covetousness and lying—for how are truth, honesty and disinterestedness to be expected in low-natured subjects of inquiry when such qualities are at the present day rare in the great?—His Majesty mostly uses in this work his own sublime genius, and gives to it his special attention. And although the kingly office requires that the holy personality of sovereigns should be guarded in a thousand iron fortresses, yet the Khedive of our age relies on the Divine protection; and after asking support from godly ascetics he many times goes out in a mode which no one knows and a dress which no one recognizes and makes perambulations. He gets information about hidden matters and so arranges for the administration of human affairs. By the influence of desert-traversing knowers of God who are a note of the Divine protection, he is protected from the dangers of such journeys, as he is guarded from other perils.

For protection a dervish's old skirt
Is stronger than hundreds of Alexander's Walls.

Now that this preface has been set forth give ear to me with a mind unstained by the fog of capriciousness. In the town of Bahraich is the grave¹ of Sālār Mas'aūd Ghāzī who was one of the martyrs of the armies of Ghaznīn. It is a custom² in India for the people to make flags of various colours and convey them along with numerous presents to that place. Accordingly a large contingent starts from Agra for this rendezvous and keeps³ awake for several nights in the neighbourhood of the city. There is a great concourse, and both the good and the bad assemble there. Abūl Faẓl, the writer of this auspicious record, one day heard from the sacred lips of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh that on one night when there was a very large assemblage of this kind near Agra he according to his excellent habit crossed⁴ over to it under a special disguise. He was contemplating the various sorts of humanity when “suddenly a vagabond recognised me and said so to others. When I became aware of this I without the least delay or hesitation rolled my eyes and squinted, and so made a wonderful change in my appearance. In a sense that they could not imagine I was a spectator and was observing⁵ the ways of destiny. When those good folks looked at me they, on account of the change in my appearance, could not recognise me, and said to one another, ‘These are not the eyes and features of the king.’ I quietly came away from them and went to my palace.” In telling the story His Majesty imitated the disguise he had assumed, and so made our wonder the greater. In fact it was a very strange performance.

One of the blessed influences of the sublime Khedive at this time was that which occurred while he was hunting in the neighbourhood of Agra. A jackal attacked a fawn and the weak was about to be injured by the strong. The fawn's mother saw what had happened and fell into the net of perturbation. She summoned up her courage and ran to the place, and boldly assailed the jackal several times. He had a bad time, and flung himself into a pond and so made water his fortress. When the ray of His Majesty's attention was directed to this a shout arose from among the spectators. At this time, while the standards were pitched at Agra, though in appearance he inclined to various forms of sport and especially to the hunting with leopards, which is one of God's wonders, and made them the veil of his beauty, yet he constantly engaged in State affairs, in the conquering of countries, in promoting and exalting the loyal, and in casting down the evil-minded and the insincere, and in testing every one's merits, and in furthering and checking those according thereto. He did not leave untouched the smallest minutiae of business. At length the news arrived of the infatuation of the Khān Zamān, and he turned the rein of his intent towards the hunting of that country and determined to proceed thither.

It is not hidden from the far-seeing, who understand the pulse of the age, and comprehend the character of the multiform world, and who contemplate its entrancing banquet, that success, victory over opponents, the collecting of able assistants, and the accumulation of the world's goods produce increases humbleness in a nature which is allied to real nobility and which is innately good and well-intentioned and is continually perusing the daily record of its actions. For such an one they are the materials of increased watchfulness and for returning thanks to his benefactor. And as he knows that fidelity and good service are the constituents of thanksgiving, he goes on developing single-heartedness. He becomes both more humble toward the Creator and more complaisant to the creature. He both augments his loyalty and service to his Master and also is from appreciation of performances more amiable towards servants. But he who has no part in humanity except the outer form, and no share in nobility except in name shows effects the contrary of all these. With a little reputation and distinction he places his real rank in the alcove of oblivion, and he, in the first place, ignores his duties towards the author of his being. Secondly, he assumes airs of grandeur and hauteur with his benefactor and master; who is his quasi-God, and lets destructive thoughts pass into his mind. Thirdly, he behaves arrogantly towards his comrades and equals and conducts himself in an intoxicated fashion. Fourthly, he shows himself oppressive and tyrannical towards all mankind. The unhappy wretch thinks in his folly that he is constructing the materials of his own greatness, but the wise know that he is dressing the arena of his own ruin. The case of 'Alī Qulī Khān, commonly known by the name of Khān Zamān, is a repeated illustration of these truths. Physical courage, in which thousands of unreasoning brutes are victorious rivals, was made by him a motive for self-exaltation, and increased arrogance, and he ascribed to himself his success, which was a ray from the fortune of the Khedive of the Age, and so made it a cause of increased infatuation. Accordingly, a hint has already been given of his intoxicated ways.

The pride of this wicked man increased when the son of 'Adlī, who had gathered round him a number of vagaband Afghāns, had been defeated by him, and the veil over his actions was nearly altogether withdrawn. The perfect reason and great affection of the Shāhinshāh impelled him to proceed to that province on the pretext of hunting. The words which passed from his lips were, “If any portion of goodness remain in that evil nature, and he awake from the slumber of negligence and hasten to do homage I shall draw a line of forgiveness over his offences and come back, for he is a plant which we have grown, and the noblest quality of princes is the acceptance of excuses, and the forgiveness of faults, for man that is born of woman is a confection of intoxicants and restorations. If auspiciousness does not guide him, and he does not show an appreciation of the bliss of service he will be disposed of before his disease shall have become chronic, and its remedy difficult, and the inhabitants of that country will be delivered from the hands of several oppressors.” In accordance with these administrative ideas the sublime cortège proceeded under the Divine aid to the eastern cities on the day of Shahrayūr 4 Amardād, Divine month, corresponding to Thursday the 4th Zī-Q'ada 968 (17th July, 1561). The protection of Agra was committed to M'uīnu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān¹ Farankhūdī. Mun'im Khān Khānkhānān, Khwāja Jahān and many servants of the threshold of fortune attended His Majesty. He marched stage by stage, diffusing the light of his justice; in appearance he was hunting, but inwardly he was with his God.

When the camp arrived at the territory of Kālpī, 'Abdullah Khān Uzbeg made a petition through the courtiers in waiting that the spiritual and temporal leader would cast a glance of favour on the lowly and eternally glorify by his advent the hovel of this attendant: “should His Majesty do me this honour what impropriety would there be in the Sun of fortune's cherishing a mote.” That world of urbanity granted his petition and enlightened his lodging by the holy light of his splendour. 'Abdullah paid the respects of obedience. The whole of that day His Majesty held high festival in his house, which was situated on the banks of the Jamna, and spent the time in joy and delight. From thence he turned his rein towards Karra, which is on the Ganges. As the suburbs of that city became the place of his encampment he turned his attention to hunting in the neighbourhood. It chanced that he spent several days in that delightful land. The Khān Zamān and his brother Bahādur Khān, as the time of their rending the veil had not yet come, awoke from the slumber of negligence and proceeded to do homage. They are exalted by doing so and presented the varieties of the country by way of peshkash. They tendered noted elephants such as Dilsankār, Pulta, Dalīl (?), Sab-dilia and Jag-Mohan (world-fascination), every one of which was a heaven in his world, and they with shame and repentance made the dust of the threshold the collyrium of their eyes. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh in consequence of his right-founded principles treated their past evil acts as unacted and rewarded them by special favours. With his truth-interpreting tongue he said that the wondrous tree of humanity was the precious nursling of God. How unpleasant it is to uproot flowers and grasses (ashjār-nabāti ). It may be judged¹ then what will be the result of uprooting such a tree (as man) He accepted the coin of their shame and submission as an intercessor for their acts and made the ocean of his forgiveness boil over!

At this time 'Abdu-l-Majīd Āṣaf Khān was sent off with a number of warriors towards Pannah² against Rajah Rām Cand. If he behaved properly, and seized and sent to court Ghāzī Khān Tanūrī and a number of broken men who had gone to that country, and if he himself bound on the girdle of obedience and good service, they were to return after having treated him in a conciliatory fashion. As it was the rainy season, the Rajah was obstinate and the holy warriors returned and went to their fiefs. After His Majesty had spent twenty days in Karra, and his mind had become tranquil about the affairs of that country the noise of a return to the capital reverberated. The two brothers waited on the stirrup for three stages and took leave after receiving countless favours. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh traversed much territory in ten days, and on the day of Mihr 16 Shahrayūr, Divine month, corresponding to Friday, 17th Ẕī-l-ḥajja, 968 (29th August, 1561), he alighted at Agra. He completed this auspicious expedition in one month and fourteen days. He was fourteen days in going and he halted twenty days, and in returning he took ten days. When the shade of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh's glorious umbrella fell upon the metropolitan district the noble spirits went out to welcome him and to show their loyalty. Everyone received favours in accordance with his merits. There was a new daily market of justice, and a new springtime for the world. Time and time's creatures gained fresh joy. The culmination of service was revealed¹ to the imperial servants in the districts and borders of the dominions. From every quarter men donned the pilgrim-garb of honour and came to kiss the threshold of fortune.

In the end of Ābān, Divine month, of this year, corresponding to the beginning of Rabī'-al-awwal 969, November 1561, Shamsu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān Ataga, who had been distinguished by the title of A'aẓim Khān, came from the Panjab and did homage. He fulfilled² the destined worship in the guise of serving his spiritual and temporal master. He presented splendid gifts, such as were befitting his loyalty, and was exalted by the glorious favours of the Shāhinshāh. He undertook the management of affairs, political and financial, and disposed of matters relating to the army and to the civil population according to his own sound judgment. Māham Anaga, who from her excellent services, abundant wisdom and exceeding devotion regarded herself as the substantive prime minister, was displeased at this. Mun'im Khān Khān-khānān too, who was the ostensible vakīl and sat on the maṯnad as such, was inwardly grieved at this. Where were the judiciousness, the independence of mind and the disinclination for worldly affairs which would have regarded the presence of one who took up and placed on his head the burden of the world's business as a great gift from God and as something to be thankful for, so that when the Khān A'aẓim in his straightness and loyalty undertook the service of the Shāhinshāh, Mun'im Khān and Māham Anaga should have looked upon him as a providential helper and have rendered thanks for the boon from the bottom of their hearts, instead of being so grieved and vexed? For in the antechamber of right-dealing the true principle and that which is approved by the wise is that one should hold oneself fettered to external work until another who can take charge of it makes his appearance, and the office of pleasing the master by the management of affairs shall have been entrusted to him by acts and not by words. When one is given to understand by the tongue of actions that his service has been entrusted to another and that a servant who is chief manager has arrived on the scene, it is folly to be vexed; and such conduct is to allow oneself to be overcome of his desires. Rather, it is to overset oneself, and to damage oneself by one's own hand.

One of the ennobling events in the Shāhinshāh's fortune which in this year applied collyrium to the eyes of the simple-minded aspirants after auspiciousness was that Cunār, which is an impregnable fortress, came into the possession of the imperial servants. Certainly it has seldom come into the hands of princes by force of arms or by abundance of stratagem. For on account of its height and strength the hand of the external foe cannot reach it, and owing to plenty of food and water those inside are not dependent on the outer world. The brief account of this event is that when 'Adilī's son became a vagrant in the wilderness of ruin the fort of Cunār, which had been his abode, came into the hands of one Fattū¹ who belonged to his clan (khāṣa khel). He regarded this inaccessible fort as his refuge and laboured to strengthen it. When the standards of fortune returned from the town of Karra and were set down at Agra, Khwāja 'Abdul Majīd Āṣaf Khān was appointed to take the fort. As Fattū had some proper feelings, and some good sense he perceived that the day of the Afghans' defeat had arrived, and so sent a number of people to express his submissiveness. He humbly represented to the world-protecting court that if Shaikh¹ Muḥammad were to take him by the hand and bring him to kiss the threshold of fortune he would assuredly deliver the fort with a contented mind to the imperial servants and would bind himself to the saddle-straps of the Shāhinshāh's fortune. His petition was accepted and the Shaikh went, in accordance with a lofty command, and brought him by princely kindnesses to perform homage. The forehead of his auspiciousness was brightened by his prostrating himself at the court of the refuge of the world. His Majesty exalted him by favours and gave him the rank of an Amīr. Ḥasan 'Alī Khān Turkaman was appointed to the charge of the fortress.

Among the occurrences of this time was His Majesty the Shāhinshāh's mounting the elephant Hawāī and engaging it in a fight. The life-giving and world-adorning Creator was daily exalting his degrees of greatness by new methods and new lights and was making the spiritual and physical perfections of this sole one of unity's Court perceptible to the superficial and short-sighted. The Age's Khedive was contented with rendering thanks inwardly and continued to wear a veil over his actions. Whenever owing to a Divine decree a veil might be removed from his world-adorning beauty, His Majesty by the might of his own far-seeing meditation fashioned some other yet more beautiful and wonderful veils. He was at once a spectator of the system of Divine decrees, and an administrator of the world according to the best laws. Secretly he was testing the sincerity, the large-mindedness, and business-capabilities of men; ostensibly, he was prosecuting hunting and elephant-fights which the ignorant regard as a kind of neglect of the duties of sovereignty, but which the wise regard as the cream of practical skill. In those very amusements which led the superficial into this error there appeared certain actions which involuntarily brought such superficialists into the highway of devotion and made them travellers on the path of true knowledge. Among them is the following extraordinary occurrence. The story of this instructive affair, and of this opener of reason's ear is as follows. The elephant Hawāī¹ was a mighty animal and reckoned among the special elephants. In choler, passionateness, fierceness and wickedness he was a match for the world. Strong and experienced drivers who had spent a long life in riding similar elephants mounted him with difficulty, so what could they do in the way of making him fight? That royal cavalier of bravery's plain and tiger-hunter of audacity's forest one day without hesitation mounted this elephant, in the very height of its ferocity, on the polo-ground which he had made for his pleasure outside of the fort of Agra, and executed wonderful manœuvres. After that he pitted him against the elephant Ran Bāgha which nearly approached him in his qualities. The loyal and the experienced who were present were in a state such as had never happened to them before.

As the courtiers who were witnesses of this dangerous scene were disturbed by its continuance and were unable to remonstrate, it all at once, occurred to them that a remedy might be found if the Ataga Khān who was the prime minister were brought, and if he by prayers and entreaties could withdraw His Majesty from this dreadful occupation, the contemplation of which turned the gall-bladder of the lion-hearted to water. When the distracted Ataga Khān arrived and saw the state of affairs he dropped from his hand the thread of endurance and bared his head. He cried and lamented like oppressed suppliants for justice. Great and small raised hands of entreaty and implored from God the safety of that sacred person which is the principle of peace and tranquillity for mankind. When His Majesty perceived the Ataga Khān's perturbation he said to him, “You must not make all this lamentation, and if you don't stop I'll at once throw myself down from the elephant.” When the Ataga Khān saw that His Majesty was bent upon the business he at once obeyed and from deference outwardly composed his agitated mind. The lion-hearted Shāhinshāh calmly went on with his terrifying pursuit until the elephant Hawāī by the strength of a hidden arm, and the Divine fortune, got the victory over his opponent. Ran Bāgha let fall the strong cable of steadfastness and turned to flee. Hawāī looked neither behind nor before and disregarded heights and hollows and went like the wind in pursuit of the fugitive. His Majesty, a rock of firmness, continued to sit steadily and to watch the ways of destiny. After running a long way the elephant came to the edge of the river Jamna, and to the head of the great bridge of boats. Ran Bāgha in his confusion went on to the bridge, and Hawāi with the tiger of fortune's jungle on his back came upon the bridge behind him. Owing to the great weight of those two mountain-forms the pontoons were sometimes submerged and sometimes lifted up. The royal servants flung themselves into the water on both sides of the bridge and went on swimming until¹ the elephants had traversed the whole of the bridge and got to the other side. At this time when the spectators were looking on at the wonderful affair, the Khedive of the age in a moment restrained Hawāī who was like fire in disposition and like wind in swiftness. Ran Bāgha ran off, carrying his life. New life, too, came to the world and distraught hearts were composed. Some short-thoughted, short-sighted ones imagined that perhaps there was some drunkenness in the brain of the Ruler of time and terrestrials, and that this performance was the result thereof. They immediately recoiled from this baseless idea and perceived that His Majesty was a wondrous portrayer of the arts of reason who was bringing into evidence a specimen from the wondrous inner gallery and was summoning the astray in the wilderness of ignorance to the king's highway of knowledge. He was giving eyes to the blind, and was anointing the eyes of the seeing with impearled² collyrium. Several times when this fortunate writer has had the privilege of private conversation with His Majesty the Shāhinshāh he has heard from his holy lips that “our knowingly and intentionally mounting on mast, murderous elephants when they have a moment previously brought their drivers under their feet and killed them, and when they have slain many a man, has this for its cause and motive that if I have knowingly taken a step which is displeasing to God or have knowingly made an aspiration which was not according to His pleasure, may that elephant finish us, for we cannot support the burden of life under God's displeasure.” Good God, what an insight is this! and what a calculation with oneself! In fine, at all times, whether that of holy privacy, or that of engrossment in business, in time of battle, and in time of banquet, he is ever regardful of the real, guiding thread, and while he is outwardly with the creature, and inwardly with the Creator, he is at one and the same moment the arranger of the sections of the outward and inward and acts as the leader of both those great parties, and while deriving pleasure from both of those pleasant products adorns the throne both of the spiritual and the temporal universe.

Among the events was Adham Khān's arrival at Court. At the time when Agra was being made illustrious by the Shāhinshāh's presence, the idea took shape in the world-adorning mirror of his mind that the government of Malwa should be committed to Pīr Muḥammad Khān Shirwānī, and that Adham Khān should do service at Court. Orders were issued to this effect and Adham Khān obeyed them and proceeded thither, after making over Malwa to Pīr Muḥammad Khān. He travelled rapidly and soon arrived, and was the recipient of royal favours. Māham Anaga's heart, which was distressed by the separation from her honoured son, was thereby comforted, while Pīr Muḥammad Khān was relieved of the burden of a colleague, and realised his hopes, and the people generally of Malwa were freed from injustice and gained peace and tranquillity. Adham Khān too was restrained from folly and thus guarded against destruction. Furthermore the determination to improve him became fixed in the holy mind. At this time the lord of the universe in accordance with his noble ways was continually outwardly engaged in hunting while inwardly he walked with God and was employed in the capturing of souls. He laid grand foundations for every work, and arranged good regulations in matters of administration. In spite of his youth which is a time when most rulers follow their inclinations without self-introspection, His Majesty made his prime years a means of acquiring Divine knowledge, and was never for a moment neglectful of this. Prosperity, enthronisation, the cherishing of friends, and the consuming of enemies, every one of which was a sense-robbing cup for former princes or rather a drinking to the lees of infatuation, became in the holy personality of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh a cause of increased knowledge, of augmented wisdom, of abundant prudence and watchfulness. In virtue of the Divine purposes, and the irresistible decrees of the incomparable Deity, many of the world-adorning excellencies of this spiritual and temporal prince were concealed even from his own acuteness. I have heard this many times in the days of my childhood from my honoured father when I was engaged in acquiring knowledge. He (too) was a fountain of blessings and an assemblage of spiritual and material perfections and one who spent his days in the hermitage of retirement. And I learnt this also by myself when I came to have the bliss of serving him who is the elixir of the capabilities of the masters of wisdom. By reason of this fact, to wit, that his world-illuminating spiritual beauty was hidden from himself, he would seek from others what he should have sought for in himself and which he should have brought for the use of mankind and so been a guide to those wandering in the wilderness of error. Continually he made the pain of seeking after God, which is also capable of becoming perfect health, the hem of his heart, and kept the mobility of his holy soul. Hunting, which is a bracelet on the arm of joy, was made by him a constituent of the pain of search and made him traverse alone city and country. In his abundant carefulness he sought for truth among the dust-stained denizens of the fields of irreflection—and most of the really great study it under this disguise— and consorted with every sort of wearers of patched garments such as jogis, sanyāsīs and qalandars, and other solitary sitters in the dust, and insouciant recluses. From their outward ways and conversation he got at their real natures. Similarly he inquired after the Truth from the learned, and the distinguished who were bound by the chain of science and reputation, and who trick out the petty shops of schools and colleges. He recognised the adulterateness and false metal of the impostors among these classes but infolded these things in his own wide capacity. He put the dust of concealment over those deceitful Satans and did not lay bare the reputation of those ministers of the truth. In spite of these results there was no falling-off or slackening in this world-king's quest. Rather he increased his endeavours and was more restless than ever in his search for physicians of the soul who might be guides on the path of attainment.

For years the heart seeks from us the cup of Jamshīd
It seeks from an alien what itself possesses.

If a commentary were to be written in this style, a separate book would be necessary so that I might depict what I have learnt from the beginning of my service. It is better then that I return from this world, and proceed with my record of this hero of the age.

One night His Majesty went off to Fatḥpūr to hunt and passed near by Mandhākar which is a village on the way from Agra to Fatḥpūr. A number of Indian minstrels were singing enchanting ditties about the glories and virtues of the great Khwāja, Khwāja M'uīnu-d-dīn, may his grave be hallowed! who sleeps in Ḥazrat Ajmīr. Often had his perfections and miracles been the theme of discourse in the holy assemblies. His Majesty who was a seeker after Truth and who in his zealous quests sought for union with travellers on the road of holiness, and showed a desire for enlightenment, conceived a strong inclination to visit the Khwāja's shrine. The attraction of a pilgrimage thither seized his collar.

The Khwāja came from Sīstān, and they write him Sijzī¹ which is the Arabic for Sigzī. His honoured father who was named Khwāja Ḥasan and who was a contented husbandman died when he was in his fifteenth year. Shaikh Ibrāhīm² Majẕūb of Qandūz's attention was drawn to him and by the blessing of his glance the pains of inquiry seized the Khwāja's soul, and cut away outward ties. He hastened to Samarqand and Bokhāra and for a time applied himself to the acquisition of knowledge. From there he went to Khurāsān and there he grew up. In Hārūn which is a dependency of Nīshāpūr he made the acquaintance of Shaikh Oṯman Hārūnī and became his disciple. For twenty years he practised strenuous austerities in the Shaikh's company, and undertook journeys, and sojournings in strange lands. He became acquainted with many saints of the time, such as Shaikh Najmu-d-dīn Kubrī. In short, he is one of the great men of the Cistī order. He is three³ removes from Khwāja Maudūd Cistī and nine from Ibrāhīm Adham. Before M'uizzu-d-dīn, the son of Sām, came from Ghaznīn to India,¹ he took leave from his Pīr and came to that country. He established himself in Ajmīr, where Rai Pithorā, the ruler of India, resided. Certainly the Khwāja was a lord of austerities and spiritual conflicts and had waged great wars with his carnal spirit. Though many miracles are related of him what miracle can be more glorious than the contest with the desires of this carnal spirit which is the father of excesses? Khwāja Quṭbu-d-dīn Ushī of Andijān became, in Bagdad, in the month of Rajab 522,² in the mosque of Imām Abū-i-laiṯ³ of Samarkand and in the presence of Shaikh Shihābu-d-dīn Sahrawardī, of Shaikh Uḥadu-d-dīn of Kirmān and of a number of other saints, the disciple of Khwāja M'uīnu-d-dīn. Shaikh Farīd Shakrganj, who is buried in Patan,⁴ is a disciple of this Quṭbu-d-dīn, and Shaikh Niẓāmu-d-dīn Auliyā, who was the Pīr of Amīr Khusrū, gave his hand of discipleship to Shaikh Farīd. In short, many of the perfect masters have risen up from under the skirts of the Khwāja's⁵ teaching. May God sanctify their souls!

As the Shāhinshāh's holy soul searches after knowers of the Truth and is inquisitive about reputations founded on reality, he determined on the very hunting-ground to pursue spiritual game, and though his followers urged that he should not go to remote places, and spoke of the dangers of them and the numbers of refractory persons there, he did not give heed to them, for his mind was set upon going, and only became more determined to make the expedition. On the day of Shāhriyūr 4 Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday 8th Jamāda-al-awwal (14th January, 1562), he set off to Ajmīr with a few attendants who belonged to the hunting-party. An order was also issued that Māham Anaga should convey the seraglio to Ajmīr by way of Mewat, and in accordance with it she hastened thither. When His Majesty reached the village of Kalavalī (?)¹ Caghatai Khān, who as an intimate courtier had means of speaking to him, represented the facts of the loyalty of Rajah Bihārī Mal who was head of the Kacwāha clan which is a distinguished tribe of Rajputs. The Rajah, he said, was eminent for wisdom and valour and had always been loyal to the sublime family and had done excellent service. He had in Delhi kissed the threshold and had conducted himself as one of those who were firmly bound to the sublime saddle-straps. For a long time he had been apprehensive on account of his bad treatment by Sharifu-d-dīn Ḥusain Mīrzā and had taken refuge in the folds of the hills. If a ray from the sun of the Shāh were to fall upon him and he were raised from the dust and so freed from the tribulations of the age, perchance his services would be approved of by the holy glance which is an elixir of auspiciousness.

The brief details of the oppression that he had suffered are that when Mewāt was made Muḥammad Sharifu-d-dīn Ḥusain's fief, he wanted to take possession of the town of Amber which is in Mārwār and was the seat of Rajah Biharī Mal's ancestors. At this time Sūjā the son of Pūran Mal, the Rajah's elder brother, out of wickedness and because he wanted the chiefship for himself came and paid his respects to the Mīrzā and raised troubles. The Mīrzā led an army against Rajah Bihārī Mal and as the times were unfavourable and the Rajah had not a large force he came to terms. A fixed contribution was laid upon him, and his son Jagannāth, Raj Singh, the son of Askaran, and Kangār the son of Jagmal, who were the Rajah's brothers' sons, were taken as hostages, who in Hindi are called ol.¹ The Mīrza then went off to Ajmīr and Nāgor, and this year it was his fixed intention to collect troops and to extirpate the family.

When the tale of the loyalty of this old family had been communicated to His Majesty he graciously gave permission for the introduction of the Rajah. When the cavalcade reached Deosa² most of the inhabitants fled from fear. His Majesty said, “We have no other intention than to do good to all mankind. What can be the reason of the flight of those people? Apparently these rustics of the valley of desolation have drawn an inference from the oppression they have undergone from Sharifu-d-dīn Ḥusain and so have run away.” At the close of the day Jaimal the son of Rūpsī, Rajah Bihārī Mal's brother, and the headman of this district, came and was introduced by the courtiers and did homage. They represented that the son of the headman was coming into service. His Majesty said: “His coming cannot be taken into account, Rūpsī must recognise our advent as a great gift of God and himself come and kiss the threshold.” Of necessity Rūpsī came in person and made the dust of fortune's threshold the antimony of the eye of auspiciousness. He was exalted by royal favours. Next day when the village of Sāngānīr¹ was made the camping ground Caghatai Khān introduced Rajah Bihārī Mal together with many of his relations and leaḍing men of his clan. Rajah Bhagwant Das, the Rajah's eldest son, was excepted as he had been left in charge of the families. His Majesty with his discerning glance read devotion and sincerity in the behaviour of the Rajah and his relatives. He captured his heart by kindness and exalted his rank. The Rajah from right-thinking and elevated fortune considered that he should bring himself out of the ruck of landholders and make himself one of the distinguished ones of the Court. In order to effect this purpose he thought of a special alliance, to wit that he should by means of those who had the right of entrée introduce his eldest daughter, in whose forehead shone the lights of chastity and intellect, among the attendants on the glorious pavilion. Inasmuch as graciousness is natural to His Majesty the Shāhinshāh his petition was accepted and His Majesty sent him off from this station along with Caghatai Khān in order that he might arrange for this alliance, which is the material of the eternal glory of the family, and quickly bring his daughter.

One of the dominion-increasing events of this time and which was an instance of the daily increasing distribution of justice by the Shāhinshāh, and a cause of tranquillising a crowd of the terrified inhabitants of the district, was the punishment of a leopard-keeper (cītabān). The brief account of this is that as the Shāhinshāh made the hunting with the cīta one of the veils of his world-adorning beauty and showed a strong passion for it and often indulged in it, one of the cītabāns waxed proud in his ignorance and forcibly took off a man's pair of shoes and appropriated them. The owner was lamenting, and accidentally his cries came to His Majesty's ears and the truth was discovered. The redresser of injustice as soon as he heard of the tyranny, ordered that the cītabān should be seized and brought to him. An order was issued for cutting off his feet, and this was a warning to men of the world, and a lesson in wisdom to the savages² of the fields of heedlessness. It became known in the country and afterwards no one thought of running away or becoming a vagabond. Peace and tranquillity appeared in the country. When the standards were pitched at Sāmbar Sharifu-d-dīn Ḥusain Mīrza had the bliss of doing homage, and brought suitable gifts. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh demanded Jagannath, Raj Singh and Kangār, whom the Mīrzā had taken as hostages, in order that Rajah Bihārī Mal might be entirely free from apprehensions. The Mīrzā agreed to surrender them, but put off the time of doing so by subterfuges. His Majesty thought the excuses were genuine and waited in expectation of the arrival of the hostages. At this stage Adham Khān came from behind and joined the camp. From here the expedition went with all possible speed to Ajmīr and arrived at that bliss-conferring city in an auspicious hour. The visit to the illustrious shrine of his holiness the Khwāja was performed, and the persons in charge of that sacred city were the recipients of fortune. Māham Anaga brought the ladies by way of Mewāt and had the bliss of accomplishing her service. His Majesty decided that the return-journey should be quickly undertaken. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain Mīrzā, to whom the task of taking Mīrtha had been entrusted ignorantly suggested that in order to his accomplishing this work His Majesty should go thither to hunt. When he was convinced that this plan was impracticable he fell into the notion that His Majesty would remain encamped at Ajmīr for some days. But as the holy heart was bent upon returning to the capital all the officers who held Jāgīrs in the neighbourhood such as Tarsūn Muḥammad Khān, Shāh Budāgh Khān, his son 'Abdu-l-Maṭlab, Kharram Khān, Muḥammad Ḥusain Shaikh, and a number more were appointed to assist the Mīrzā, and His Majesty moved towards Agra. A stringent order was issued for the production of the hostages and when the camp had been pitched at Sāmbhar the Mīrzā brought before His Majesty Jagannath, Rāj Singh, and Kangār. Rajah Bihārī Mal from the sincerity of his disposition made the arrangements for the marriage in the most admirable manner and brought his fortunate daughter to this station and placed her among the ladies of the harem. For the purpose of holding the marriage-feast the imperial cavalcade halted for a day in Sāmbhar. At the same place leave to depart was given to Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain, and His Majesty set off rapidly on his march. When he came near Rantanbhūr,¹ Rajah Bihārī Mal and all his children and other relatives were exalted by doing homage. Mān Singh, the son of Rajah Bhagwant Das, the heir of Rajah Bihārī Mal was then exalted by the auspicious ray of His Majesty's glance, and was made a permanent servant. Rajah Bihārī Mal wished that His Majesty the Shāhinshah should honour his house by visiting it so that the promotion of his family's glory might obtain completion. As His Majesty was fixed in his intention of rejoining Agra, and was in a great hurry the fulfilment of this wish was put off to another time. The Rajah was encompassed with favours and given leave to depart. Rajah Bhagwant Singh, Mān Singh, and a number of their officers and relatives attached themselves to the stirrup of fortune and proceeded on to the capital. The long distance was accomplished in less than three days and on the day of Isfandārmaẕ 5, Isfandārmaẕ, Divine month, corresponding to Friday 8 Jamādia-al-akhrī His Majesty arrived alone (manfarid) at the capital. The city received celestial exaltation by the halo of the advent, and the eyes of the spectators gained the glory of stars from the rays of his. The camp proceeded in his wake, stage by stage, and all, high and low, uttered congratulations and thanks to God for the advent. The Khedive of the age sate on the masnad of rule, and undertook the discharge of the intricacies of administration. As the daily-increasing fortune glorifies the state every new day confers a special blessing. Wonderful regulations were promulgated. As the principles of the rule of the Lord of the Age were good, the results appeared in the return of a time of auspiciousness. Every class obtained a career suitable to its condition, and worldly aspirants had their desires gratified.

This time which was the beginning of the spring¹ time of the spiritual king was the beginning of the earthly spring (Rabī'). There was a spiritual as well as a physical banquet of joy. The Great Light, the lamp of the universe, entered his house of exaltation (Aries) with a thousand blessings and felicities after the elapse of three hours and forty-nine minutes of Wednesday the 5th Rajab, 969 (11th March, 1562). The force of vegetation was set in motion, the door of abundance was opened anew before the world. The procession of King Rose (Khasrū-i-gul) arrived after his orbicular course and he displayed his splendour on his garden-throne. The birds of the meadow and the garden upraised the strains of Bārbad and Nagīsā² (Nakīsā). The vernal clouds washed and cleansed the recruits to the armies of fragrant plants.

The heart of the flower with the tongue of verdure Gave thanks to God for spring's balminess
In the production of living forms The stars became dyers and embroiderers
The branches were necklaces full of pearls The buds like the musk-bags of the deer.

From the sun's bounteous entry and blissful enthronement the physical and spiritual world received special prosperity, and things outward harmonized with things inward. The youth of wisdom and wakefulness received discipline, and the year Mihr, the 7th of the Ilāhī era began. The hand of Divine power withdrew the veil from fortune's countenance. The hope of the right-seeing, right-acting members of creation's workshop is that the most high God will make the Shāhinshāh's holy personality, prosperous outwardly and inwardly for a length of time and will year by year grant him a fund of increased life and fortune so that the world may remain protected from the animosities and conflicts of a variety of rulers, and may be illuminated by the justice and equity of this unique one of horizons who is worthy of universal empire. So may the true arrangement of the links in the chain of things human and Divine be revealed, and the great religion, which consists in binding the multitudes of the inhabited world on the thread of unity, be advanced! May dominions grow and knowledge increase, concord be established, sincerity become current, the dust-stained ones of the plains of heedlessness who are throughout the world under an obscuring veil come forth into the fields of discrimination, so that aptitude have an open market and the seekers after things pure and genuine receive into their hands the coin of their desire!

One of the glorious boons of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh which shone forth in this auspicious year was the abolition of enslavement. The victorious troops which came into the wide territories of India used in their tyranny to make prisoners of the wives and children and other relatives of the people of India, and used to enjoy them or sell them. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh, out of his thorough recognition of and worship of God, and from his abundant foresight and right thinking gave orders that no soldier of the victorious armies should in any part of his dominions act in this manner. Although a number of savage natures who were ignorant of the world should make their fastnesses a subject of pride and come forth to do battle, and then be defeated by virtue of the emperor's daily increasing empire, still their families must be protected from the onset of the world-conquering armies. No soldier, high or low, was to enslave them, but was to permit them to go freely to their homes and relations. It was for excellent reasons that His Majesty gave his attention to this subject, for although the binding, killing or striking the haughty and the chastising the stiff-necked are part of the struggle for empire—and this is a point about which both sound jurists and innovators¹ are agreed—yet it is outside of the canons of justice to regard the chastisement of women and innocent children as the chastisement of the contumacious. If the husbands have taken the path of insolence, how is it the fault of the wives, and if the fathers have chosen the road of opposition what fault have the children committed? Moreover the wives and innocent children of such factions are not munitions of war! In addition to these sound reasons there was the fact that many covetous and blind-hearted persons² from vain imaginings or unjust thoughts, or merely out of cupidity attacked villages and estates and plundered them, and when questioned about it said a thousand things and behaved with neglect and indifference. But when final orders were passed for the abolition of this practice, no tribe was afterwards oppressed by wicked persons on suspicion of sedition. As the purposes of the Shāhinshah were entirely right and just, the blissful result ensued that the wild and rebellious inhabitants of portions of India placed the ring of devotion in the ear of obedience, and became the materials of world-empire. Both was religion set in order, for its essence is the distribution of justice, and things temporal were regulated, for their perfection lies in the obedience of mankind.

One of the glorious events was the capture of the fortress of Mīrtha³ by the imperial troops. God be praised the Almighty has given to the occupier of the throne of the Caliphate such excellencies that they cannot be contained within the mould of thought or come within the measure of judgment. A fortunate one who is sustained by a real relationship (to Akbar), i.e., a genuine sincerity, accomplishes in the most perfect manner whatever he undertakes, and succeeds with ease in enterprises which yield with difficulty to the rulers of the world. Do you not perceive that when the outwardly selected who have no share in the blissful abode of loyalty, undertake enterprises the Almighty God hath regard to this outward relationship to his elect one, and makes them successful? The case of Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain Mīrzā's capturing the fort of Mīrtha, which occurred in the beginning of this auspicious year, is a proof of this. The particulars of this delightful event are as follows: It has already been recorded that when His Majesty the Shāhinshāh was returning from holy Ajmīr he sent Muḥammad Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain to take this fort and to make the conquest of the territory. A number of great officers were sent with him as auxiliaries. At that time Mīrtha was in the possession of Rai Māldeo who was one of the most powerful of Indian rajahs. He made over the fort to Jagmal,¹ who was one of his leading men, and left with him Deo Dās a Rajput who was famed for his valour with a chosen body of 500 Rajputs to assist Jagmal, and guard the fort. When the royal standards left the blessed country of Ajmīr and spread their glorious shade over Agra, Muḥammad Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain who had recently had the bliss of kissing the stirrup and who was buttressed by the eternal fortune of the Shāhinshāh, led, accompanied by other officers, an army thither and set before his genius the task of conquering that country. When the army of victory arrived at the town the soldiers travel-stained as they were and with their swift coursers all in a sweat donned the armour of endeavour and upreared the flag of daring and without hesitation advanced to the foot of the fortress. The garrison crept into the fort of fear and did not venture to come out. Meanwhile four champion horsemen of the army, advanced the foot of boldness and discharged some arrows against the gate of the fortress. Suddenly the Rajputs became restless under the discharge of arrows and came out on the walls. They made the battlement their shields and discharged confusedly bricks, stones, arrows and bullets, and also boiling pitch. Two of the horsemen obtained martyrdom and the other two came back wounded. Muḥammad Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain and the other officers saw wisdom in proceeding slowly and so they established themselves in the city of Mīrtha and put stations here and there. They applied thought and deliberation to the business of taking the fort, and cautiously invested it. They erected batteries according to proper rules, and drove mines on various sides of the fort. The garrison opposed them and every day there were hot engagements. Occasionally, they watched their opportunity and made sallies, and after showing their valour again withdrew themselves. At length, a mine, which had been carried up to under the tower was filled with gunpowder and set fire to. The tower fell to pieces like cotton when it is carded and a great breach was made. The heroes of fortune's army got an open road for battle and rushed on. The Rajputs washed their hands of life and made a hot resistance. There was a great shock of battle, and all day long there was a brisk market of war. Both sides gave proof of courage. The holy warriors quaffed the goblet of martyrdom and gained eternal life, and many of the foe drank the bloody water of death and became intoxicated by the cup of destruction. When the veil of night intervened, every one went back to his battery and during the night the enemy repaired the breach. But a fort which has been opened by the might of fortune cannot be closed again by the craft of rebels. Soon the garrison were in straits and the fort became their jail. Though a number came down and begged for an asylum, and tried to get out, yet Muḥammad Sharafu-d-dīn did not consent. After much coming and going, and consultation of the officers it was agreed that they should come out after leaving behind all their property. As accepting the petitions of supplicants is a part of the rules of conquest the heroes of the victorious army withdrew in accordance with the stipulations. Next day Jagmal came out and carried off half his life. Deo Dās from ill-fatedness and a darkened mind set his mind upon dying and perversely set fire to his property. Like a snake curled up and emerging from an inner fire he came out of the fort, and audaciously came in front of the army with 4 or 500 horse. The Rajputs such as Jaimal and Lonkaran, who were among the victorious soldiers and had an old quarrel with the garrison, said to Muḥammad Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain that these men had broken the compact and had burnt their goods. The agreement was that they should come out after leaving their goods. As their part of the compact did not stand good it was far from foresight to let such evil-minded, wicked men escape when they had been conquered. Muḥammad Sharafu-d-dīn approved of this view and drew up his forces. He himself was in the centre. Shāh Budāgh Khān, his son 'Abdu-l-Maṭlab and Muḥammad Ḥusain Shaikh were on the left wing, and Jaimal, Lonkaran, Sūja and other Rajputs were on the right. They followed after Deo Dās. When he became aware of the advance of the victorious army he out of utter daring turned his rein and fell upon the centre. A great fight took place which bore on its face a mark of the story of Rustam, or rather it was one which rolled up those old pages and placed them in the alcove of oblivion. The end was that Deo Dās fell from his horse and was assailed by a number who cut him to pieces. The victorious troops returned with success and glory. Some said that Deo Dās came out of this battle, wounded; and some ten or twelve years afterwards a person appeared in a jogi's dress and assumed this name. Some acknowledged him, and many rejected him. He lived for a while and then was killed in some adventure. In short, the other Rajputs escaped half-dead from that battle-field, and the fortress of Mīrtha together with all its territory came into the possession of the imperial servants, and was included among the dominions.

Heaven's eye ne'er saw nor shall see during its existence Such victories as the Shāh Jahān achieved
Every victory whose result is fixed by heaven Is when looked at, the preamble to others.

The Almighty inflicts punishment on every evil-doer at certain times and occasions in accordance with His supreme wisdom. The wise become acquainted in some measure with this mystery and increase their wisdom. The foolish fall into the briny desert of error and having their heads turned by vain imaginings become more foolish. It is like the effect of world-illuminating day which to the sound eye is a cause of increased vision. First, it produces recognition of the various Divine favours. Secondly, it inflames the spirit of thanksgiving and makes this more active and more searching. To owl-like natures which have defective vision it is a cause of increased blindness, and makes them ignoble and obscure. Night, which is day's defect, helps the vision of low, mean, owl-like natures and keeps them under the screen of imperfect sight. In brief, the inhabitants of the hamlets of the town of Sakīt,² which is about thirty kos from Agra, had not their equals for refractoriness and ingratitude. Especially eight villages of that pargana, which were known by the name of Athgarha³ were for insolence, robbery, manslaughter, boldness and turbulence such that the eye of the world had not seen their like. For they were both ruffians⁴ and occupiers of rough places, and they lived by audacity which the ignorant call manliness. The officers of the quarter were continually complaining of their wickedness. At last the Shāhinshāh went towards that village for the sake of hunting. At that time the pargana was in the fief of Khwāja Ibrāhīm Badakhshī.¹ A brāhman of the name of Hāpa obtained an interview through the huntsmen and represented the oppression practised by those stubborn ones, stating they had killed his innocent son and plundered his property. The spiritual and temporal king, who made hunting a means of inquiring into such matters, became indignant on hearing the victim's complaint and announced that he would next morning proceed there and chastise the evil-doers. At dawn he went off to hunt, attended by a few men, and sent off a party ahead. He reached the village at morning. Those who had gone on ahead came and reported that the rebels had heard of the Shāhinshāh's coming and had fled. The flame of majestic justice rose higher, and an order was given that the jeopardisers of their lives should follow them up to whatever defiles the recalcitrants had gone, and that he himself was coming on in reliance upon God. His Majesty proceeded to do so and put his horse at the gallop. On the way Qarātāq² the chief huntsman came and reported that he followed the fugitives, had killed one who resisted and had bound another and brought him. As he had not orders to proceed further he had turned back. His Majesty urged on his horse the faster, and after 1 1/2 watches of the day had passed he arrived at another village which was called Paronkh. The scouts reported that the men of the other village had fled and taken refuge here. When His Majesty approached this village, one of the inhabitants came out and paid his respects and denied that the recalcitrants had come there. His Majesty in his magnanimity sent again someone to guide those lost ones into the right path. As the life-cup of those who were drunken from the goblet of contumacy was full, and the wheel of retribution for their offences for so many years had revolved they fortified their village and stood prepared for turbulence and war. It is a fixed rule that the number of horse and foot which accompany His Majesty on hunting parties should not exceed one thousand men. On that night when the order had been passed for pursuing the fugitives the heroes and riskers of their lives had dispersed in all directions. Nearly two hundred men waited on the royal stirrup, and two hundred elephants had also followed and come up. The number of the rebels was more than four thousand. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh indicated to the brave sacrificers of their lives that they should gain the victory, spiritually and physically. A hot engagement followed, but as the enemy was numerous and the loyalists waiting on the royal stirrup possessed but a small share of his good fortune, the work did not advance. Suddenly his holy glance perceived that a number of his men had on account of the strong wind, and of the fire which had arisen in different sides of the village, taken shelter under the trees and were looking out for a safe corner. The royal wrath blazed forth. Though it was a case for showing severity to those men he from his innate graciousness winked at their misconduct and advanced in person on the elephant Dilsankār. As there was much fire in front of the village, and it was hard for the elephant to go forward they took the mountain-form round by the back of the village.

His Majesty told me the story with his own holy lips in this fashion: “When the elephant had been driven into the narrow places of the village I saw a yellow cuirass appearing on a roof. Dastam Khān had such a cuirass and I thought it was his. I urged on the elephant and got near the roof. Meanwhile there was a rain of sticks and stones and arrows. The Divine protection (which is the Shāhinshāh's coat of mail and which ever watches over him) became more and more marked. When I got close up I saw that the mail-clad man was Muqbil Khān,¹ and that he had gone up and was wrestling with one of the stiff-necked ones, and trying to throw him off the roof. A number of unruly spirits had run to help, and to finish Muqbil Khān.” Just then His Majesty the Shāhinshāh pushed on the elephant and at the same time he called to the men to get up on the roof. Banda 'Alī,¹ the qūrbegī of Mun'im Khān and elder brother of Sulṭān 'Alī Khāldār, ran up on the roof.—The wretches fled. The opponent was quickly disposed of. At this time the elephant's forefoot went into a grain-pit and Jujhār Khān Faujdār who was on the elephant and behind His Majesty fell on the top of the latter. His Majesty by his divine strength brought the elephant out of that abyss and tried to get on to the house where the rebels had fortified themselves. At this time none of the attendants was present except Rajah Bhagwant Dās and Rajah Badicand.² As His Majesty suffered from thirst Rajah Bhagwant Dās served him with his own supply. By chance in the same lane where his Majesty the Shāhinshāh was advancing towards victory, a Hindu drew his sword and struck with it. The blow fell upon the iron ring which is placed on elephants' tusks for strength and for show. The clash made sparks fly out, and the elephant in a rage doubled up the swordsman and trod him under foot. Just then a boy of fifteen, in his agitation flung himself from a roof on to the elephant. Jujhar Khān wanted to kill him, but His Majesty in his mercifulness did not permit him to do so. When they came near the house they saw that the special faujdārs³ had come and were standing in astonishment at the amount of the work. His Majesty advanced and drove the elephant against the gate. A Rajput was shooting arrows. Seven hit the Shāhinshāh's shield. He used to say that five went through and through the shield to the extent of three and five fingers and that two stopped in the shield without traversing it. The Divine protection was another shield which protected him. 'Alāwal Khān faujdār did not recognise His Majesty and called out from a distance, commending him and saying: “Who are you, that I may praise you to His Majesty.” His Majesty showed⁴ him his face and made that lucky one utter thanksgivings. At this time Tātār Khān⁵ cried out “My king, where are you going in this rain of arrows.” Jujhār Khān rebuked him, saying “What time is this for crying out and mentioning names?” At last His Majesty the Shāhinshāh broke down the wall and entered the dwelling. Three or four other elephants joined in this work and a large number of the audacious rebels were killed. Many shut themselves up in the house. In accordance with orders the roof of the house was broken and fire flung in. The breath of these ill-fated ones was converted into smoke. Nearly a thousand of them were sent to the abode of annihilation by the fire of the Divine anger. There was less than a watch of day remaining when this pious work was completed. The eyes of a great many rebels and sedition-mongers were opened.¹

When the Almighty Creator wills that the world-adorning beauty of one of His elect should be impressed on the minds of mankind, He gives him daily-increasing dominion and also provides in His universal mercy that the generality of mankind who have neither far-reaching views nor far-seeing eyes may be brought into the right way and for this purpose He causes disaffection to arise in parts of the imperial domains, and then grants that this be composed by the elect one's excellent arrangements. Of necessity mankind do not assign such a result to use and wont, and acknowledge the wondrous wisdom and farsightedness. There was a fresh illustration of these remarks in the drowning of Pīr Muḥammad Khān, in Bāz Bahādur's regaining his sway, and in the second settlement of the province of Malwa. The account of this fortunate (the resettlement) event is as follows. When Adham Khān came to Agra in accordance with the Shāhinshāh's directions, the imperial messengers brought the news that Bāz Bahādur had come to the neighbourhood of Āwās¹ and was collecting troops. Pīr Muḥammad Khān, who was daring to rashness and whose courage surpassed his judgment prepared a force and went off there. Bāz Bahādur made little account of Pīr Muḥammad and came out to meet him, and gave battle. After a short struggle he was defeated and abundant booty fell into the hands of the conquerors. Pīr Muḥammad Khān went on from there to take Bījagarh.² 'Itimād Khān a servant of Bāz Bahādūr was in command there and he exerted himself to strengthen the fort. As it is in itself a paragon for loftiness and solidity the siege drew out to a long period. The exploit-loving heroes such as Jai Dīwāna, Yār 'Alī Bilūc, Dāīm Kokaltāsh, Maulānā Muḥtasham, Mulk Muḥammad and Mīrzā Ãfāq displayed acts of valour and made assaults upon the gate. One day Muḥammad Mīr Kātib made a strong attack and was the subject of universal commendation. At last one morning very early Khusrū Shāh, the head of Pīr Muḥammad's servants fixed scaling-ladders and got above the fort. Two hundred other heroes advanced at the true dawn. As the blackness of their overthrow had arrived, the garrison were negligent and asleep. The morning breeze of victory had begun to blow, when the enemy took to fighting. A battle took place and the heroes fought well. When the garrison got into difficulties they cried out for quarter and dispersed. At this time 'Itimād Khān was coming forward with one companion and crying out for quarter and asking to be taken to Pīr Muḥammad Khān. An arrow reached him and he went to non-existence. When 'Itimād Khān's companion saw this he drew his sword, and after fighting as long as he could he manfully died. A large number became the harvest of the sword. The leavings of the sword obtained quarter and brought out their lives from the whirlpool. An immense booty fell into the hands of the imperial servants. Pīr Muḥammad Khān waited there some days to put the fort in order and then went on towards Sulṭānpūr. After a short contest it was included within the imperial domains. From thence he returned to Bījāgarh. There he learned that Bāz Bahādur had taken refuge with Mīrān Mubārik Shāh, the ruler of Khandesh, and that Mīrān was adding his troops to Bāz Bahādūr's. Pīr Muḥammad Khān put the superfluous baggage of the army into the fort and took one thousand brave men with him and made a rapid march so that he might suddenly come to Āsīr and Burhānpūr and dispose of the collected enemy. He crossed the Narbada and marched forty kos in one night. Within two kos of Āsīr there was a fort, and in it there were war-elephants. The little fort was quickly taken possession of, and the elephants were made part of the booty. Mīrān had sent a force from Āsīr to defend the little fort. Pīr Muḥammad Khān had taken the fortlet, and was proceeding towards Burhānpūr, which is in Khāndes and is the residence of the ruler, when suddenly the dust of the enemy's army was seen in the distance. Pīr Muḥammad Khān detached Khusrū Shāh and Yār Ālī Biluc to dispose of the enemy. They soon dispersed the fee and put many to the sword and then returned. Next morning they reached Burhānpūr and committed much plundering there. An abundant supply of goods and money fell into the hands of each man. Mīrān remained in the fort of Āsir, and Pīr Muḥammad Khān judged it advisable to return.

Meanwhile news came that Bāz Bahādur had approached with the army of Khāndes which he had taken with him with the intention of attacking Bījāgarh. When he came there he learnt that Pīr Muḥammad Khān had moved swiftly with a small force and had gone to attack Āsīr and Burhānpūr. He was much disturbed and went off to that province. Just at the time when the men were loaded with booty and were returning, and a number of them had got separated, the news came that Bāz Bahādur was close at hand. Pīr Muḥammad Khan took counsel with men of experience. Most of them agreed that it was not a proper time to fight, for they had made great exertions¹ and gained victories and every one was laden with booty. The proper thing was to avoid fighting and to cross the Narbada. They could recruit themselves at Handia and collect fresh men and then set to work. As his fate had arrived Pir Muḥammad Khān did not listen to the honest words of the men of experience, and set his heart upon fighting. His comrades did not support him, and after a little fighting did not stand firm. Yār Ālī Biluc seized Pīr Muḥammad Khān's rein and forced him from the field as there was no use in staying longer. When they came to the bank of the Narbada it was near evening. Though his companions said that the enemy was far off, and that they should remain that night where they were, yet as the inevitable moment had arrived, the messengers of death made him restless and induced him to swim his horse across the Narbada. The bridle of reflection fell from his hand, and the reasonable words of the right thinking found no place in his reason's ear. Mounted as he was, he flung himself with confusion into the swellings of the Narbada (b'arba dar āb Narbada).

It chanced that a string of mules¹ was then crossing rapidly. They came near the horse and kicked it on the side. Pīr Muḥammad's horse, as well as his sense, departed from their place. He fell from his horse into the water, and his comrades who were close by, did not in their wickedness exert themselves to draw him out of that whirlpool of destruction. He was drowned and went to the ocean of annihilation, either as a retribution for the oppression which he had committed in this expedition, or for his conduct in Tardī Beg Khān's battle, or for some other deed known to the knower of secrets.² By heaven's decree so loyal, able, and gallant a man underwent such a fate.

Where destiny is powerful The stronger is all the weaker
When the day of darkness shows its face Two world-seeing eyes make a gloom.

Thus in spite of his power and greatness, he strayed away from deliberation and with his own feet fell into the whirlpool of destruction. Qīyā Khān Kang, Shāh Muḥammad Qilātī, Ḥabīb 'Alī Khān, and a number of other officers who had fiefs in the province gave up heart and went off to the world-protecting court. Each of them received punishment suitable to his deserts, and Bāz Bahādūr became possessed of Malwa. The world-conquering fortune of the Shāhinshāh saw that the proper course was to appoint a high officer who should possess excellent sense as well as abundant courage, and perfect energy together with judicial calm. Therefore 'Abdullah Khān Uzbeg, who was ranked among the magnanimous riskers of their lives, and who had been formerly in that country, and was familiar with its nature, was nominated for the conquest of Malwa. The order was given that he should have the power of life¹ and death.

Khwāja M'uīnu-d-dīn Aḥmad Farankhūdī, who was distinguished among the viziers of the dīwān-i-bīyūtāt for his rectitude and ability, was raised to the rank of a Khān and sent with him in order that he might regulate the province and might inquire into the position of the jāgīrdars and define the exchequer-lands. A large number of persons were sent with him for this important work. The order was given that after the military had cleared that delightful province of the weeds and rubbish of enemies, 'Abdullah Khān should remain there and devote himself to ruling the country, and that M'uīn Khān should hearten the peasantry, the farmers and the other inhabitants, both high and low, by the influence of the Shāhinshāh's graciousness. He was to remedy the absenteeism which might have occurred on account of the marchings and counter-marchings of the troops, and with the help of the officers and other royal servants who had been appointed for this service he was to allot the fiefs according to the rules of eternal dominion. After finishing this work he was to return to court. In accordance with this order 'Abdullah Khān, attended by high officers, and with a suitable force, set his face in the beginning of this year for the conquest of Malwa. When Bāz Bahādur became aware of this expedition, he abandoned firmness and found that the power of resistance was not within his capacity. Before the standards of fortune's army could cast the shade of peace and tranquillity over those lands, he left Malwa and his ambitions and fled to a place of safety.

The dread onset of the Shāhinshah's fortune, and the majestic might of his armies and the promptitude of his expeditions are not (mere) loud noises such as that great princes should not be disturbed or terrified by them. What wonder then at the flinching of rulers like Bāz Bahādur. Without the sword's becoming a thunderbolt of evil or the arrow's pouring a rain of calamity, the victorious army entered Malwa. A number of brave men, out of foresight, pursued Bāz Bahādur and put to death many of his soldiers. He threw himself into the tree-clad defiles and spent his days in vagabondism. For some time he took shelter with Rānā Udai Singh. When the fame of the Shāhinshāh's clemency was spread about, he at last by good guidance left the abode of alienation and came to the restful abode of the sublime threshold, and was exalted by royal favours. This will be recorded in its proper place. In short, the country of Malwa came again into the possession of the imperial servants. 'Abdullah Khān in accordance with orders went to the city of Mandū, which was the capital of the princes of Malwa, and settled himself on the pillow of rule. The cities, towns, and villages were distributed among the officers according to their rank. The imperial servants went to Ujjain, Sārangpūr and other fiefs and opened out the trappings (raḥl) of repose. M'uīn Khān after putting the country in order and alloting the fiefs proceeded to court. He hurried along the highway of loyalty and enjoyed the bliss of service. He was the recipient of power and fame.

Among the occurrences was that Rajah Ganesh, the Zamindar of Nandūn¹ —a Panjab territory in the hill-country between the Bīāh and Sutlej—had the folly to attack Jān Muḥammad² Bahasūdī, the jāgīrdar of pargana Bīrka in that neighbourhood. As he was fundamentally bad, he had not the happiness of success. On the contrary he lost his honour and his estates by this affair. All his goods were plundered, and his wife, who was famed for her beauty, fell into the hands of the plunderers. As she had ornaments and jewels no trace of her could be found, and probably some narrow-eyed reprobates coveted her property and killed her as if, forsooth,³ the incomparable Deity had sent them this provision as a recompense for the conduct of the invader. When the news came to the officers of the Panjāb, the Khān Kilān, Quṭbu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān and a number of others went against him and inflicted suitable punishment. He became a vagabond, and then by the interposition of Rajah Todar Mal he presented himself at court and was favourably received. His career ended in good service.

One of the events was the arrival of the ambassador of Shāh Ṭahmāsp Ṣafavī the ruler of Persia. It is an old custom that powerful potentates should, for the sake of gathering spiritual and temporal blessings and for accomplishing spiritual and temporal objects, seek to associate with fortunate princes, and that if owing to a God-given destiny, a connection has already been established, they exert themselves to strengthen the pillars thereof and finish off the thread of their own fortune with this wondrous ornament. Accordingly the noble Shāh Ṭahmāsp, whose justice made glad the heart of Persia, sent, in accordance with the choice connection which had prevailed from former times between the sublime family (Akbar's) and the dynasty sprung from holiness, his cousin Saiyid Beg, the son of M'aṣūm¹ Beg, who (i.e., the father) held the office of prime minister (vakīl), to convey condolences for the unavoidable event of His Majesty Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī and to congratulate the Shāhinshāh on his accession. He also sent presents such as fiery Arab-coursers, and swift steeds from 'Irāq and Turkey, delicate cloths, and wonderful curiosities. When the ambassadors came near the capital, His Majesty ordered that several distinguished officers should go out to welcome him and should conduct him to a suitable residence. He also sent fourteen lacs of dāms, which are equal to seven hundred Persian tomans, together with other things for his maintenance. After some days, and when he was rested after the fatigues of the journey, he obtained an audience and the privilege of making kornish and was honoured by kissing the carpet. After communicating the Shāh's prayers for his prosperity, he presented with the two hands of respect and laid upon the edge of the throne a letter which from commencement to conclusion was decked with the writings of love and sincerity. He also properly arranged the presents and laid them before His Majesty. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh made most kind and gracious inquiries after the Shāh's health, and distinguished the ambassador by countless favours.

A greeting like the favours of the glorious God,
A greeting like the qualities of the prophet Muḥammad,
A greeting radiant with the light of truth,
A greeting fragrant with the otto of constancy,
A greeting like rain dropping on the rose
And trickling from thence to the leaves of the hyacinth,
Grief-dispelling like the rose of the garden,
Joy-increasing like the faces of friends;—
Its fragrance equable like the gardens of paradise
Resting the soul and soothing the heart.

This gift of a greeting which out of perfect sincerity renews the bond of hereditary love and affection, and this present of congratulations and benedictions, which in their utter truth and transparency have made our mutual ties and our affinities of love and fondness to be renowned throughout the world, are dedicated and presented from the country of love and singleness, along with caravans of rejoicings and longings, to the exalted one, who is the asylum of sovereignty and glory, repository of vicegerency and of the administration of justice, flower of the garden of sulṭanhood and success, luminous lamp of the sublime dynasty of Timur Khān, pearl of fortune's and dominion's casket, royal pearl of greatness's and glory's mansion, fresh fruit of glory and dignity's garden, goodly tree of the garden of the desires of just princes, adorner of the throne of sulṭanship and kingship, exhibitor of the endless mysteries of God, a Khāqān the grantor and attainer of desires, glorious monarch of an illustrious house.

Star of a happy Sign, light of a fortunate Ascendant,
Enthroned grantor and attainer of desires,
Spite of the long reigns of princes, none hath reached
What he hath attained to in early youth.

The aided with glorious aids from God,—glory of sulṭanhood, magnificence, honour, justice, vicegerency, love, sway and exaltation—Abū-l-fatḥ Jalālu-d-dīn Muḥammad Akbar Pādshāh, placed by God on the hereditary throne of sovereignty with all honour and dignity, unsurpassed adherent of God's Word and extirpator of polytheists. Verily the relations of concord and amity which existed between ourselves and His Majesty the pardoned king—May the Almighty place him in the highest Paradise! are fixed and certified, and the marks thereof are visible to mankind. At this time, the notes of victory and fortune, and the news of the success and glory of that grantor and grantee of desires which have been brought to our hearing by messengers from that country are the cause of varied upliftings of our hearts. As a consequence of thorough sympathy and companionship our desire increases that that asylum of sovereignty and glory may acquire the constituents of success and joy; and our firm hope is that his radiances may extend higher and higher each day, and cast light upon all mankind. Nor shall it be concealed from the mirror of his enlightened heart, that from the date when a covenant of love and friendship and of concord and brotherhood was made between ourselves and the deceased monarch, our loving heart was continually directed towards the exaltation of the glory of that great prince, and that we employed our utmost energies in advancing his position and diguity in every respect. Accordingly this has been manifest to mankind. To speak without arrogance, as the feeling of brotherhood and princely honour demand, we have respected in our heart the brotherly relations which existed between us and the deceased asylum of brotherhood, and have discharged the duties thereof according to our abilities and leisure in conformity with the principle that deeds are impledged to opportunities. But in accordance with the decree of the all-powerful King—may His power be glorified—and the designs of mortals cannot be arranged or carried out without His Will, nor is the arrangement of the world's workshop possible or conceivable without His orders—the aforesaid pardoned monarch conveyed the garnishing of eternity from the strait of the perishable world to the ample mansions of immortality, and so wishes and longings have remained under the veil of concealment. Subsequently, when by the favour of God— may His glorious name be praised,—the lamp of the eyes of the partizans of the lofty lineage, or rather of the commonalty, and the spirits¹ of the lovers and friends of that grand family have been brightened by the emerging light of that quintessence of sulṭanhood and sovereignty, and the throne of the sulṭanate and of success has been ennobled by the aureole (farz) of that honoured son (Akbar), we testify by the honour of God—and He is a sufficient Witness—that from that day in accordance with our ardent, hereditary love we have always felt drawn towards that light of the eyes of the Caliphate and have held firmly to those ancient bonds of brotherhood. And it has always been the fixed thought of our hearts that we should send one of our officers to that fortunate region in order that he might convey our regrets for the king clothed with forgiveness and our congratulations and our blessings to the auspicious and felicitous one for his sway and sovereignty. By chance, various hindrances have occurred, one after the other, which have caused delay in the execution of this project. When the hindrances had been removed, the keenness of the desire showed itself and we had been for some days engaged in sending an officer when the dignified and auspicious Shāh¹ Ghāzī Sulṭān, the envoy of the asylum of justice and control, workshop of rule, glory of great officers, and grand governors, splendour of justice, dominion and fortune, the faithful Bairām Khān, arrived at the world-protecting court. He communicated the Khān's representations of sincerity and respect, and renewed on behalf of the light of the eyes of the Caliphate and sitter on the kingly throne the pillars of hereditary affection and conveyed his sentiments of sincerity and friendship. During the time that he stayed with us he was honoured by being present at several assemblages and was the recipient of various favours. So much so was this that we out of respect to your dignity raised him to the lofty rank of an Amir and Sulṭan, and then suffered him to depart after bestowing on him royal favours and presents. We now send as our ambassador Saiyid Beg, the successor of Saiyids and rulers, son of M'aṣūm Beg Ṣafavī, the repository of saiyidship and fortune, laboratory of orders, prop of dominion, &c., &c., Mīr Dīwān, and who on account of his lineage² is distinguished among our great officers and intimates, in order that he may convey our condolences for the late king, and our congratulations on the accession of the asylum of sovereignty, and may consolidate the foundations of hereditary love and friendship so that henceforth the revolutionary hand of time may not reach the edge thereof, nor fear of rift or rupture enter the heart's core of any creature. We expect that so long as the reservoir of saiyidship abides then you will look graciously upon him and show him a little favour. Do not detain him long, but permit him to depart and to return to this country. And ever moisten the gardens of old love and affection with the cloud-droppings of fragrant words, and hereafter do not neglect to send messages and letters and to announce events, conditions, &c., as the relationship of love demands.

O God, grant that this nursling of fortune's garden,
This shining light of an auspicious Sign,
May enjoy life and vigour
And be firmly seated on felicity's throne;
May his heart's desires be fulfilled for cycles,
May his station be on the summit of success,
May the desires of throne and fortune coincide,
May he prosper in his fortune and his throne.

When the world-adorning Deity wills the bestowal of greatness on an unique one and exalts him to the high office of sovereignty He, in the first place, gives him far-seeing reason to be ever his unvarnished counsellor. After that He bestows on him wide forbearance so that he may bear the brunt of so many of the world's disagreeables and that he may, by the help thereof, refrain from dropping the thread of deliberation when he beholds such evils. Then he gives him the priceless jewel of justice, so that he can place the familiar friend and the stranger in the same balance and can comprehend the affairs of creation's workshop (the world) without being weighted by personal considerations, and can establish a school of instruction within his holy soul. Many sages who have made no error in testing knowledge have yet at the time for action become timid owing to the want of a wide understanding and let go the reins of carefulness, and so have fallen off in the arena of examination. When knowledge and endurance are suitably developed the marks of justice are evolved, without anxiety or delay, from the just temperament. Thanks be to God! These glorious excellencies and splendid qualities. are innate and constitutional in His Majesty the Shāhinshāh and spring from the plenteous house of Divine wisdom, uncontaminated by outward teaching or the decoration of human instruction. But that knower of the Creator's secrets keeps himself, for his own designs and reasons, under the veil of concealment, and spends his life in the garb of obscurity. Nor is he content with ever so many veils, but is always fashioning others in order that acute observers cannot penetrate them. But the Divine decree is paramount, and when God wills that mankind should become acquainted with his intrinsic beauty, what avails the screen? Of necessity his face must be unveiled and his beauty adorn the world so that those who are afar off from fortune's neighbourhood may reach the palace of devotion and have the chief seats in the court of acknowledgment.¹ What happened in Agra, the capital, is an example of the majesty and extensiveness of the justice of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh.

The account of this affair is that Adham Khān, the younger son of the cupola of chastity Māham Anaga, had neither understanding nor good conditions. He was intoxicated by youth and prosperity and was continually envious of Shamsu-d-dīn Muḥammad the Ataga Khān. Mun'im Khān, the Khan-Khānān, also suffered much from this malady and used to throw out dark hints such as the generality could not comprehend and instigate Adham Khān to strife and intrigue. At length on the day of Isfandiyār 5 Khurdād, Divine month, corresponding to Saturday, 12 Ramzān, 969, 16th May, 1562, when the equability of Ardibihisht was still prevailing, an extraordinary occurrence, which was far from equability, took place. On a court-day (rūz-i-dīwān) Mun'im Khān, Ataga Khān, Shihābu-d-din Aḥmad Khān and other magnates were sitting in the royal hall and transacting public business, when Adham Khān suddenly entered in a riotous manner and attended by others more riotous than himself. The members of the assembly rose up to do him honour and the Ataga Khān rose half-up. Immediately upon entering Adham Khān put his hand to his dagger and went towards the Ataga Khān. Then he angrily signed to his servant Khūsham Uzbeg and the other desperadoes who had come with their loins girt up for strife saying: “Why do you stand still?” The wicked Khūsham drew his dagger and inflicted a dangerous wound on the breast of that chief-sitter on the pillow of auspiciousness. The Ataga Khān was thoroughly amazed and ran towards the door of the hall. Immediately thereon Khudā Bardī came and struck him twice with a sword. That great man was martyred in the court-yard² (ṣaḥn) of the hall of audience. A loud cry arose in the palace on account of this outrage, and general horror was exhibited in that glorious abode. That doomed one in spite of his past audacity presumptuously advanced towards the sacred harem—to which may there be no access for the wicked—with evil intentions. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh had gone to sleep in the auspicious palace, but his fortune was awake. That black-fated one went up, sword in hand from the hall to the terrace (ṣuffa) which went round the palace (qaṣr) on all four sides, and was of the height of a man and a half. He tried to go inside, but Ni'amat the eunuch, who was standing near the entrance (darbār), immediately shut the door and bolted it. And though the presumptuous one, who was hastening to his death, spoke roughly to Ni'amat and bade him open the door, the latter did not do so. Those standing by the threshold had not the grace to inflict the punishment of his deed on that presumptuous and furious one at the beginning of his doings when he assailed the Ataga Khān. And what shall I say of their dumbfoundedness and cowardice when after forming such vain thoughts he tried to enter behind the curtains of fortune! Why did they not shed his blood? Why did they not level him with ignominy's dust? If they had not courage for that, why did they not make a general rush and surround him? Even then, how can I suppose that among those present in the palace there was no one who was loyal? Apparently there was a design in the perfunctoriness of those people, viz., that the perfect courage and justice of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh might be impressed on the minds of great and small, of the wise and the foolish!

In short, His Majesty was awakened by the dreadful clamour and called for an explanation. As none of the women (pardagīān, lit: veiled ones) knew of the affair he put his head outside of the palace-wall and asked what was the matter. Rafīq¹ Ṣāḥib-i-cār mansab who was one of the old servants of the palace mentioned the facts. When His Majesty heard the horrible tale he was amazed and made further inquiries. Rafīq pointed to the blood-stained corpse and repeated his statement. When His Majesty the Shāhinshāh saw the body he became nobly indignant. From a Divine inspiration he did not come¹ out by the door where that demented wretch was standing and meditating evil, but by another way. As he was coming out, a servant of the seraglio put into his hands, without his asking for it, the special² scimetar. His Majesty took the scimetar and went on. When he had passed over one side of the terrace and had turned into another he saw that villain, and there issued from his holy lips the words “Son of a³ fool why have you killed our Ataga? That presumptuous wretch hastened to seize His Majesty's hands and to say “Inquire and deign not deliberate! There has been (only) a little⁴ inquiry” (talāsh). What reproach shall I make about the spectators of this convicted liar! No amount of reproach or contempt will fit their case!

At last His Majesty the Shāhinshāh withdrew his hands from his own sword and freed them from the grasp of that wicked one, and stretched out his arm to take Adham Khān's sword. Just then that outcast for all eternity withdrew his hand from His Majesty and turned it to his own sword. His Majesty withdrew his hand therefrom and struck him such a blow on the face with his fist that that wicked monster turned a summersault¹ and fell down insensible. Farhat² Khān and Sangrām Ḥūsnāk had the good fortune to be present. His Majesty angrily said to them, “Why do you stand gaping there? Bind this madman.” They two and a number of others obeyed the order and bound him. The righteous order was given that the fellow who had outstepped³ his place should be flung headlong from the top of the terrace. Those shortsighted men out of consideration (for Adham), than which inconsideration would have been a thousand times better, did not throw him down properly, and he remained half-alive. The order was given to bring him up again, and this time they dragged him up by the hair and in accordance with orders flung him headlong so that his neck was broken, and his brains destroyed. In this way that blood-thirsty profligate underwent retribution for his actions. The fist of the Divine athlete of the world had made such a mark that those who did not know the facts thought that it was a mace-wound. Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān and Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, who were there, fled from before His Majesty's wrath, and disappeared. When Yūsuf Muḥammad Khān, the eldest son of the Ataga Khān, heard of the fate of his honoured father, he armed himself and his clan and lay in wait for Adham Khān and Māham Anaga. He did not know that the spiritual and temporal Khedive had executed justice, and had not had regard to Māham Anaga's position, but had in the judgment-hall of sovereign wrath inflicted condign punishment on the murderer who was taken in the fact.

When the truth about the sublime justice of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh—which was higher than human nature—became impressed upon men's minds they were greatly supported. Oppressors hid themselves in the night of contempt while the oppressed had a daily market of joy. A lamp of knowledge was placed on the path of the ignorant so that they confessed the spiritual and temporal greatness of the lord of the terrene and of terrestrials and were guided to the highway of devotion. The Ataga clan was still watching for Adham Khān and the other relatives of Māham Anaga. They thought that the rumour (of Adham's death) was false and were waiting to take vengeance. But as it was bruited abroad, they represented through some courtiers that when such justice had been done, the body of the blackhearted villain might be shown to them so that their minds might be set at rest and a balm be applied to their wounded feelings. His Majesty approved of their request, and Shaikh Muḥammad Ghaznavī went as their delegate and saw the body. The agitation of this loyal clan subsided, and they expressed thousands upon thousands of praises and thanksgivings. Mankind was at once delivered from the disturbance of makebates and reposed in security. In truth, if the rejoicing of celestials for this great act of justice could be added to the panegyrics of mortals a little of the dues of gratitude might be paid. What power then have the atoms of the human race to give thanks for it? It was at once a great punishment whereby the visible world was refreshed, and also a public lesson by whose blessing the dark tenement of hearts was irradiated by the light of sincerity and devotion. It was at once a sight-giving medicine for the thoroughly blind over whose eyes there was a film, and a collyrium of illumination for the blear-eyed—at once the foot of research for the lame ones of loyalty's land, and a staff of zeal for the slow-footed ones on the path of devotion— at once an iron fortress for the army of the lost of heart, and a wakeful watchman for the family of impatience!

In fine, His Majesty retired into the harem after performing such an act of justice. Māham Anaga, who was lying in bed ill in her own house, came to hear that Adham Khān had committed so great an act of violence, and that His Majesty had imprisoned him. Maternal love raised her up and brought¹ her to visit His Majesty in order that she might perhaps procure her son's release. When His Majesty saw her, he said: “Adham Khān killed our Ataga, we have inflicted retaliation upon him.” That wise one of the age meekly said: “You did well,” but she was not certain that her son had undergone capital punishment. Just then Bībī² Najība Begam, the mother of Dastam Khān, came from Adham Khān's house and told Māham Anaga what had happened. She asked how they had killed him and the reply was, “There is the mark of the blow of a mace on the face: I don't know anything more.” But that mark was from His Majesty the Shāhinshah's fist and had been made by divinely-aided power at the beginning of the occurrence. When Māham Anaga knew for certain that her son had been put to death, she by virtue of her wisdom preserved her respect for His Majesty and did not complain or lament, but she became inwardly wounded by a thousand fatal blows. The colour left her face, and she wanted to visit the body. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh in regard to her long service spoke comforting words to her and consoled her somewhat, but did not allow her to go there in order that she might not behold her son in such a condition. In accordance with orders the two bodies were sent to Delhi that day. He addressed lofty monitions and heart-affecting exhortations to that wise old woman and permitted her to go to her son's house next day. That wise mourner went and expressed her resignation, and submitted to the Divine decree. Then she came to her own house and sat in grief and indulged in lamenting and weeping. The illness from which she was suffering grew worse, and the pillars of health were shaken. Forty days after this occurrence, viz., in Tīr, Divine month, corresponding to Shawwāl she went to the sacred abode of non-existence. His Majesty's loving heart was much affected by the fate of this cupola of chastity, and he expressed great sorrow. The body also was sent with much respect to Delhi, and His Majesty personally escorted it for some paces. All the state officers and the great ones of the sublime family paid the dues of respect and regret. In accordance with orders a lofty¹ building was erected over the tombs of Māham Anaga and Adham Khān. Similar mourning was made for the Ataga Khān. The hearts of his brethren and children were soothed, and the wounds of the whole clan were healed. H.M. devoted great attention to the educating of this faithful band and to the furthering of their advancement.

If you grieve thus for any one
Many will be inclined to die.

On the day after the catastrophe of the Khān A'aẓim and Adham Khān His Majesty heard of the flight of Mun'im Khān and Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān. He made allowance for their irreflection and shortsightedness, and sent off Āshraf Khān with comforting words to them so that he might set their minds at rest and bring them back to court. By the bounty of the Shāhinshah's favour the sweat of their shame was changed into the face-drops (ābrū) of angels.

From the time when, in accordance with the decree of Divine wisdom, this catastrophe occurred, H.M. the Shāhinshāh perceived the spirit of the age and the nature of mankind and gave his attention to the affairs of State. In consequence the terrene and the terrestrials entered on a new phase. Though the daily market of those who had been pushed forward by their self-conceit fell flat, yet sincere inquirers who on account of the injustice of the great were in the corner of contempt, took to coming forward in consequence of the Shāhinshāh's brilliant perspicacity. An instance of this is the reputation obtained by the eunuch I'timād Khān. The account of his great advancement is as follows: The officers in their ignorance, fatuity or dishonesty attended to the enrichment of their own households and collected treasure for their own purposes, while neglecting to collect the Shāhinshāh's revenues. Still less did they try to increase those. H.M. the Shāhinshāh, either because he was wearing a veil, or because he had no listener at hand, said nothing about this, and did not prescribe any regulations on the subject. Though the household² officers had to endure losses and hardships, H.M. put off the solution of their difficulties till another season and contemplated with open brow and a cheerful mind the spectacle of the methods of destiny. At this time when a stone fell on the glass of great men's reputations, and some prudent and seviceable men came forward, Khwāja Phūl¹ Malik, an eunuch, became on account of his abilities the object of the Shāhinshāh's favourable glance. He had on account of his integrity been distinguished during the rule of Salīm Khān, the son of Sher Khān the Afghan, by the title of Muḥammad Khān, and before this affair (that of Adham Khān) he had been enrolled among the imperial servants, and had done good service. He came to understand the holy disposition of the Shāhinshāh, and represented in a proper manner his views about the collection and augmentation of the revenues. H.M. recognised his value and gave him encouragement. He conferred upon him the title of I'timād Khān and made over to him all the royal revenues, which were in the hands of embezzlers. He by excellent management carried into effect all that the Shāhinshāh had meditated with regard to the collection of the revenues. This work began in the middle of this year. The arms of unrighteous robbers were shortened, and black-hearted self-pleasers went aside and placed their feet in the skirt of retirement. The clean-hearted and devisers of good things came forward, and the revenues, which are the foundation of sovereignty, and the basis of dominion, and the source of military strength, were put upon a footing which was worthy of the dominion which is linked with eternity. What wondrous rules and regulations, each of them fit to be a code for mankind's prosperity, came forth daily from the Lord of the Age! A few out of the many, to wit, those which occurred to the holy intellect with regard to financial matters, were carried into effect by I'timād Khān. What wonderful things there were which did not become manifest! How could the most important of all concerns be brought forward? If (other) similar recipients of orders had comprehended the Shāhinshāh's ideas and endeavoured to carry them out, in a short time the surface of the inhabited world would have come into the possession of the royal servants. But the world is in the contemplation of the Shāhinshāh's genius an extremely contemptible affair. He does not deem it worthy of his complete attention, and always keeps his soul attached to the pleasing of God. If the recipients of his firmāns possessed one thousandth part of his intellect this petty business which the superficial regard as so momentous would be disposed of with a little attention. Apparently there are considerations of the Divine designs involved in this state of things (the non-conquest of the whole world).

One of the occurrences was the flight of Mun'im Khān, and his arrest and reconveyance to court. There are two strange things in man's constitution. One is his passions which have neither eyes nor discernment. The other is far-seeing reason which understands business. Most men are, from irreflection, overcome of wrong notions, and depose reason which is the regulator of right-thinking, and obey their passions. And so by one act of carelessness a man does to himself what his enemies could not effect by hundreds of tricks. The absurd conduct of Mun'im Khān the Khān-Khānān is an instance of this. In spite of the royal favours and of his attainment to lofty state, among which were his being summoned from Kabul and receiving the title of Khān-Khānān, his obtaining the post of vakīl, and full powers, he did not comprehend this graciousness. He left them all out of sight, and guided only by the fear that he was suspected of having kindled the flames in the matter of the Khān Ā'aẓim and Adham Khān, he could not find it in his head to remain steady. Accordingly he had fled on that very day. Although his motive (for instigating Adham Khān) was that he in his ignorance had believed that after this affair the binding and loosing of the transactions of the sublime family, and the control of all matters political and financial would be in his hands without association with anybody else, yet this idea did not take shape. Melancholy took possession of him, and he formed the improper resolution of leaving the world-protecting court which is the native country of the auspicious ones of the seven climes, and of going to that abode of pleasure—Kabul, where his son Ghanī Khān was governor, and of there enjoying himself. Accordingly in Mirdād, Divine month, he left the capital and took the road by the base of the hills. Muḥammad Qāsim Mīr Baḥr accompanied him. When H.M. heard of this, he did not take it seriously, and said that Mun'im Khān had not gone anywhere and would soon come back. Though busybodies hinted, or openly said that his property should be confiscated, he out of magnanimity refused to accept suggestions of slanderers. He said, if it be granted that Mun'im Khān has gone to Kabul, that too is our territory, and he is still a servant of our court. Fear, and not disloyalty has led him to this. If he does not come we shall send his property after him. No one must meddle with his household. By fate it happened that after traversing for six days hills and deserts the fugitives came to the pargana of Sarūt¹ which was in the fief of Mīr Muḥammad Munshī. Qāsīm 'Alī Sīstānī, Mīr Munshī's servant, was the Shiqdār of that pargana. He heard that two king's officers were passing through and that they appeared to be alarmed. He with the aid of some of the villagers blocked their road and arrested them, willing or unwilling. Saiyid Muḥammad Bārha, who on account of his good services was one of the great officers and had a fief in that neighbourhood, heard of this event and brought Mun'im Khān to his own house. He recognised his opportunity, and treated him with gentleness and respect, and conveyed him honourably and in his own company to the Shāhinshāh. H.M., contrary to the expectations of petty worldlings and to the wishes of the ill-intentioned, of whom the age is never free, treated him with boundless favours and gave him the office of vakīl and the title of Khān-Khānān. His troubled soul was comforted and the strife-mongers retired to a corner. Mankind received another soothment. Why should not this be so? He placed on the head of one on whom men expected the sword of punishment to fall, a crown of government.

Among the occurrences was the coming of Tān Sen² to the holy court. The brief account of this is as follows. Inasmuch as the holy personality of H.M. the Shāhinshah is a congeries of degrees, spiritual and temporal, and a collection of divine and terrestrial excellences, so that when matters are discussed the master of each science imagines that the holy personality has devoted his whole attention to his particular subject, and that all his intellect has been expended on it, the knowledge which H.M. has of the niceties of music, as of other sciences, is, whether of the melodies of Persia, or the various songs of India, both as regards theory and execution unique for all time. As the fame of Tān Sen, who was the foremost of the age among the kalāwants³ of Gwāliār came to the royal hearing, and it was reported that he meditated going into retirement and that he was spending his days in attendance on Rām¹ Cand the Rajah of Pannah,² H.M. ordered that he should be enrolled among the court-musicians. Jalāl Khān³ Qūrcī, who was a favourite servant, was sent with a gracious order to the Rajah for the purpose of bringing Tān Sen. The Rajah received the royal message and recognised the sending of the envoy as an honour, and sent back with him suitable presents of elephants of fame and valuable jewels, and he also gave Tān Sen suitable instruments and made him the cheek-mole of his gifts. In this year Tān Sen did homage and received exaltation. H.M. the Shāhinshāh was pleased and poured⁴ gifts of money into the lap of his hopes. His cap of honour was exalted above all others. As he had an upright nature and an acceptable disposition he was cherished by a long service and association with H.M., and great developments were made by him in music and in compositions.⁵

At this time, when the ever-vernal mind of H.M. the Shāhinishāh was occupying itself with the delights of melody, and was giving joy to the lovers of this art, the song of the coming of the new year rose high and delightsome. Pleasure expressed itself thus by pantomime.

'Tis the time when the garden breathes of joy
A hundred songsters strike on the ear of spring
From the fire of the rose kindled by the morning breeze
Blood is made to boil in the veins of the garden-birds.

Composite natures proceeded to develope by the life-cherishing bounty of the earth, the strains of the birds of the garden insinuated themselves into the ears of the flowers. Time's cup-bearers poured chargers of joy into the lips of the age, the half-intoxicated nightingales began to beat with their beaks the chords of pleasure.

On every branch the birds made an organ
The rose bush was elevated by melody
Owing to that sense-ravishing melody
The musician silenced his own music.

After nine hours and thirty-eight minutes of Thursday, 15th Rajab 970, 10th March 1563, the sun entered his mansion of exaltation, and the Divine year Ābān, which is the 8th from the accession, began, and the terrene and terrestrials received new joy. In the beginning of this year Khwāja¹ 'Abdu-l-Majīd Āṣafkhān obtained a victory over Rajah Rām Cand and Ghāzī Khān Tannūrī, and the country of Pannah was conquered. The account of this excellent affair is that Khwāja 'Abdu-l-Majīd, who on account of his abilities had been distinguished by the title of Āṣaf Khān and had been promoted from the pen to the sword and taken his place among those who join the sword to the pen, and are masters both of peace and war (lit. drum and learning) had obtained as his fief the ample domains of Sarkār Kara. He by his skill and exertions was about to take possession of Pannah which was a country near his own. At first he sent messages of good advice to Rām Cand, who was among the famous Rajahs of India and whose forefathers had ruled over that country for generations. Āṣaf Khān bade him doff his cap of pride, and place the ring of submission in his ear, and come into the list of tributaries. He also told him to send to court Ghāzī Khān Tannūri who had trodden the path of rebellion and had taken refuge with him. Rām Cand, whose forehead had not yet been irradiated by the light of auspiciousness, turned a deaf ear to these advices, and the mention of obedience and submission increased his pride and arrogance. In his illfatedness he made ready for war. Āṣaf Khān was supported by the prestige of the royal dynasty and marched against him with a proper equipment. The Rajah came out with Ghāzī Khān Tannnūrī and a large force of Rājputs and Afghans. The brave men on both sides washed their hands of their lives and fought a great battle.

The brave fought with bow and arrow
All strove with spear and sword
The world was full of diamond-pointed darts
The wind was from dust and blood vermilion-scattering.

After a great contest Āṣaf Khān was victorious and Ghāzī Khān Tannūrī and many other leaders were put to the sword. Rajah Rām Cand was defeated and took refuge in the fort of Bāndhū¹ which was the strongest fort in that country. Immense spoil fell into the hands of the victors. At this time, at the intercession of famous Rajahs¹ who had obtained favour by long service, an order was issued that Rajah Rām Cand had put the ring of servitude in his ear, and had done homage; he was now included among the servants of the threshold, and his territories were not to be interfered with. In consequence of these orders Āṣaf Khān returned to his fief.

As the Shāhinshāh's world-adorning mind was always directed towards the management of Kabul and was inquisitive about the affairs thereof, he now heard that Faẓīl¹ Beg, the brother of Mun'im Khān, had joined with Amīr Bābūs, Shāh Walī Atka, 'Ali Muḥammad Asp, Sēonj Sīdhī Māhī, Khwājah Khāṣ Malik and a number of others in reporting to the cupola of chastity, Māh Cūcak Begam the mother of Muḥammad Ḥakīm, the immoderate conduct of Ghanī Khān, and had used all their endeavours to remove him from Kabul, the abode of pleasure. He therefore appointed Mun'im Khān to be the guardian of M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm and sent him to Kābul. The details of this are as follows: Though Faẓīl Beg's eyes were deprived of sight, yet in chicanery and strife-mongering his whole body was an eye. He was always disturbed and dissatisfied about his nephew's rule, and in truth Ghanī Khān, Mun'im Khān's son, was without discretion or good sense. In addition to this, the intoxication of authority had cast him down from the pillar of moderation. Evil companionship, the worst ill of humanity, was dragging him down, with the lasso of ruin, from the height of auspiciousness to the depth of misery. At last that faction made the noble lady, the Begam, one of their party. In the beginning of Shahriyūr, Divine month, of the seventh year, Ghanī Khān had gone towards Zama,² to visit the melon-fields. They strengthened the city and shut the gate of the citadel against him. He equipped a force and came over against the Delhi gate and halted on the ridge of the Sīāẖ Sang. But he could not effect his object. He sent Pahlwān 'Idī Kotwāl on an embassy, thinking that perhaps he might by craft and stratagem effect something. The persons above named replied that Ghani Khān had not been appointed to the government by H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and that the people had been brought into straits by his tyranny and immoderation. The proper thing now for him was to go off in safety. If he wanted to have again the government of this country he should go to Court and have his conduct tested, and should bring an order from the Diwān of the Caliphate, so that it might be acted upon. During these parleys his men took to deserting him. When he had halted there a long time and had perceived that he would not be able to enter the city and that he was nearly being captured, he, by the advice of Hamza 'Arab and Mīr Maghīṯu-d-dīn of Nīshāpūr, went towards Jalālabād. All his property in the city was plundered. The cause of the courage of the Kabulīs in this matter was the affair of Tūlak Khān Qūcīn.

The brief account of this is that Ghanī Khān, in whom youthful presumption and intoxication were added to innate wickedness, thought that his advantage consisted in others' loss. He behaved with quarrelsomeness and levity and did not pay respect to men's position. His manners were bad, and insolent. One of his actions was the arresting without cause Tūlak Khān Qūcīn, who was famous for his valour and an intimate courtier of H.M. Jahānbāni Jinnat Āshiyānī. He put him and a number of his relatives into confinement.

Not everyone who does evil does you evil
Certes he does that evil to himself.

At length some prudent persons interposed and released him. After this affront Tūlaq Khān went to the village of Māmā Khātūn which was his fief. There he wrapped the foot of courage in the skirt of patience and sought for an opportunity of revenge. Meanwhile a caravan was coming from Balkh. Ghanī Khān heard of its arrival at Cārīkārān and went out with a few men to meet it and to make a choice of the goods, giving out that he was going to visit Khwāja Sihyārān, which is an enchanting spot. There he inaugu. rated a drunken feast and played the melody of self-indulgence. When Tūlak Khān, who was, in season and out of season, meditating revenge, heard of his expedition, he recognised the advantage of the opportunity and hurried after him with a number of his kinsfolk and servants. At midnight he came upon Ghanī Khān, who had given away his sense to wine and his body to slumber, and caught his prey. He arrested him and Shagūn the son of Qarāca Khān and put them into confinement. He also emptied his wrathful heart by reproaches. Thinking that as he had the governor as his prisoner he might also seize the city, he turned back from there, and having won over the militia of Kabul he halted at Khwājah Rivāsh which is within two kos of Kabul. Faẓīl Beg and Abu-l-fatḥ, his son, and Ghanī Khān's men prepared for war. Tūlak Khān perceived that his enterprise would not succeed, and that he would not get hold of the city. He contented himself with a portion of his object and proposed peace and a division of territory. Faẓīl Beg considered this proposal advantageous on account of his wish to release his brother's son, and sent the chief man of the city to Tūlak. He made over to him the territory from M'amūra-i-pai-Minar to the limits of Ẓuḥāk and Bāmīān, which was about a fifth of Kabul. In this way he extinguished the flames of disturbance and rescued Ghanī Khān from his clutches.

O Sage,¹ consider the work of fate
You will at last get the result of your actions
Your safety consists in not injuring anyone
There is a brisk market of recompense for well-doing.

Ghanī Khān did not make Kabul an abode of kindness but left the register of the treaty and agreements in the niche of forgetfulness. He proceeded against Tūlak with all his forces. Tūlak did not see it advisable to remain in Kabul and went off with his relations and men to the world-protecting court, and took the high road to India. Ghanī Khān followed him with a large force. As Tūlak Khān had not power to resist he took to flight. Near the village of Zhāla, which is a ford of the Ghorband² river, the Kabul army came up with him, and a battle ensued. At last Tūlak Khān with his son Isfandiyār and a few of his kinsmen and servants manfully made their way through so large a force. Bābāi Qūcīn, Maskīn Qūcīn and others of his servants were killed. Ghanī Khān returned from there successful and came to Kabul. There he spread out the carpet of tyrrany and self-glorification, and lengthened the arm of oppression over the citizens. And though he knew the disorganised state of M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm's affairs he paid no attention to them. The Mīr-zā's men and the rest of the people of Kābul were distressed by this, and joined with Faẓīl Beg and his son Abu-l-fatḥ to suppress him. By chance at this time the melon-fields of the village of Mamūra were in perfection, and a desire to visit the melon-fields took possession of him. He forgot what has been said—

As the time of his downfall had arrived, he went off to visit the melon-fields and stayed the night there. Abu-l-fatḥ Beg and other known men of the city took the opportunity and brought in M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm over the Iron Gate, and beat drums, and blew trumpets. A great uproar arose of high and low. Ghanī Khān on getting the news came in a confused state and with the few men who were with him towards the city. When he arrived there he saw that the chess-board had been arranged after a new fashion and that the gates of concord were closed, while those of hostility were open, and that he could not advance. Should he come nearer it was probable that his companions, who had their families in the city, would leave him alone, or rather would seize him and take him along with them. In an astonished and distracted state of mind he pitched his tent on the side of the Sīāh Sang and halted there. The garrison fired guns at him, and as fate would have it a ball struck the tent. When Ghanī Khān saw this he got terrified and went² off to India with a hundred brands of disgrace and with the uprooting of thousands of longings for his home and family and the government of Kābul. After Ghanī Khān had departed, the cupola of chastity, the noble lady Māh Cūcak Begam, undertook the affairs of Kābul and appointed Faẓīl Beg as the Vakīl of M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm. As he was blind, his son Abu-l-fatḥ managed affairs as his father's Naib, and as the latter had neither magnanimity nor far-reaching reason he did not attend to justice in distributing the fiefs, and the disposal of business, and conducted himself foolishly. The worst of all was that he took the select fiefs for himself and his friends, and alloted inferior ones for the Mīrzā's household, and practised extraordinary oppressions on his own account. Among these things was his giving Ghaznīn to M. Khiẓr Khān who was one of the chiefs of the Hazāras, and his arresting Bābūs Beg and making him over to his charge. He also took all the other property of Bābūs and squandered it. Whoever does not possess sound reason, by the light of which he can direct his actions, nor a seeing eye whereby he may be warned by observing the conduct of others, nor right-thinking companionship, whose words he may follow, will assuredly receive in this world of retribution due punishment. Accordingly, when two months of this state of affairs had passed, the Mīrzā's honoured mother and the old servants could not endure the oppression and bound up the loins of revolt. A number of them, such as Walī Atka, 'Alī Muḥammad Asp, Mīram, a relation of Shāh Walī, M'aṣūm Kabulī, Sīyūndūk, 'Īdī Sarmast and many others conspired against Faẓīl Beg's son, and waited for an opportunity. One night they called him out of his house for this purpose and had a drinking party in a tent which they had erected in the courtyard of the Cahal Sitūn (forty pillars) Diwān-khāna. The cups circulated, and the drinking of bumpers went on from evening till night. Meanwhile Abū-l-fatḥ several times prepared to leave. The members of the party prevented him by drunken flatteries from going out. This¹ doomed drunkard was unaware that it was the last day of his fortune. When time had come to the end of night and sleep had overpowered him, the party which had conspired to shed his blood drew their swords and entered the tent. They slew him and Mīram Bahādur a relative of Shāh Walī, cut off his head and placed it on a spear. His body was flung down from the citadel, and there was a great uproar in Kābul. When Faẕīl Beg heard of the fate of Abu-l-fatḥ he was dismayed, and having with the aid of Muḥammad Sanjār, the son of Khiẓr Khān Hazāra, and whose son Sikandar was Faẓīl's son-in-law, collected his goods, he wished to go to the encampments of the Hazāras. He set out with this intention, but some of the Mīrzā's servants hearing of it went after him. They caught him and brought him to the fort and put him to death. After that Shāh Walī Atka became the general manager of Kabul. In his folly he took to himself the title of 'Aādil Shāh and gave Ḥaidar Qāsim Kohbar the post of Khān-Khānān, and to Khwājah Khāṣ Malik, the eunuch, the title of Ikhlāṣ Khān. In his presumption and folly he assigned titles which kings give to their friends. By his own efforts he arranged for his destruction. In a short time the Begam suspected him of aiming at rebellion and sent him to the abode of annihilation. She assumed the management of the affairs of Kabul and for considerations of propriety chose as the Mīrzā's Vakīl, Ḥaidar Qāsim Kohbar, whose ancestors had been officers under H.M. Getī Sitānī Firdūs Makānī, and H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī. We have made a long digression for the purpose of animating our discourse.

In fine, when the news of the expulsion of Ghanī Khān and of the confused state of affairs in Kabul was brought to the sublime court, it occurred to the acute and farseeing mind of H.M. the Shāhinshāh that Mun'im Khān was very anxious to be in Kābul. He resolved to appoint him the guardian of M. Ḥakīm and to send him to Kābul in order that he might both avenge his own son, and also ameliorate the condition of the Kabulīs, and also that he might better appreciate the favour and clemency of the Shāhinshāh. In accordance with this wise decision Mun'im Khān, who had been sent against the Rajah¹ of the Meos, was recalled from Etawah and dispatched on this important service. Many officers, such as Muḥammad Qulī¹ Khān Birlās, Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khān Atka Begī, Shāh Ḥusain Khān Nikadarī, Ḥasan Khān, the brother of Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmed Khān, Taīmur² Khān Ikka and a number of brave and distinguished men were also appointed. As Mun'im Khān did not appreciate what a blessing H.M. was, and did not comprehend the extent of his favours, and did not properly know the Kābulīs, he regarded this appointment as a great gain and went³ off to Kabul in all haste as soon as he got leave. He marched rapidly and arrived at Jalālābād. He did not make such halts that the auxiliary forces could join him, nor was there any sign of Muḥammad Qulī Khān Birlas who was governor of Multān and had a large force. When the Begam heard of the coming of Mun'im Khān she took counsel with the Kābul officers and decided that the soldiers and Aimāqs should be collected and that they should take the Mīrzā with them and go forth to meet Mun'im Khān so that they might make war in the Lamghānāt. If they were victorious nothing could be better, and if they were defeated they could join the Mahmaṇd and Khalīl tribes, and from there could go and wait upon H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and submit themselves to his protection. Otherwise the Khān-Khānān would by various punishments take vengeance for his brother, his son and his nephew.

When Mun'im Khan arrived at Deh-Ghulāmān¹ there came news that 'Idī Sarmast had come to Jalālābad and was fortifying it. Taīmur Īkka and Khwājah Kilān and a force were sent there against 'Idī. He made the fort strong and came out to fight. Next day the Khān-Khānān marched to besiege Jalālābād. Meanwhile the news arrived that M. Ḥakīm and the army of Kābul had come. Jabār² Bardī Beg, who had been an officer of H.M. Firdūs Makānī, and had become a dervish, and who was travelling with the army, was sent to the Mīrzā in order that, perhaps, the affair might be settled without a battle. If this could not be done, it was decided that the battle should take place next day, as the star was in front.³ Taīmur Ikka came from the vanguard and reported that the enemy were few in number and that they should not postpone fighting till to-morrow, for perhaps the enemy would go off in the night, and the affair would be protracted. The Khān-Khānan from his own eagerness, and the instigation of Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khān, both of whom loved Kabul and were proud of their courage, took the course of engaging. Meanwhile Khwājah Kilān, who commanded the vanguard, was killed. M. Ḥasan, who was on the left¹ wing, did not move from his place, and the Qāqshāls and others, who were on the right wing, also did not do their duty. Abu-l-M'aālī² topcī, to whom the Kabulis had given the title of Rumī Khān, had arranged fireworks (grenades?) all round his horse, and a ball (tīr) from them struck Calma Ḥisārī and killed him. As men had lost³ heart on account of the death of Khwājah Kilān, they flung way their reins and did not keep their feet firm in the stirrup. The battle took place near Cārbagh⁴ by the shrine (muqām) of Khwāgah Rustam. As a retribution for his failure to appreciate the favours which had been shown to him, and in punishment of his presumption, which is the worst of human faults, defeat fell upon Mun'im Khān. A number showed faithlessness and joined the Kabulīs. All Mun'im Khān's baggage was plundered. Bāyazīd Beg,⁵ who was one of Mun'im Khān's confidential followers, states that he had thirty lakhs of rupees with him in specie and goods, and that they were carried off. If the enemy had not been engaged with the spoil Mun'im Khān himself would have been seized.

Mun'im Khān came¹ with loss of everything to Bikrām (Peshawar), and stayed there for some days, seeking what he should do. At last he sent Yarī Tawācī² with a petition to Court and represented that he had not the face to come to the sublime threshold. He hoped that he would be allowed to go to Mecca, in order that he might in that holy land cleanse himself of his offences and then come and kiss the threshold. As by his evil star he had not understood the amount of the king's graciousness he had seen what he had seen. If the king was not disposed to be so gracious to him as to give him leave, he hoped that a fief in the Panjāb might be granted to him for some time, as he was without any property, that so he might acquire something and then come and present himself. When he had sent off the petition he could not remain³ in Bikrām. He went off from there to the Indus. Then from fear of his enemies he crossed the Indus and came into the country of the Ghakkars where he had repose. He stayed for some days in that country, and Sulṭan Adam behaved with humanity to him. The Khān-Khānān was in a distracted state, and could neither travel nor settle down. He spent his days in a confused manner. When H.M. the Shāhinshāh heard of his condition he, contrary to the ideas of superficial worldlings, sent gracious orders and by weighty admonition and by acts of clemency relieved him from his distress. In reply to his petition he said, with reference to the fief in the Panjab, that he had not taken away his former fiefs which were not inferior to Panjab fiefs, such as Ḥīṣār Fīrūza, Sarkār Etawah, Khairābād, Shāhpūr, Kalānūr, Jālandhar, Andari,¹ etc. If there was to be no expedition against the Ghakkars, there was no necessity for his being in Lahore. He should now come to Court as soon as he had received this order. When Mun'im Khān became aware of the royal favour he proceeded to Court. Accordingly he arrived there in the middle of the eighth year of the Divine Era, and in the end of 970. The Shāhinshāh's favours overwhelmed (maghmūr) him in the sea of graciousness, and made him luxuriant (māmūr) on the continent of kindnesses. The dust of shame and the mist of melancholy were wiped from his countenance, and he received special, royal favours. Mun'im Khān came to know the perfect qualities of the Shāhīnshāh, and the black thoughts of going to Kābul departed from his heart. He became of one head and one mind and girded up the loins of zeal for the service of the Shāhinshāh. The holy heart of the Shāhinshāh wished Mun'im Khān to be with him, while he from ignorance and unthankfulness did not respond. At last he understood his own good, and with a hundred supplications became devotedly attached to the threshold of fortune. The auspicious star of his fortune rose higher day by day, and he attained to high positions.

One of the occurrences was that the joyous heart of H.M. the Shāhinshāh turned towards hunting, and he went to the neighbourhood of Mathura with a select party. The hunting was successful. One day that tiger-hunter hunted seven tigers. Five were levelled with the dust by arrow and bullet, and one that repository of courage caught alive and so was the subject of a thousand wonderings. The other was caught by the united efforts of a number of bahādurs. In the same hunt he joined worship with pleasure and became a distributor of justice. It was² brought to his notice that for a long time it was the custom in India for the rulers to take sums from the people who came to sacred spots to worship, proportionate to their rank and wealth. This (worship) was called Karma.¹ The Shāhinshāh in his wisdom and tolerance remitted all these taxes which amounted to crores. He looked upon such grasping of property as blameable and issued orders forbidding the levy thereof throughout his dominions. In former times, from the unworthiness of some, and from cupidity and bigotry, men showed such an evil desire towards the worshippers of God. H.M. often said that although the folly of a sect might be clear, yet as they had no conviction that they were on the wrong path, to demand money from them, and to put a stumbling-block in the way of what they had made a means of approach to the sublime threshold of Unity and considered as the worship of the Creator, was disapproved by the discriminating intellect and was a mark of not doing the will of God.

When he had turned away his mind from hunting he resolved to make the journey of eighteen² kos on foot, and to arrive in one day at the capital. He and some select attendants put the foot of courage on the road, Yūsaf Muḥammad Khān Kokaltash, Mīrzā Koka, Saif Khān, Shuja'at Khān, Mir 'Alī Akbar,³ Ḥakīm-al-Mulk, Dastam Khān, Shimāl Khān, Maṭlab Khān and others being of the party. But among these, none except Mīr 'Alī Akbar, Ḥakīm-al-mulk,⁴ and Shimāl Khān were able to keep pace with him.

As the lower and elemental world is regulated by the beneficence of the holy and heavenly world (and the proof of this wondrous fact is that the political and financial administration of great princes is bound up with rectitude of intention, and correct thinking which are ancillary to the heavenly world), so every asylum of fortune who is not carried out of his sphere by external pomp and material grandeur, and who exercises himself in the cultivation of hearts and addresses his genius to the soothment of high and low, and who always from innate auspiciousness carries into effect his designs as far as possible, and who recognises that he is the watchman for humanity, has his actions advanced and made successful by God, and day by day the marks of his increasing greatness display themselves to everyone, whilst his opponents are troubled even by their own friends, and after passing through various distresses are cast down into the abyss of annihilation. On the other hand, if the internal nature of anyone, which is a sample of the kingdom of heaven, is corrupted by the evil thoughts of lust and sensuality, the result will be the opposite of the above. The lamp of his dominion will, like burning grass, endure for but a short time, and the sapling of his fortune will soon fail like the shade of a tree. Though the wise of heart need not such prefaces, yet as the object of this book of Divine praise is to guide the generality, it does have recourse to past times and to far-away places in order to apply a salve to the eyes of the dim-visioned and the short-sighted, of whom the world, for various purposes, is always full. The sublime actions of the Khedive of the age are (for them) a written apologue.

To resume, there was in this blessed year a cause of increased discernment to the perceptive, of seeing to the short-sighted, viz., the conquest of the country of the Gakhars. Their country is between the Indus and the Beas, in the folds of the mountains, and among hillocks and caverns. Though in former times the rulers of India had attempted with large armies and abundant equipment to establish tranquillity there, they had not succeeded, inasmuch as they had no skill beyond that of outward show, and as they had not a good intention. The knot was not untied by their efforts, as has already been related. Now that the world had received grace and ornament from the excellent intention and pure acts of H.M. the Shāhishāh, and that the celestials and terrestrials had gained spiritual and temporal welfare from his existence, this great undertaking, which had not been effected by former rulers of India, was admirably carried out by the fortune of the Shāhinshāh. The country came into the possession of the imperial servants. The account of this great boon is that as the Gakhar clan was always boasting of its loyalty and singleness of heart, that mine of clemency and liberality (Akbar) cast nought but eyes of favour upon their country. Though with reference to the courtesies of service it is most proper that the great men of the land should, if they cannot always be in attendance, occasionally obtain the auspiciousness of kissing the threshold, Sulṭān Adam and the headman of the country who had been encompassed by the Shāhinshāh's favours, did not at all perform these duties. However, H.M. preserved the recollection of the small¹ service which Sulṭān Adam had performed, and so passed over such offences. When afterwards the throne of world-sway was adorned by the radiance of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, Kamāl Khān in accordance with the former services and devotion of his family which were graven on his heart, brought the countenance of supplication to the lofty court, and by kissing the threshold gave a new foundation to the pillars of hereditary devotion, and showed himself to be an adherent of the victorious stirrup. The ray of favour fell upon him, and he received appropriate fiefs. At the time of the struggle between the Khān Zamān and the son of 'Adlī, he held fiefs in the Sirkār of Lucknow and in parganas Hanswah² and Fatḥpūr,² etc. Also, in accordance with orders, he brought a considerable force with him and took part in the service. He distinguished himself in that man-testing war, and when his merits were reported by truth-tellers to H.M., more favour was shown to him and he became the object of increased confidence. Accordingly H.M. was pleased to say, “Kamāl Khān has done his duty, now is the time for us to show him favour, whatever desire he may have shall be gratified.” At this auspicious time Kamāl Khān represented through H.M.'s intimates that the Shāhinshāh had shown him favour above his deserts. It was his hope now in consequence of his affection for his native country that he might obtain from the royal grace the possession of his father's territories. For since misfortunes came upon him, and he was imprisoned by Salīm Khān, his ancestral lands had been in the possession of his uncle Adam. From this uncle ('am) he had suffered a thousand vexations (gham).

The brief account of this affair is that Sulṭān Sārang waged brave war with Sher Khān, but at last he and his son Kamāl Khān were made prisoners. Sārang was put¹ to death and Kamāl Khān was imprisoned in Gwāliār fort. But in spite of such disaster their country could not be conquered and the clan was governed by Sulṭān Adam, the brother of Sulṭān Sārang. When Sher Khān died and Salīm Khān's turn arrived, he too made great efforts to take the country, but was unsuccessful. One of the wonderful things was that Salīm Khān ordered that all the prisoners in Gwāliār fort should be put to death, and that for this purpose a pit should be dug under the prison and filled with gunpowder and set on fire. There was an explosion, the building was destroyed and the prisoners were blown to pieces; Kamāl Khān was inside, but fate sheltered him from this calamity. In the corner where he was, not a breath of the fire reached him. When Salīm Khān heard of this Divine protection he took an oath (of fidelity) from him and released him. From that time Sulṭān Adam, his uncle, was in full possession of the country while Kamāl Khān passed his days in frustration. At last, in the beginning of H.M. the Shāhinshāh's reign, he bound himself to the saddle-straps of eternal dominion and trod the path of devotion.

When he had represented his misfortunes and had begged for his old native land, a world-obeyed order was issued from the ascension-point of justice that the country of the Gakhars which Sulṭān Sārang had held, and which was now possessed by Sulṭān Adam, should be divided into two portions, and that Sulṭān Adam should have one of them and Kamāl Khān the other. Orders to this effect were issued to the Khān Kilan Mīr¹ Muḥammad Khān, and to Mahdī Qāsim Khān, Quṭbu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān, Sharīf Khān, Jān Muḥammad Khān Bahsūdī, Rajah Kapūr Deo, and Rajah Rām Cand who (all?) held fiefs in the Panjab. If Sulṭān Adam did not submit to these orders, the army was to march from the Panjab against his territory and punish him for his contumacy so that all savage rustics might receive warning. When Kamāl Khān obtained the highest point of his hopes he left the sublime threshold and came to the Panjab. The great officers communicated to Sulṭān Adam H.M.'s commands. He and his son Lashkarī, who managed all his father's affairs, turned away their heads from obedience to the world-adorning order, and proffered excuses which were worse than their offence. They would not agree to descend even a little from their borrowed sovereignty or to Kamāl Khān's obtaining his inheritance. The officers out of precaution reported the state of the case to the Court. Again an order of justice inscribed with the majestic sign-manual (ṭughrā) came directing that though Adam had at the outset broken the bond of obedience, yet as he was the subject of royal favours he would be allowed to keep the half of his territory if he made over the other half to his brother's son. If he still remained recalcitrant they were to chastise him and confirm Kamāl Khān in the whole of the territory. As his refractoriness had been shown, the army marched and entered the Gakhar territory. Adam stuck to his folly and prepared to resist. A great battle took place in the vicinity of the town of Hīlān.² As courage and activity are implanted in the nature of the Gakhars, there was fighting and carnage, but as the imperial armies are always aided by God, the flashing of the victorious swords scoured the rust of the oppressors' battlefield, and those wild beast-like savages traversed the desert of defeat. By the good fortune of the Shāhinshāh, a victory which might fittingly be the embroidery of great victories was won, and Sulṭān Adam was made prisoner. His son Lashkarī fled and went to the hill-country of Kashmīr. For some time he was a vagabond, and then he too was captured. The whole country of the Gakhars, which none of the rulers of India had conquered,¹ was by sublime inspiration subdued by a few of the imperial servants. In accordance with the sacred order the great officers gave the whole of the Gakhar country to Kamāl Khān, and confirmed him therein. They returned after making over Sulṭān Adam and his son to him. Because Kamāl Khān was firm and constant in his obedience to the sublime court he obtained a fortune which had not even entered into his dreams. He sent Lashkarī to a place from which there is no coming back, and he imprisoned Sulṭān Adam and kept him under surveillance to the end of his days. If they had submitted their necks to the royal commands, which are always visitations from heaven, they would not have been caught by these misfortunes. And if they had been contented with half of the territory, they would not have been afflicted with the loss of the whole. By their disgraceful disobedience to the royal orders, which are a mirror of the Divine orders, they gave up to destruction their lives, their estates and their homes.²

Among the occurrences was the coming from Kāshghar of Khwāja M'uīn,³ son of Khwāja Khāwind Maḥmūd, and his kissing the Shāhinshāh's carpet. God be praised! Owing to the daily-increasing fortune of the Shāhinshāh, just as the conquest of countries, the cultivation of lands, the safety of the roads, the lowering of prices were manifested year by year, month by month, week by week, and day by day, so did crowds of people—Turks, Tājiks, soldiers, merchants, mullās, dervishes and others come from the seven climes and rub the forehead of supplication on the world's threshold, and obtain success spiritual and temporal. Among these there came from the bounds of Kāshghar the essence of saints, Khwāja M'uīn. He was the son of Khwāja Khawind Maḥmūd, who was the son of Khwāja 'Abdullah who is known as the Khwājajān¹ -Khwāja, and who was the direct son of the repository of direction Nāsiru-d-dīn Khwāja Ubaidullah.² Khwāja Khāwind³ Maḥmūd was distinguished among his brothers and the rest of the family for excellences and for purity of morals. In the time of his youth, after the acquisition of the ordinary sciences, he set down his feet on the path of exile and travelled over 'Irāq and Khurāsān and came to Shīrāz. After acquiring medical sciences in the school of the learned of the age, Maulānā Jalālu-d-dīn Dawwānī,⁴ he went to Samarqand, and then at the time of the disturbances in Transoxiana he went to Turkistān and Moghulistān. At the time of the rising of the sun of the fortune of H.M. Getī Setānī Firdūs Makānī (Bābar) he came from Turfān⁵ to Kāshghar. From there he came to Agra in order to participate in that monarch's assemblies, and here he was highly honoured, and given the chief seat at the meetings. At the time of the expulsion from India he came to Kabul and stayed there. He had two sons. One was Khwāja Qāsim, and the other was Khwāja M'uīn. The latter went to Kāshghar in the lifetime of his honoured father, and was there treated with respect. 'Abdu-r-Rashīd Khān, the son of Sulṭān S'aīd Khān, presented the Khwāja with rūdkhāna-i sang-i yashab,⁶ commonly known as sang-i-yashm (the river of jasper or jade). When the Khwāja heard that the reputation of his son, Sharfu-d-dīn Ḥusain, had risen very high, he this year made the intention of pilgrimage (ḥaj) a means of visiting the (k'aaba) of the sacred threshold (Akbar's court) and proceeded towards India. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain hastened from his fief of Nāgor to meet him, and went with him to court. When the latter came near the territory of Agra many officers went, in accordance with an intimation from H.M., to meet him, and when he came near the city, H.M., the Shāhinshāh went to meet him. By this act of respect he made the Khwāja for ever glorious. He brought him with all honour to the capital, and gave him honourable quarters, and treated him with favours such as kings show to dervishes. The Khwāja presented rare merchandize from Khita (China) and Kāshghar. For a long time father and son were encompassed with favours.

One of the warning occurrences was the absconding of M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain from the Court. It is an old custom for the divinely great and for acute rulers to attach to themselves the hearts of dervishes and of the sons of dervishes. And they have exhibited this tendency, which is both an intoxicant which destroys men, and also a refreshing wine, sometimes out of regard to the ancestors of such men, and sometimes as a means of testing their real nature. If the matter be looked into with the eye of justice, it will be evident to the prudent and awakened-hearted, that the favour shown by the Shāhinshāh to this father and son exhibited both those motives. Accordingly, the concomitants of H.M.'s fortune withdrew in a short time the veil from the face of M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain's actions, and his real worthlessness and unsubstantiality became manifest to mankind. When God, the world-protector, wills to cleanse the site of the eternal dominion from the evil and black-hearted, and to deck it with the sincere and loyal, a state of things spontaneously arises which could not be produced by a thousand plannings. The hypocrites depart from the threshold of fortune by the efforts of their own feet, and fall into destruction. Such was the evilly-ending case of M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain, who by influence of the man-throwing wine of the world did not remain firm of foot, but left his place, and into whose head there entered thoughts of madness and melancholy. On 23rd Mihr, Divine Month, October 1562, he out of suspicions and from internal wickedness, to which his nature was prone, fled from the holy threshold, which is the refuge of the great of the seven climes, and hastened to Ajmīr and Nāgor which were his jāghīrs. Several found the chron ogramof this event to be shash Ṣafr (970= 5th October, 1562).

When this disgraceful event was reported to H.M., he expressed complete surprise and amazement. Though he inquired the reason of it from his Sharafu-d-dīn's confidants and companions, nothing appeared except internal wickedness and an injured brain. He frequently remarked that he had had the intention of educating him, but that his narrow capacity could not stand this, and that he had quickly gone off, and that in this way his real nature had been tested. Thereafter H.M. the Shāhinshāh determined that one of his trusty servants should be appointed to the province of Nāgor, lest the infatuated son of a Khwājah should, at the instigation of flatterers, stir up strife there, and should alienate the hearts of the inhabitants. As to raise the position of the loyal is to exalt the standards of dominion, and to cast down the faction of the ingrates and the strife-mongers is to preserve the general public, who are a trust from God, and also to leave the black-hearted a lamp of guidance for the highway, H.M. the Shāhinshāh exalted Ḥusain Qulī Beg, the son of Walī Beg Ẕū-al-qadir, who was an honoured servant and distinguished for acuteness and serviceable qualities, to the rank of Khān, and made over to him the jāgīr of M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain; and having given him valuable instructions, he sent him to Nāgor, which was the Mīrzā's seat and refuge. A number of loyalists such as Ism'aīl Qulī Khān, the brother of Ḥusain Qulī, Muḥumad Ṣādiq Khān, Muḥummad Qulī Toqbāī, Mīrak Bahādūr and others were appointed to assist him. H.M. observed that forgetfulness and mistakes were constituents of humanity, and that if the Mīrzā should awake from his sleep of negligence, and be ashamed of his conduct, he was to be treated with royal favours and brought back to Court. But if he were minded to be ungrateful, and to have evil intentions, he was to be punished so that his treatment might be a warning to others. Ḥusain Qulī Khān sent his family to the fort of Hājīpūr¹ and prepared for this important service, and proceeded towards Nāgor. When the fortune-helped army arrived, the Mīrzā had not time to arrange the strife which he meditated. Of necessity he made over the fort of Ajmīr to Tarkhān Dīwāna, who was one of his trusted servants, and went off to Jalaur, which he had brought into his possession, and there waited for his opportunity. The imperial forces approached Ajmīr and besieged the fort, in order that they might make the way clear for a further advance. Tarkhān Dīwāna acted wisely, and having made a treaty he was enlisted in the royal army. Ḥusain Qulī Khān made over the fort to trusty men, and marched onwards. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain Mīrzā, who had turned his back on faith and fortune, could not resolve upon standing his ground, and left the imperial domains. The country was cleared from his mist, and the fort of Mīrtha, which was the strongest in the territory, and which Jaimal held with the approval of the Mīrzā also fell into the hands of Ḥusain Qulī Khān. In accordance with H.M.'s orders it was made over to Jagmal.

When the minds of the imperial servants were at rest about the business of M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain, they addressed themselves to the taking of the fort of Jodhpūr, which was the strongest fort in that country. Let it not be concealed that this fort was the capital of Rai Māldeo, who was one of the great Rajahs of India, both in rank and position, and for the number of his servants, and the extent of his territories. When he departed from the fortress of life, his younger son Candar Sen succeeded him and held this fort. The officers went to besiege it, and Rām Rai, the elder son of Rai Māldeo, came and joined the army of fortune, and after that he was exalted by saluting the sublime threshold, which is the kissing-spot of the exalted ones of the horizons. M'uīnu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān Farankhūdī and Moẓaffār Moghol and a number of others were sent to assist Ḥusain Qulī Khān. By the Divine aid the fort was soon conquered.

One of the occurrences was the promotion of Khwāja Moẓaffar 'Alī Tarbatī¹ to the rank of Khān, and the bestowal on him of the robe of the Viziership. The details of this are, that when the affairs of the Sultanate were put in order by the auspicious fortune, admirable attention, etc., of H.M. the Shāhīnshah, and the most important matters had been arranged, in spite of the perfect understanding of the spirit of the age, and the aggregation of qualities temporal and spiritual, and the unflagging engagement in external and internal matters, and the unnecessariness of Vizier or vakīl, yet, for the sake of maintaining the screen and of following the custom of predecessors, which is the eye-salve of the commonalty, and also for the sake of farsightedness and of abundant caution, the world-conquering mind determined that the masnad of dīwanship should be graced by the presence of a man who was loyal, fond of service, and acquainted with business, so that the holy personality might remain under the veil of inattention, which is the best means of testing men, and that political and financial affairs and the details of speech and action might be conducted in the best method, and that the gardens of the imperial domains might be watered by the tricklings from his efficacious pen. For this purpose the attention of H.M. the Shāhinshāh was drawn in the beginning of this year to Khwājah Moẓaffar Ālī of Tarbat, and he was exalted by being appointed to this service. The cushion of the dīwan was adorned by him, and he received the title of Mozaffar Khān. He returned thanks for this great favour, and displayed his abilities in the execution of his duties. He managed in a proper manner the operations of the Treasury, which is the capital stock of sovereignty, the improvement of the condition of the peasantry, and the control of the army (according to what was hidden in the breast of H.M.). From his good service in the affairs of the Viziership, he rose to be an Amīr. He had abundant courage as well as intelligence, and was master both of the sword and the pen. The Khwājah was a servant of Bairām Khān. At the time of the latter's alienation, Dervash Uzbeg arrested the Khwājah and sent him to the Court. Though short-sighted men urged that he should be put to death, H.M., who is a judge of the coin of humanity, perceived the Khwājah's aptitude for business, and granted him his life. For some time he was collector of the pargana Parsarūr,¹ and from his success therein he was made dīwān-i-bīyūtāt. Thereafter he was raised to the lofty office above mentioned. I laud the discrimination of the farseeing mineralogist who brings out rubies and cornelians from among dust, and makes them the ornaments of dominion's throne.

As the world-adorning Deity willed that the outward glory and inward majesty of the Lord of the Age should be impressed on high and low, and the standards of his daily-increasing dominion should be raised up to the heavens so that both his outward development might have a happy completion, and also that the astray in the wilderness of error might be guided to the highway of auspiciousness, it was inevitable that the ill-wishers of his power should first of all be brought into the abyss of destruction. And as the adorner of the tiara of sovereignty was constituted a mine of urbanity and gentleness and took pleasure in tasting the sweets of forgiveness, it was decreed by omnipotence that the evilly-inclined towards God-given dominion should by their own action cast themselves into the whirlpool of ruin. An instance of this strange mystery, which only the wise can perceive, is afforded by the miserable end of Shāh Abū-al-M'aālī, who neither understood his own position, nor the extent of the royal forgiveness. He had neither a loyal heart nor a practical understanding.

It has been told in previous narrations how this wicked and evil-thoughted one had repeatedly committed improper acts, and how he had, owing to the innate clemency of the Shāhinshāh, been saved from death, and been encompassed by favours. In order¹ to his own amendment and for the general welfare he had been sent to holy Mecca. At this time he gathered up from the excellent places —where he ought to have acquired graces—the sparks of wickedness into the harvest of his actions; and having become a receptacle of sins he returned with evil designs to the imperial domains which were lighted up by the rays of the Shāhinshāh's justice. Full of evil thoughts and intentions of strife he delayed not in Gujrat but went on towards Agra and Delhi. When he came to Jalaur¹ he joined M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain, who was ruined in realm, and religion, and went yet more rapidly towards destruction, and indulged yet more in vain and rebellious imaginings. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain Mīrzā also made a compact with him that he would furnish him with three hundred proper men (khūb-i-khud) from among his private followers such as Yār 'Alī Balūe and Mīr 'Alī Kūlābī who would stir up strife in the provinces (Wilāyat).² He also promised that if things made progress here (i.e., in India) he would join him in person. Should matters not succeed here he would himself come to Kābul. He regarded that country as an asylum for himself and would seek his opportunity.

Shāh Abū-l-M'aālī from his innate folly and the instigation of Sharafu-d-dīn Mīrzā, proceeded towards Ḥājīpūr where were the families of Ḥusain Qulī Khān and of the other officers. When he came to the environs of Hājīpūr he was unable to gain possession of it because Aḥmad Beg and Iskandar Beg, the relatives of Ḥusain Quli Khān, had in accordance with orders from the Court come there from the rear. The brainless and ill-fated youth turned towards Nārnaul when he despaired of getting Ḥājīpūr. At this time Nārnaul had been removed from the exchequer-lands and been conferred on Shuja'āt Khān, and his son Qawīm Khān was governor of it. Mīr³ Gesū, the exchequer aāmil, was then purposing to convey to court a part of the royal revenue, and on account of a disagreement between the past and present agents (gumāshtagān) precautions had been neglected, and carelessness prevailed. One morning, when the officers were in the slumber of security, that ingrate arrived with a set of vagabonds. Qawīm did not behave bravely and chose the disgrace of flight; nor did Mīr Gesu obtain the bliss of shedding his blood, and was made a prisoner. A portion of the coin fell into the hands of those wretched forgers, and the city was plundered. When Ḥusain Qulī Khān heard of the arrival of the presumptuous villain he hastily despatched Ṣādiq Khān and Ism'aīl Qulī Khān¹ with a body of troops lest injury should befall his belongings in Ḥājīpūr. When those troops got to the confines of Ḥājīpūr they found that the ill-fated wretch had hastened off to Nārnaul. They went off there, and Aḥmad Beg and Iskandar Beg hearing of their approach came and joined them. When they were within twelve kos of Nārnaul they fell in with Khānzāda Muḥammad, commonly called Shāh-i-laundān,² who had left his jagīr and was proceeding to join his brother. In this way a prey fell into the possession of the imperial servants.

When Shāh Abū-l-m'aālī heard of the arrival of the troops he fled from Nārnaul. Zeal urged the brave men to push on all the faster. When they came to Daharsū two camels loaded with silver which were being marched in the villain's rear fell into the hands of Ism'aīl Qulī Khān and Aḥmed Beg's men. The avaricious soldiers (qalaqcīān) quarreled over this, and the dispute went so far that there was controversy about it among the leaders. As they had marched far that day they halted at Daharsū. Aḥmad Beg and Iskandar Beg were vexed by the sudden quarrel and marched on further, and encamped. At dawn they pushed on without waiting for Ṣādiq Khān and Ismāīl Qulī Khān. Some Badakhshīs and all the men of Transoxiana chose the ignominy of disloyalty and resolved to mutiny. A faithless man named Dānā Qulī deserted, and hastening onwards joined Abū-l-M'aālī and told him the state of affairs. The latter halted in a wood and waited his opportunity. As soon as those brave and loyal men arrived, he emerged from his ambush and attacked them. The mutineers joined him according to the agreement and drew their swords against their own leaders. Aḥmad Beg and Iskandar Beg fought bravely and disposed of many of the rebels. They themselves drank off the cup of martyrdom and earned an everlasting good name. Shāh Abū-l-M'aālī fled before the arrival of the victorious army. When he came to pargana Jhanjhūn¹ the Shiqdar of the place shut the gates of the fort and prepared for battle. He devoted himself on the path of loyalty.² Abu-l-M'aālī went from there to Ḥiṣar Fīrūza. Bayāzīd Beg, a servant of Mun'im Khān, took measures for defending the fort, and that mad dog being discomfited there also, went off towards Kābul. At this time H.M. the Shāhinshāh was enjoying the sport of hunting at Mathurā³ which is 15 or 16 kos from Agra. When he heard of Shāh Abu-l-M'aālī's arrival and of his evil acts he at once ordered that a number of loyal officers such as Shāh Budāgh Khān, Tātār Khān, and Rūmī Khān should follow him and not stop till they had caught him, so that they might lay the dust of sedition and give tranquillity to the people.

As in all his ways, the peace of the world, and the repose of mortals are kept in view by the inspired soul of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and his true intent in miscellaneous matters, such as hunting, etc., is to acquaint himself with the condition of the people without the intermediary of interested persons and hypocrites, and to take proper measures for the protection of mankind he, upon hearing of Shāh Abu-l-m'aālī's commotion, proceeded towards Delhi on the day of Āsmān, the 27th Dai, Divine month, corresponding to Saturday 23 Jamādā-al-awala. On the day of Mārisfand the 29th Dai, corresponding to 25 Jamāda-al-awala, 8 January, 1564, that city was illumined by the advent of the Shāhinshāh. Abū-l-m'aālī could not, on account of the glory of the Shāhinshah, and the sublime dynasty, abide longer in India, and carried the burden of destruction to Kābul. Sedition which had awoke with bleared eyes went into a profound slumber, and mankind stretched their hands to heaven in supplication for the permanency of daily-increasing dominion. As the squint-eyed world lies in wait and searches for opportunities for promoting the cause of the wicked, wounds are continually being inflicted on the good and pure, but they are preserved by the Divine protection from the calamity thereof, and acquire eternal felicity in spite of the ill-intentioned. The Divine decree too has issued that whenever unstinted joys and lofty blessings are to be bestowed on anyone, he is in the first place to be made the recipient of griefs and pains, so that he may the better render thanks for his favours and that such sorrow may be the (evil-averting) rue for his world-adorning beauty. An instance of this occurred when the cortége of H.M. Shāhinshāh after arriving in Delhi had proceeded on the day of Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday 28 Jamāda-al-awal, to visit the shrine of Shaikh Niẓāmu-d-dīn auliyā. May his grave be holy! He was returning¹ from there to his dwelling, and when he reached the crossways (cahārsū) one of the death-destined ingrates was standing near Māham² Anaga's Madrasa. When H.M. had gone on beyond him, the latter discharged an arrow against that qibla of the world. It struck H.M.'s right shoulder and penetrated about the length of a span. A cry rose from heaven and earth, and devoted followers fell upon that wretch. They wished to examine him and not to kill him at once, but H.M. indicated that he should be speedily put to death lest a number of loyalists should fall under suspicion. In an instant they cut him to pieces. Though the hearts of the loyal and the minds of the superficial men of the world were perplexed as to the remedy, that spiritual and temporal king preserved his composure and comforted the faithful. He bade his followers extract the arrow. I have heard from the glorious tongue (Akbar's) that at first he thought someone had unwittingly thrown a fragment of a stone from a roof. In spite of such a wound he remained as before on his horse and proceeded to his palace. As the Divine protection and the prayers of the saints were guarding him, the wound was not serious, nor was lesion great. Skilful leeches who possessed Jesus' breath attended to the plastering and curing of it. Especially Khiẓr³ Khwājah Khān and Ḥakīm 'Ain-al-malk joined together in treating the fresh wound and healing it by dry bandaging (khushk-band). Every day they administered a fresh fatīla.⁴ In the course of a week a cicatrice formed, and there was perfect restoration to health.

One of the strange things was the story of the king's dog. It was a bitch and called Mahuwa (beloved?). It was in the palace at the time of leaving Agra. It showed signs of distress and sadness from the day of this horrible occurrence, and before the news came it had refrained from eating and drinking and remained so for seven days. Such loyalty and fidelity did it show! Whoever glories in the adorning-beauty of this chosen one will not regard this occurrence as wonderful. Above all, what is astonishing when it is the case of a dog, whose species is famed all over the world for fidelity.

Though H.M. the Shāhinshāh from his farsightedness and reticence did not give time for the examination of the circumstances of that evildoer, yet so much was ascertained as that this presumptuous iron-hearted one was a slave of Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain Mīrzā's father, and that his name was Qatlaq Faulād. That rebel (Sharafu-d-dīn) had sent him from Jalaur with evil designs to be a companion of Shāh Abū-l-m'aālī. When the latter fled from India and went towards Kābul he sent this inauspicious one upon this business. In order to his own destruction he (Faulād) placed the arrow of strife on the bow of fate and prepared the materials of eternal ignominy and did not perceive how impossible it is for evil thoughts of wretches to enter the protected sanctuary of him who is befriended by God. On the contrary, whatever evil thought they have entertained recoils upon themselves in ruin and destruction. How does it come to them? It comes by leaving to them no trace of honour or reputation, and no particle of life, or fame, or home. Accordingly, just observers who critically examine the record of the flawless sovereignty of this holy lord, well know the condition of the opponents of this God-given dominion. (They know) how they become the subjects of a thousandfold calamities, and go down to the abyss of destruction. If I reckoned them up one by one, a separate book would be necessary. However, everywhere in this noble record there has been reference made to the condition of those blind-hearted ones, and to the retribution of their deeds.

When H.M. was perfectly recovered he proceeded on 11 Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Friday 6 Jamāda-al-akhira, 21 January, 1564, to Agra the capital. He made the journey by slow marches. Although the wound had been cicatrised, and quite cured, yet out of consideration for the fact that the wound was yet recent, and that he could not endure the motion of a horse, he made most of the journey in a litter (sūkāsan), which is the boat of dry land. When the shadow of his light-nourishing umbrella cast its rays on the territory of Agra, mankind received fresh life and hastened to the acme of devotion, and had the bliss of going forth to welcome him. They scattered gifts among his followers, and offered thanksgivings for the Divine boon of his safety. H.M. on the 20th Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 15 Jamādā-al-akhira, alighted at the palace. He busied himself in the administration of justice, and made fitting regulations for the founding of empire and the cherishing of subjects. The talented of the seven climes at the auspicious glance of the Shāhinshāh emerged from their retirements and took part in active life and became constituents of increasing dominion. The evil received their punishment and hastened to the hiding of annihilation. The world was cleansed of the rubbish of the immoderate and enjoyed the equability of spring.

Nearly about the time when the rose-garden of the world put on fresh leaves and became melodious from the arrival of the Shāhinshāh at the capital, and the holy disposition became equable, and turned towards the development of the springtime of justice, the spring of joy came and conveyed the news of H.M.'s convalescence. After the lapse of three hours and twenty-seven minutes of the night of Saturday, 27 Rajab, 971, 11th March, 1564, the world-warming sun passed into Aries, its house of exaltation, and freshened the universe.

The time gave colour and fragrance to spring,
It put a nosegay into the hand of desire,
The rose made the spring of the amorous,
The brain of lovers was heated,
The air became humid like the brain of the wise,
The time became like the temper of the strong of heart.
Pearls dropped from the clouds
Like as the brain of the sage drops wisdom.

One of the great gifts which H.M. the Shāhinshāh made at the beginning of this year was the remission of the Jiẕya throughout India. Who can estimate the amount thereof? As the far-seeing glance of the Shāhinshāh looked to the administration of the world, he paid great attention to the issuing of this edict, which might be regarded as the foundation of the arrangement of mankind. In spite of the disapproval of statesmen, and of the great revenue, and of much chatter on the part of the ignorant, this sublime decree was issued. By this grand gift, thousands of leading-reins and lassoes were made for the stiff-necked ones of the age. When this tax was imposed in former times by those who held outward sway, the reason for it was that they on account of heart-rooted enmity were girded up for the contempt and destruction of opposite factions, but for political purposes and for their own advantage, they fixed a sum of money as an equivalent therefor, and gave it the name of jiziya.¹ Thus they both gained their object and also derived a profit. At the present day, when owing to the blessing of the abundant good-will and graciousness of the lord of the age, those who belong to other religions have, like those of one mind and one religion, bound up the waist of devotion and service, and exert themselves for the advancement of the dominion, how should those dissenters, whose separation is founded merely on habit and imitation, and whose zeal and devotion are the real things, be classed with that old faction which cherished mortal enmity, and be the subjects of contempt and slaughter? Moreover the prime cause of levying the tax in old times was the neediness of the rulers and their assistants. At this day, when there are thousands of treasures in the store-chambers of the world-wide administration, and when every one of the servants of the threshold of fortune is rich and prosperous, why should a just and discriminating mind apply itself to collecting this tax? And why should it from imaginary advantage advance on the path of definite dissension?

One of the excellent occurrences was the punishment of Abu-l-M'aālī. The account of this instructive occurrence is that, when Abu-l-M'aālī went with evil intentions to Kābul, and when the army which had gone in pursuit of him and to drive him out of the dominions, returned after traversing the Panjāb, that inauspicious wretch sent a petition from Sind, full of his relationship to H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī, to Māh Cūcak Begam, the mother of M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm, who was all-powerful in Kabul; and he added to it an account of his own forlorn condition, and embroidered it with this verse:—

We have not come to this door in search of honour and glory;
We've come here for protection 'gainst the hand of fate.

When Māh Cūcak Begam had made herself acquainted with the contents of this letter, she took counsel with her confidential advisers. These short-sighted and self-interested men represented to the Begam, that Shāh Abū-l-M'aālī was sprung from the great Sayyids of Termiẕ, and that the rulers of Moghulistan and the princes of Kāshghar had formed alliances with those families. As he had sought protection from the sublime family, it was proper to treat him with all kindness, and to exalt him so that he should be seen to be a favourite and of great distinction, and to give him in marriage her daughter—the sister of Muḥammad Ḥakīm—so that he might look upon this family as his own; and might make it illustrious, and might do it good, and convert it from dissension into harmony. The simple-minded Begam was led by the deceitful words of these men to entertain wrong ideas, and replied¹ to Shāh Abu-l-M'aālī's letter in soothing language, and brought him to Kabul with all honour. Without making inquiry at the court of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, she of her own notion gave Abū-l-M'aālī her daughter Fakhru-n-Nisā Begam in marriage and joined that scion of the family of realm and religion to this evil-minded man. The fruit of this was soon gathered, for in a short space of time the Begam lost her life in consequence of this union.

The details of this are as follows: When Abū-l-M'aālī, who always displayed lack of wisdom and narrowness of thought, as well as other bad qualities, became the master in that household, he could not contain his emotions. His evil nature too was worsened by the companionship of instigators. He made no account of the Begam and her officers, nor followed her weighty counsels. Nor did his actions show the fragrance of gratitude and devotion. At this time, various strife-mongers such as Shagūn, the son of Qarāca Khān, and Shādmān—who both had old spites against the Begam—joined Abū-l-M'aālī. They represented to him that so long as the Begam was in life, he would not be secure in office, and that he would soon be put to death like Faẓīl Beg, his son Abu-l-fatḥ and Shāh Walī Atka. The proper thing was for him to act boldly and take the initiative, and to bring up M. Muḥammad Hakīm, who was still young, in accordance with his views. In this way all the Kābulīs would place the head of obedience on the line of submission to him. That evil-minded one who did not think of his latter end gave ear to their wicked counsels, and took steps to carry out their evil plans. He did not retain possession of the key of reason but lost it in the abyss of ignorance. He gave to the wind of rebellion ('aqūq) the harvest of the rights (ḥaqūq) of the family. He spurned the recent favours of the Begam, and lay in wait to commit murder—the worst of crimes!

In fine, he made that wretch Shagūn and that scum of Transoxiana, who was styled the Qāẓīzāda, his friends and proceeded to the Begam's residence. Abu-l-M'aālī entered the house by one way, and the two wretches by another. There were a number of women in the house, and by mistake they shed the blood of an innocent lady. When it appeared that they had blundered, and that it was not the Begam, they went looking for her and joined Abul-l-M'aālī. They endeavoured to effect their object, and when the Begam became aware of the facts, she shut the door of her room in the face of the tyrants. Abū-l-M'aālī broke the door with the help of the two villains, and entered and put¹ the Begam to death. By this wickedness he hoisted the flag of oppression. This instructive catastrophe occurred in the middle of Farwardīn, Divine month, corresponding to the middle of Sh'abān (971), April, 1564. After shedding the blood of the Begam, he hastened in search of M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm. He took him out from among young boys² and brought him into the diwānkhāna by the side of himself. The men of the Mīrzā's household attended on him (Abū-l-M'aālī) willingly or unwillingly. Next day he put to death Ḥaidar Qāsim Kohbar, whose family had filled great offices under the dynasty from generation to generation, and who at that time held the office of the Mīrzā's Vakil, and carried on the administration of the country; and also Khwājah Khāṣ Mulk and several others. He also imprisoned Ḥaidar's brother, Muḥammad Qāsim. Tardī Muḥammad Maidānī, Bāqī Qāqshāl, Ḥasan Khān, and Maḥasan Khān,³ brother of Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, and a number of the Begam's servants joined together to kill Abū-l-M'aālī. 'Īdī Sarmast, who was one of them, gave information to Abū-l-M'aālī and the latter armed himself and his adherents and prepared for battle. Those ambitious ones took the right-hand road to the fort, while Abū-l-M'aālī advanced from another side. A number were killed on both sides, but Abū-l-M'aālī's party was victorious and drove the other faction out of the fort. When night let fall her curtain, every one went off in a different direction. The Qāqshāls hastened to Ghorband, the Maidānīs went to Maidān, while Ḥasan Khān and Maḥasan Khān went towards Jalālābād. Muḥammad Qāsim, the brother of Ḥaidar Qāsim, and who was in prison, made his escape and went off to Badakhshān. He informed M. Sulaiman of the tragedy of Kabul and of the wickedness of Abū-l-M'aālī, and urged him to come to Kabul. M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm, in spite of his tender years, was horrified at the catastrophe of his mother; and by the advice of well-wishers secretly sent messengers to M. Sulaimān in quest of relief, and to incite him to come.

M. Sulaimān on hearing of what had happened, girt up the loins of intent and prepared to march to that abode of pleasure which was always the object of his ambition. He collected the army of Badkhshān and marched to Kabul, accompanied by Ḥaram Begam. Abu-l-M'aālī was agitated by the news of M. Sulaimān's purpose. He collected his troops, and, as in his folly he regarded M. Muḥammad Ḥakim as being on his side, and as one of his titles (dast-āwez) he made arrangements for his accompanying the army. He took the initiative and marched out of Kabul before M. Sulaimān could get there, and arriving at the river of Ghorband took possession of the head of the bridge. From the other side M. Sulaimān came rapidly with the Badakhshān forces to the bridge, and both sides drew up in line. Just then a body of troops from Kūlāb were seen on the right, and Abū-l-M'aālī sent off a number of Kabūlīs to oppose them. After the two forces had engaged, news was brought to Abū-l-M'aālī that the Kabulies had been defeated. He thereupon placed M. Muḥammed Ḥakīm in the centre of the troops facing M. Sulaimān, and went off to assist his defeated men. Upon this opportunity M. Muḥammed Ḥakīm's men seized his horse's rein and drove him to the river, and in haste brought him to M. Sulaimān. The whole Kabul army became disorganised after this event and dispersed. When Abū-l-M'aāli came back and learnt the state of affairs, he got utterly confused, and gave up fighting and accepted defeat. The Badakhshānīans pursued him and came up with him at Cārīkārān. They seized him and brought him before M. Sulaimān, who came rejoicing to Kabul along with M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm. Two days afterwards he sent that tyrant in chains to the Mīrzā, who ordered him to be strangled. This was done on the day of Ormazd, the beginning of Khurdād, Divine month, corresponding to the 'Īd of the Ramaẓān.

With my own eyes I saw in a thoroughfare
That a bird killed an ant;
Its beak had not been withdrawn from the prey
When another bird came and killed it.
Be not secure if you have done evil;
For retribution is in accordance with nature.

At the time of his being strangled, his impure character displayed itself, and he made entreaties and lamentations in order that he might, perhaps, by a thousand humiliations, gain a few more days of life, though they were worse than death. But the result was only to show his worthless character. His impure carcase was by the exertions of some worthy² people deposited near the graves of the cupola of chastity, Khānzāda Begum, and of Mahdī Khwāja. God be praised! The world was cleansed of his hateful existence, and he by his own acts hastened to the pit of destruction. Whoever does not appreciate kindness and practises ingratitude, perishes under such circumstances of contempt and disgrace. If he escape the clutches of the imperial servants, the stewards of fortune send adversaries against him so that he is brought to destruction for the edification of the wise.

After this M. Sulaimān engaged in arranging the affairs of Kabul, and in educating M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm; and sent men to Badakhshān and had his daughter brought to Kabul and given in marriage to the Mīrzā. He gave much of the territory of Kabul to Badakhshān men, and appointed Umed 'Alī, one of his officers, M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm's vakīl, thereby establishing his own influence. He himself returned to Kabul. Ḥaram Begam urged him to take M. Ḥakīm with him, and to make over Kabul to the Badakhshīs. But he did not agree, holding that abrupt measures did not look well, and that things should take shape by process of time.

He gave three-fourths of Kabul in fiefs to his own men, and he picked out the (best) lands for them. One inferior share he alloted to M. Ḥakīm and the Kabulīs. He thought that this kind of arrangement was a means of keeping Kabul in subjection!

Though Khwāja 'Abdu-l-Majīd Āṣaf² Khān was a Tājīk and belonged to the writing-class, yet by being supported by the dominion which is conjoined with eternity he did deeds which made Turks humble³ themselves before him. O wise (reader), those who prove their merit by their genealogy succeed with the vulgar ('aāmma). Men of elite (khāsān) shut their eyes to lineage and look to the real nature of a man, and call those noble who do great deeds. In short, Āṣaf Khan by his excellent service, loyalty and reliance upon the eternal dominion was divinely favoured and conquered the territory of Gaḍha. The brief account of this is as follows: In the spacious territories of India there is a country called Goṇḍwāra, viz., the country inhabited by Gonḍs. They are a numerous tribe and mostly live in the wilds. Having chosen this as their abode, they devote themselves to eating and drinking and to venery. They are a low-caste tribe and the people of India despise them and regard them as outside the pale of their realm and religion. The east part of the country adjoins Ratanpūr⁴ which belongs to Jhārkhand, and the west is contiguous to Raisīn which belongs to the province of Malwa. Its length⁵ may be 150 kos. On the north is the country of Pannah, and on the south the Deccan. Its width may be 80 kos. The country is called Gaḍha⁶ Katanga. It is an extensive tract and is full of forts, and contains populous cities and towns, so that truthful narrators have stated that Gaḍha Katanga contained 70,000 inhabited villages. Among these, Gaḍha is a large city whilst Katanga is a village. The country has become known by this double name. The capital is the fortress of Caurāgarha. There was not in former times any sole ruler, on the contrary there were many Rajahs and Rais. At the present day, when by the revolutions of time the country is no longer under the old regime there are still many Rajahs,¹ e.g., the Rajah of Gaḍha, the Rajah of Garola,² the Rajah of Haryā,³ the Rajah of Salwānī, the Rajah of Danakī, the Rajah of Katholā, the Rajah of Mugda, the Rajah of Mandlā, the Rajah of Deohār, the Rājah of Lānjī.

Most of the soldiers fight on foot: there are few horsemen. Since the first appearance of Islam, when great rulers conquered India, though their reigns were long, the bird of victory of none of them was able to fly to the pinnacles of those strong forts, nor could the hoof of the horse of their thought brush the soil of that extensive country. At this time, when Āṣaf Khān became jāgīrdār of Sarkār⁴ Karra, and conquered the territory of Pannah, the sovereignty of that country (Gaḍha Katanga) had come to a woman named Durgāvatī, who was generally known as the Rānī. She was distinguished for courage, counsel and munificence, and by virtue of these elect qualities she had brought the whole of that country under her sway. I have heard from experienced men who had been there that 23,000 cultivated villages were in her possession, and that in 12,000 of these she had resident governors (shiqdār). The remainder were subordinate to her, and their headmen were under her control. She was the daughter of Rajah Sālbāhān of Rātha⁵ and Mahoba who was a Candīl by caste. The Rajah gave her in marriage to Dalpat the son of Amān Dās. Though he was not of a good family yet as he was wealthy and Rajah Sālbāhan was in bad circumstances, the latter was compelled to make this alliance. As Amān Dās had given valuable help to Sultan Bahādur of Gujrāt in the conquest of Raisīn, the latter had increased his dignity by giving him the title of Sangrām Shāhī.¹ He was the son of Arjan Dās, son of Sangīn Dās,² son of Kharjī. Though from old times the house of the ruler of Gaḍha was of high rank, yet it had nothing beyond reverence. This Kharjī by ability and contrivance took things under the denomination of peshkash from the other rulers of the country and so collected one hundred cavalry, and 10,000 infantry. His son³ Sangīn Dās carried on his father's plans and increased his power, collecting 500 cavalry and 60,000 infantry. He had many Rājputs among his cavalry and infantry. Two able companions joined themselves to him. One was of the Kaharcalī (?) caste, and an inhabitant of Hamīrpūr, and the other was of the Parihār⁴ caste. By their abilities he obtained great influence in the country. After him the government came to his son Arjan Dās when the latter was forty years of age. After him the government fell to Amān Dās above mentioned. This Amān Dās was a trickster and evildoer. He always acted against the will of his father and prepared for himself eternal loss. His father out of regard for him kept him in confinement for some while, and then let him out upon conditions. The wretch went back to his old courses and did improper acts. He then ran away to Barsingh Deo, the grandfather of Rām Cand, the Rajah of Pannah. The Rajah adopted him. Barsingh Deo entered the service of Sulṭān Sikandar Lodī and left Aman Dās with Bīr Bahān, the father of Rajah Rām Cand, who was then young. There he outwardly followed a course of rectitude. His father Arjan Dās being displeased with him made his second son Jōgi Dās his heir-apparent, but he had respect to the claim of his elder brother and did not agree to this arrangement. (He said) It is not right that I should have this title in the presence of my elder brother.

When the worthless Amān Dās heard that his father was giving honour to the second son, he made a rapid expedition and got into his mother's house and remained hidden there. With the concurrence of one of the Rajah's intimates, with whom he had old relations, he one night got his opportunity and killed the Rajah. The people rose and imprisoned him and sent a messenger to the second son, but he would not accept the invitation, saying that he could not kill his elder brother whom he regarded as a father, nor could he submit to him as he had prepared eternal loss for himself. Arguments were in vain. He elected retirement and went off into the desert. The two honest companions stood firm on the path of fealty and refused to serve him. On the contrary they wrote an account of the circumstances to Rajah Barsingh Deo and instigated him to take the country. He got leave of absence from Sulṭān Sikandar and marched with a large force into the country. Amān Dās took refuge in the mountain-defiles. Though in fact he was unable to resist the Rajah, he represented that he had from ignorance and a disordered brain killed one father, and how could he now fight with a second? When the Rajah had conquered the country and was returning after leaving his own men in charge, Amān Dās met him on the way with a few followers and did homage to him. After much lamentation the Rajah forgave him and made over the country to him. Amān Dās wept continually and expressed his abhorrence of himself for his evil action. Nor is it known whether this was hypocrisy, or he became aware of his wickedness and so expressed his feeling of shame before God and men. When he died, the government went to his son Dalpat. He ruled for seven years and then left the world. There was a report that Sangrām had no son and that he requested Gobind Dās Kacwāha, who was his servant, to allow his pregnant wife to be delivered in the former's harem. If there was a daughter, Gobind Dās would have her, and if there was a son, Sangrām would take him as his. No one was to be told of this. Gobind Dās obeyed the order, and when his wife was delivered of a son the Rajah took him as his own. He gave him the name of Dalpat, and Rānī Dūrgāvatī was given in marriage to him. When Dalpat died his son Bīr Narayan was five years old. Rānī Dūrgāvatī in concurrence with Adhār Kayath and Mān Brahman gave her son the title of Rajah and exercised the real authority herself. She neglected no point of courage or capacity, and did great things by dint of her farseeing abilities. She had great contests with Bāz Bahādur and the Mīānas, and was always victorious. She had 20,000 good cavalry with her in her battles, and one thousand famous elephants. The treasures of the Rajahs of that country fell into her hands. She was a good shot with gun and arrow, and continually went a hunting, and shot animals of the chase with her gun. It was her custom that whenever she heard that a tiger had made his appearance she did not drink water till she had shot him. There are stories current in Hindustan of her feasts and her frays. But she had one great fault, to wit, she, owing to a crowd of flatterers, became proud of her outward success, and did not submit herself at the threshold of the Shāhinshāh.

When Āṣaf Khān conquered the country of Panna, Dūrgāvati was infatuated with the strength of her army, her courage and her abilities, and was not apprehensive of such a neighbour. When Āṣaf Khān was near at hand he kept open the gates of friendship and intimacy and sent spies and experienced traders into her country and made investigations about her revenue and her expenditure. When he knew the truth about her abundant collections of treasure, and her hidden stores, the desire of lordship over the country entered his mind, and he longed to embrace the bride of the territories. He began with coquetry and toying, and put out his hand to touch the down and the mole of the beauty (Gondwāna), i.e., he began by attacking and plundering the villages and hamlets on the borders. At length, he in this year by the orders of the Shāhinshāh, collected 10,000 cavalry and abundant infantry and girded up the loins of endeavour for the conquest of Gaḍha. Muḥibb 'Alīkhān, Muḥammad Murād Khān, Wazīr Khān, Bābāi Qāqshāl, Nāẓir Bahādūr, Āq Muḥammad and a large number of holders of fiefs in that quarter accompanied him in accordance with the royal order. The Rāni was drunken with the wine of negligence and was spending her time in prosperity. Suddenly the news arrived that the victorious royal army had reached Damoh¹ which is one of the important cities of the country. A stone of dispersal fell into the midst of her pride, and her soldiers scattered in order to defend their families. Not more than 500 men remained with her. As soon as she heard of the event, the Rānī in her courage proceeded towards the victorious army and with the rashness which outruns arrogance went forward to welcome a battle. Adhār, who had charge of her administration, spoke to her like a well-wisher of dominion and unfolded the circumstances of the desertion of the soldiers and of the largeness of the royal army. The Rānī replied that the desertion was due to his stupidity, and asked how she, who had for years governed the country, could resolve upon flight? “'Twas better to die with glory than to live with ignominy. If the just king were here in person it would have been proper for her to wait upon him. What did that fellow (Āṣaf Khān) know of her rank? It was altogether best that she should die bravely.” She advanced four stages towards the victorious army. Aṣaf Khan, who was marching rapidly, halted in Damoh. The Rānī had collected 2,000 men. Her officers unanimously said that it was noble to determine upon war, but that it was not in accordance with courage and prudence to let fall the thread of deliberation. It was proper to stay in some secure place and to await the reassembling of their forces. When the Rānī heard these words she moved towards the forest west of Gaḍha. She then came into another forest north of Gaḍha, and wandered about slowly in those deserts. At last she came to Narhī which is east of Gaḍha. It is a place very difficult for ingress or egress. On four sides there are sky-high mountains, and there is a river in front called Gaur. On another side is the furious river, the Narbada. The ravine formed by the passage of the river and by which access is attained to the village is very narrow and awful. Āṣaf Khān, who, on hearing that the Rānī was approaching, had halted at Damoh, completely lost news of her, and though he sent out persons to make inquiries, yet, as the country was of an extraordinary nature, he could get no information. At last, he advanced in person to Gaḍha and proceeded to bring the villages and hamlets into subjection. When he got news of the Rāni he left a force in Gaḍha and hastened after her. When the Rani heard of the army's approach she called together her officers and held a council. She said that if they thought of going to some other place till her forces were collected, it would be proper to go there, but that her own inclination was to fight. How long was she to shelter herself among trees? Whoever liked to go might do so. They had leave. There was no third issue to her warfare. Either she would fall or she would conquer. At last all her men—there were about 5,000 collected—set their hearts on fighting. Next day the news came that Naẓir Muḥammad, Āq Muhammad and a large force of gallant men had taken by force the head of the ravine which was the road of access, and that Arjan Dās Bais, who was the faujdār of the elephants (i e., Dūrgavati's), had bravely lost his life there. The Rānī put armour on her breast and a helmet on her head and mounting an elephant slowly advanced to encounter the heroes who were eager for battle. She said to her soldiers, “Do not hasten, let the enemy enter the pass and then we shall fall upon them from all sides and drive them off.” It turned out as she anticipated, and there was a great fight. Many on both sides fell to the dust, and three hundred Moguls quaffed the wholesome draught of martyrdom. The Rānī was victorious and pursued the fugitives, and emerged from the ravine. At the end of the day she summoned her chief men and asked what they advised. Each man spoke according to his understanding and courage. The Rānī said we ought to make an attack this night, and finish off the enemy. Otherwise Āṣaf Khān will come in the morning in person and take possession of the pass, and will fortify it with artillery. The task which is now easy will become difficult. No one agreed to this proposal. At last she yielded to the majority and retreated by the way she had come, and occupied herself in comforting those of her people who had been orphaned. When she came to her house she proposed the night-attack to some of her devoted followers. Not one of them could equal her in courage. When it was morning, what the Rānī had foreseen occurred. Āṣaf Khān came with his artillery and fortified the entrance to the pass, and the victorious army entered the mountains. The Rānī in her eagerness for battle mounted on a lofty and swift elephant which was the best of her animals, and was called Sārmān, and came out. She drew up her forces, distributed the elephants and prepared for battle. After the armies had encountered, the work passed from arrows and muskets to daggers and swords. Rajah Bīr Sā, the Ranī's son, who was the nominal ruler, behaved bravely, and performed great deeds. Shams Khān Mīāna, and Mubārik Khān Bilūc fought bravely. The battle raged till the third watch of the day, so that if it was fully described the account would be a long one. Three times Raja Bīr Sā repulsed the victorious army but the third time he was wounded. When the Rānī heard of this she ordered trusty men to remove him from the battle-field to a place of safety. They obeyed the command and carried him off to a retired place. On this account a great many left the field of battle, and the Rani's troops were much discomfited. Not more than 300 men remained with her. But there was no weakening of the Rānī's resolution, and she continued to wage hot war alongside of her own gallant followers. An arrow from the bow of fate struck her right¹ temple, and she courageously drew it out and flung it from her. The point remained in the wound, and would not come out. Just then another arrow struck her neck. That, too, she drew out with the hand of courage, but the excessive pain made her swoon. When gradually she recovered her senses she addressed Adhār, who was of the Bakhīla caste and was distinguished for courage and devotion and who was riding in front of her on the elephant. She said to him, “I ever laboured to educate and consider you in order that one day you might be of service. To-day is a day in which I am overcome in battle, God forbid that I be also overcome in name and honour, and that I fall into the hands of the enemy; act like a faithful servant, and dispose of me by this sharp dagger.” His true heart could not do anything so hardhearted. He said, “How can I bring my hand to do this thing. How can the hand which has held your gifts do such a dreadful deed. This I can do: I can carry you away from this fatal field. I have full confidence in this swift elephant.” When the Rānī heard these words, which proceeded from soft-heartedness, she grew angry and reproached him, saying, “Do you choose such a disgrace for me?” Then she drew her dagger, and herself inflicted the blow, and died in virile² fashion. A large number of her devoted followers fell in her service, notably Kanur Kalyān Bakhīla, Cakarmān Kharcalī, Khān Jahān Dakīt and Mahārakhs Brahman. A great victory was gained. A thousand elephants and much other booty fell into the hands of the Imperial servants. There was both a large amount of property obtained and also an extensive territory was added to the Imperial dominions. The reign of the Rānī lasted for sixteen years.

When the brilliancy of the Rānī's rule was extinguished, and when in the very height¹ of her rule the hand of destruction flung the dust of annihilation on the head of that noble lady, Āṣaf Khān after two months, and when his mind was at rest about the Miyāna² country proceeded to the conquest of Caurāgarh³ fort. This fortress was replete with buried treasures, and rare jewels, for the collection of which former rajahs had exerted themselves for many ages. They thought these would be a means of safety but in the end they were a cause of destruction. The soldiers girded up the loins of courage to capture this golden fort, and from the love of these treasures they washed their hands of life and eagerly followed Āṣaf Khān. The Rānī's son who had left the battle-field and was shut up in the fort, came out to fight on the approach of the army of fortune; but the fort was taken after a short contest. The Rajah died bravely. He had appointed Bhoj Kaith and Mīyān Bhīkārī Rūmī to look after the jauhar, for it is the custom of Indian rajahs under such circumstances to collect wood, cotton, grass, ghee and such like into one place, and to bring the women and burn them, willing or unwilling. This they call the jauhar. These two faithful servants, who were the guardians of honour, executed this service. Whoever out of feebleness of soul was backward (to sacrifice herself) was, in accordance with their custom, put to death by the Bhoj aforesaid. A wonderful thing was that four days after they had set fire to that circular pile, and all that harvest of roses had been reduced to ashes, those who opened the door found two women alive. A large piece of timber had screened them and protected them from the fire. One of them was Kamlavatī, the Rānī's sister, and the other the daughter of Rājah Puragaḍha, whom they had brought for the Rajah but who had not yet been united to him. These two women, who had emerged from that storm of fire, obtained honour by being sent to kiss the threshold of the Shāhinshāh.

In fine, when the fort was taken there fell into the hands of Āṣaf Khān and his men an incalculable amount of gold and silver. There were coined and uncoined gold, decorated utensils, jewels, pearls, figures, pictures, jewelled and decorated idols, figures of animals made wholly of gold, and other rarities. I have heard from reliable informants that among the goods and treasures of Caurāgarh of which Āṣaf Khān took sole possession, there were one hundred jars (deg) full of 'Alāū-d-dīn¹ ashrafīs. There were also other things which could not be calculated. When Āṣaf Khān, by the good fortune which came from the rays of the Shāhinshah's prestige, acquired such wealth, and became so powerful, his self-confidence became greater than it is possible to imagine. As he did not possess right reason, the senses-robbing intoxication revealed the amount of his capacity. He altogether abandoned the path of propriety and sent none of those rarities or splendid jewels, which were worthy of the appreciative acceptance of the Shāhinshāh, to Court. He did not comprehend that fortune had made those pearls and jewels a sprinkling for the head of dominion and a tiara for the auspicious, and regarding himself as the central object, he strewed the dust of ruin on the head of his own honour. That ill-fated one, the tablet of whose heart bore no impress of sincerity, or rather it had not a letter or even a dot of justice in it, sent only 200 elephants as a present, out of the 1,000 which had fallen into his hands. He concealed all the other rarities, and resting himself on the pillows of the government of Karra and Gaḍha he spent his days in negligence. H.M. the Shāhinshāh on account of his world-bestowing disposition did not give a thought to those things (the hidden rarities) and winked at his treachery. When he made the third expedition to Jaunpūr in order to chastise 'Alī Qulī Khān Zamān he summoned Āṣaf Khān to the presence. The latter obeyed the command and went to kiss the threshold.¹ At the time when Jaunpūr was the seat of the royal forces he had the blessing of doing obeisance. The details of that affair will be recorded in their proper place.

It is a requisite of the high office of sovereignty that justice be administered to the oppressed without distinguishing between friend and foe, relative and stranger, and that it place retribution for tyranny in the collar of the tyrant, so that those connected with the sovereign, and those attached to the court may not make their relationship a means of oppression, and that if, which God forbid, any such event should occur out of infatuation, right-acting men may be under no apprehension in reporting the oppression, but may boldly bring it forward. God be praised that this lofty characteristic is so marked in the disposition of the Shāhinshāh that the human intellect is at a loss how to describe it! This world-ministering quality is so unaffectedly existent in the sacred nature of H.M., that all classes rely upon it and pass their days in peace and tranquillity.

In the beginning of this Divine year and middle of 971,—which was the preamble of the distribution of justice—Khwājah M'uaẓẓam, who was the half-brother of the noble lady H.M. Miriam-Makānī; as he had no flavour of real relationship so did he make his outward relationship an intoxicating drug and show himself on various occasions as an example of immoderation. In the auspicious time of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī, as it was a season for gentleness, H.M. had consideration for the noble lady and used to pass by his offences. For instance, in the year of the expedition to Badakhshān, he attacked H.M.'s diwān Khwāja¹ Rashīdī and with the sword of immoderation shed the blood of that worthy man. He absconded after committing this horrid crime and came to Kabul. Thereafter he was allowed again, by the intercession of near intimates of H.M., to come to Court, and renewed his misbehaviour. At last H.M. expelled him, and he went off to the Ḥijāz. He committed wickedness upon wickedness and came back to India. There he displayed the old bad qualities. One day, when the ministers and officers were assembled in the Shahinshāh's palace, he made an unprovoked attack on Mīrzā¹ 'Abdullah Moghal who was ranked among the great Amīrs. On account of some story he ran at him and kicked him and struck him with his fists. On another occasion he behaved rudely to Bairām Khān and put his hand to his dagger. He was again expelled. He now went to Gujrat and there spent his days in doing harm to himself and to others. On account of his bad conduct and bad circumstances he could not remain there. He turned his face towards the world-protecting court. When Agra became the seat of the Caliphate he was exalted by the bliss of service and was distinguished everywhere by kindnesses and consideration. But inasmuch as his nature was compact of immoderation he revealed his character by hundreds of presumptuous acts and by his disregard of his past. Bairām Khān was arranging to make him over to Walī Beg in order that he might be conveyed by way of Bakar to Gujrat, when Bairām himself became excluded, and the Khwāja, on account of his connexion with the holy family, was treated with high favours. But he was caught by the hand of his own wickedness and continued to commit hundreds of unruly actions. At last Bībī² Fāṭima, who had been H.M. Jahanbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī's Urdū-begī, and now held a high position in H.M. the Shāhinshāh's harem, and whose daughter Zahra Āghā was in the Khwāja's household, and was, owing to his barbarity and wickedness continually in grief and in the prison of affliction, came one day with a thousand agitations and implored help as the Khwāja was about to go to his pargana and was going to take her daughter with him. On account of his wickedness, and of the evil imaginations which were part of his nature he meditated the death of this chaste and innocent lady. She said over and over again that from apprehensions of the Shāhinshāh's justice he could not effect his purpose in the capital. Now that he was taking her to his jāgīr, what would happen? H.M. had compassion on the distress of this old servant and soothed her troubled mind. He was going a-hunting, he said, and for her sake he would cross¹ (the river) by the Khwāja's house. When the Khwāja came out to pay his respects he would give him good advice and forbid him to take her daughter with him. Shortly afterwards H.M. left the citadel and crossed the river by boat. He then went off to the Khwāja's house with a few special attendants —not more than twenty. Among them were Dastam Khān, Ṭāhir Muḥammad Khān Mīr Farāghat, Qatlaq Khān, Maqbil Khān, Shimāl Khān, Peshrū Khān, and Ḥakīm-ul-mulk. As the unaccommodating temper of the Khwāja was known, the Mīr Farāghat and Peshrū Khān were sent ahead in order that they might apprise him of the sublime advent and bring him to the highway of rectitude. And Dastam Khān and Maqbil Khān were sent after these two in order that if the Khwāja should, according to his usual custom, behave in an insane manner, they might assist Ṭāhir Muḥammad Khān. When the ungovernable madman heard from Ṭāhir Muḥammad Khān and Peshrū Khān that H M. had crossed the river at this place and had sent them, he became violent and said, “I shall not come into H.M's presence.” Then he went, full of wrath, to the female apartments, and drawing his dagger killed Zahra Āghā who had just come from the bath and was robing herself in the dressing-room. In this way he provided for himself a supply of eternal destruction. Then he put his head out of the window and flung the blood-stained dagger to where Dastam Khān was standing and cried out with a loud voice, “I have shed her blood, go and tell.” Dastam Khān took up the bloody dagger and brought it to H.M. When H.M. the Shāhinshāh heard of this outrage he boiled over with indignation and entered the house of the villain. The madman buckled on his sword and came into the presence with his hand on the hilt. H.M. angrily asked him, “What kind of conduct is this? Your hand is on your sword; attempt to draw it and I shall strike such a blow on your head that your soul will depart.” When the madman beheld the majesty of the Shāhinshāh, his hands and feet gave way and he sank down. Those present arrested him. One of the Gujrātīs was standing behind the Khwājah with a sword and was meditating treason. H.M. perceived his intention and bade Qatlaq Qadam Khān strike him. That ready-witted one understood at once and struck him such a blow that his head rolled off and lay beside his feet. For a moment the trunk remained standing and the black blood spouted from the arteries of the neck. H.M. then asked the Khwājah for what fault had he shed the unfortunate woman's blood. The monster opened his mouth and uttered delirious ravings till at length they silenced him by blows and kicks. Dragging him by the hair and kicking him they brought him to the river. The tide of wrath foamed up in the ocean of justice, and in accordance with orders, the servants, who were always the boon-companions (hamkāsa) of his violence and frenzy, were bound neck and hand and immersed in the whirlpool of retribution. Though they dipped the wicked wretch in the river he showed tenacity of life and did not cease his ravings. He knew that to blaspheme saints was painful to the king, and so he indulged in this. Though everyone was convinced that in this whirlpool of wrath he would be killed by the buffeting of the waves, yet from tenacity of life and hardness of heart he remained alive. He was made over to Maqbil Khān who sent him to Gwāliār where he was imprisoned. Melancholia took possession of him there, and he died of a disordered brain. There is a ridge in the precincts of the fort, and there he was buried; but afterwards his body was brought to Delhi. God be praised! Hail to the Fortune which consumes sedition and the justice which wipes out violence. As H.M.'s sole object is to show forth the lights of justice and to erase the traces of oppression, his dominion increases daily, and also his prosperity.

One of the dominion-increasing occurrences of this auspicious year was the victory of 'Alī Qulī Khān Zamān over Fatḥ Khān of Patna. The account of this is as follows. Fatḥ Khān, Ḥasan Khān his brother, Mallū Khān and a large number descended from fort Rohtās and took possession of Bihār and various estates belonging to the Khān Zamān. They chose the son of Salīm Khān, who had the name of Āwāz Khān, for the throne, and uplifted the head of sedition. The Khān Zamān and other officers of that country, such as Bahādur Khān, Majnūn Khān, and Ibrāhīm Khān proceeded to extinguish these flames of disaffection. As the Afghans were in full force, the Khān Zamān did not think a battle advisable and made himself secure in a fort on the bank of the Son (called) Andhīārī-bari¹(?), At this time Maulānā 'Alāu-d-dīn Lārī, Mullā 'Abdullah Sulṭānpūrī, Shihābu-d-dīn Khān and Wazīr Khān came from the court. This was because H.M. the Shāhinshāh had resolved that the Khān Zamān should be established in the path of fidelity by good counsels, and by royal favours. Ample favour, too, was shown to Sulaimān Kararāni, the governor (Ḥākim) of Bengal, who had made himself one of the court officers and associated himself with the Khān Zamān, and who recited the Khuṭba in the Shāhinshāh's name. If it seemed advisable and opportune, he (Sulaimān) was to be brought to kiss the threshold—the elixir of spiritual and temporal excellence. Those envoys came inside the fort and gave the Khān Zamān the good news of the royal favour. They strengthened him physically and morally, and at such a time of discomposure conjoined him with victory. One day they were seated in front of the Khān Zamān when the black-hearted Afghans came towards the fort with an equipped army and a number of war-elephants. The Khān Zamān was collecting his forces when they came, and as soon as they arrived they repulsed his men and threw them into confusion. His whole army fled, and the Afghans set themselves to plunder their quarters. Just when those presumptuous ones (the Afghans) had made things difficult, the daily-increasing fortune of the Shāhinshāh looked to the outward connection of the Khān Zamān with the sublime palace and manifested itself in a wondrous way.

The brief account of this astonishing affair is that the Khān Zaman assisted by a few men was waiting inside the fort-walls for an opportunity of fighting or of retreating. Ḥasan Paṭnī was mounted on an elephant named Bakht-buland and advanced with a body of troops. The men fled, and Khān Zamān and the few who remained resolved to die. He went to one of the bastions and having fired¹(?), a mortar which was planted there, discharged it in the face of the presumptuous army which was advancing like a mast elephant. The discharge and the striking of the elephant's head were simultaneous. The elephant was overthrown and killed, and the army was dispersed. A divine help which occurred at this time close upon the above providential boon, was that there was an elephant called Kohpāra which Bairām Khān had given to Bahādur Khān when the latter was deputed to Mālwa. It had become completely mast and was kept chained up, and was still quarrelsome. When the Khān-Zamān's troops were driven off, the Afghan elephant-drivers loosed it and mounted it. While they were riding it, it became violent and overthrew and killed an Afghan elephant that was close by. A great uproar arose, and the Afghans mistook this for the noise of the victorious army and fled. The Afghans also who were engaged in plundering all at once lost their heads and dispersed. When the fugitives (of Khān Zamān's troops) heard of this Divine help they turned back and pursued the black-fated Afghans. Much booty and many noted elephants were captured. It was solely by the fortune of the Shāhinshāh that such a great victory showed herself. After it the Khān-Zamān returned and went towards Jaunpūr, and sent the envoys to court with all honour from Zamānīya.

One of the occurrences was the arrival of Amīr Murtāẓā. As the world-protecting gateway of the Shāhinshāh is the rendezvous of the elite of the earth, for Almighty God hath made the king's holy personality desirous of collecting all perfections, and a collector of liberal sciences, and a gatherer of all kinds of beneficial things, so do the solitary ones of the seven climes leave their native lands and turn their faces towards this holy gateway and there attain felicity. One of the wonderful things is that when the master of any science or craft, who is the unique of the age in his department—from theology to carpentery—comes into the society of the Shāhinshāh, he hears from him such acute remarks about his science or art as he has never heard from his teachers, and becomes convinced that H.M. has devoted his whole time to the study thereof. In short H.M. by his wide capacity, and great-mindedness, which are exercised without effort, and with adaptation to his listener—from the highest to the lowest grade—makes the latter successful, spiritually and physically. Among those was the glorious Saiyīd Amīr Murtāzā, who belonged to the very learned Jurjānī¹ famīly, and who was eminent in the rational and traditional sciences. He had circumambulated the holy places of pilgrimage, and now took up his abode at the sublime threshold which is the K'aaba for the pilgrims of blessedness, and the altar for the caravans of auspiciousness. He according to proper regulations became acquainted with the majestic assemblies, and gained auspiciousness. The Khedive of the Age, who is a connoisseur in human jewels, recognised the advent of the Mīr as an honour, and distinguished him by graciousness and by copious gifts.

As it is a lofty duty of sovereignty to be always cognisant of the affairs of the kingdom, and of the sentiments of the officers of the State, especially of the presumptuous and narrow-minded ones who when they have attained success have departed from the vicinity of the throne, and to check them before their proceedings have amounted to sedition, so is it a thing to thank God for that this glorious quality is displayed in perfection in the holy personality of the Shāhinshāh. Accordingly the wise are at a loss how to comprehend it. He continually seeks for information about the hidden things of the kingdom, and though apparently he be engaged in hunting and the like, yet such things are but a veil, and his noble days have no respite from the affairs of church and state, and he is ever employed in worship of God, and in fostering his subjects. Therefore, when he came to hear that 'Abdullah Khān Uzbeg, who had eaten the salt of fortune's table was uplifting the head of rebellion in Mālwa and that he was in his narrow-mindedness about to cast away the burden of favours and to become an ingrate, he determined to use elephant-hunting as a pretext and to make an expedition to Mālwa. He set out under the divine protection on the day of Bahrām 20 Tīr Divine month corresponding to Saturday, 21st Zī Q'ada 2 July, 1564. It was a season when those proudly-stalking elephants—the clouds—had in their violence flung confusion and uproar on the time and the terrene and had in their oozing fury sent forth floods and made highlands indistinguishable from lowlands, and in their arrogance and haughtiness paid no regard to the guiding-crook (kajak) of the lightning, that the sublime standards approached Narwār¹ and the Sīprī² where there were elephant forests. When the camp reached the bank of the Cambal, the river was, owing to excessive rain, in full flood. It was necessary that the encampment should halt for nearly two weeks in order to cross, so that the whole body might pass over in boats. When the special elephants were crossing that furious river, the elephant Lakna was in his impetuosity carried away by the water. After that the army encamped at Gwālīār, and from there marched on to Narwār. As the elephant forest was near there, arrangements were made for hunting, and the servants were divided into several bodies. To each of them a great officer was appointed and several tame elephants assigned. Strong ropes, too, were provided which might have force to drag the mountain-forms, nay, which might furnish nooses for the elephants of the horizons. The order also was issued that whenever wild elephants were found, the tame elephant should follow them up, until the latter should from weariness lose power of movement. Then from each side of the wild elephant the drivers who were seated on the tame elephants should cast one end of the rope round the neck of the wild elephant and the other round the neck of the tame one. In this way they were to bring him into captivity and to drag him along. Every day they were to tame him more and more, and to throw fodder before him until at length they could mount on him. In this way they were to tame him in a short space of time. The real method of taming every wild animal is gentleness, and the exhibition of what is agreeable to him such as grass, grain and water. On rational grounds this mode of hunting seems to be the best plan for hunting elephants; for the wild elephant is great of body and powerful, and is subdued by elephants more powerful than or like himself. The hunters avert his malignity from themselves and gain the victory over him.

In fine, H.M. practised the laws of hunting in the pursuit of elephants in the forest of Narwār, and sent out parties in every direction. He himself with his brave companions enjoyed the sport. That day after a great chase a female elephant was seen in the distance. They hastened after it, and having tired it out, they bound it to another elephant. As they were doing so, Adham, the son of Mullā Kitābdār, fell into the clutches of the elephant and was kneaded somewhat but managed to crawl away. Next day was the 'Īd Qurbān. Mūn'im Khān Khān-Khānān, who in that pleasant hunt was in attendance on the royal stirrup, and other pillars of the state, appeared before H.M. and did homage. H.M. in his kindness heaped 'Īd upon 'Īd and went off to hunt. Each party proceeded to its appointed place, and that day, after much exertion, a herd of female elephants was sighted which had with them two or three male elephants. H.M. on beholding them had a renewal of the joy of the 'Īd and captured the herd which consisted of nine elephants. Next day he abode in his camp and engaged in administration which is the real kind of hunting. On the third day he was on horseback with the dawn, and till the close of day traversed that forest into which, from the closeness of the trees and the thickness of the branches, it was difficult for the north or east winds to penetrate. Suddenly a herd which contained more than seventy elephants crossed before him. He was delighted and took it as an omen of the capture of great successes. In accordance with orders the elephants were driven into the dense forest and the foot of each was fastened to a tree. Persons were appointed to watch over each animal. Ropes were sent for from the camp, and that forest in which there never had been a trace of men's footsteps, and which had not been crossed even by the steeds of imagination, became on that night by the arrival of the sublime cortege a Cairo and a Bagdad. The chamberlains by the help of the court carpenters made a platform for the royal repose and covered it with scarlet cloth. H.M. took his seat thereon, and his courtiers such as Yūsuf Muḥammad Kokaltāsh, 'Azīz Muḥammad Kokaltāsh, Saif Khān Kokaltāsh, Mīr M'uizzalmulk, Mīr 'Alī Akbar, and Calma Khān, who was known by the title of Khān 'Aālm, Mīr Ghyāṯu-d-dīn 'Ālī, who is now distinguished by the title of Naqīb Khān, and other special favourites formed a circle round him. Next morning when the world-warming sun had sate on the throne of the horizons, H.M. the Shāhinshāh with the desired prey in his net and the cup of success at his lip sate on that auspicious throne and graciously ordered his courtiers to be seated. Then for the sake of delight and pleasure he listened for some time to Darbār¹ Khān's recital of the story of Amīr¹ Ḥamza. Meanwhile several elephants with many ropes arrived from the camp. H.M. signified that each one of the evil-disposed elephants should be firmly bound between two of the royal elephants, and be conveyed to the camp by evening. This was done, and for the completion of the work he remained there two days more. As H.M. meditated the capture of some more wild² elephants he turned his rein towards Mālwa. On account of the lightning, the rain and floods, and the viscous mud, and the numerous holes and ditches which characterise the province of Mālwa, the march was difficult. The horses had to swim like hippopotamī, and the camels to traverse floods like ships of ocean. At last after hundreds of difficulties they came to the village of Ranad³ and encamped there. On account of the excessive rain they halted there two days. From thence they proceeded by way of Sārangpūr. On account of the quantity of mud on this march the horses sank up to their chests and the very hair of the camels became a burden to them. With a thousand difficulties they moved along. On this day the tents of the victorious encampment which crowded the wilderness fell into the rear. Except the royal tents and enclosures, a tent of the Khān-Khānān, the tent of M. 'Azīz Kokaltāsh, and the tents of one or two of the other great officers, not a tent of the king's servants could come up. Of necessity, a halt for one day was ordered. Next day the standards were upreared in the direction of Mandū. The wide plain of the town of Khīrār⁴ was reached after five stages. Though in these halting-places the animals could not get grain, they enjoyed instead abundance of fresh and moist grass, which was plentiful in these pleasant meadows, and were indifferent to grain. They skipped about with delight in those verdant pastures.

H.M. the Shāhinshāh left off the pleasure of hunting, and having located the camp in that pleasant spot and placed some officers in charge, he went off on horseback towards Māndū, which was the residence of the rebel. On the way he sent Ashraf Khān and I'timād Khān in advance in order that they might convey to 'Abdullah Khan, who was apprehensive on account of his improper actions, the news of the royal favour, and bring him to do homage, and might not permit him to be a vagabond in the fields of disloyalty. With the wings of swiftness he went from Khīrār to Sarangpūr¹ which is the first city in Malwa and is at a distance of 25 Malwa kos, which are equal to more than 40 Delhi kos, and he performed this journey in such a time of mud and water in one stage. At the confines of Sārangpūr, Muḥammad Qāsim Khān of Nīshāpūr, to whom the government of that place was entrusted, had the felicity of going out to meet him. He begged H.M. to alight at his house, and offered as a present on the part of himself and his followers nearly 700 horses and mules. These were distributed to the officers and servants. At dawn he proceeded towards Ujjain, which in former times was the capital of the kings of Malwa. When the climate of Dhār² had become delightful (lit. otto-scattering) by the arrival of the encampment, Ashraf Khān and Itimād Khān came from 'Abdullah Khān and reported the state of his case. It appeared that though these loyal servants had done their office zealously, yet no impression was made on his hypocritical heart. He would not accept any consolation. He sent his family out of the fort, and then waited till evening and followed his men. He made some idle requests and sent them away. For instance he asked that he should receive no detriment in person or purse, and that the province of Māndū should be left to him as before, and that Tingrī Bardī, Khān Qulī, and Insān Bakhshī should be allowed to accompany him. Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān relying upon H.M's clemency and mildness, begged the pardon of his offences. H.M. the Shāhinshāh, out of his abundant graciousness, drew the line of forgiveness over his offences and accepted his petition. He issued an order in accordance with them and again despatched 'Itimād Khān and Darbār Khān to him.

During the time that the shadow of glory rested on the inhabitants of the town of Dhār, a woman who had been oppressed came and complained that Muḥammad Ḥusain, qūrbeg of 'Abdullah Khān, had committed various acts of tyranny against her minor daughter and had plundered her house. H.M. with a fate-expressing voice directed her to be at ease and to wait the exhibition of the lights of justice, for that he would shortly inflict a great punishment on him. It was one of the wonderful instances of H.M's foresight, for this was the first person who was seized and punished. In this city it was brought to H.M.'s notice, that when the news of the expedition reached 'Abdullah Khān he—for a traitor is ever fearful—made certain that he would be destroyed, and that as he saw himself imprisoned and bound by the wrath of the Shāhinshāh, he took to flight, and went off from Mandū to Liwānī. H.M. left Mandū and pursued him. A number of loyal officers such as Mīr Mūazz-al-Mulk, Muqīm Khān, Muḥammad Qāsim Khān of Nīshāpūr, Shāh Fakhru-d-dīn, Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, Dastam Khān, Māṣūm Khān Farankhūdī, Qatlaq Qadam Khān, Kharram Khān, Qulīj Khān, I'timād Khān, Caghatai Khān, and others were sent on in advance in order that by marching rapidly they might head that devious one. H.M. with some of his intimates made a great expedition, and on the day of Dīn 24 Amardād, Divine month, corresponding to Saturday 26 Ẕī-l-ḥajja, he arrived at evening at the village of Liwānī.¹ The ill-fated one had already left it. H.M. remained there that night. Meanwhile 'Itimād Khān and Darbār Khān, who had been commissioned to lead aright the strayed one, were sent off to guide to the highway of auspiciousness the wanderer in the wilderness of ignorance. Next morning H.M. advanced from Liwānī. On the route the envoys returned and reported that as it was the day of his destruction he ('Abdullah) had regarded their admonitory words as a trick and had turned away from the blessing of presenting himself. It happened that the Disposers of success and victory had guided those who have been already mentioned as forming the advance to the village of Bāgh.² There they learnt that the ill-fated one had sent his family on ahead, and had himself halted. It chanced too that on account of the ups and downs of the route, many of the advance-guards had got separated. A few, such as Muḥammad Qāsim Khān of Nīshāpūr, the Khān 'Aālm, Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, Sāmānjī Khān, Khwāja 'Abdullah, Mīrzāda 'Alī Khān, and Saiyid 'Abdullah went forward and boldly engaged, assailing the enemy with a shower of arrows. 'Abdullah Khān, regardless of the secret forces (i.e., the heavenly helpers of Akbar) turned round in his reverted fortunes, and accepted battle. To his companions he said, “The grand army has made a long march and only a few have come up, we are many and full of vigour, let us be brave and attack.” With this evil design he turned his face to battle, and made a hot onset. The fortune-befriended ones gave proof of courage and devotion and had drawn up their forces when swift couriers brought the news to H.M. The royal standards pressed forward. On that day Khāksār Sulṭān, from want of understanding, presumptuously suggested to H.M. that the expedition should be abandoned. The royal wrath boiled over and H.M. put his hand to his sword and in his rage rushed at the man. The fool got off his horse and took refuge among the horses' fore and hind feet. H.M. also dismounted and went up to him and struck at him with his sword. As it was an Indian khānḍa,¹ it did not kill² him, and when the royal clemency saw him fallen on the ground (khāk) of disgrace it spared him. In truth this wrath was such as became the royal disposition, so that everyone might know his place, and speak in accordance therewith. For it is a wise maxim that it does not become every servant to serve in the Presence. Nor is everyone who is a personal servant fitted for the carpet of honour. Nor is everyone who is worthy of that carpet entitled to sit there. Nor is everyone who has the honour of companionship permission to speak. Still less is this so when he who is addressed is the Khedive of the universe. And when permission to speak has been granted, it is not becoming to oppose the royal desires. In fine, the hardihood of opposing the weighty designs of kings, and of going against their opinions, is discommended by wisdom, and disapproved of by the wise. But when those majestic ones have of their own accord conceded to one of the farsighted courtiers of honour's carpet, lofty rank, and have selected him for special service, then if he, under the guise of humility, represent the truth, assuredly he shall have performed his duty.

In fine, H.M. the Shāhinshāh moved the standards of fortune, which are the embroidery of victory, and cast the shadow of prestige over the sincere combatants. He came in person to the field of battle and arrived at a place where the hostile arrows flew over his head. The Divine protection delivered him from the darts of misfortune. On H.M.'s right was Mun'im Khān, and on his left Ī'tīmād Khān. At this time, when the flames of contest were kindled, a secret inspiration made him order the drums of victory to be beaten. He addressed the Khān-Khānān and said, “There is no need for further delay: we must attack the enemy.” Saying this he was about to give the reins to his horse. The Khān-Khānān in a despairing voice, humbly said, “Your Majesty's idea is a good one, but it is not the time to spur on alone. See, there are a number of devoted men: let us all charge together.” H.M. got angry and was about to charge. I'timād Khān in his fidelity seized his rein. H.M. rebuked him and advanced. Just then the enemy became conscious of the royal glory and the kingly onset, which was such as not to be withstood by a mountain. Their feet and their hearts gave way. The Divine halo which accompanied that royal rider, dispersed those ill-fated wretches and overwhelmed them. Some of 'Abdullah Khān's leading men were killed, and many were made prisoners. A victory, such as was a masterpiece of epochs, was won merely by the royal fortune's being set in motion. On that day of victory the number of the imperial servants who were with H.M.'s cavalcade was not more than 300. For instance there were M'unim Khān Khān-Khānān, M. 'Azīz Kokaltāsh, Saif Khān Kokaltāsh, Muqīm Khān, Muḥd. Qāsim Khān of Nīshāpūr, Mīr M'uizz-al-mulk, Mīr 'Alī Akbar, Shāh Fakhru-d-dīn, Ashraf Khān, 'Itimād Khān, the Khān 'Aālm, Āṣaf Khān, Lashkar Khān, Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, Dastam Khān, M'aṣūm Khān Farankhūdī, Qilīj Khān, Raḥmān Qulī Khān Qūshbegī, Kharram Khān, Qutluq Qadam Khān, Khwājah 'Abdullah, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī, 'Aādil son of Shāh Muḥammad of Qandahār, Muṭṭalib Khān, Caghatāi Khān, Rajah Todar Mal, Rai Patr Dās, Khāksār, Wazīr Jamīl, Murād Beg. Though the victorious army was few in numbers and had made such a long march, and the enemy were there with all preparation and were more than a thousand horse, the Divine aid gave it the victory. Where prestige comes in, smallness of numbers does not count, and where the stewards of destiny are present, how can earth-born ones stand up against them!

In short, after that rout, and after the standards of victory had been upreared, H.M. halted there for the night and despatched some devoted officers under the command of Qāsim Khān of Nīshāpūr to pursue the rebel. As it rained heavily during the night, those who were appointed for this service could not advance more than four or five kos. In the morning H.M. himself marched and sent on men to the advanced party with directions that by every possible ṃeans they might come to an engagement. The devoted soldiers pressed forward, and on the morning of the day of Ashtād 26 Amardād corresponding to Monday 28 Zī-al-ḥajja, 7 August 1564, the royal standards reached Ālī¹ in the beginning of the third watch. Ḥakīm 'Ain-al-mulk, who was acquainted with the Rajah of Ālī, went and brought him to do homage. He joined the troops and went on with them. On this day, which was the time of testing ability and courage, Timur Īkka² showed cowardice. H.M. got him a special horse and appointed him to go forward as scout. The worthless fellow's courage failed him, and he made the false excuse of illness. A watch of the night remained when H.M. mounted his horse, and as the air was hot he rested for a time under the trees, and sent Khūsh Khabar Khān to go on quickly and get information about the men, who had been sent in advance. He was there when Khūsh Khabar Khān came and brought the news of their victory.

The particulars of this were that the landholders of that neighbourhood had from loyalty joined the army, and set their hearts upon doing service. The brave men of the victorious army raised the war-cry (sūran¹), and fell upon the camp of 'Abdullah Khān near a defile, from which Cāmpānīr is visible. That infamous one, who had no sense of honour, fell into confusion and left his women in the wilderness, and went off, taking his son with him. The great officers surrounded all his property, especially his women and his elephants, and halted at that stage. Mīr M'uizz-al-mulk and a number of officers followed the wretches for five kos, and by their rapid movement succeeded in coming up with them. They dispersed many of them, and Mīr M'uizz-al-mulk and some others were decorated (lit. made red-faced) by being wounded. The villain escaped from that place of danger, with frustration and loss, and only half-alive. As he had still some breaths remaining, he reached the boundaries of Gujrat. As no world-obeyed order had been issued for making that country the arena of fighting, the victorious troops stopped there. When the good news reached the royal ears, H.M. went forward and arrived at that place, and returned thanks to God. Theloyal officers were exalted by an audience. An abundant booty, consisting of women, elephants, horses, as well as money and other goods, were shown to him. Among them the elephants Āprūp,² Gajgajhan, and Saman were received with special attention, and indeed each of them was creation's masterpiece.

After returning thanks to God, H.M. the Shāhinshāh beat high the drums of retreat towards Māndū. He completed the distance in three marches, and on the day of Mārasfand, 29, Amardād, Divine month, corresponding to Thursday, 2nd Moḥarram 972, 10th August, 1564, alighted at the pleasant quarters of the fort of Māndū. From thence he sent bulletins of victory to the imperial dominions, and especially to Agra where Khwāja Jahān and Moẓaffar Khān were managing the State-affairs; he remained nearly a month in that auspicious city, and made regulations for the management of the country. He also promoted the officers in accordance with their services and abilities. Among them was Mūqīm³ Khān, who had distinguished himself during this campaign, and who was glorified by a khilat and the title of Shujā'at Khān. As the noise of the setting up of the standards of victory had been diffused over Mālwa, and the sound of the drums of fortune had penetrated to the ears of everyone, all the leaders and chiefs of that country came and did homage, and the landholders put the diadem of fortune on their heads by kissing the ground. During that glorious residence, it was reported to H.M., that 'Abdullah Khān had gone to Cingīz Khān, who was then powerful in Gujrat. H.M. ordered that one of his able officers should be sent to Cingīz Khān to request him to send the wretch bound to the Presence, or to expel him from the country. Accordingly Ḥakīm 'Aīn-ul-mulk was sent with the rescript. Cingīz went nearly to Campanir to receive the rescript, and displayed great adulation, and sent several of his confidential servants to Court with suitable presents and a humble petition. Its purport was that he was the king's slave and must obey orders. Inasmuch as H.M. was a forgiver of faults, and a distributor of favours, it would be in accordance with the cherishing of his slaves if he would, on this occasion, forgive his ('Abdullah's) offence and let him (Cingīz) send him to court. If this request did not obtain acceptance, he would of course thereafter expel the inauspicious one. Ḥakīm-'Ain-ul-mulk arrived at Agra with Cingīz Khān's presents one day after the standards of fortune had reached there.

Among the occurrences was that Khān Qulī, who was one of the brave servants of 'Abdullah Khān, and had been left by him in charge of Handīa, made a petition to the effect that he was still there in the whirlpool of mingled hope and fear. If he should be favoured by the news of personal safety, he would become one of the slaves of the court. Accordingly a comforting order was issued to him, and he received that as an amulet and came to court with a number of his followers. There he obtained auspiciousness.

Another occurrence was that Muqarrib Khān, who was one of the officers of the Deccan, came by way of Berār and did homage. He was received with kindness and obtained Sarkār Handīa as his jāgīr.

Another occurrence was, that Mīrān Mubārik Shāh, the ruler of Khāndīs, whose ancestors had held that territory for many generations, sent ambassadors and splendid presents to court. He represented through H.M.'s intimates that his great wish was that his daughter might be included among the ladies of H.M.'s seraglio. As H.M. the Shāhinshāh is a granter of desires, Mīrān's request was acceded to, and a favourable order was issued. 'Itimād Khān, the eunuch, who was one of the confidential servants of the court, was sent with Mīrān's ambassadors upon this service, together with noble gifts. When 'Itimād Khān came near the fort of Āsīr, which was Mīrān's residence, Mīrān hastened to welcome the glorious rescript, and brought 'Itimād Khān with honour inside the fort. Knowing that H.M.'s favour was the document of his own eternal bliss, he despatched his chaste daughter in proper form. A number of nobles accompanied her. 'Itimād Khān arrived, when H.M. had departed one stage beyond Māndū, and conveyed the daughter to the harem. He recounted the respectful behaviour of Mīrān, whose good qualities and sincere devotion were approved of at court.

One of the occurrences was that as H.M. the Shāhinshāh is innately disposed to forgive offences, and to cherish the poor, Ḥasan Khān Khazāncī, Pāyinda Muḥammad Panc Bhīya, and Khudā Bardī Yatīm were sent with a rescript of favour to the confines of Dūngarpūr to soothe Bāz Bahādūr, the former governor of Mālwa, who was wandering about in exile in those parts, and to bring him to Court. As the envoys brought the news of the royal favour, Bāz Bahādūr recognised his good fortune in this and showed a desire to return to service, and prepared to set out. At this time, a foolish eunuch of his came from Agra, and by making improper observations, as is the way of wretched praters, withheld him from the highway of fortune. As the black pall of wretchedness had not yet been removed from his fortune, Bāz Bahādur involuntarily made some idle excuses and remained excluded from the bliss of doing homage. He put off the period of this great success to another time. He sent back the envoys with petitions full of his shame and offences.

In fine, Māndū remained the residence of H.M. for nearly a month, and when he had made administrative regulations, he in a happy hour, viz., in the middle of Shahriyūr, Divine month, corresponding to the end of Moḥarram, turned his reins towards Agra. While he was encamped at Nālca, he appointed Qarā Bahādūr Khān and other officers to the government of Māndū, and issued an order that the retribution for everyone, who in this expedition had withheld himself from accompanying the royal cavalcade, and had chosen the dust of delinquency as a stain on the face of his service was, that he should remain in Mandū with Qarā Bahādūr Khān and be excluded for a while from the Presence. He remained the following day to arrange affairs, and on the third day, he started in the height of the rainy season for Agra. The march was made through floods, and on the way H.M. frequently rode on mast¹ elephants. One day he mounted on the elephant Khāndī Rai, which had no equal for ferocity and obstinacy, and proceeded towards the next station. That sky-high elephant was such that powerful drivers could not keep their seat on him in the time of his violence. By a sublime device of H.M., one goad had its point buried in the elephant's head while the handle was securely fastened on the beast's back, while he held another in his hand and struck the elephant's head with it whenever he was obstreperous. By means of these two instruments he restrained him from outbreaks of ferocity and made him obedient. In this majestic manner he arrived at the end of the stage. His attendants who beheld his wondrous power, were amazed and regarded the performance as the effect of Divine aid, and opened their lips in prayer for his long life and dominion. After encountering storms and traversing mountains which poured down floods, the army reached Ujain, and then making four marches from there arrived at Sārangpūr. He stayed one week there in ejoyment, and then went on to Khīrār. For two stages he travelled through that wonderful country of hill and forest. For two days this lion of the forest of sport hunted elephants and brought several females within the noose of desire. From there he went on march after march till he came to Sīprī. At that stage the news was given by the scouts that there was an extensive forest in the vicinity, and that there was a herd of elephants in it. H.M., the Shāhinshāh, from his delight in hunting went thither as soon as the Prince of the East and West (the sun) had wrapped himself in the brightness of the dawn. When he came near the forest, seventy elephants came in view. Among them there was one magnificent animal. Bold men made the whole forest an enclosed park and proceeded, according to signal, to drive the herd towards the camp. They had driven it some distance when a female elephant came out of the herd and rushed at the horsemen. She came to Shāh Fakhru-d-dīn,¹ and threw him from his horse. Then she went for the horse, leaving the Mīr fallen. Meanwhile the gallant men displayed alacrity. The Mīr, in his confusion, lost his head and put his finger on his mouth as a sign to them to be silent. This action of the Mīr's was, for a long time, a source of amusement (to Akbar). That day the herd went off. All H.M's efforts were directed to the capture of the elephant above mentioned, and at last they brought it within the noose. At the same moment H.M. mounted upon him, without regard to his power or to his having been newly caught. Abu-l-fazl, the narrator of this masterpiece of Divine power, has heard from the pearl-dropping tongue that this was not a wild elephant, but one that had escaped from the rulers of the country. H.M. gave it the name of Kherī Sang. Next day he halted in the same place and went after the herd. Suddenly five female elephants appeared, and he set off to hunt them. By H.M.'s exertions three females were caught. While the camp was stationed at Sīprī, an order was issued that the scouts should exert themselves to produce the herd of elephants.

It was the end of the day when one of the savage denizens of those wilds, who are in their language called Bhīls, came to the camp and gave an indication of where the herd was. This man was a servant of Rājāh Jagman of Dhandhera. As the world-traversing cavalcade had not happened to pass through his territory, he had driven it away from there, and he had also arranged that, if by chance the camp should be in the neighbourhood, information should be given that Jagman had out of loyalty left huntsmen for the purpose of the sport. When the joyful news arrived, H.M. the Shāhīnshāh at once mounted and went off to that place. Nearly seventy elephants were seen in motion. Among them one mast elephant was remarkable for the beauty of his movements. Brave men proceeded to drive the animals from all sides. That elephant in his pride and mast condition paid no attention to them. The female elephants got separated from the herd and went to attack the beaters. Just then a female elephant ran and threw Muḥammad Ṭālib, the elder brother of S'aīd Badakhshī from his horse. Then it proceeded to trample him. The spectators felt certain that his bones would be reduced to powder. Meanwhile, the elephant saw that the horsemen were approaching, and taking the man in her mouth and trunk ran off. When the horsemen got nearer to her she flung him off and ran away still faster. As soon as he was flung down he got up and ran, to the astonishment of those who saw it. But when we consider the marvels of Divine power, there is no room for astonishment. In short, H.M.'s sublime genius engaged itself in capturing the aforesaid elephant. He gave an order that a war elephant should be brought from among the special elephants and made to fight with him. The elephant Bhirūn, which was equal to that elephant, was brought and set to fight with the other. A great contest ensued. After Bhīrūn had made great exertions he turned tail, and they had great difficulty in keeping the wild elephant off him. At this time an excellent idea occurred to the inspired mind whereby the hunting of elephants might be easily accomplished. This¹ was, that whenever the herd of elephants showed themselves, active horsemen should surround them at a distance, so that the elephants should not see them. By beating of drums they gave (the elephants) to understand that there were a number of people behind them (the elephants?). Two elephants were associated together and were ridden in such a way that the riders should not be seen. They were taken to a place that had been selected and there bound. Meanwhile the wild elephants were driven very slowly forward till at length on account of the imitativeness which is part of beasts' nature, the herd went towards the two elephants. They came there of themselves and were then tied up. It was a source of great joy when this excellent plan, which, till now, had never entered the head of any prince, was imagined by the holy mind. An order was issued that the troops should advance on all sides, and that having taken the wild elephant already mentioned along with the rest of the herd, they should proceed towards the camp. The officers obeyed the order and tucked up the skirt of service. When they arrived at the fort of Sīprī they drove the herd inside. When the whole herd together with the great elephant had entered the fort, the latter again showed violence. H.M., in order to chastise him, had the elephant Khāndī Rai, which was a match for him, brought up and put face to face with the wild elephant. These two moving mountains had a great fight, and contended together for one watch of the day. Khāndī Rai nearly broke the pride of the wild elephant, but on a sign from H.M. to the attendants, Khāndī Rai was withdrawn. The wild elephant, by mighty blows, broke the stone wall of the fort and went off into the wilds. H.M. sent Yūsuf Khān, the elder brother of M. 'Azīz Koka with a number of men to capture the elephant, which was now wearied. Meanwhile, he personally attended to the fastening-up of the herd. Strong elephant-drivers brought in the wild elephants on every side. An order was given that the elephant Ran¹ Bhīrūn, who was a powerful animal, and distinguished among the special elephants, should be brought and made to head the elephant aforesaid. Again these two mountain-forms contended together. As the wild elephant had fought a great deal, he was nearly being overcome. The drivers brought him to the foot of a large tree, and bound him with strong ropes. Slowly he grew tame, and was gradually included among the special elephants. He received the name of Gajpatī. When H.M. had sufficiently gratified himself with hunting, he went on all the faster towards the capital. The route taken was by Narwar and Gwālīār. And when the grandees of Agra heard the sound of the approach of the army, which is the voice of the organ of joy, they all came to welcome it, and did homage. They attained temporal and spiritual felicity by the favouring glances of H.M. the Shāhinshāh. H.M. arrived at the capital on the day of Zamīyād 28 Mihr, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday, 3 Rabi-al-awwal, 9th October, 1564.

One of the occurrences, which occurred during this happy time, was the birth of twins. Two priceless jewels appeared from one matrix, two world-lighting stars emerged by one ascension, two (pairs of) glorious eyes received brightness, two (sets of) earrings were exalted, two precious necklaces shone, two powerful arms came into being, two wrists of success appeared, two beauteous eyebrows came into being, two ears of joy were opened. That is, two twin-princes were born. The worlds expanded with joy, and the parterres of flowers smiled. The carpet of joy was spread from shore to shore and happiness was proclaimed to mankind. The sound of the drum of rejoicing was heard throughout the nine heavens, and the strains of the organ of felicity resounded over the six sides of the world.

There was such a round of bumpers
That patience deserted patience, and sense left sense.

H.M. took the blooming of these two rose-bushes as an omen of the auspiciousness of two worlds. He returned thanks to God, and named one of the twins Mīrzā Ḥasan, the other Mirza Ḥusain. Qāsim Arslān made this chronogram about the birth of those two royal pearls.

The unique king had two sons as successors
Two jewels came into the hands from the casket of success.
Time searching for the date wrote thus:
Two¹ moons appeared from the zenith.

These two unique pearls of the ocean of holiness, returned to the ample domain of the other world after one month. They flung down the coin of their lives for their father. H.M. felt grieved at the departure of those two early fruits, but trod the pleasant path of acquiescence and resignation, for to the farseeing there is no remedy save submission and resignation against the inevitable Divine decrees.

Among the occurrences were the laying the foundations of Nagarcain,² and the playing of polo. The Architect of the workshop of wonders and the Geometrician of marvels hath willed that the holy personality of H.M. the Shāhīnshāh shall be such an aggregate of perfections that he display celestial glories in everything; and that in every place he shall devise thoughts of beauty and be the adorner of kingdoms. Accordingly H.M. turned his attentions towards the improving and beautifying of the noble village of Kakrālī. That land of flowers was distinguished among pleasant places for its climate, etc., and was one league (farsang) distant from Agra, and H.M. frequently halted there when he left the city for recreation or hunting. There he enjoyed the sport of hunting, and soothed his mind by the capture of beasts and birds (i.e., hawking) in those meadows. When he returned from Mandū to the capital, he decreed that pleasant dwellings and life-cherishing gardens should be made there. Accordingly engineers laid the foundations of delightful houses in an auspicious hour and in the time of a fixed constellation which is suitable for the foundation of delight. In a short time clever builders finished the work. Similarly the officers and other servants created dwellings and laid out gardens suitable to their conditions. It soon became so civilized that it was like the cheek-mole of cities. H.M. gave to that holy spot and first-fruits of mystery the name of Nagarcaīn, viz., the city of repose. He often played polo there, and enjoyed hunting there.

In this year, the ambassador of Shāh Ṭahmāsp, the ruler of Persia, arrived and brought the rarities of that country as a present. Sulṭan Maḥmūd of Bakar begged that he might attain the office of Khānlār-khānī, i.e., of Khān-Khānān; but as there were officers greater than he, who, from knowing their position and from perceiving the nature of their predecessors, had not asked for this appointment, he did not succeed in his request. He sent much gold as a present to the Shāh, who is now defunct, with the idea that perhaps by his recommendation he might obtain this good fortune. The Shāh had accepted his request and had referred to the matter in his letter. But as the Khedive of the world was seated on the masnad of appreciation of merit and of justice, the currency required was merit, not recommendation. Especially when one like Mun'im Khān held this high office. Accordingly the request of the Shāh was declined, and the ambassador was dismissed according to the rules of princes.

It has already been narrated how M. Sulaimān disposed of the wicked and ill-fated Abūl-m'aalī, and how he left Badakhshīs in Kabul. He did not appreciate the rights of the sublime family, and did the work of an enemy under the garb of a friend. He was continually trying to get possession of Kabul, and to keep M. Ḥakīm in one of the districts of Badakhshān. Though the loyal Kabulis understood in some measure M. Sulaimān's designs yet, as the proceeding was a strange one, they did not feel quite certain about the matter. At last he was not contented with the number of men he had already sent and took to sending more. One time, he sent 'Abdu-r-raḥman Beg, the son of Mīr Tolak Qadīmī with a force, and on another occasion he sent Tangri Bardī Qūshbegī with troops. The suspicions of the Kabulis were confirmed, and they took measures to remedy affairs. Those who took the chief part in this were Khwāja Ḥasan Naqshbandī, Bāqī Qāqshāl, Siyūndak, 'Alī Muḥammad Asp, Banda 'Alī Maidānī with other Maidānīans and Khwāja Khiẓrīyāns, Yār Muḥammad Ākhūnd, Fīrūz and Khalīfa 'Abdullah. They sent information of the facts to M. Ḥakīm, who had arrived at years of discretion, and he, who had been put into straits by the parsimony and bad behaviour of the Badakhshīs, approved of their solicitude, and set about expelling the Badakhshis. He took away the territory of Ghaznīn from Qarā Yatīm and the son of Ḥusain Kabulī, to whom it had been given by M. Sulaimān, and bestowed it on Qāsim Beg Parwancī. Bangash he took from Murād Khwāja and gave it to his own followers. Jalālābād and its territory up to the Indus, which M. Sulaimān had given to Qāẓī Khān, S'aīd K. Mubāriz K. and Bahāū-d-dīn K. he made his own exchequer-lands. By degrees he loosed the noose of oppression which the Badakhshīs had cast over Kabul, and expelled all of them from the country. The Badakhshīs were put down and went off to M. Sulaimān. Ghāzī K. met in the passes of the Hindū Koh M. Sulaiman, who was marching to Kabul to set matters right, and he told him all that had occurred. Thereupon he hastened towards Kabul. When M. Ḥakīm received the news of his approach, he made over the citadel to Bāqī Qāqshāl and a number of other trusty men and went off himself with a body of loyal followers towards Jalālābād and Peshawar. When M. Sulaimān came to the river Bārān, he halted there for some days in order to rest his men. As he knew that the Mīrzā was going towards Jalālābād, he put off the capture of Kabul to another season, and moved on to Jalālābād from Deh-Minār with the intention of making M. Ḥakīm a prisoner. When the latter arrived at Daka¹ an erroneous report was received that M. Sulaiman was not following him, and so M. Ḥakīm turned round and proceeded to Koh-i-Barān.²

The daughter of M. Sulaiman, who from want of sense had remained in Jalālābad, now repented and joined M. Ḥakīm (her husband) in the borders of Basāwal,³ and apologised for her offence. At this same stage it became certain that M. Sulaimān was marching in that direction, and that the former report was wrong. The Mirza proceeded with all haste to Gharībkhāna,⁴ and from there to 'Alī Masjid, and from there to Peshawar, where he halted near Qabīla-i-Ḥabīb.⁵ On the same day M. Sulaimān's envoy arrived there with the idea that he might succeed in laying a snare for him. The Mīrzā after a brief interview(?) (sir-i-su wāri) dismissed him, and sent Khwāja Ḥasan to M. Sulaimān, while he himself proceeded towards the Indus. Just then Khāki Gallabān (shepherd), who had remained behind to get correct information, came and reported that M. Sulaimān had arrived at Jalālābad, and that he had left Ḥaram Begam there with a body of troops and was coming on. M. Ḥakīm quickly crossed the Indus, and sent Ghālib Beg and Ṭūfān Aujī with a humble petition to the Shāhinshāh's world-protecting court. He described his wretched circumstances, and begged for assistance.

He himself halted on the bank of the Sind Sāgar.¹ As at that time the government of the province of the Panjab was in the hands of Mīr Muḥammad Khān, the elder brother of the Ataga K., the Mīrzā sent his Diwān Khwāja Beg Maḥmūd, and Maqṣūd Jauharī to him and begged for help. Mīr Muḥammad K. sent Qāẓī 'Imād with presents and an encouraging message. The Panjab officers also sent presents suitable to their rank. When M. Sulaimān heard that M. Muḥammad Hakīm had crossed the Indus, he became hopeless and returned from Peshawar. He proceeded towards Jalālābād by the Karappah² route, and on the way had fights with the Shinwāri Afghans. Many of the Badakhshīs were killed, and some goods belonging to the camp-market were plundered. Hārūn Shinwāri, who was the head of the tribe, was killed here. M. Sulaimān left Qambai and a body of troops in Jalālābād, and proceeded to Kabul which he set himself to besiege. The garrison were on the alert and took measures to strengthen the fort. At the time when Nagarcain was by the advent of H.M. the Shāhinshāh made the cynosure of the seven climes, M. Ḥakīm's ambassadors arrived and were through the instrumentality of the courtiers exalted by doing homage. They conveyed the petition of the Mīrzā to the royal hearing. This was favourably received, and as the cause of the Mīrzā's trouble was his not having a prudent and well-wishing guardian, H.M. the Shāhinshāh in his abundant wisdom took thought about a guardian and chose for this high post Quṭbu-d dīn Khān, who was distinguished for his prudence, ability and trustworthiness. An order was also issued that the cream of the Panjab troops should, under the generalship of Mir Muḥammad Khān, join the Mīrzā and convey him to Kabul and seat him firmly on the masnad there. After doing so, Quṭbu-d-dīn K. was to remain in Kabul while the officers should return to their fiefs. An order was issued to Mir Muḥammad K., and to the great officers such as Muḥammad K. and Qulī K. Birlās, the Governor of Multan, Quṭbu-d-din K., Mahdī Qāsim K., Ḥasan Ṣūfī Sulṭān, Jān Muḥammad Bahsūdī, Kamāl K. Gakhar, Fāẓil Muḥammad, Qulī K., and to the headmen of the country that they should march quickly and join the Mīrzā on the bank of the Indus, and proceed with him against M. Sulaimān and put a stop to his molestation of Kabul. H.M. also sent a large sum of money from the royal treasury, together with comforts and luxuries along with the ambassadors.

When the orders reached the officers, they bound the girdles of obedience on the waists of loyalty and went off with the army to serve the Mīrzā. Quṭbu-d-dīn, Kamāl K., Fāẓil Muḥammad Qulī K., and a body of troops joined the Mīrzā before the others. By the reception of the royal favours and by the royal graciousness, the Mirza's position acquired fresh glory. They crossed at the ferry of Atak-Benares¹ and proceeded towards Kabul. Mir Muḥammad K. and the other officers joined the Mīrzā with proper equipments near Peshawar. Each officer offered presents suitable to his rank. By the lights of the royal favour which shone upon the cheek of the Mīrza's circumstances, his officers assumed a splendour such as he had never imagined or dreamed of, and he marched on to Kabul with high hopes and right intentions. They did not draw rein till they reached Jalālābād.

As M. Sulaimān had made over Jalālābād to one of his men named Qambar, Mir Muḥammad K. began by sending Sāqī Tarnābī and 'Aārif Beg to advise him. He from ill-fatedness withdrew his neck from the collar of obedience. As that moribund was in his ignorance not merciful to his own life, the army set about capturing the fort. The fortress-taking heroes girded up their loins for the capture, and by the strength of their arms easily untied the difficult knot. They mounted with the foot of courage the steps of fortress-capture, and set up lofty scaling-ladders. They planted them against the wall of the fort, and essayed to enter. Though the Badakhshīs opposed them to the utmost of their power, and neglected no point of defence, and assailed the attacking party with arrows and bullets, etc., and threw the dust and ashes of opposition on the heads of the climbers to victory's summit, yet no dust remained on the mirror-hearts of these gallant men. And if occasionally some climber were wounded and thrown down, they had not¹ so little a desire to capture the fort as that they should become apprehensive on seeing him, and should refrain from going on. On the contrary their courage increased, and they put their feet on his head and ran upwards. By the good fortune of the Shāhinshāh they took the fort in the space of an astronomical hour and put to the sword Qambar Ali and his 300 comrades. They let go two of them in order that they might impress upon M. Sulaimān what they had seen of the fate of Qambar and all his comrades.

The head of Qambar was sent as a present to the battlements of Kabul, and encouraging letters were sent to Bāqī Qāqshāl and the men of Kabul to inform them of the arrival of the army of fortune. When the news of the favour and of the helping-hand of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and of the capture of Jalālābād reached Kabul, the sound of joy rose high, and the head of Qambar was made an ornament to the battlements. Though M. Sulaimān was disconcerted by the capture of Jalālābād and the noise of the approaching army, yet he comforted his panic-stricken men by declaring the news to be false. He said it was a clamour of the Kabulis, till at last the two Badakhshīs came and confirmed the tidings of the victory. Thereon, the thread of patience fell from the hands of M. Sulaimān and Ḥaram Begam, and the cord of coherence became unloosed. Disheartened, and in evil case, they debated as to whether they should fight the victorious army or return to Badakhshān. After argument they decided upon flight.

Next day M. Sulaimān retired from the siege of Kabul and turned back his horses (lit. shod them backwards). He went in the direction of Jalālābād and arrived at Khwāja Riwāj. He gave out that he was going to fight the Mīrzā. At nightfall he became perturbed and went towards Badakhshān. As he was crossing the river Parwān a great flood came down, and carried away much of the Badakhshīs' baggage. With a thousand difficulties, and with precautions that no one should see him, he reached Badakhshān. The victorious army had arrived at Jagdalak when the news came to Kabul of the flight of M. Sulaimān. M. Ḥakīm and the officers came to Kabul. The inhabitants being released from the troubles of defending the fort raised shouts of joy to heaven. The whole population rejoiced, and offered up prayers for the long establishment of those royal standards which cast the shade of justice far and near. After some days Quṭbu-d-dīn K. went to visit Ghaznīn, which was the home of his family, and took Kamāl K. with him. He spent days in pleasure in that place where he had been born and brought up. He showed kindness to all his clan, and to all his friends, near or remote. He returned after laying the foundations of stations, gardens and buildings, which are marks of auspiciousness, and produce pleasant memories. After arranging the affairs of Kabul, the Khān Kilān foolishly resolved to take upon himself the office of the Mīrzā's vakil and stayed in Kabul. He bade adieu to the officers, and they returned to India. Sakīna Bānū Begam, the younger sister of M. Ḥakīm, went to India in order to thank the Shāhinshāh for his kindness and from a wish to enter¹ the holy service. She proceeded under the guidance of Quṭbu-d-dīn Muḥammad K., and obtained fortune by kissing the threshold.

As there was no inborn goodness in M. Muhammad Ḥakīm's disposition, nor any development of sound reason, and no honest and loyal servants, disturbances arose at this time when by the Shāhinshāh's influence the affairs of Kabul had been arranged, and the Khān Kilān was established as administrator. The sedition-mongers of Kabul stirred up strife and Muḥammad Ḥakīm Mīrzā on account of his youth was always giving ear to falsehoods. And Mīr Muḥammad K., who was noted for his impetuosity and roughness, did not adopt conciliatory ways and was put out by petty matters. He conducted things with severity, and so things did not proceed harmoniously between him and the Mīrzā and the Kabulis. Though the Mīrzā used expressions of obedience, yet he transacted many important matters without consulting the Khān Kilān. One of them was that Khwāja Ḥasan Naqsh bandī was passing his days in Kabul, and that the Mirza without consulting H.M. the Shāhinshāh, or reference to the Khān Kilān, gave his sister, whom his mother had formerly married to Shāh Abu-l-m'aāli, in marriage to the Khwāja. When the latter had the glory of such an alliance, he took to managing the affairs of the Mirza's household, and used to do things which he ought not to have done. Also many men of the Mirza's household used to say things which were not agreeable to the Khān Kilān's disposition. Mir Muḥammad Khān, in spite of the hastiness of his character, could read men, and was acute and far-seeing. He could see in the diary¹ of to-day the catalogue of the events of the morrow, and in his ill-fatedness he thought it proper to consult his own repose though he should act contrary to the Shāhinshāh's order. He perceived that evil days were coming upon him, and as he saw that the outcome would not be good he proceeded to look ahead. In a night² of nights he, without anyone's knowledge, marched from Kabul, and took the highroad to India.

He also sent a report to the sublime court, detailing the intrigues of the Mīrzā's palace, and the commissions and omissions which were taking place in Kabul. If the Khān Kilān for his own satisfaction took such a bootless course, he should have from his knowledge of the world, etc., sent Khwāja Ḥasan, Yār Muḥammad Ākhūnd, Fīrūz and some others along with the officers to India, so that the Mīrzā's affairs should not go the length of becoming sedition and also he should not have returned in such fashion. But when there is a Divine design for some act, the wise and farsighted are previously made foolish, and then the hidden purposes are revealed. And, in fact, in such matters there is nothing left for the acute and intelligent, but to be spectators and to become acquainted with the Divine decrees.

One of the occurrences was the sending of Qulīj K. to Rohtās in order to conciliate Fatḥ K. The short account of this is that there is in Bihar a fortress named Rohtās which is one of the greatest in India, and which is a marvellous work of the Creator. It stands on a very high hill and is guarded from the thought of disturbance. Its length and breadth are more than five kos. The ascent from the plains to the terrace of the fort may be more³ than a kos. A wonderful thing is that though the fort is situated so high, good water is found whenever the soil is dug to the depth of two yards. From the time it was built, no ruler had ever got possession of it, except Sher Khān, and he took it by fraud by introducing troops dressed as women, as has already been briefly related.

After that it fell into the hands of Fatḥ Khān Patni,¹ who was one of the great sirdars of Sher Khān and Selīm Khān. Supported by this fortress he used to contend hotly with Sulaimān who had acquired the government of Bengal. From far-sightedness he was always making representations to the well-wishers of the empire. At this time, when the notes of the disloyalty of 'Alī Qulī K. Zamān were visible far and near, H.M. sent Qulīj Khān to Fatḥ Khān, who was always sending representations of his submissiveness, to ascertain his disposition and to confirm him in the path of service and obedience. He was to arrange that when the standards of fortune reached the borders of Jaunpur, he (Fatḥ Khān²) should attain the reward of performing service and should bring the coin of his fidelity to be tested by H.M., and should prove to all and sundry the genuineness (saragī) of its quality. Qulīj Khān reached Rohtās with all possible speed, and confirmed him in the straight path of service. And he brought his younger brother Ḥasan K. Patnī into service in order that he might obtain princely favours by being admitted to the Presence. At the time when the glorious cavalcade returned from elephant-hunting in Karhara and Narwār, of which an account will shortly be given, to the capital, they were exalted by kissing the ground. Ḥasan Khān was encompassed by the Shāhinshāh's favours.

In the beginning of this year the cupola of chastity, Ḥājī Begam, who was one of the pure wives of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Ashiyānī³ and the daughter of his mother's maternal uncle, and mother of Alāmān Mīrzā, was permitted to go on a pilgrimage to the holy places. H.M. arranged this pilgrimage to the holy places in an excellent manner and provided all things necessary, and bade her goodbye. Though his holy heart did not wish to be separated from her, yet he preferred her wish and granted her request. A large number of persons obtained the same favour by this opportunity.

The Khedive of the world always employed himself in various kinds of hunting and other diversions so that a spectator might suppose that nothing but these amusements touched the hem of his heart. H.M. always conducts himself outwardly with reference to the creature, and inwardly with reference to God, and so superintends the order of things external and internal. He always adorns externals as if he were one of the external and superficial, and internals, like the wise esoterics of the true qibla. At this time he devised elephant-hunting as his veil, and in Isfandarmaẕ, Divine month, corresponding to Rajab,¹ he proceeded to Narwar and Karhara.² The attraction of pleasure took him to Dholpūr. As its climate was equable he crossed the Cambal on an elephant, and passed by way of Gwālīār. When he reached the borders of Narwar the huntsmen brought the good news that several herds of elephants were roaming in the forest of Narwar. An order was issued that the camp should halt in that pleasant spot while H.M. entered that forest with a few attendants. He wandered for two days in that endless forest and then came upon a herd of elephants. He made an enclosure according to the old method, and after catching the wild elephants in it returned to the camp. One of the successes of the hunt was that one day while he was engaged in the chase in the wilds of Narwar his eye fell upon a serpent which was nearly seven Akbarshāhī³ yards in length and which had consumed several cītal¹ (spotted deer-) which are a kind of deer, and was about to destroy more. H.M. ordered the noxious animal to be destroyed so that it received retribution for its actions. He stayed there for two days disposing of the world's affairs, and sent Lashkar Khān Mīr Bakhshī to Asaf Khān in Garha in order that he should send to court such of the war-elephants and other goods, which had fallen into his hands during the campaign with the Rānī by virtue of the royal good fortune as were fit for presentation. An order was issued that Khwāja Ghīāṯṯu-d-dīn² 'Alī of Qazwīn should act for Lashkar Khān during his absence. H.M. devoted himself to hunting, and adorned the hunting-quarters with his presence.

In this season of expansion and on this auspicious soil, when the airs of joy were circulating in the brain of fortune, a vernal happiness possessed the soul of the Age. The advent of the world-enkindling new year diffused abundance over the terrene and terrestrials. The hundred-petalled rose bloomed forth.

The rose sought to unfold her petal-wings
That she might fly in company with the nightingale.
The early buds half-opened on the ends of their stalks
To bear away the hearts of the claw-sporting birds;
The spectacle of flower and leaf reveals
That at each step the road of love rises and falls.
May I imitate the nature of this garden's buds
With a hundred tongues in their lips they are silent
'Tis for the Shāhinshāh's advent they've spread
Carpets of roses and brocades of jasmine.

After nine hours and twenty-one minutes had passed of the night of Sunday, 8th Shābān 972, of the lunar year, 11 March 1565, the sun entered his mansion of exaltation, and the tenth year of the reign began, viz., the year Dai of the first cycle, and another spring was added to the equable spring of the Shāhinshāh's character. H.M. was in the same delightful meadow which the artists of springtide had decorated, when on the next day the desert-traversing huntsmen announced that in a certain quarter there was a forest full of elephants. H.M. the Shāhinshāh was delighted at this news and hastened off to the chase. He captured the elephants and sent them to the camp. He spent the night in the forest, and next day came to the camp. On the way the huntsmen announced that at the distance of eight kos from the halting-place there were more than 250 elephants wandering at their free will in a forest. H.M. was delighted and at once went off to the spot. At the end of the day he arrived at the grazing-ground of those mighty forms. In accordance with his orders the servants surrounded the elephants and drove them towards Bayānwān.¹ Half the night had passed when they had driven them into the fort. By H.M.'s orders a pond was dug by the camp attendants, large enough to charge with moisture those cloud-like animals, and it was filled up with pure water so that these heated river-quaffers enjoyed the springs of that bounty which guarantees the satisfaction of all from the elephant to the gnat.

After those wild creatures had been caught and fastened with ropes, some were sent to Narwar, some to Gwalīyār, and the most of them to the camp. In connection with this affair H.M. spent two days in the neighbourhood of the fort of Bayānwān. Certainly, on the occasion of this delightful occurrence—the like of which was not to be witnessed anywhere else in the pleasant lands of India—the spectators enjoyed a wondrous spectacle and had cause for admiration. What sublime contrivance! What lofty conceptions! How the Lord of the Age brought into captivity such a number of savage, mountain-like heaven-ascending animals! From thence he turned towards the camp which was in the vicinity of Karhara, and stayed there about twenty days. As it was the time of the mingling of two seasons, and the air was becoming heated, and as the climate of that warm, elephant-haunted country was not conformable to the human constitution, many of the camp-party fell ill. H.M. had compassion on humanity and bade the beating of the drums of return. He left some of the followers to capture the remaining elephants, and went on stage by stage, and hunting by the way to Gwalīyār. There H.M.'s constitution became somewhat affected by the climate and long marches. In a short time, however, he was restored to health, and sickness was changed into soundness.

Five or six days after his recovery he proceeded towards Agra, and in a fortunate hour, which was a chosen one of stars and horizons, he cast his light and his shadow on that fortunate city.

Among the principal events of the year was the founding of the fort of Agra. It is not concealed from the minds of the mathematical and the acquainted with the mechanism of the spheres that since the world-adorning creator hath decked Time and the Terrene with the existence of the Shāhinshāh in order that the series of creations might be perfected, that wise-hearted one has exercised himself in bringing each individual life from the secrecy of potentiality to the theatre of performance. At one time he has prepared the constituents of rule by perfecting the earth for animated nature by improving agriculture by irrigation and the sowing of seeds. At another time he stablishes spiritual and temporal dominion by building fortresses for the protection of products and the guarding of honour and prestige. Accordingly, he at this time gave directions for the building in Agra— which by position is the centre of Hindustan—of a grand fortress such as might be worthy thereof, and correspond to the dignity of his dominions. An order was then issued that the old fort which was built on the east bank of the Jamna, and whose pillars had been shaken by the revolutions of time and the shocks of fortune, should be removed, and that an impregnable fort should be built of hewn stone. It was to be stable like the foundation of the dominion of the sublime family and permanent like the pillars of its fortunes. Accordingly, lofty-minded mathematicians and able architects laid the foundations of this great building in an hour which was supreme for establishing a fortress. The excavations were made through seven strata of earth. The breadth of the wall was three bādshāhī¹ yards and its height sixty yards. It was provided with four gates whereby the doors of the dominion were opened towards the four quarters of the world. Every day 3 to 4,000 active builders and strong-armed labourers carried on the work. From the foundations to the battlements, the fortress was composed of hewn stone, each of which was polished like the world-revealing mirror, and was ruddy as the cheek of fortune. And they were so joined together that the end of a hair could not find place between them. This sublime fortress, the like of which had never been seen by a fabulous geometrician, was completed with its battlements, breastwork, and its loop-holes (sang-andāz) in the space of eight years under the faithful superintendence of Qāsim Khān Mīr Barr u Baḥr.

In this year H.M. determined that a person should be appointed to the lofty office of Ṣadr, who should be distinguished for wisdom and probity, etc., in order that ascetics and devout persons might approach the sublime threshold and receive pensions and support in accordance with their condition. In this way they would be comforted and be able to give themselves up to their devotions without anxiety. Though this tribe of men is to be found in every country, and there is no clime without them, yet they are most numerous in the districts of India. It was indispensable that there should be at the head of such an affair someone who should be firstly single¹-eyed, so that this high office should not be a scene of grasping and contention, and that he should not covet the goods of the poor, for to cast eyes of desire on everyone's property is to make oneself a public and private plunderer. It would be most wretched if he should in this way seek to satisfy the maw of his desires! Secondly, he must be capable and a discerner of mankind so that he be not unduly swayed by the recommendations of oppressors, the blandishments of flatterers, and his own ignorance. He must be able to appraise every man according to his merit, and so further their work. Thirdly, he must not have a patrician nature (mīrzā ṭabī'yat) and so spend his time in sloth and pleasure, and delay the business of the poor. On the contrary he must be strenuous, and one who distinguishes not between night and day so that he may carry matters through and show the most exquisite devotion towards the needy.

When this right and proper idea took possession of H.M. and he was in search of one who was adorned with the qualities above described, or who was resolved to acquire them, and was eager in the pursuit of them, Muẓaffar Khān, who had the control of affairs, appointed Shaikh 'Abdu-n-nabī to this high office at the instance of misjudging panegyrists and prattlers, and then reported the matter to H.M. and recommended his being confirmed therein. The Lord of the Age, out of that excellent disposition which thinks nothing but good of men, relied upon Muẓaffar Khān's knowledge and made the appointment. He ('Abdū-n-nabī) decked out his shop with hypocrisy and fair-seeming, and the Lord of the Age, who abode in the peaceful abode of thinking well of men, was pleased with him. In a short space of time he, by means of a crowd of flatterers and interested persons, and by the ascendancy of the short-sighted and ignorant, sold his studentship at the rate of teachership, and his superficial learning became converted into substantial wisdom. He was the grandson¹ of Shāīkh 'Abdul Qaddūs whom the people of India regarded as a saint. But as God hath made H.M. the Shāhinshāh the touchstone of men's merit, this man was also tested, and the veil was withdrawn from his actions, as will be related in its proper place.

To those who have drunk¹ down to the lees of understanding it is no secret that² the “world is like wine in that it intensifies whatever exists already.” If a man is of happy fortune, the acquisition of worldly things increases his auspiciousness and improves his personality so as to produce a thousand advantages to him. If, however, a man's destiny be evil, and his disposition bad, worldly success is productive in him of a thousand mischiefs. His outward prosperity is a cause of affliction to mankind, and his darkened heart becomes day by day more and more dark. His erring feet stray more and more, and he neither recognises the favours he has received nor does his duty to his benefactor. According as he is situated, he sometimes practises deceit and hypocrisy, and sometimes he withdraws the veil from before his actions and becomes openly as well as secretly a sedition-monger. The evil-ending career of 'Alī Qulī Khān Zamān is an instance of this. From the commencement of the coming into India, and the polishing of that great country which resulted from the Light of the Shāhinshāh's fortune, he was always committing improprieties. The vessel of his nature was of small capacity, and so intoxication became apparent, and already some instances of this have been given.

H.M. the Shāhinshāh, from the breadth of his views, was continually washing the record of his faults and crimes from his own pure soul with the water of forgiveness. That black-fated one did not appreciate this clemency, but went on to accumulate wickednesses.

When it came to the royal hearing that the Iskandar Khān Uzbeg's¹ brainless head had been affected by seditiousness, H.M. winked at this, and at the time when he went towards Narwar for the purpose of elephant-hunting he sent Ashraf Khān to him together with conciliatory orders and invited him to come to court and to abandon evil thoughts and take the highway of auspiciousness. When Ashraf Khān came to Oude, which was Iskandar Khān's fief, the latter showed alacrity in going out to welcome the royal commands and treated Ashrāf Khān with respect. He brought him with honour to his abode. When he became acquainted with the contents of the royal missive he made his submission, and outwardly began preparations for attending the court. He spent a long time in making those pretences, but in reality he was acting hypocritically and was concocting another scheme. At last he said to Ashraf Khān: “Ibrāhīm Khān is our Greybeard (āq siqāl), and is in the neighbourhood. Let us go and see him and proceed with him to court.”

With this design they went from Oude to Sarharpūr, which was Ibrāhīm Khān's fief, and from there they hastened to 'Alī Qulī Khān. There the whole party determined upon opposition and emerged from the screen of ashamedness, and proclaimed rebellion. They said to one another: “At this time the royal cortège is far off and engaged in elephant-hunting; let us form two bands! Iskandar Khān and Ibrāhīm Khān will go to Qanauj by the route of Lucknow, and stir up strife there, and 'Alī Qūlī Khān and his brother Bahādur Khān will go by the route of Manikpūr against Majnūn Khān Qāqshāl who is jāgīrdār there and raise the flames of sedition. In this way, perhaps, we shall succeed.” When the evil schemes of those wretches had settled upon this course, they kept Ashraf Khān among them by criminal methods. Ibrāhīm Khān and Sikandar Khān went towards Lucknow and 'Alī Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khān went towards Karrah and Mānikpūr.

When the report of the rebellion reached the officers of that quarter, such as Shāham Khān Jalāīr, Shāh Budāgh Khān, Amīr Khān, Muḥammad Amīn Dīwāna, Sulṭān Qulī Khāldār, Calma Tawācī, Shāh Ṭāhir Badakhshī, and his brother Shāh Khalīl Ullāh, Gadā 'Alī Tūlakcī, Khān Qulī Sārbān, Yūsuf Taghāī, and others, they assembled together and faced the rebels. A hot engagement took place between them and Sikandar Khān and Ibrāhīm Khān near the town of Nīmkhār.¹ Muḥammad Amīn Diwāna attacked the rebels' centre, and levelled many with the dust. But during the attack his horse stumbled and he was thrown to the ground. The wretches crowded round him and made him prisoner. Though Shāham Khān and Shāh Budāgh Khān were somewhat disheartened by seeing the fate of Muḥammad Amīn yet they at length advanced in a devoted manner, and made many efforts. They contended manfully, and the brave on both sides fell on the field. As the faithless to their salt were superior in numbers, the imperial officers judged it right to retire to the fort of Nīmkhār, and they reported the circumstances to the sublime threshold. 'Alī Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khan turned their rein towards Mānikpūr and extended the head of oppression there by plunder and rapine. Majnūn Khān Qāqshāl, who was an experienced soldier, did not think it advisable to engage the rebels, and sheltered himself in the fort of Mānikpūr. He sent messengers to Āṣaf Khān, calling upon him to join him, and when the latter heard of the disturbance he left a part of his men to guard the Garha country and took a number of experienced troops with him and came to Karra. There he distributed among the soldiers the plunder which he had obtained in Cauragarha, and he also assisted Majnūn Khān with a large sum of money. When the latter was emboldened by Āsāf Khān's help he frequently sent out brave men from the fort to contend with Ālī Qulī Khān's forces. At this time, too, Majnūn Khān and Āṣaf Khān sent swift couriers and reported the state of affairs to court. The messages of the royalists came one after the other, when the royal cortège had returned from elephant-hunting and H.M. was engaged in administering the affairs of the empire. As the putting down of strife and sedition results in general tranquillity, and produces the comfort of the whole of mankind, H.M., conformably to the precepts of King Wisdom, who is the Viceroy of the capital of Divine power, always gave his attention to such matters and regarded them as more obligatory than all ordinances and more meritorious than all other good actions.

When the purport of the representations of the officials became known to H.M., he, who is a world-opening key, determined that the thorny tree of the seditious should be destroyed, root and branch, by the strong blast of severity before it raised its head to the sky and had become firmly planted. Accordingly an order was issued for the assembling of an army, and in order that there should be no delay, Mun'im Khān was dispatched as an advance-force with a body of gallant men. During these few days H.M. personally engaged himself, from early morning till the end of day, in preparing an equipment for the army. A force was soon made ready such as that the swift steed of imagination could not enumerate by careering in the arena of computation. When the troops upon troops of soldiers were gathered together under the shadow of the sphere-touching banners, H.M. directed that the military and other elephants should be brought into the field. Out of them 2,000 were chosen to accompany the army.

When H.M. had obtained leisure for necessary duties he made over the government of Agra to Tarsūn Khān, and on the day of Tīr the 13th Khardād, Divine month, corresponding to Thurday 23 Shawwāl (24th May, 1565) he put the foot of dominion in the stirrup of fortune and crossed the Jamna. As the season was excessively hot, the army marched at night time, and came, stage by stage, to Qanauj. Mun'īm Khān Khān Khānān, who had gone on in advance, there tendered his homage. Qīyā Khān, who from his evil star had come into the faction of the rebels, obtained through the intercession of the Khān-Khānan the privilege of kissing the foot of the throne. Inasmuch as the granting of life is part of H.M.'s nature, his numerous crimes were cast into the whirlpool of forgiveness and he was comforted by favours, and restored to his former position of confidence. From there H.M. proceeded to the bank of the Ganges, and ten days were occupied in crossing the army. At this time the imperial scouts brought the news that Iskandar Khān had on hearing the reverberation of the march of the royal army established himself in Lucknow. On hearing of this audacity, the wrath of the Shāhinshāh decided that he should march quickly there and personally chastise that wretch. Accordingly he left Khwāja Jahān, Muẓaffar Khān, M'uīn Khān and others of the officers in the camp, and at midnight went off on horseback. He spent one night and one day on the march, and at dawn on the second day the dust of the army rose up from the territory of Lucknow and became the collyrium of fortune's eye. An order was given that Yūsuf Muḥammad Khān Kokaltāsh, Shujā'at Khān and other heroes should proceed as the vanguard. Sikandar Khān, who from brainlessness and rashness had settled himself in Lucknow, became confused on hearing of the royal march, and strewing the dust of shame on his head took to flight. H.M. cast the shadow of fortune over Lucknow and reposed there. He appointed some gallant and capable men to continue¹ the chase, and those brave men followed up the fugitives, and wherever they fell in with them they with the glittering sword cast earth into the cup of their heads. Sikandar Khān escaped half-dead and joined 'Alī Qulī and Bahādur Khān. The prisoners had to stop on account of the exhaustion of their horses. 'Ali Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khān, who were facing Majnūn Khān and Āṣaf Khān became shaken on hearing of this event. They withdrew from the siege of Mānikpūr and went in confusion to Jaunpūr. They drove their families before them and crossed the Ganges at the ford of Narhan.² They took refuge on the other side in places³ difficult of access. H.M. tarried in Lucknow till he was joined by the camp. Thereafter he marched on slowly and continuously to Jaunpūr. When the stone was removed from the path, Āṣaf Khān and Majnūn Khān and the other officers who were confronting 'Alī Qulī Khān entered on the highway of loyalty and joined H.M.'s army two stages from Jaunpūr. They brought suitable gifts. Among these, the presents of Āṣaf Khān, which consisted of the rarities of the country (Garha) and included warlike elephants and Persian and Turkish horses, were approved of by H.M., and the splendour of his favour shone upon the field of his hopes. From the time when Āṣaf Khan had by the might of the Shāhinshāh's fortune conquered the territory of Garha, and obtained possession of the treasures of Cauragarha, he had drilled his troops so that they should be worthy of H.M.'s inspection. He now begged that he might now bring them before him, and as it is H.M.'s excellent habit to grant the petitions of the loyal, his request was granted and his hopes were gratified.

Next day, when the Prince of the East (the sun) had sat on the throne of the fourth heaven and shed light upon earth, and the soldiers of the night had been dispersed, Āṣaf Khān showed his army of nearly 5,000 horse in a plain which was broad as the palm of the genius of stoics, and open as the forehead of the generous. He was made the recipient of royal favours, and next day, which was the 3rd day of Tīr, Divine month, corresponding to Friday 14 Ẕi-l-hajja (13 July), the standards were unfurled in Jaunpūr. The quarters inside the fort were made auspicious by the royal advent, and H.M. addressed himself towards the improvement of that country which had been laid waste by the oppression of the rebels. As 'Alī Qulī Khān and the others had fled and crossed the Ganges, Āṣaf Khān and some officers of mark, such as Majnūn Khān and Shāh Muḥammad Khān Qandahāī were dispatched after them. For the sake of greater caution and in order to keep up the prestige of the sovereignty the royal insignia¹ were placed under the charge of Wazīr Jamīl and sent to assist the imperial forces so that the officers might be able to perform the kornish and pay their due respects, and be zealous in service. 'Alī Qulī Khān and the disaffected officers had gone to a rugged place (jāī-qalb)² near Hajīpūr and entrenched themselves. They applied for help to the black-fated Afghans such as Sulaimān Kararānī, who had obtained the government of Bengal, Fath Khān Batanī³(?) and his brother Hasan Khān who was governor of Rohtas. They were in the act of applying for such assistance when H.M. resolved to send one of his confidants to Sulaimān Kararāni to deter him from joining them. Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī, who was distinguished for address and eloquence, was sent upon this service. When he approached Rohtās a number of contumacious Afghans who were in league with the rebels forbade him to go to Bengal and took him before 'Alī Qulī Khān. As Ḥajī Muḥammad Khān had old relations with 'Ali Qulī Khan, and the latter was desirous of gaining him over, he treated him with respect. When he found that there was no hope of his being won over he put him under arrest. Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān did not let go the thread of loyalty and service, but continually gave him good advice. The first result of Ḥājī Muḥammad's Khān's detention among the rebels was that he deterred 'Alī Qulī from dangerous acts and induced him to enter the straight path of obedience. Accordingly in the end he brought him and his mother to the sublime threshold, as will be recorded hereafter.

One of the occurences was the dispatch of Ḥasan Khān Khazāncī (treasurer) to Orissa, which is a territory lying to the S.E. of India. From the time that India was conquered, none of the princes had raised his standard over Orissa. The rulers of that country had always been powerful, and the Rajah who was now ruling them was especially so. From the time when the Afghans had stretched their hand out over Bengal they had continually planted in the gardens of their aspirations the wishing tree of the conquest of Orissa, but it never bore fruit. For on the borders thereof there were dangerous passes and lofty mountains, and heights and declivities innumerable, and difficult forests so that grasping hands of princes could not reach it. It is difficult for armies to tread on that soil. Whenever any of the competitors for Bengal took refuge with the Rajah of Jagannāth, the ruler of Bengal could not lay hands on him. For example, Ibrāhīm Sūr, who has been already mentioned, took refuge with the Rajah of Jagannāth, and the latter assigned him a tract of Orissa for his subsistence. Though Sulaimān Kararānī exerted himself he could not put him down. On the contrary he was continually alarmed by him. At this time, when Jaunpūr was H.M.'s station, his sagacious mind, which¹ extracts the account of the morrow from the diary of to-day, determined to send one of his confidants to the Rajah in order to range him by gracious means in the lists of the obedient. Ḥasan Khān Khazāncī was chosen for this service, and Maḥāpāttar, who was unrivalled in the arts of Indian poetry, and of music, was sent along with him. The two went together to Orissa.² As soon as the Rajah heard of the Shāhinshāh's favours he sent out to welcome the visitors and had them brought with honour to his city. He treated them properly, and having bound the girdle of service on the waist of his soul he represented that if Sulaimān did not insert the ring of submission to the sublime court in his mental ear, he would collect an army and bring Ibrāhim, who was Sulaimān's competitor, against Bengal. He would do such things to Sulaimān that he would be a warning to all strife mongers. After the Rajah had entertained Ḥasan Khān and Mahāpāttar for three months, he selected elephants of note and other valuable presents and sent them to court. Ḥasan Khān, Mahāpāttar and the ambassador of Rajah Mukund Deo, who was called Rai Parmānand, had the honour of paying homage at Nagarcīn when the imperial cortège had come there from Jaunpūr.

One of the events which occurred when the camp was at Jaunpūr was the flight¹ of Khwāja 'Abdu-l-majād Āṣaf Khān. Good God! the worldly who are not right-thinking cast themselves into destruction by their own efforts, and give such proceedings the name of policy! One of the great misfortunes is that along with their presumption and ingratitude they shake like willows with regard to their own prosperity, and from some slight suspicion do to themselves in a moment a mischief that a thousand enemies could not accomplish. Thus Āṣaf Khān, out of haste and volatility, committed an act whose shamefulness could not be removed by the labours of all the writers in the world. Though the graciousness of the Shāhinshāh pardoned those faults and so cleansed the cheek of shame from the dust of crime, yet the mark of them remained. The point of this preamble is that Āṣaf Khān, who after having been appointed to high office had lately been honoured by the command of a victorious army, had, owing to the fact that fear attaches to the skirt of the perfidious, been carried away by the tale-bearings of strife-mongers, and had disregarded the preservation of his position, and from a vain terror fled to Garha. The brief account of this affair is that from the time when Āṣaf Khān conquered the territory of Garha and had taken possession of the treasures of Cauragarha and had basely and ungratefully concealed them from his king and benefactor, by whose favour he had been advanced from the pen to the standard az qalm-b-'ilm (“from pen to panoply”), and had thereby prepared the materials of his own downfall, he had continually been under apprehensions. Though he, from not understanding matters, had sent bribes to the royal clerks, yet this had no success as nothing but earth (i.e., death) will fill the greedy maw of such covetous ones. They were always uttering dark hints. At the time when he brought his excellent army before H.M., and was treated with royal favours, the grandees were moved to envy and framed fictions and falsehoods. Inexperienced and unintelligent friends and chattering strife-mongers made one into a thousand and caused Āṣaf Khān to lose heart. At last, on 3 Mihr Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 20 Safar 973 (16th September, 1565), he left his tents and goods and went off to Garha with his brother Wazīr Khān and some friends, and did not turn back until he reached there. In the morning the well-wishers who had been named as his comrades reported the circumstance to H.M. Their representation arrived at Jaunpūr at the time when H.M. was enjoying the pleasure of hunting. He appointed Mun'īm Khān Khān-Khānān to the charge of the army, and appointed Shujā'at Khān and some brave men to pursue Āṣaf Khān. Shujā'at Khān arrived at Manikpūr and searched for 'Aṣaf Khān. He learnt that he had reached Karra and was preparing to go to Garha. Shujā'at Khān secured boats and was meditating the crossing of the river. On the other side 'Āṣaf Khān got information of the coming of Shujā'at Khān and turned back with his army in order to stop Shujā'at Khān on the riverbank. The boats had nearly reached the shore when Āṣaf Khān proceeded to oppose them. A hot engagement took place between him and the troops who were in the boats. On that day the interview was carried on up to evening by means of arrows and bullets. When night threw her dark veil over mortals, Āṣaf Khān thought flight his best resource and went off during the night. When at dawn Shujā'at Khān heard of the flight of 'Āṣaf Khān, he got quickly into boats and crossed the river and went off in pursuit. He came up with a party who had been left behind by Āṣaf Khān and learnt that it would be exceedingly difficult to reach him. So he turned his reins and came and did homage. He was exalted by kissing the threshold at Jaunpūr.

One of the occurrences was the sending of Qulīj Khān a second time to Rohtās. It has already been related that H.M. had sent Qulīj Khān to conciliate Fatḥ Khān and to confirm him in his allegiance. He arranged that when the imperial forces reached Jaunpūr, Fatḥ Khān should come to do homage and should bring with him the elephant Bakht Buland, at the time when H.M. was sent again for this purpose. A fresh reason for this was that, before the imperial troops had left the capital, Sulaimān had sent an army to Rohtās in order that he might get possession of it with the help of 'Alī Qulī Khān. Sulaimān's army had, with the assistance of 'Alī Qulī Khān, reduced Fatḥ Khān to straits when the news arrived of the approach of the imperial army. Thereupon Sulaimān's army withdrew from the siege, and Fatḥ Khān, who was nothing if not two-faced, when the neighbourhood of the fort was free from the molestation of Sulaiman's army engaged in collecting munitions and stores. He also sent secretly a message to his brother Ḥasan Khān, who had entered into service along with Qulij Khān, to the effect that he was now at ease about provisions and that Ḥasan Khān should by every possible means come to Rohtās. As it was difficult for Ḥasan Khān to come openly, he had recourse to stratagem, and represented that some high official should be sent along with him so that they might go to Rohtās and might bring his brother to the king with the keys of the fort. Accordingly Qulīj Khān was chosen for this service. He set about carrying out the commands and arrived at Rohtas. Though Fatḥ Khān made hypocritical representations yet they were false. Qulīj Khān perceived their worthlessness and returned. As the taking of that fortress and the conquest of the whole of the Eastern provinces belong to another time I shall not treat of them at present.

When 'Alī Qulī Khān had for a long time sat down in front of the victorious army and done nothing but strew on his head the dust of disappointment, he employed the time, which was one for shame and repentance, in developing still further his rebellion and disaffection. He sent Sikandar Khān, Bahādur Khān and a body of troops to the territory of Sarwar in order that they might then ravage and plunder. When H.M. heard of this he appointed Shah Budāgh Khān, 'Sāīd Khān, Qīyā Khān, Ḥusain Khān (i.e. H. K. Tukrīya), Bāqi Khān, Maṭlab Khān, M'āsūm Khān Farankhūdī, Calma Khān, Muḥammad Amīn Dīwāna, Beg Nūru-d-dīn, Selīm Khān, and Fattū Afghān under the leadership of Mīr M'uīzzu-l-mulk and directed that they should bar the path of the rebels and not suffer the dust of dissension to settle on that country. The imperial troops did not halt till they reached the pargana Khairābād. When H.M. the Shāhinshāh had administered such a remedy for the rebellious madness of 'Alī Qulī Khān, he proceeded to Allahabad. 'Ali Qulī Khān had thought that by sending his troops as above stated, he would cause a dispersion of the imperial army. When he was disappointed in this, he turned to deceit and hypocrisy and began by sending to Mun'im Khān Bībī¹ Sarv Qad, a woman who had been distinguished in the service of H.M. Firdūs Makānī (Bābar), and who reminded him of their old friendship. After that he sent experienced men to propose a reconciliation. Mun'im Khān in his simplicity, and on account of his being an old servant, witheld his hand from extirpating the disobedient. He put faith in 'Alī Qulī's deceitful words and made a representation to court, strongly recommending that the propositions should be accepted. H.H. the Shāhinshāh, though he was fully aware of 'Alī Qulī's evil nature, accepted, from his perfect kindness and liberality, the Khān-Khānan's representations and sent Khwāja Ghiyāṯu-d-dīn 'Alī of Qazwīn to impress his princely graciousness (on 'Alī Quli) and to ascertain and report about what transpired at the meeting (between Mun'im Khān and 'Alī Qulī).

When Mun'im Khān was distinguished by this great favour he wrote to 'Alī Qulī Khān to the effect that they two should have an interview without the intervention of messages or messengers, and lay the foundation of sincerity and service. As there was a report at that time that some of the devoted heroes such as 'Aādil Khān and Jamāl Khān Bilūc had resolved that they would lie in wait and finish off the scoundrel, 'Alī Qulī Khān was very cantious about coming to see Mun'im Khān, and wished that the subject of a reconciliation should be carried on by letters and messengers. Mun'im Khān did not agree to this, and at last it was arranged that they should meet in the middle of the river, attended by two or three persons. Accordingly 'Alī Qulī Khān left his family where they were, and came with his army and boats towards the ferry of Causā, and pitched his tents at Baksar opposite the camp¹ of the Khān-Khānan. Ḥasan Batanī, Sulaimān Mankalī, Kālā Pahār, officers of the Afghans, were with him. Messages and messengers passed between the parties, renewing the propositions of concord on both sides. Next day 'Alī Qulī Khān got into a boat, accompanied by three men, viz., Shahriyār Kal who was distinguished for courage, Sulṭān Muḥammad Mīrāb, and his qūrcī who had the name of Āhū-i-ḥaram² (the gazelle of the harem), and proceeded towards the Khān-Khānān's camp. From the other side the Khān-Khānan also got into a boat, accompanied by three persons, viz., Mīrzā Ghiyāṯu-d-dīn, 'Alī Bāyāzīd Beg, and Mīr Khān³ the ghulām of Sulṭān Muḥammad Qabaq,⁴ who was relied upon by Mun'im Khān, and went to meet 'Alī Qulī Khān.

The banks of the river were lined by the two armies. When the boats nearly met in the middle of the stream,⁵ Ali Qulī Khān rose up and said “Kaifīyat⁶ Legh” and “Peace be upon you.” Then he sprang into Mun'im Khān's boat and they embraced one another and sate down. The time of meeting passed partly in hypocritical¹ weeping, and partly in 'Ali Qulī's describing how he had sold service (i.e., what work he had done for Akbar).

Some time, too, was spent in taking oaths and in making engagements. After that it was agreed that Mīrzā Ghiāṯṯu-d-din 'Alī should go to the Shāhinshāh and represent the state of matters, and request that H.M. should also send Khwāja Jahan² —by whose counsels the affairs of state were managed—in order that 'Alī Qulī Khān's mind might be fully set at rest, and that he might from the bottom of his heart make promises of loyalty. After these arrangements they separated, each going to his own camp. This affair took place in the beginning of Dai, Divine month, December 1565. M. Ghiāṯu-d-dīn 'Alī went to court and reported the circumstances, and H.M. sent Khwāja Jahān agreeably to Mun'im Khān's request. On the next day, after the interview with 'Alī Qulī Khān, Mun'im Khān crossed the river with a select party and proceeded to 'Alī Qulī Khān's quarters. Shāham Khān Jalāīr, the Mīr Munshi, Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khān Ākhta Begī, Kūcak 'Ali Khān, Taimur Ikka and a number of others were with him. 'Alī Qulī Khān gave a great entertainment, and was very hospitable. Afterwards Mun'im Khān returned to his own quarters. Subsequently Khwāja Jahān came, and Mun'im Khān wished to take him with him and to go a second time to 'Alī Qulī Khān. Khwāja Jahān remonstrated and plainly said that 'Alī Quli Khān was a man (jawān) without moderation, and was displeased with him. He did not think it advisable to go to his quarters. If Mun'im Khān was bent upon their going, he should take pledges for their security. Mun'im Khān asked for Ibrāhim Khān Uzbeg as a pledge from 'Alī Qulī Khān and obtained him. Next day Mun'im Khān and Khwāja Jahān went and had an interview with 'Alī Qulī Khān in his quarters, and next day they had another meeting in Ibrāhīm Khān's quarters. Majnūn Khān Qaqshāl, Bābā Khān Qāqshāl and Mīrzā Beg³ were present at this meeting, and a reconciliation took place between them and 'Alī Qulī Khān. Although much was said about 'Alī Qulī Khān's going to court, no effect was produced, and from his deceitfulness he would not consent to kiss the threshold. He said that when he had shown so much ingratitude, he had not the courage to go. He would now send his mother and Ibrāhīm Khān,¹ who was a grey-beard among them. When he had done good service, he would himself attend. After much discussion this arrangement was agreed to.

Next day 'Alī Qulī Khān sent his mother, and Ibrāhīm Khān and some noted elephants such as Bāl Sundar and Acapla (?)² and others by Mir Hādī Niẓām Āqā. He also sent Ḥājī Khān Sīstānī who was a sort of prisoner. The Khān-Khānān and Khwāja Jahān left the army on the river-bank, and, taking with them 'Alī Qulī's mother, Ibrāhīm Khān and the presents, proceeded to court.

The Khān Khānān had a sword and shroud hung round Ibrāhīm Khān's neck, and had his head and feet bared, and so brought him into the Presence. Through his intercession the pen of forgiveness was drawn over the varied offences of those ill-fated ones. The holy tongue dropped these words: “Though it is plain that these evil-starred ones will not adhere to their promises, yet as we love to please you, their offences have been forgiven. Their fiefs will be given to them as before, but so long as the imperial standards are in this neighbourhood for the purpose of hunting and recreation, 'Alī Qulī Khān must not cross the Ganges to this side. When the court is established at Agra, their agents will come and get the patents for their fiefs put in order. They will thereupon enjoy their fiefs in accordance with the orders that shall be passed.” The Khān-Khānān was exalted to the pinnacle of glory by the royal favour, and an order was issued that the sword and shroud should be removed from Ibrāhīm Khān's neck. The good news of pardon were³ conveyed to 'Alī Qulī Khān's mother, who was in the Shāhinshāh's harem and had cast her face into the dust of lamentation, and was waiting for the royal forgiveness. As the transactions of those unworthy wretches were hypocritical—as is not unknown to the acute and intelligent—the world-adorning Deity willed that the evil inner nature of these ingrates might be impressed on the simple-minded.

Some days after they had the bliss of doing homage, news came of the battle of Mīr M'uīzzu-l-mulk and the other great officers. The particulars of this occurrence are that when Bahādur Khān and Sikandar Khān had, at the instigation of 'Alī Qulī Khān, stirred up the dust of strife in Sarkār Sarwār,¹ a large force suddenly arrived from the imperial camp. On hearing of this they got confused and lost courage and had recourse to deceit and fraud. They sent a message to Mīr M'uīzzu-l-mulk and the other officers asking how it was reasonable to suppose that they were going to oppose the imperial forces and engage in battle. Their desire was that they (i.e., the imperial officers) should be the intermediaries for cleansing their offences, and they were sending to court noted elephants which had come into their possession by the king's good fortune, and were such as H.M. loved. And when it appeared that their faults had been washed by the limpid waters of forgiveness, which flowed from the sea of his graciousness, they too would come and ask for pardon. As Mīr M'uīzzu-l-mulk and the other officers knew the deceitfulness of the set, they rejected their overtures (lit. put the mark of rejection on the forehead of the wish of those wretches) and wrote in reply that the record of their crimes was not of a nature to be expunged from the register of time save by the bloody deluge (ṭūfān) of the shining sword. Bahādur Khān again sent a message to Mir M'uīzzu-l-mulk and requested that they should have an interview and discuss matters face to face. Mīr M'uīzzu-l-mulk agreed and came out of his camp with a few followers. Bahādur Khān also came out from his, attended by a few men, and embraced the Mīr. Proposals on both sides were submitted, but as deceit was patent on the foreheads of the contumacious, peace was not established, and the time passed in futile talk.

When the state of the matters was reported to H.M., he issued an order that Lashkar² Khan and Rāja Todar Mal should join the army with his men. If they considered that fighting was the proper course, they were to take part; if it seemed advisable to accept the petitions of the rebels, they were not to allow them to despair of the royal clemency. When these two loyal servants arrived with their troops, they at once sent a message to the rebels to the effect that if their protestations of devotion, etc., were genuine they should honestly proceed to court. Otherwise, it was not manly to waste time and to put their hands to deceit. As their hearts and their tongues were not in accord, they were not guided aright. They waxed still bolder in their contumacy near Khairābād,¹ and as the imperial army was not aware of the intreaties of 'Alī Qulī and of the graciousness announced by the Shāhinshāh, and also as the first body of troops had displayed indifference to fighting, the Rajah² and Lashkar Khān determined upon war and drew up their forces. The centre was officered by Mīr M'ūīzzu-l-mulk, Itmād Khān Khwājasarā (eunuch), Mīr 'Ali³ Akbar, Rājah Todar Mal, Lashkar Khān, Daulat Khān Faujdār and others; the right wing by Qīyā Khān, Ḥasan Ākhta, Sher Sultān, Rajah Mattar Sen, Karamsai⁴(?), Mihr 'Alī son of Ustād Yūsuf and others: the left wing by Bāqī Khān, Shāh Budāgh Khān, Maṭṭalib⁵ Khān, Fattū, Nāṣir Qulī Uzbeg and others. The vanguard was under Muḥammad Amīn Diwāna, M'āṣūm Khān Farankhūdī, Qatlaq Qadam Khān, Shāh Fanāī, Ṣad Raḥamat Uzbeg, Qalmāq Bahādur, and others. The reserve-vanguard (iltmish) was under Khān 'Aālam, Hindū Beg Moghal, Rai Sāl⁶ Darbāri, Rai Patr Dās, Dāūd Khān Faujdār, and others. On the other side the rebels were in three bodies: one under Bahādur Khān, one under Iskandar Khān, and one under Muḥammad Yār, brother's¹ son of Sikandar. This last was in the van. A hot engagement ensued. The enemy's vanguard had the advantage somewhat, when the reserve-vanguard showed courage and drove it off. Muḥammad Yār was killed and many others of the enemy perished. Sikandar, who was behind the vanguard with a chosen force, turned and fled, followed by the victors who slew whomever they reached, until they came to the bank of a black piece of water.

Sikandar, in fear of his life, cast himself into the black water and brought out his head from the black earth² (sīāh). Many of his best soldiers went down in that slough of darkness. The victorious troops, who had pursued Sikandar, dispersed in order to plunder the fugitives. Bahādur Khān was in ambush with a body of men and came upon the left wing at this time of seizing and snatching. A battle took place and Shāh Budagh Khān fell from his horse, and was made a prisoner. His son 'Abdu-l-matṭalib did not obtain the glory of good service, and Nāṣir Qulī and a number of ingrates strewed the dust of faithlessness on their heads and joined the enemy. Bahādur drove off the force and then proceeded against the centre. The centre, without fighting, let fall the thread of war from its hand and chose the disgrace of flight. Muḥammad Bāqī Khān³ withdrew himself under the pretext of guarding the baggage, and sundry persons from hypocrisy and treachery did not fight and turned their backs. Owing to their misconduct the army which had conquered was defeated. Rajah Todar Mal, Qīyā Khān, 'Itmād Khān and the men of the reserve-vanguard gathered together and stood their ground, but as the army was in confusion there was not a successful result. This was the consequence of presumption!

Those misunderstanding ones did not perceive with what perfect knowledge the Lord of the Age had directed a conciliatory course. Whoever acts in this way has himself to thank for the result.¹ Next day the dispersed soldiers reassembled and proceeded towards Qanauj. The leaders sent representations descriptive of what had occurred. H.M., who is a mine of clemency, passed over such grave offences, inasmuch as he had lately overlooked other offences, and sent for the officers. Those who appeared to have behaved with insincerity remained in disgrace and were debarred from the bliss of doing kornish, while the sincere were, in spite of the condition they were in, rewarded by special favours.

One of the occurrences of this time was that, when H.M. was in Jaunpūr, Sher Muḥammad Dīwāna² set to plundering Samāna³ and soon got the punishment due to his actions. This ill-omened wretch was one of the servants of Khwājah M'ūaẓẓam. Afterwards he entered into the service of Bairām Khān, who made him a favourite on account of his good looks. In the time of Bairām's power he held a confidential position, but when adversity came he took the path of ingratitude. Something of this has been already said in its proper place. As H.M. is a fountain of justice, though the desertion was advantageous to himself, yet he could not approve of it as such vile conduct is the worst of qualities in a man. So Sher Muḥammad did not become a persona grata. For some time he lived in the town of Sāmāna. When 'Alī Qulī Khān and a number of others rebelled, and H.M.'s forces marched to extinguish the flames of their sedition, this predestined wretch collected a crowd of vagabonds, and proceeded to make a disturbance. Mulla Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad Tarkhān, who was the faujdār of that part of the country, had left one Mīr Dost Muḥammad in Sāmāna to manage the affairs of the pargana. One day that scoundrel invited Dost Muḥammad to his house, and, in the very midst of the entertainment, was sharpening the arrow (for his destruction). Suddenly, while the feast was going on, he put the arrow into the notch (curve) of the bow and struck that innocent man in the breast and killed him. He then laid hold of all the goods and chattels which were in that pargana and rushed off to pargana Māler.¹ He killed likewise the Shiqdār of that pargana, which appertained to the exchequer-lands, and seized whatever property was there. Vagabonds flocked round him and he made incursions into the provinces, till at length Mullā Nūrū-d-dīn collected a number of men and set about putting him down. The madman was enjoying himself in the village of Dhanūrī²(?) which is on the borders of Samāna. On hearing of the arrival of Mullā Nūru-d-dīn he did not make much account of it and proceeded to attack the Mullā with a small force.

In the moment of the attack his horse struck against the trunk of a tree and fell. A number of men ran on foot and seized him. The Mullā put the ill-omened madman to death, and was rewarded by princely favours.³

One of the occurrences was that H.M. visited Chunar from Jaunpūr. As the Shāhinshāh's natural disposition is to forgive injuries, he, at the urgency and intercession of Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānan, drew the pen of pardon over the record of the crimes of 'Alī Qulī Khān and other rebellious lords, and then was struck by the idea of seeing Benares and the fortress of Chunar, which is one of the celebrated forts of India. With this intention he left Āshraf Khān in charge of Jaunpūr and marched off on the day of Dai-bamihr 15 Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Friday 3 Rajab, 24th January, 1566. In three marches he reached Benares and shed the lights of justice over all the inhabitants thereof. He ordered his camp to halt there, and went on with some chosen followers to Chunar. He surveyed the inside and outside of the fort and received inward and outward pleasure. Meanwhile the hunters brought the glad news of elephants being in the forests in the neighbourhood of the fort, and he proceeded with a number of special attendants to search in these forests. After exploring about two kos they came upon a herd of elephants. He directed that those mountain-like forms should be surrounded on all sides and then following out the rules of hunting, ten elephants were captured.

Their necks were bound by strong ropes, and they were brought along with the tame elephants to the fortress. From there he returned to his camp at Benares.

One of the occurrences was H.M. the Shāhinshāh's making a rapid expedition against the Khān Zamān. As he is a talisman of constant wakefulness he perceives every Divine and material truth even before they reveal themselves, and gives indications thereof by the tongue of fate. Accordingly at the time when Mun'im Khān opened the lips of supplication and interceded for 'Alī Qulī Khān, H.M. said: “We pardon him, but it will be surprising if he remain constant in the ways of obedience.” And so it turned out in a short space of time. For when in accordance with the Khān-Khānān's request 'Alī Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khān were granted their fiefs, this was conditional upon Khān Zamān's not crossing the river while H.M.'s camp was in the neighbourhood.¹ It was also stipulated that when the royal standards returned to the capital their agents should come there and have the patents (title-deeds) passed through the offices, and that thereupon possession of the fiefs was to be given. On the very day when H.M. was proceeding to Benares and Chunar, 'Ali Qulī Khān crossed the river and came to Muḥammadābād, and sent men to Ghāzīpūr and Jaunpūr. H.M. had returned from hunting and had halted at Benares when the news came that the wretch had broken his compact and crossed the Ganges. The world-melting wrath of the Shāhinshāh blazed forth, and the disloyalty of those blackfated ones, which he had winked at, became manifest. He spoke in an imperious manner to Mun'im Khān about their conduct. The Khān-Khānan was completely confused and hung down his head. His lips were closed and the thread of reply was broken. Khwāja Jahān, Moẓaffar Khān, Rajah Bhagwant Dās and a number of the faithful officers were left with the camp, to follow slowly and stage by stage, while H.M. himself set out on the night of Dai-bādīn 23 Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to the night of Saturday 11 Rajab, 2 Feb. 1566, in order to chastise 'Alī Qulī Khān. His courtiers and devoted followers gathered round and in front of the state umbrella, and vied with each other on their coursers and bore away the ball of swiftness from the north wind and the breeze of morn. Jáfar Khān Taklū and Qāsim Khān were sent against Ghāzīpūr. When they reached the gate of the fort, the ill-fated inmates became aware of their coming and cast themselves down into the river from a bastion which was near it, and went to Muḥammadābād, where they informed 'Alī Qulī Khān. He got confused and fled in consternation. When he came to the bank of the Sarwār¹ he and those who were with him got into some boats which were kept there for such an emergency, and carried themselves into safety. The royal cortège crossed, on the night they set out, the Jaunpūr river on elephants.

At the end of the night he halted for some time on his elephant and in the morning set off again. A portion of the day had passed when by marching rapidly they came up with 'Ali Qulī's camp. He had left his tents and baggage and taken the road of flight. They went on till the third pahar. 'Alī Qulī Khān's elephant Bakht Buland had become mast and fell into their hands. Thereafter Majnūn Khān Qāqshāl, M. Najāt Khān and a number more were sent on ahead. It was evening when the news came from them that 'Alī Qulī was in the act of crossing the Sarwār. As they had come a great way, and but little of the day remained, a halt was made. At dawn the march was resumed, and on that day Āwāz Khān, son of Islām Khān and brother of Farrakh Ḥusain Khān, left the enemy and joined the imperial forces. The advance-guard arrived at the bank of the river, and seized as the gifts of victory the boats which 'Alī Qulī Khān and his people had left, and which were full of goods. They ascertained from the boatmen the particulars of 'Alī Qulī Khān's adventures, and then the army marched along the bank of the Sarwār. The whole of the country high² and low (?) was searched, but no trace could be found of the vagabonds. It has been stated by trustworthy authorities that had 'Alī Qulī Khān been in Muḥammadābād on the night it arrived, the wretch would have been caught. Apparently Mun'im Khān played this trick, as he did not, for his own purposes, wish that 'Alī Qulī should be caught. In the first place, he did not permit a march against him that night, and, secondly, he sent him warning. It became known that 'Alī Qulī had gone to the fort of Cilūpāra¹ by forest-routes. H.M. wisely winked at Mun'im Khān's conduct and took no notice of it. Next day, as there were no boats, and the ford by which that swelling river (the Gogra?) could be crossed was not known, the army marched along the bank and encamped opposite Cilūpāra. Shots² were fired on both sides. When 'Alī Qulī knew that H.M. was present in person he left the place. Next day the army marched from there, and going along the river-bank came to Mau³ and encamped.

On this strange journey forests were traversed and various wild beasts, both land and aquatic, showed themselves. Active young men hunted them. Various kinds of animals came under H.M.'s eye. He bade the soldiers shoot them. As the imperial⁴ camp was passing along, river-animals, such as crocodiles, came out of the water and showed themselves on the banks, but when the dust of the army rose up on the distance they returned to the water. There were some animals such that arrows and bullets had no effect on them. In fine, the royal cortège was in the neighbourhood of that town when news came that Bahādur Khān had taken advantage of the opportunity to come to Jaunpūr and rescue his mother. He had also imprisoned Ashraf Khān and meditated an attack on the sublime camp. Accordingly the royal cortège turned back from the bank of the Sarwār and proceeded to the camp.

The particulars of this affair are as follows. When the reverberation of the expedition against 'Alī Qulī Khān reached Sikandar Khān and Bahādur Khān, and when they heard of 'Alī Qulī's mother's having been seized by Ashraf Khān in Jaunpūr, and were aware that he had not a large force with him, and that it would be a very easy matter to seize the fort of Jaunpūr, they marched rapidly thither. As Ashrāf Khān had not taken steps to strengthen the fort, they burnt the door and entered it. A party also put up ladders on the wall and came in. When Ashraf Khān heard of this, they had already entered. Bahādur Khān imprisoned him, and released his mother and took her off with him. Though Jaunpūr had been for a while in his and his brother's fief, and they had many connections with the citizens, he plundered and ill-used the city. After robbing many of the merchants he hastened off to Benares. There too he plundered and then went to Madan Benares, which was known as Zamānya. There news came that the royal standards had returned from following 'Alī Qulī. Sikandar and Bahādur went to the ferry of Narhan, which was their usual crossing, and passed over the Ganges.

When 'Alī Qulī went off at the pressure of the sublime army, and the turmoil caused by Sikandar and Bahādur was brought to the royal hearing, as has been reported, H.M. turned his rein on the bank of the Sarwār and proceeded towards his camp, lest, perchance, the agitated dust of the rebels should reach the hem thereof. But the wretches had fled on hearing of his approach, and tranquillity was restored to the people of the camp. From there he proceeded towards Jaunpūr. On the day when he reached the town of Niẓāmābād ¹ the ceremony of weighing H.M. took place, and there was a great feast. Mankind received delight from the Shāhinshāh's bounty and offered up prayers for his long life and reign. Thereafter he marched on and arrived at Jaunpūr. When this rich city was adorned by the advent of the Shāhinshāh, and there appeared a great remissness on the part of the imperial servants in uprooting the rebels, H.M. determined on fixing his residence there until the seditious should be destroyed, root and branch, and tranquillity restored. In accordance with the order the nobles and pillars of the empire laid the foundations of grand buildings, and it fell from the royal lips that until the dust of the existence of the oppressors was removed from the skirt of this province, this city would be the seat of empire. An order was issued to all the officers who had gone on leave and were spending their time comfortably on their estates, directing them to enrol themselves in the royal forces in the appointed¹ rendezvous. The army was ordered to pursue the rebels once more, and an order was given not to desist until 'Alī Qulī was captured.

When the facts were known to 'Alī Qulī he sent to court M. Mīrak Reẓavī, who was one of his special companions, and represented his grief and pain. He made excuses for all his faults and by a thousand subterfuges and smooth speeches he induced Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān to be once more his intercessor. The Khān-Khānān, who knew H.M.'s disposition, had not the courage for this office, and accordingly a number of honoured persons whom H.M. reverenced on account of his abundant sense of Divine worship, such as Mīr Murtaẓa Sharīfī, Mullā 'Abdullah Sulṭānpūrī, and Shaikh 'Abdu-n-nabī Ṣadr, were brought forward by him. They relying upon the Shāhīnshāh's graciousness opened the mouth of intercession at the foot of the throne, and recited anecdotes about forgiveness. That mine of mercy, though he knew that their (the rebels') hearts were not sincere, and that the real object of the rebels was to gain time, yet granted their request out of favour to those ignorant men (the intercessors), and once more pardoned the rebels' offences, on condition that they repented of their evil deeds, and should in future never conceive the idea of opposing the holy will, but should always remain constant in the path of loyalty and devotion. When they showed signs of this, their estates were to be restored to them as formerly. The Khān-Khānan and the other grandees returned thanks, and an order was given that Mir Murtaẓa, Maulānā 'Abdullah, and M'uīn Khān Farankhūdī should go to 'Alī Qulī Khān and confirm him in his repentance, and also give him the good news of pardon. H.M. thereupon renounced his intention of staying in Jaunpūr, and decided upon returning. On the day of Dīn 24 Isfandārmaz, Divine month, corresponding to Monday 11 Shábān, 3rd March 1566, the march from Jaunpūr to Agra began. In one week the camp reached Mānikpūr and encamped on the bank of the Ganges. The officers in accordance with H.M.'s orders made a bridge over so great a river in one day, such as that the camp could cross by. At the time when H.M. was returning to the capital, Junaid Kararānī, brother's son of Sulaimān and son of 'Imād, obtained the bliss of kissing the threshold, and was encompassed by princely favours.

A thousand thanksgivings that the spring of dominion has revived, and that the banner of the New Year has been upreared! The world has anew turned her face towards equability, and the elemental forces have assumed fresh power.

Clouds changed garden-dust into Tartar-musk,
The zephyr quickened the fire of the rose,
The blossoming branch became a ball of camphor,
The dark hyacinth changed into burning aloes of Qamār,
By the feet of the maidens of the garden-pavilion
Dust became like mirror-holding water,
'Twas the season of love-glances and beauty-worship
The season of blossoms and of wine-drinking
The rosebud and narcissus have joined hands
Strive to commit your heart to an alert hand

The spring-breeze gave like an invisible messenger the glad tidings of victory and fortune. The gates of Divine abundance opened for the terrene and terrestrials, and the imperial servants were gladdened by the news of celestial victories. After three hours and fifteen minutes of Monday 18 Sh'abān 973, 10th March 1566, the sun entered the Sign of Aries, and the year Bahman, viz., the 11th year of the first cycle began. For two or three days Karrali was the exercise ground of the sublime host, and the New Year's feast took place there. The Khān-Khānan Mun'im Khān and Moẓaffar Khān and others were left there for the settlement of the affairs of Khān Zamān, and for the return of those who had been sent to him, and the royal camp proceeded towards Kālpī, and from thence to the capital. On 19th Farwardīn, the day of Farwardīn, corresponding to Friday 7th Ramẓān, 28th March 1566, the shade of the imperial umbrella descended upon Agra, and thereby the dignity of that spot surpassed the sky. After spending some days there, H.M. went to Nagarcīn, which had been built then, and that delightful spot was irradiated by his presence. In fine when H.M. the Shāhinshāh from a regard to his subjects proceeded to Agra, Mun'im Khān and Moẓaffar Khān awaited in Karrah the return of the envoys. When the latter approached 'Alī Qulī Khān, he went forth to meet them and treated them with respect, and used a glozing tongue. He came back to the path of obedience by promises and oaths, which are the documents of hypocrites, and then Mun'im Khān and Moẓaffar Khān, having been freed from their duties there proceeded, stage by stage, to the capital. When they came to Etāwah, Moẓaffar Khān, having become suspicious of Mun'im Khān, posted on to the threshold, and was received with favour. He explained the double-dealing of the grandees and impressed this on H.M. Afterwards Mun'im Khān and the other officers came to Court. Lashkar¹ Khān was removed from his office of Bakhshī, and Khwāja Jahān was reprimanded. The great seal was taken from him and he was dismissed to Mecca. The severity used towards these men, which was the retribution for their deeds, caused greater circumspection on the part of Mun'im Khān. The reputation of Moẓaffar Khān was increased, and by the mediation of the courtiers, the offences of Khwājah Jahān were forgiven. H.M. the Shāhinshāh personally attended to the administration of affairs, and the result was that the world assumed a new aspect.

One of the occurrences was that H.M. the Shāhinshāh displayed his world-adorning graciousness to the servants of the sublime threshold, and directed his attention towards the assessment (jama') of the parganas. In accordance with his orders Moẓaffar Khān set aside the Jama' raqamī¹ (assessment according to kinds of produce?) which had been made in the time of Bairām Khan and in which, on account of the plurality (kaṯrat) of men and the paucity (qillat) of territory, a nominal increase had been made for the sake of appearances. All these (papers) had remained in the public offices and been regarded as authentic, and had become the tools of embezzlement for the slaves of gold. Qānūngoes and others who were acquainted with the whole of the territories the empire fixed according to their own estimates the actual produce of the countries and established a new assessment.

Though it was not a regular estimate (hāl-ḥāṣil), yet in comparison with the former one, it might be so called.

As the branding¹ department, of which an account has been given in the final volume, had not then emerged into being, at this time the number of attendants for all the officers and servants of the threshold was fixed, so that every one should keep some persons in readiness for service. There were three classes of the ordinary soldier assigned to the officers. The first class had 48,000 dāms a year, the second 32,000 and the third 24,000.

One of the occurrences was that 'Abdullah Khān Uzbeg, who had been defeated and had gone to Gujrat, was turned out by Cingīz Khān in accordance with the agreement made with Ḥakīm Ain-al-mulk. From ill-fatedness he did not become circumspect and wandered about in the desert of calamity. He again came to the borders of Malwa and raised the head of sedition. Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, who had been previously appointed to manage the affairs of Malwa got ready an army and marched against him. The wretch was nearly captured. With a thousand troubles he conveyed himself to 'Alī Qulī Khān and Sikandar Khān. Thereafter he went to the abyss of annihilation.

One of the occurrences was the flight of Jalāl Khān Qūrcī. The explanation of this is that, as the holy personality of the Shāhinshāh is pure and chaste, he wishes that all mankind and especially those near to him be so likewise. When he heard that Jalāl Khān kept a beautiful youth and was immoderate with regard to him, he was displeased and separated them. That light-headed one (Jalāl Khān) left the path of wisdom and one night went off with the young man. M. Yūsuf Khān and others were appointed to pursue him, and they seized him and brought him and the youth to Court. He was ordered to be suitably punished. For a long time he was kept in a portico (jilaukhāna)¹ and was kicked by high and low. Afterwards H.M.'s kindness remembered Jalāl Khān's good fellowship (nadīmī) in which he was unrivalled, and he was restored to favour.

One of the occurrences was the appointing of Mahdī Qāsim Khān to prospect the territory of Garha. It has already been related how Āṣaf Khān became a renegade at the time of service and trod the path of disloyalty. When the imperial camp returned from Jaunpūr to Agra, H.M. resolved to send to Garha Mahdī Qāsim Khān, who was one of the old servants of the family. He was to administer the territory and to arrest Āṣaf Khān who had perpetrated so much wickedness. Mahdī Qāsim Khān girded up the loins of resolution and set out, but before his army arrived, Āṣaf Khān got information and with much regret left the country. He became a wanderer in the fields of wretchedness, and, like a wild beast, took refuge in the forests.

Mahdī Qāsim Khān arrived at that rich country, and after taking possession of it hastened off after Āṣaf Khān. 'Alī Qulī Khān, who was always trying to win over Āṣaf Khān, recognised this as a good opportunity, and wrote letters to him, and so showed that he was about to break his compact (with Akbar). The simpleton (Āṣaf) foolishly went off and came to Jaunpūr with his brother Wazīr Khān and joined 'Alī Qulī Khān. Mahdī Qāsim Khān became governor of Garha.

One of the occurrences was as follows: As H.M. the Shāhinshāh wandered about under the veil of inattention and was continually arranging some pleasant screen for himself, he at the time he was residing at Nagarcīn, both for the sake of administration, which the wise can understand, and for ostensible amusement, which all can appreciate, employed himself in polo-playing, which in truth is an image of world-conquest and government. In the season of enjoyment he carried off the ball of pleasure from the world's plain. In appearance he was engaged in sport and amusement, inwardly he was occupied with realities, and was carrying on the world's business. In this pursuit he devised wondrous inventions. Among them was the burning¹ ball. By means of its light he with ease followed the sport of polo-playing in dark nights.

With² the crescent-moon-like stick he drove the ball beyond the stars. In appearance the methods of sport were perfected. In reality horses' paces were improved, and men were taught exertion and activity, which were indispensable for warfare.

One of the occurrences was the death of Yūsuf Muḥammad Khān Kokaltāsh, the elder brother of M. 'Azīz. He died from excessive drink on the day of Khūr 15 Khurdād, Divine month corresponding to 5 Ẕī Q'ada, 24th May 1566, after five days' illness. A remarkable thing was that when his body was removed next day from Nagarcīn to Agra it was still warm. H.M. the Shāhinshāh was, from his kindness of heart, much grieved and showed much sympathy with the mourners, and behaved very kindly to them.

One of the occurrences was the departure of Mahdī Qāsim Khān for the Ḥijāz. It has already been mentioned that he had been appointed to the charge of Garha, and directed to drive out Āṣaf Khan. When that territory came into his hands without exertion, he was unable to manage it on account of its extent and bad condition. He was overcome by depression, and in the midst of this year, he, without the royal permission, left the country and went southwards with the intention of going to the Ḥijāz. Seeing that proximity to great saints, who are possessed of pure spirits, is not beneficial when there is no real connection, what can result from proximity to holy places which have acquired sanctity from association with saints, especially when it is attended by the displeasing of so great a master? When the fact was reported to H.M. he pardoned his (Mahdī Qāsim's) folly and made arrangements for the administration of the country. Shāh Qulī Khān Naranjī and Kākar 'Alī Khān with a number of heroes were appointed to the province. By their being sent, the distractions of the country were set right. They themselves were treated with princely favours.

While the Shāhinshāh was enjoying himself at Nagarcīn, it came to his hearing that Muḥammad Ḥakīm Mīrzā had, at the instigation of short-sighted men, become disobedient and had marched against Lahore. The explanation of his coming there is as follows. From the time that M. Sulaimān had fled at the report of the coming of the imperial army and had retired to Badakhshān, he continually had the idea of coming again to Kabul. Now, when he became certain that none of H.M.'s officers was there, he thought he had his opportunity, and having, in conjunction with Ḥaram Begam, gathered together his troops the fourth time, he once more proceeded against Kabul. When M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm heard of his coming, he made over the fort of Kabul to M'aṣūm,¹ who was distinguished among his followers for courage and wisdom, and went off with Khwāja Ḥasan Naqshbandi, his prime minister, to Shakardara² and Ghorband. M. Sulaimān came to Kabul and besieged the fort. After some days he perceived that the lasso of his power was too short to entangle the battlements. He learnt that the Mīrzā was in Ghorband and its neighbourhood, and wished to accomplish his object by the deceitfulness of Ḥaram Begam. With this evil design Ḥaram Begam left M. Sulaimān at Kabul and went herself to Ghorband. She sent able men to Ḥ. Hakīm and gave him the message that he always was dearer to her than a son of her own body, especially since there had been an additional alliance.³ Her whole soul was directed towards perfect concord and harmony with him, and to building yet higher the foundations of alliance. The object of her present coming was to have an interview, and to strengthen the bonds of friendship, and to guard them from being weakened or loosened. M. Ḥakīm was deceived by the Begam's cajolery and agreed to meet her in the village of Qarā-Bāgh, which is twelve kos from Kabul, and to ratify the alliance. When he had determined upon an interview he sent his confidants ahead in order that they might make conditions and promises void of hypocrisy. When the envoys produced their credentials, the Begam swore great and strong oaths that there would be no trickery, and that the heart and tongue would accord, and that deeds would correspond with the words. When the Mīrzā's men heard the Begam's oaths, they, in their folly, arranged that they would urge the Mīrzā to have an interview with the Begam at Qarā-Bāgh, and that he would tie the knot of sonship and concord.

When the Begam saw that the plot was arranged, she sent messengers to M. Sulaimān saying that she had engaged the Mīrzā's men to bring him to Qarā-Bāgh, and that now he should leave his camp and a few troops near the fort, and make a rapid march with some men and place himself in ambush near Qarā-Bāgh. When the Mīrzā came there he (Sulaimān) should make him prisoner. When M. Sulaimān heard this he left Muḥammad Qulī Shighālī, who was one of his trusted officers, with the camp to besiege Kabul, and hastened off himself by night-marches. He lay in ambush behind a ridge near Qarā-Bāgh. The envoys of M. Ḥakīm, who had returned after hearing the Begam's strong oaths, looked only to externals and were unmindful of the inward perfidy, and gave the Mīrzā a favourable account of the promises and of the interview. All the Mīrza's men urged his going to see the Begam, except Bāqī Qāqshāl, who spoke against going, and ascribed the oaths to deceit and treachery. He plainly said that the Begam wanted, by this pretence, to deliver him into the clutches of M. Sulaimān. He stripped off the deceit which that deceiver had contrived. In spite of this, M. Ḥakīm was helpless and went off with some of his confidants towards Qarā-Bāgh. On the way one of the Kabulis who had come with the Badakhshis on M. Sulaimān's rapid march, separated himself from them and joined M. Ḥakīm's people. He told them that M. Sulaimān was lying in ambush behind a certain ridge with a chosen body of men and was watching for his opportunity. The Kabulī himself had come with them that night. When the Mīrzā heard this he turned round and took the road to Kabul. When M. Sulaimān got news of this he followed him and came up with some of the Mīrzā's men and made them prisoners. Whatever was in the rear was captured. Bāqī Qāqshāl and his brethren were close behind the Mīrzā and urged him on. Some of the Badakhshis got close up to the Mīrzā and it was thought that they would capture him. Bāqi Qāqshāl and his brethren fought bravely and by arrows and bullets occupied the enemy so that the Mīrzā could go on ahead. In this way they brought the Mīrzā out of that dangerous place. M. Sulaimān pursued him up to the Sanjad defile, but when he recognised the fact that the Mīrzā had escaped, he was compelled to halt. The baggage of the Mīrzā and his men fell into the hands of the Badakhshīs. When night came on the Mīrzā halted in one of the defiles of Ghorband and sent men to Ghorband to bring him some things which had been left there. Then he marched on to near the kotal of the Hindu Koh. Next day he passed through the kotal and came to Mazra'-i-ashraf, which was in the possession of the Uzbegs. From there he advanced one or two stages. Khwāja Ḥasan and the men who were of his party wished to take the Mīrzā to Pīr Muḥammad Khān, the ruler of Balkh, and to ask help from him. But Bāqi Qaqshāl did not agree to this and said he would take the Mīrzā to the sublime Court. Khwāja Ḥasan and a number of others went to Balkh, and Baqī Qaqshāl and his brethren, and those who were in accord with him, went back from there and brought the Mīrzā to Ghorband. From there they crossed over to Jalālābād by the way of Īsā¹ and Bahra.² From there they came to Peshawar, and then to the bank of the Indus. The Mīrzā crossed the river and sent a humble petition, together with an account of the dispersion that had taken place, to the threshold of fortune. His ambassadors delivered this at Nagarcīn. Inasmuch as fortune watches over the sublime family, the news of the troubles in Kabul had already arrived. At that time Farīdūn, the maternal uncle of the Mīrzā, was in attendance on H.M., and had been given permission to go to Kabul. As the Mīrzā was young and unprotected, Farīdūn was to arrange his affairs and to confirm him in the path of loyalty and to take care that seditious men should not have an opportunity of speāking to the Mīrzā. The affair of the coming to Kabul of M. Sulaimān occurred before Farīdūn's meeting with the Mīrzā. When M. Ḥakīm's ambassadors arrived, H.M., out of his kindness, sent Khūsh Khabar Khān, who was one of the Court yesāwals, with much money and goods, a dress of honour, and a special horse, and he issued an order that the Panjab officers should proceed to Kabul and put down M. Sulaimān. When Khūsh Khabar Khān came near the Mīrzā's camp, the latter went out to welcome the dispatch,—the preface of eternal fortune,— and received it with reverence. After some days Farīdūn, who had left before Khūsh Khabar Khān, arrived. That indiscreet one, influenced by notions which no sensible man would have entertained, put up the Mīrzā, who had arrived there after a hurried journey, to aim at the Panjab and inspired him with the idea that it would be easy to take Lahore. He was not contented with this, but also instigated the young Mīrzā to arrest Khūsh Khabar Khān. Though the Mīrzā was void of wisdom, and thought that Farīdūn's wicked idea was right, yet he would not consent to the arrest of Khūsh Khabar Khān, and sent for him one night and dismissed him. At that time there was a writer named Sulṭan 'Alī, who had been turned out of Agra and gone to Kabul, and had been given the title of Lashkar Khān, and also one Ḥasan Khān, a brother of Shihābud dīn Aḥmad Khān, who had absconded before this and gone to Kabul. These two wretches joined with Farīdūn in stirring up strife, until at length M. Hakīm, who had not far-seeing intelligence, nor a loyal heart, was induced by the words of these vaunters to cross the Indus and to proceed towards Lahore. His men practised rapine in Bhera and its vicinity. When this news reached the Panjab officers, Mīr Muḥammad Khān, Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān and Sharīf Khān joined together and set about strenghening the fort, and reported the state of affairs to Court. The flames of the wrath of H.M. the Shāhinshāh burst forth on hearing this news, and he directed the assembling of troops. M. Ḥakīm, with the evil thought that perhaps he might by fraud and deceit bring over the Panjab officers to his side, advanced from Bhera to Lahore. He halted outside of the city in the garden¹ of Mahdi Qāsim Khān. Next day he came to the edge of the fort and drew up his troops. The Panjab officers made the eternal fortune of the Shāhinshāh their fortress and by means of cannon and musketry prevented any living creature from treading on the hem of the fortress. Every day they maintained the rules of the defence and displayed courage and loyalty. H.M. the Shāhinshāh appointed Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān to the charge of the capital, and Moẓaffar Khān to look after civil matters, and set out on the day of Shahriyūr 4 Āẕar, Divine month, or Saturday 3 Jamāda-al-awwal 974, 17 November 1566. He followed the pleasure of hunting during the whole of the expedition and after ten days arrived at Delhi. In accordance with custom he visited the shrines of the saints and made liberal gifts to the custodians, and then went and visited the tomb of H.M. Jinnat Āshiyānī. When M. Ḥakīm, who at the instigation of short-sighted men was revolving vain thoughts, heard the reverberation of the march of H.M. he fell into consternation and fled to the bank of the Indus. On the day that the imperial army reached the Satlej the scouts brought the news of the flight of the Mīrzā. The army crossed the river and proceeded towards Lahore. In a fortunate hour in the middle of Bahman, corresponding to middle Rajab (near end February 1567) it reached that city, and the quarters of Mahdi Qāsim Khān were made glorious by the arrival of the Shāhinshāh. Peace and tranquillity extended everywhere. The loyalists who during the time of the siege had contended with the rebels and jeoparded their lives were raised to dignities. Though the imperial servants urged that the Kabulis should be followed and punished, yet as the holy nature of the Shāhinshāh is a mine of kindness, he forgave M. Hakīm for his folly and stopped the pursuit. Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān, Kamāl Khān and a number of other officers were deputed to the borders of the empire in order that they might reassure the peasantry who had suffered from the oppression of the Kabulīs and that in this way the expulsion of the Mīrzā might be best effected. They received the order and went forth to execute it. H.M. stayed in Lahore, and occupied himself with administration and enjoyment. The army proceeded to the bank of the Indus and looked after the peasantry, and learnt there that M. Ḥakīm had proceeded to Kabul on learning that that place had been abandoned by M. Sulaimān.

The adventures of M. Sulaimān are as follows: When he made his rapid march against M. Hakīm he left Muḥammad Qulī Shighālī with a large force to besiege Kabul. Ma'ṣūm Khān sent out of the fort a number of cavaliers of the hippodrome of valour to display their daring. They engaged Muḥammad Qulī and defeated him, and seized the baggage of the Badakhshīs. The besiegers were scattered, and Muḥammad Qulī conveyed M. Sulaimān's daughters, who were with the expedition, to the Cār-diwār garden, which was in the neighbourhood, and fortified it. The people of Kabul surrounded Muḥammad Qulī and sent word to Ma'ṣūm Khān¹ that if he was quick and would bring help he could easily capture the men whom they had brought into straits. He wrote in reply that as M. Sulaimān's daughters were there it would be disrespectful to behave in such a manner; and he recalled his own men. M. Sulaimān came back from Sanjad-dara, disappointed of his project against M. Ḥakīm, to the neighbourhood of the fort of Kabul, and resumed the siege. Ma'ṣūm Khān sent out a suitable person with a force every day, and fought victoriously with the Badakhshīs. The latter waxed faint in battle and a pestilence broke out among men and horses. M. Sulaimān was constrained to propose peace, and accepted through the instrumentality of Qāẓī Khān Badakhshi some paltry advantage, which might be represented as a condition of his return. First he sent his wife to Badakhshān, and then followed her himself. Just about this time M. Hakīm returned from India to Kabul, and the short-sighted ones of that place felt ashamed and sank down from their vain thoughts. The royal camp established itself in Lahore and cast the shadow of justice over the land. The glory of the standards of victory destroyed darkness in minds and horizons. The great feast of the holy weighment² took place at this time, and was performed according to rule with gold and silver and other rareties. Gifts and alms were distributed to rich and poor, and the rulers of tracts of country, especially the governors and landholders of the northern districts placed the head of submission and the forehead of obedience on the dust of the threshold and scattered largesse in proportion to their means. A number who were unable at that time to obtain the blessing of kissing the threshold sent their children and relatives along with able ambassadors.

During these days Muḥammad Bāqī the son of M. 'Īsā Tarkhān and ruler of Tatta sent a representation full of submission and obedience, accompanied by suitable presents, and conveyed by confidential officers. The purport of it was that his father had been a slave of the sublime court and had offered up his life on the carpet of sincerity and devotion. Now he (M. Bāqī) placed the head of respect on the threshold of obedience as being one of those firm in their allegiance. At this time Sultān Maḥmūd Bakarī was acting contrary to the code (of Cingīz Khān) and to the sublime orders and was at the request of the Mīrzās of Qandahār leading troops against him. On account of the writer's being strongly bound to the eternal fortune (of Akbar's family) Sultan Maḥmūd was unable to lay hands on his territory and his troops had been dispersed. Now the writer hoped that he could on account of his loyalty and sincerity, be reckoned among the faithful slaves and that no dust of separation would settle upon the court of his union (with Akbar's dynasty). His petition was brought to the royal hearing by the intervention of courtiers and in accordance with his prayer a world-obeyed order was issued to Sulṭan Maḥmūd Khān to the effect that he should not advance his foot beyond his limits, and should restrain the reins of his fancy from territories appertaining to Bāqī Khān. The ambassadors received permission to depart after having received princely favours.

One of the occurrences was that whilst H.M. the Shāhinshāh was casting his shadow over the northern regions a petition arrived from Agra, from Mun'im Khān the Khān Khānān. Its purport was that the sons of Muḥammad Sultān Mīrzā and Ulugh Mīrzā, who had been distinguished from among the other courtiers by the glance of favour, and who held a fief in the Sarkār of Sambal, had taken the road of rebellion and put out their hands against the villages in the neighbourhood of Delhi. He (Mun'im) had gone to Delhi in order to extirpate them, but they had got news of this and had fled by the way of Māndū.

This Muḥammad¹ Sulṭān Mīrzā was the son of Sulṭān Wals Mīrzā the son of Bāīqrā the son of Manṣūr, the son of Bāīqrā the son of Umr Shaikh, the son of H.M. Sāhibqirānī Amīr Timūr Gūrgān, and his mother was the daughter of Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā. This last had, during the time of his rule, educated Muḥammad Sulṭan Mīrzā, who was his nephew's grandson. After Sulṭān Husain Mīrzā's death, as a great dispersion took place in Khurāsān, Muhammad Sultān Mīrzā entered the service of H.M. Getī Sitanī Firdūs-Makānī (Bābar), and was received with favour. When the diadem of empire came to Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī that prince also showed him kindness. He had two sons; one was Ulugh Mīrzā and the other Shāh Mīrzā. Both were successful as his servants. In spite of that, several times they showed signs of opposition, but H.M. (Humāyūn) from his innate kindness winked at this. At last Ulugh Mīrzā met with the reward of his deeds in an attack on the Hazāras. He left two sons, Sikandar Mīrzā and Muḥammad Sultan Mīrzā. After Ulugh Mīrzā was killed, H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Ashiyānī cast the shadow of his favour over his sons and gave to Iskandar Mīrzā the title of Ulugh Mīrzā and to Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā that of Shāh Mīrzā. When H.M. the Shāhinshāh came to the throne he showed kindness to Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā and his grandchildren and relatives. When Muḥammad Sultān Mīrzā had grown old he was relieved from military service and given the pargana of 'Aẕimpūr in Sarkār Sambal for his maintenance, so that he might spend his days in tranquillity and in offering up prayers (for Akbar's success). Several children were born to him in his old age— 1st, Ibrāhīm Ḥusain Mīrzā; 2nd, Muḥammad Husain M.; 3rd, Mas'ūd Ḥusain M.; 4th, 'Aāqil Ḥusain M. As the kindnesses of H.M. the Shāhinshāh extend over all classes of men, every one of these Mīrzās received fiefs suitable to their conditions, and took part in all the expeditions. Especially they were attached to the royal stirrup in the Jaunpūr commotion. After the royal standards had returned from there they got leave to go to their fiefs in Sambal. When the sublime army left Agra and went to the Panjab to extinguish the seditious flames of M. Ḥakīm, Ulugh M. and Shāh M. in combination with Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. and Muḥammad Ḥusain M. raised the standard of rebellion, and having collected a number of vagabonds stretched out the hand of rapine over Sambal and its neighbourhood. The fief-holders of that district joined and proceeded against them, and as the latter could not resist them, they fled to Khān Zamān and Sikandar Khān. But their company was not acceptable to the latter, for every one in his folly wanted to rule. They came back from there and made an attempt on the Dūāb. They crossed over to pargana Nīmkār. Yārshāhī, the sister's son of Ḥājī Khān Sīstānī, who was the jājīrdār of that part of the country, advanced to put down those wretches. As the divine destiny intended to deal hardly with them, their destruction was tied in the knot of another season, and Yārshāhī was defeated after fighting manfully. Many goods such as gold, elephants, etc., fell into the hands of those scoundrels, and they went on towards the borders of Delhi, committing rapine. Tātār¹ Khān made Delhi strong and Mun'im Khān came from Agra in order to repulse them. Those ill-fated ones knew that Mālwa was empty and went there. Near Sampat they fell in with Mīr Mu'īzz-al-mulk who had donned the pilgrim's² garb and was going to the Panjab, and plundered him. Mun'im Khān did not think it advisable to follow them, and so returned to Agra. The rebels took possession of Mālwa which at that time had been assigned to Muhammad³ Qulī Khān Barlās, but who, on account of sundry affairs, was then attached to the stirrup of fortune, (i.e. was at Lahore on personal attendance on Akbar). His son-in-law Khwāja Hādī, who was known as Khwāja Kilān, strengthened Ujjain, but some traitors who were with him came out and joined the Mīrzās. The Khwāja's goods were plundered, but he himself escaped on account of his high birth. Qadam Khān the brother of Muqarrab Khān Deccanī was in Hindia. Muḥammad Ḥusain M. besieged him. Muqarrab Khān Deccanī was in the fort of Santwās, and Ḥusain Khān the sister's son of Mahdi Qasim Khān came back from escorting Mahdi Qasim Khān who was going to the Ḥijāz. He had reached Santwās when the turmoil of the Mīrzās showed itself. He too took refuge in Santwās. Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. prosecuted the siege, and at this time Muḥammad Ḥusain M. got possession of Hindia and put Qadam Khān to death. When they brought his head to the edge of the fort of Santwās Muqarrab Khān lost heart and submitted. Ḥusain Khan⁴ too came out. Though Ibrāhim Ḥusain M. offered him service he would not accept of it. When H.M. the Shāhinshāh proceeded to extirpate Ālī Qulī Khān he came forward and obtained the bliss of service. In fine, when the news of this affair was brought to the royal hearing, he issued an order that Muhammad Sulṭan M. should be removed from 'Āẕimpūr to the fort of Bīānā, and be guarded there.

At this time, when the territory of Lahore became by the advent of the sublime cortège a rosegarden of fortune, and H.M. the Shāhinshāh was engaged in captivating hearts, the bounty of spring encircled the land, and the balmy breezes began to blow. The gardens afforded a wondrous spectacle to beholders, and the tulips and other flowers cast nooses of enchantment over the onlookers.

Arise for the peacock of spring has come
The call of the nightingale has come from the garden
The red rose has fallen all over the grass;
Or¹ have parrots set their beaks on their wings?

After eight hours, fifteen minutes, of Tuesday 29 Sh'abān 974, 11th March 1567, the sun entered (Aries), and the 12th year, to wit, the year Isfandārmaẕ of the first cycle began, and the equable mind of the Shāhinshāh felt a desire for hunting and for the qamargha,² which is the most delightful form thereof. An order was issued that birds and beasts should be driven together from near the mountains on the one side, and from the river Bihat (Jhilam) on the other. Each district was made over to one of the great officers, and Bakhshīs, Tawācīs and Sazāwals were appointed to every quarter. Several thousand footmen from the towns and villages of the Lahore province were appointed to drive the game. A wide space within ten miles of Lahore—like the capacious heart of princes—was chosen for the collecting of the animals. During the space of one month, while the officers and other persons, both high and low, were actively engaged in driving the game, H.M. was chiefly engaged in stablishing the foundations of justice and in developing inward and outward civilization. At length there was a suitable completion of arrangements; beaters were collected, and there was a large assemblage of animals. First H.M. the Shāhinshāh went to the hunting ground, and viewed it from the circumference to the centre. Every one of the grandees and other servants who had exerted himself in this delightful service was gratified by H.M.'s. approbation. Then he placed the foot of dominion in the stirrup of auspiciousness and made his tiger-like steed career in the pursuit of the prancing deer. He used the arrow, the sword, the lance and the musket. At the beginning, the hunting ground was ten miles in circumference. But day by day the qamargha was pushed on, and its area lessened. Within the space his swift steed sometimes swept after the game from the ground, and sometimes he caught the lightning-footed deer by the lasso. Various modes of hunting were displayed. Among the intimate courtiers, M. 'Azīz Kokaltāsh came into the middle of the qamargha and attended on the auspicious stirrup. The officers put up screens in front of their stations and guarded the game, in the daytime by their eyes, and in the night by blazing torches. There was pleasure from morning till evening and from evening till morning. After H.M. the Shāhinshāh had, during five successive days, enjoyed various kinds of sport, the great officers and the attendants on the harem were allowed to come into the hunting-ground. Gradually the servants of the court were allowed to enter until at last the turn came of individuals from among the troopers and footmen.

One of the wonderful occurrences that took place during the hunting was that Hamīd Bakarī (of Bhakar) one of the yesāwals had become evilminded and had placed an arrow on his bow and discharged it against one of the servants of the Court. The latter abided his time and reported the matter to H.M. in the hunting-ground. The royal wrath ordered that he should be capitally punished and gave his special sword to Qulīj Khān, in order that he might relieve that unruly one of the burden on his neck. Qulīj Khān twice struck him with that segment of a diamond, but did not injure a hair of his head. With the tongue of fate it was uttered

If the swords of the world move from their place
They'll not touch a vein so long as God does not will it.

On this account the mystery of destiny was accepted and his life spared, but as a warning his head was shaved and he was mounted on an ass and taken round the hunting-ground.

One of the occurrences of the hunting-time was the arrival of Muẓaffar Khān. He brought Wazīr Khān the brother of Āṣaf Khān and begged the forgiveness of the two brothers. The brief account of this is that when Āṣaf Khan by his bad fortune fell into the snare of 'Alī Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khān's society, he did not like their company and was disgusted with their arrogance. Also 'Alī Qulī cast eyes of avidity on his property. Āṣaf Khān was looking for an opportunity of separating himself from them. Meanwhile, 'Alī Qulī sent Āṣaf Khān along with Bahādur Khān, and kept Wazīr Khān under surveillance. Wazīr Khān wrote an account of the facts to his brother and suggested a rendezvous for escaping. In accordance therewith Āṣaf Khān separated one night from Bahādur Khān and proceeded towards Karrah and Mānikpūr. Wazīr Khān also came out of Jaunpūr and hastened along the same road. Bahādur Khān heard of what Āṣaf Khān was doing and pursued him, and came up with him near Cunār. A fight took place between them, and Āṣaf Khān was defeated and made prisoner. Bahādur Khān put him into an elephant-litter and went off. His men had dispersed in pursuit of plunder when Wazīr Khān and his son Bahādur Khān arrived. When he heard that Āṣaf Khān had been captured he made ready, and while Bahādur Khān's men were dispersed he came up and fought bravely. Bahādur Khān could not resist him and fled, but made a sign for the killing of Āṣaf Khān, whom they were bringing along on the elephant. The guards wounded him once or twice with swords. The top of his finger was severed and he was wounded on the nose, when Wazīr Khān's men suddenly pressed forward and released Āṯaf Khān. They came to Karra and reposed there. In this fight Bahādur Khān the son of Wazīr Khān distinguished himself, and on this account acquired glory by receiving such a title¹ (Bahādur Khān). Āṣaf Khān repented of his past life and recognised in all these misfortunes and losses the results of his exclusion from the sublime threshold, and with feelings of shame earnestly betook himself to the Court. He sent his brother Wazīr Khān to Muẓaffar Khān at the time when the latter was, in obedience to royal orders, proceeding from Agra to Lahore. Wazīr Khān came to Delhi, and Muẓaffar Khān treated him with great kindness and took him with him. He (Muẓaffar) had an opportunity of representing the case when H.M. was engaged in hunting, and he begged forgiveness for Āṣaf Khān. H.M. pardoned him and his brother and issued a diploma of favour in Āṣaf Khān's name, directing him to proceed to Mānikpūr and act in conjunction with Majnūn Khān Qāqshāl. When the sublime cortège returned to the capital he had the bliss of doing homage and received princely favours.

In fine, when the Qamargha was at an end, H.M. ordered a return and came to the river Rāvī, on whose bank Lahore is situated, and which flows with ocean-like majesty. H.M. the Shāhinshāh took in his hands the reins of trust in God and put his steed to the river. That fleet, fiery nature passed lightly over, like the breeze. The attendants, who necessarily were close by, also put their horses to the water and all crossed and arrived at the shore of safety except Khūsh Khabr Khān Yesāwal and Nūr Muḥammad, the son of Sher Muḥammad, who were drowned. When H.M. reached Lahore he spent his² days in the administration of affairs and the distribution of justice which are part of his nature.

Among the occurrences was the flight of Muḥammad Amīn Diwāna. The brief account of this is that he was distinguished among the champions (īkkajūānān) for his courage and daring. He also led an ill-regulated, intemperate life. At the time that the camp was at Lahore, he encountered one of the faujdārs,¹ as he was riding a special elephant (fīl khāṣa), and he launched an arrow from the quiver of unrestraint against him. When this boldness was reported to H.M., an order was issued for his being put to death. The courtiers attached to the harem interceded for him, and H.M. granted him his life, but ordered him to be beaten. From his ill-fortune he² left the road of fortune and fled that night to Ālī Qulī Khān, who was the head of strifemongers.

One of the occurrences was that Junaid Kararānī, who had obtained the bliss of service, and received princely favours, fled, owing to a groundless apprehension, from Hindaun,³ which had been assigned to him as his jāgīr, and went to Gujrāt. Those who are illfated and choose remoteness from the seat of dominion and fortune, think that they are going to better themselves, but in reality they increase their loss and cast themselves into the well of wretchedness. At the time when H.M., after arranging the affairs of the Panjab, was meditating a return, there arrived from Agra petitions of well-wishers and especially of Mun'im Khān to the effect that Ālī Qulī Khān, Bahādur Khān and Iskandar Khān, had again twisted their heads out of the line of obedience and stretched out their necks for rebellion. The misbehaviour of M. Ḥakīm had increased their frenzy, and in their folly and disloyalty they had recited the Khuṭba in the name of the Mirza! Those heedless, fortune-overturned ones had closed their eyes to the beholding of the glory of the Shāhinshāh, and for the sake of their own designs had cast the simple Mīrzā into the whirlpool of destructtion.

Kingship is a gift of God, and is not bestowed till many thousand grand requisites have been gathered together in an individual. Race and wealth and the assembling of a mob are not enough for this great position. It is clear to the wise that a few among the holy qualities (requisite) are, magnanimity, lofty benevolence, wide capacity, abundant endurance, exalted understanding, innate graciousness, natural courage, justice, rectitude, strenuous labour, proper conduct, profound thoughtfulness, laudable overlooking (of offences), and acceptance of excuses. And with all those notes of perfection, of which a few out of many are mentioned in detail in the ancient books of ripe philosophers, so long as the subject of such encomiums has not wisdom sufficient to overpower improper desires and unbecoming anger, he cannot be fit for this lofty office. And on coming to exalted dignity if he do not inaugurate universal peace (toleration) and if he do not regard all conditions of humanity, and all sects of religion with the single eye of favour,—and not bemother some and be-stepmother others,—he will not become fit for the exalted dignity. Thanks be to God! The holy personality of the Shāhinshāh is a fount of perfect qualites, and a mine of holy principles. Volumes would not be sufficient to describe the glories of the Lord of the Universe. How then can an incidental reference be sufficient? Give all that thou hast, and purchase eyes, and behold the world-adorning qualities of our spiritual and temporal king so that thou mayest know what is kingship, and what is the meaning of sovereignty!

In fine when the account of the disloyalty of this crew was reported to H.M., his equable disposition was affected and he made over to Khān¹ Bāqī Khān M. Mīrak Raẓavī who, at the time of the return of the royal cortège, had come to court in order to arrange about the fiefs of Ālī Qulī and Bahādur. H.M. resolved to proceed to Agra that he might punish the sedition-mongers. He rapidly arranged for the settlement of the Panjab, and alloted the parganas of that province to great officers, such as Mīr Muḥammad Khān Kalān and Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān and to their sons and brothers, and to the other devoted soldiers. The whole administration of the province he committed to Mīr Muḥammad Khān, and on the day of Tīr, 13 Farwardīn, Divine Month, corresponding to Monday, 12 Ramẓān, 23 March 1567, he returned his standards towards the capital. He was encamped at Serai Daulat Khān when the elephants Gajgajan and Panjpāya, which were noted animals, died on one day. A number of superficialists were saddened by this. H.M. said, “We draw a good omen from the event, viz., that those two unlucky brothers (Ālī Qulī and Bahādur) will, in this campaign, hasten to the pit of annihilation.” Good God! What capacity, what intellect, and what insight!

When the standards of fortune reached Sahrind, what shall I say of the folly displayed by Moẓaffar Khān such as that all were astonished? The account of this affair is that H.M. the Shāhinshah always kept himself informed of the condition of the soldiers and peasantry, and showed a paternal interest in amending the ways of mankind. He guarded men against improper actions and used to make efforts to elevate their characters. At this time it came to the royal hearing that Moẓaffar Khān had developed a fancy for the smooth (i.e., beardless) face of one Quṭb Khān and had flung away the veins of judgment. H.M. from his native kindness sent for the latter and made him over to keepers lest Moẓaffar Khān should fall into great evil from this snare. That besotted one assumed the garb of a faqir and went off into the wilds. He did not recognise the extent of the royal kindness and thoughtfulness. H.M. the Shāhinshāh who holds with perfect control the balance of discernment and appreciation took no notice of all this ignorance and indiscrimination but treated him with princely graciousness and sent the servant (Quṭb) to him. He also guided him by weighty admonitions. He indulged in hunting during the whole of this march, and conferred joy upon mankind.

While he was encamped at Thānesar, a dispute arose among the Sanyāsīs which ended in bloodshed. The details of this are as follows. Near that town there is a tank which might be called a miniature sea. Formerly there was a wide plain there known as Kūrkhet which the ascetics of India have reverenced from ancient times. Hindus from various parts of India visit it at stated times and distribute alms, and there is a great concourse. In this year before H.M.'s arrival, the crowd had gathered. There are two parties among the Sanyāsīs: one is called Kur,¹ and the other Pūrī. A quarrel arose among these two about the place of sitting. The asceticism of most of these men arises from the world's having turned its back on them, and not from their having become coldhearted to the world. Consequently they are continually distressed and are overcome of lust and wrath, and covetousness. The cause of the quarrel was that the Pūrī sect had a fixed place on the bank of the tank where they sate and spread the net of begging. The pilgrims from the various parts of India who came there to bathe in the tank used to give them alms. On that day the Kur faction had come there in a tyrannical way and taken the place of the Pūrīs, and the latter were unable to maintain their position against them.

Their leader Kīsū Pūrī came to Umballa and did homage, and made a claim for justice, saying that the Kurs had fraudulently come and taken their place. He added that though they had not the strength to encounter them, yet they would, trusting in God, engage in fight with them, and would either shed their own blood or take the place from them. The Kurs represented that the place belonged to them by inheritance, though the Pūrīs had settled there for some time. Now they would sit there, and the site would remain theirs as long as there was life in their bodies. When the sublime cortège came to Thanessar, and H.M. went to the spot and flung out the jewels of advice and counsel to those vain spirits, it was like casting pearls on the ground, and their absurdity and error only increased. Their desperation and disposition to kill themselves augmented and they entreated with fervent supplications that there might be a fight and a slaughter. As both parties were disordered in their minds and desires and had entered on the pathlessness of misery, they obtained permission to have a contest, so that in this way they should obtain the punishment of their wild deeds and so learn a lesson. It chanced that on that day a great number of each party had assembled. The two sides drew up in line, and first one man on each side advanced in a braggart fashion, and engaged with swords. Afterwards bows and arrows were used. After that the Pūrīs attacked the Kurs with stones. As the Pūrīs were few in number, H.M. signified to some men who understood fighting with stones, such as the Petamcahā, ¹ of Turān, and the Cīrūs of India, to assist the Pūrīs. They joined the Pūrīs in their attack on the Kurs and so exerted themselves that the Kurs could not withstand them and fled. The Pūrīs pursued them and sent a number of the wretches to annihilation. They came up with their Pīr and head, who was called Anand Kur, and slew the miserable creature. The rest scattered. The holy heart, which is the colourist of destiny's worship, was highly delighted with this sport. Next day he marched from Thānessar.

When the camp reached Delhi M. Mīrak Raẓavī, who in Lahore had been made over to Jān Bāqī Khān, and who was waiting for his opportunity, fled from prison. Jān Bāqī hastened after him, and as he did not catch him he was afraid to come to court. H.M. the Shāhinshāh visited the shrines of the saints and sought for inspiration. He also distributed abundant alms among the devotees of those places. Tātār Khān, who was the governor of the city, represented that Muḥammad Amīn Diwāna, who had fled from Lahore, had come to the town of Bhojpūr, and that Shihābu-d-din Khān Turkamān, who was the jāgīrdār thereof, had kept him concealed for some days in his house and then supplied him with a horse and money and sent him to the rebels. On hearing this terrible news the wrath of the Shāhinshāh, which never blazes forth without just cause, grew high, and he issued orders to Shāh Fakhiru-d-dīn Mashhadī to bring the wretch to court. Next day he marched on and, when he came to Palwal,² Shāh Fakhiru-d-dīn³ did homage and produced the inauspicious one. He was made over to Ḥasan Caghatāī and executed at that place.

When the expectants in Agra heard the sound of the approach of the sublime cortège the Khān-Khānān and a number of loyalists went out to welcome H.M. and were exalted by doing homage. The Khān-Khanān reported the condition of the country and read a list of the crimes of Ālī Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khān, and of the other rebels who had raised their heads anew. How can I say that clemency and advice are profitable to one who is innately bad? They do harm, for such an one regards conciliation and monition as weakness and increases in his sedition. Accordingly eminent sages have seen no remedy for the inwardly bad except prison and stripes. And when even this remedy does not act upon the wicked, it is kindness to mankind and indeed to themselves to send them to the abode of annihilation. Those responsible for the affairs of the kingdom and the intimates of H.M. had not arrived at an understanding of this mystery and had on the first occasion not permitted the Khedive of the Age to make an end of those wretches. They brought the mind of H.M. over to their view, and the raising of the veil remained in abeyance. When Ālī Qulī Khān and the other rebels heard that H.M. had marched to extinguish the flames of the sedition of Muḥammad Ḥakīm Mīrzā they in their foolish thoughts considered this to be their opportunity and indulged in seditious imaginings. Ālī Qulī Khān went from Jaunpūr to the town of Sarharpūr which was the jāgīr of Ibrāhīm Khān, and Iskandar Khān came out of the city of Oude (Ajūdhya) to join this rebel tyrant. All the sedition-mongers assembled in that town and agreed that Ālī Qulī Khān should, with his forces, proceed by the way of Lucknow and take possession of the whole country to the bank of the Ganges; that Bahādur Khān should proceed to Karra and Manikpūr against Āṣaf Khān and Majnūn Khān; and that Iskandar Khān and Ibrāhīm Khān should take possession of the Sirkār of Oude and its neighbourhood. After making this evil compact they separated. Ālī Qulī Khān proceeded to Sarkār Qanauj. As the fief-holders in that part of the country had no leader who could cope with him, they went off to Qanauj. When Ālī Qulī Khān reached Qanauj, M. Yūsuf Khān, who was the fief-holder thereof, took refuge in the fort of Shergarha. The people dispersed, and petitions of the loyalists arrived one after the other at court. Fortune stepped out to do her work.

As the sublime office of world-rule is in reality guardianship and watching, H.M. the Shāhinshāh in consequence of his rectitude of intention, and contrary to the practice of most former sovereigns, finds his own satisfaction in the soothment of his subjects, and his own joy in the peace of mankind. Assuredly, the unique pearl of the Caliphate fitly adorns the diadem of such a crowned one who, in spite of so much majesty and glory, keeps himself at the Court of the Eternal and is strenuous in the administration of justice, and who considers the repose of mankind to be his own ease. Certainly, whoever withdraws himself from obedience to such a sovereign, works destruction to himself with his own hands. Especially if he be one who has been nurtured by the sublime family, and has gathered by its means the materials of outward grandeur! What inhumanity and baseness, and folly, are in those who use those materials of grandeur in rebelling against their benefactor! Whenever there is such a sovereign, and such opposition, the Divine favour assists the former and gives victory in every campaign. The affair of Ālī Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khān, and the uprooting of those two haughty wretches are a specimen of this. The abridged account is as follows. When the sublime cortège returned successful from the Panjab campaign to the capital, and the rebellion and crimes of Ālī Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khān and the other leaders of sedition had been reported to H.M., he resolved to proceed to the eastern provinces and to extinguish the flames of sedition. He appointed Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān to the charge of Agra, and chose out 2,000 war-elephants to accompany the troops. Before the army marched, he ordered Moẓaffar Moghal, M. Qulī, Qulīj Khān, Saiyid Muḥammad Maujī, Hājī Yūsuf, to proceed quickly to succour M. Yūsuf who was shut up in Qanauj. He himself put the foot of intent into the stirrup of dominion on the day of Ashtad 26 Ardībihisht, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday, 26 Shawwal, 6 May, 1567.

When he arrived at the town of Sakīt,¹ Ālī Qulī Khān, who was engaged in stirring up strife at the Qanauj ferry on the banks of the Ganges, fled as soon as he heard of the expedition of H.M., and went towards Manikpūr where his brother, Bahādur Khān was confronting Āṣaf Khān and Majnūn Khān. The royal army advanced from Sakīt to the bank of the Ganges and next day it crossed that tempestuous river and went on stage by stage. When it reached Mohān,² Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās was made leader and there were sent with him Moẓaffar Khān, Rajah Todar Mal, Shah Budāgh Khān, his son 'Abdu-l-maṭlib Khān, Ḥasan Khān, Qiyā Khān, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī, Āādil Khān, Khwāja Ghīāṯu-d-dīn Āli Bakhshī, and other brave men on the day of Dībādīn 23 Khurdad, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday, 24 Ẕī-l-Qāda, 2 June, 1567, against Iskandar Khān, who had opened out the hand of sedition in Oudh. H.M. himself went on towards Karra and Manikpūr. When he came to Rai Bareilly, reports were received from Āṣaf Khān and Majnūn Khān to the effect that Ālī Qulī Khān and his brother intended to make an attack on Gwālīār, and wished to cross the Ganges. Immediately upon hearing this, H.M. resolved to make a rapid march. Most of the officers, some from cowardice, some from sloth, and some from regard to their bodies, and some because they did not want the rebels to be disposed of until their own ends had been served (lit. until the market of their selling of themselves was brisk), did not approve of this rush. The wise Shāhinshāh did not strip the veil from the behaviour of any of them, but committed his design to God, and on the night of Zamiyād 28 Khurdād, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday, 29 Ẕī-l-q'ada, marched rapidly from the town aforesaid.

A wonderful circumstance was that H.M. left the usual road on account of its length and took the middle road, which was shorter, in spite of its being stated that it was without water, and that owing to the springs of secret aid which yielded abundance to the Shāhinshah's army, plenty of water was found on the way. For before this the rain of mercy had fallen and filled the ponds. He marched the whole night and half of the next day and reached Mānikpūr where Muḥibb 'Alī, the jāgīrdār, rendered his services. As the march had commenced at the beginning of the night, and few were aware of the route, and a forest intervened, the troops got dispersed and missed the right track, and only a few kept in touch with H.M.'s stirrup. But what fear of paucity of followers is there for him whom Almighty God vouchsafes to keep? On the way, Āṣaf Khān did homage near Mānikpūr and was graciously received. He was immediately sent on ahead in order that he might hasten to his own camp which was opposite Khān Zaman's. Nor had any long time elapsed when Hatwā Mēwrah¹ who was a swift courier and a trustworthy intelligencer, brought news that Ālī Qulī and Bahādur had made a bridge over the Ganges in pargana Singraur² and had crossed. When H.M. received this information, he at once mounted, and though but few men were in attendance, he went on trusting to the armies of the grace of God. He left Rajah Bhagwant Dās, Khwāja Jahān, and others in charge of the camp in order that they might conduct it to the town of Karra, and be on the watch. He went from the village of Shaikhān, which is a dependency of Mānikpūr, and at the end of the day, on Sunday, he crossed the Ganges on an ele phant. As it was the beginning of the rainy season, and the river was in flood, a strange agitation and outcry arose from the people when H.M. drove his elephant into the water. For the crossing of such a destructive river was an impossibility and it was only by the miraculous power of the Shāhinshāh that this swelling ocean gave a passage to that mine of holiness. He crossed without trouble by fording the river, and the spectators knew that this was a proof of victory! At the time when the sublime cortège crossed there were not more than eleven persons in attendance, viz., M. Koka, Saif Khān Koka, Dastam Khān, Shujā'at Khān, Khān 'Aālam, Khwāja 'Abdullah, Darbār Khān, Shahbāz Khān, Saiyid Jamālu-d din, 'Aādil Khān, Dilāwar Khān. There were also several elephants. On the day when the cortège crossed the Ganges and the river-bottom was trodden by the elephants, two of them, Khudā Bakhsh and Bāl Sundar were raging and roaring in their impetuosity. These two were noted for their courage, swiftness, fighting and rank-breaking qualities, but when the sublime cortège had crossed the river and had approached the rebels, the elephant Khuda-Bakhsh abandoned his fierceness and became cautious. The drivers and faujdārs were saddened on seeing this condition, but H.M. the Shāhinshāh said with the inspiration of fortune that the circumstance of such a fierce elephant's becoming cautious was an announcement of victory, for victory and success accompanied the cautious and intelligent. Moreover, by the elephant's becoming cautious his reliance was no longer upon elephants and their fierceness. He was confined to reliance upon the assistance of God and whosoever was confined to reliance upon the Divine favour and goodness was bounded by victory. In truth two¹ lofty points were made by that exhibition of marvels which were fitted to be the illuminated books of an inspired treatise. When night came on they reposed by the side of the river, while the rebels were one kos off. H.M. in reliance on the Divine aid ordered that they should halt here. At the same time Majnūn Khān and Aṣaf Khān came and did homage. Majnūn Khān and a number of others were of opinion that they should, without delay, fall upon the camp of the wretches that very night. Āṣaf Khān represented that they had taken up a strong position and encompassed it, and that it was not proper to attack at this time. Moreover in the day-time men fought better on account of their conduct being visible. His view was approved of and H.M. dismissed the arrivals after giving them exalted admonitions. He ordered that they should report to him twice in each watch, and that they should arrange for scouting, lest the rebels should hear of his having come and should depart.

'Ālī Qulī and Bahādur in their pride and arrogance were utterly careless and got no information. That night, when the sublime army had arrived, they spent in drinking, and with their paramours, and had grand feasts (bishkan¹ bishkan), by which very phrase they drew an omen for their defeat. More wonderful still, on that night a man went near the rebels' tents and cried out “O all ye doomed ones, know that H.M. the king has crossed the Ganges with an innumerable host to destroy you.” As the cup of their life was full, they considered the report of the arrival of the royal standards to be an artifice of Āṣaf Khān and Majnūn Khān and so waxed more presumptuous. It would seem that this warning came from an ignorant loyalist. He was apprehensive that as H.M. had crossed that river with a small force, while the enemy had 3,000 or 4,000 experienced horsemen, he might by this device cast a stone of dispersal among them so that they should not engage. He did not know that hidden armies were marching along with the world's lord.

In fine, on the morning of day of Mārisfandr 29 Khurdād, Divine month, corresponding to Monday the 1st Ẕī-1-ḥajja, which was in truth the first day of royal victory and the last day of the lives of the wretches, H.M. called for his cuirass and stepped out in the armour of the mystic aid. He placed the helmet of fortune on the head of majesty, and all the gallant men of the company prepared for war. The centre was dignified by the presence of the Shāhinshāh, the right wing was commanded by Majnūn Khān Qāqshāl, and the left wing by Āṣaf Khān. Muḥibb Ālī Khān and a number of heroes formed the vanguard. H.M. rode on the elephant Bāl Sundar, and M. Koka rode in the canopy on the same elphant and thereby his position transcended the skies. At sunrise H.M. proceeded against the camp of Khān Zamān. It appeared that the blackhearted rebels had begun to march off. An order was issued that Majnūn Khān should quickly advance with his troops, and not let them get away. Having such a strong support they pressed forward and engaged the enemy's rear. After some time Āṣaf Khān was also ordered to advance quickly. As the air was very warm, and the elephants were slow in moving, the world-conquering prince got down from the elephant and mounted a horse. The wretches did not believe that H.M. the Shāhinshāh was himself present, and thought that the fight was due to the rashness of Āṣaf Khān and Majnūn Khān. When there was much contest and they saw the majesty of the army and the onset of the elephants, they understood that it was the sublime cortège of the Shāhinshāh, and that H.M. in person had set the foot of victory in the stirrup of conquest, 'Ālī Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khān set their hearts on death and stood in the plain of rebellion, and as eternal renegades determined upon war. With this evil idea they drew up their forces and sent a number of their best men against the imperial vanguard and bowmen (ūqci). At this time the whole force of the imperial army which was with the Shāhinshāh was about 500 men, and about 500 elephants. The distance between H.M. and the vangard was now less, and Bābā Khān Qāqshāl, who was in command of the bowmen, joined this body (where Akbar was). A hot engagement with swords and arrows took place, and by the aid of the Shāhinshāh's fortune the enemy was driven off. The victorious troops pursued them and drove them up to 'Ālī Qulī Khān's line. The rebels got confused in their flight and could not distinguish head from trunk, or front from behind. It was an instance of fortune that, in that flight, the horse of one of the fugitives struck 'Ālī Qulī Khān's horse so that his turban fell off. 'Ālī Qulī Khān was astonished and dispatched Bahādur Khān against Bābā Khān Qāqshāl. Bahādur Khān came up with the bowmen and made a hot fight. From time to time 'Ālī Qulī got reports from Bahādur and sent him fresh reinforcements. Babā Khān saw that the enemy were full of force and retreated. Bahādur Khān pursued him and advanced as far as Majnūn Khān. Just then his horse was struck by an arrow and reared and flung Bahādur Khān on the ground. The brave men of the army of fortune fell upon him. Wazīr Jamīl¹ seized him; but from wickedness and greed took something from him and let him go. Naẓar Bahādur, a loyalist and a servant of Majnūn Khān, threw himself upon him and captured him. The victors surrounded Bahādur Khān's comrades and shot them with arrows.

During this joyful time while the lord of the world was moving rapidly about on horseback, and the combatants were putting their hands on the collars of the foe and slaying them, and 'Alī Qulī Khān was standing in the pride of his disloyalty and was inquiring after the position of Bahādur Khān, a mast elephant called Citrānand, which was one of the royal elephants, rushed against the elephant Gaj Bhanwar, which was one of the special elephants and which had ceased to be mast. Gaj Bhanwar did not withstand him, but fled, followed by Citrānand. Gaj Bhanwar's driver drove his elephant among the ranks of the rebels, and the latter opposed to Citrānand the elephant Ūdiya. Citrānand left Gaj Bhanwar and ran at Ūdiya and with one mountain-breaking blow stretched him on the dust of destruction. A great discomfiture ensued among the rebels, and many of their leaders became the harvest of the sword. The weeds and stubble of their existence were burnt up by the fire of Divine wrath and the lightning of the Shāhinshāh's power. A number who fled from the field of battle were killed on the roads by the peasantry, whose animosity had been excited by their oppression. The spring-breeze of victory blew upon the nursling of fortune, and the Naisān cloud of victory scattered pearls over the garden of dominion. The field of battle was cleansed from the dust of the sedition of the rebellious, and the figure of victory emerged from the curtain of Divine favours and gloriously established herself on a lofty dais. H.M. the Shāhinshāh was on horseback and was making inquiries about 'Alī Qulī and Bahādur. At this time Naẓar Bahādur appeared before H.M., with the captured Bahādur Khān mounted in croup behind him. H.M. the Shāhinshāh opened the lips of commiseration and said, “Bahādur,¹ what evil had we done to you that you have been the cause of all this strife and sedition?” Confusion and shame laid hold of him, he hung down his head and said nothing. After being questioned many times there came from his ungrateful lips the expression,² “God is to be praised, whatever happens.” It would seem that the wretch did not at his latest breath perceive his faithlessness and wickedness. Otherwise words of repentance would have come upon his tongue. But whoever turns away from such a mighty lord is ruined temporally and spiritually, and becomes bad outwardly and inwardly. In spite of such sedition, H.M. the Shāhinshāh did not wish to send him to the hollow of annihilation. After urgent solicitations from the officers, Shāhbāz Khān and Bansī Dās Kambū were ordered to relieve his neck of the burden of his head by the edge of the sword. Just then the warriors captured and brought Shahriyār Kul, who was one of 'Alī Qulī's confidants. The servants cast his vexing head also to the dust. H.M. the Shāhinshāh inquired about 'Alī Qulī Khān. A number of persons said that he had left the field, and another set were agreed that he had been killed. Meanwhile they brought Bātū who was 'Alī Qulī's faujdār. When they examined him, he said that he had seen 'Alī Qulī killed by a royal elephant with one tusk, and gave the marks of the elephant and the driver. By order, all the elephants of the vanguard were produced, and that man pointed out the one-tusked elephant Nain Sukh (delight of the eyes), saying that this was the elephant that killed 'Alī Qulī. Thereafter an order was issued that whoever brought a Moghul rebel's head should get a gold mohar, and whoever brought a Hindustani's head should get a rupi. The crowd ran off after heads and brought them in, and were paid. Physiognomists examined them. At last one brought the head of 'Alī Qulī which had been lying under a tree. There was a doubt about its genuineness. Meanwhile a Hindu named Arzānī, who had been all-powerful with Alī Qulī, and who was one of the prisoners, heaved a deep sigh on seeing the head. He came forward and took it, and then smote his own head severely.

It now appeared that a mysterious arrow had struck 'Alī Qulī, and M. Beg Qāqshāl claimed that it was his arrow which had struck him. In fact the rebel was in the agonies of death from this arrow when the driver Somnāth drove his elephant Nain Sukh against him. 'Alī Qulī said to him, “I am one of the leaders of the soldiers, take me before H.M. and you will be rewarded.” The driver took this to be idle talk, and drove his elephant over him. He was trampled under the foot of the elephant, or rather, under the weight of his sins and ingratitude. A contemptible wretch severed the head in order to get the ashrafī, and was bringing it away. On the road a slave¹ named Ghālib carried off the head from him, and brought it before H.M. and asked for the reward. Thereafter H.M. dismounted from his horse and placed the face of supplication on the ground of thanksgivings. The great officers and others who had distinguished themselves were rewarded by promotion, and the heads of 'Alī Qulī and Bahādur were sent, along with bulletins of victory, by the hands of 'Abdulla, son of Khwāja Murād Beg of Qazwīn, who had been for a time Diwān of H.M. Jahānbānī Ashiyānī, to Agra, Delhi, Multan and other parts of the dominions. Thus the imperial servants' stock of joy was increased and advice and warning were given to the waiters upon events who had gone astray. This glorious victory, which may be considered as the masterpiece of daily-increasing fortune, took place in the territory of the village of Sakrāwal, which is in the province of Ilahābās. They made it a city and gave it the name of Fatḥpūr. The phrase faṭh-i-Aḳbar¹ mubārak is the date of the imperial victory.

One of the wonderful occurrences was this that when the standard of fortune marched to put down the ingrates, and Mun'im Khān was left in charge of Agra, the market of the empty-brained and talkative became active. The disobedient and disaffected exceeded all bounds. Mun'im Khān, who had faith in the father, teacher, and director of Abulfaẓl, the writer of this volume, came to him and sought for moral support from him. That mine of testifiers (shahūd) spoke lofty words about the greatness of the Lord of the Age and gave a wondrous indication about the extirpation of the opponents of his dominion. At his request (Mun‘im’s) it was arranged that he should hold that night a special Sufistic service and that he should come and report what transpired on the occasion. Next morning, a marvellous joy was seen on his noble forehead, and he stated that it had been intimated to him in the night that the heads of 'Alī Qulī and Bahādur would soon be brought in. Mun'im Khān was delighted on hearing this good news, and returned thanks to God. But a little time had elapsed when they brought the heads of those two faithless rebels. What is strange in such a revelation being made to those who address themselves to the Divine Court and are followers of the mystic way?

When by the blessing of the heavenly aids which attend the armies of H.M. the Shāhinshāh both at home and abroad, such a dominion-adorning victory had been manifested, H.M. went off the same day to the province of Ilahabās, as sundry disloyalists were stirring up strife there. At evening that territory obtained the morning of dominion by the advent of H.M. He passed the night in that pleasant place. Some renegades from fortune who had fled and joined 'Alī Qulī, such as Shaikh Yūsuf Cūlī, were captured. H.M. spent two days there and on the third proceeded to Benares. There many of 'Alī Qulī and Bahādur's soldiers, such as Martaẓa Qulī, did homage. From the innate kindness of H.M. their offences were forgiven. The women and dancing-girls of Bahādur Khān fell into the hands of the imperial servants and Khwāja 'Aālam the eunuch there was attached to the saddlestraps of auspiciousness and promoted to near attendance on H.M. As the people of Benares had from ignorance and disloyalty shut their gates, the royal wrath decreed that they should be plundered. But he soon forgave them. Shihāb Khān and a body of troops were sent to protect and rule Jaunpūr, and Qulīj Khān was sent with a force to Sirharpūr, where the families of some of the Uzbegs were. After spending three days at Benares, he proceeded to Jaunpūr, and arrived there on the second day. The lights of safety shone upon the men of 'Alī Qulī who were there and they came under the shadow of the Shāhinshāh's favour. He stayed three days in Jaunpūr and the inhabitants who had been buffeted about, were tranquillised by the Shāhinshāh's kindness. From there the royal cavalier of the steed of fortune made a rapid journey to Karra, where the great camp was. He accomplished the journey in three days and came to the bank of the Ganges at the Karra ferry. At that time not more than four or five persons had kept up with him. He crossed the river in a boat and alighted at the Karra fort. Near Manikpūr Khwāja 'Aālam absconded, but was recaught. From that city an order was issued for the attendance of Mun'im Khān Khān-Khanān, and the jagirdars of the country were allowed to go to their estates. They were exhorted to cherish their tenants. Some of the evil-disposed and seditious, who had fled from the holy threshold and joined the rebels, and who were always stirring up strife, and had now been caught by fortune's lasso, such as Khān Qulī Uzbeg, Yār 'Alī, 'Aālm Shāh Badakhshī, Mīr Shāh Badakhshī, Yahiya Bakhshī, Calma Khān fosterbrother of M. 'Askari, were made the subjects of wrath and trampled by mast elephants. M.¹ Mīrak of Mashhad, who was one of the special confidants of 'Alī Qulī, and who had fled from the imperial camp and been caught in Karra, was, along with other offenders, trussed up and brought into the plain of justice. All the other strifemongers were executed in his presence, and then an elephant was let loose against him.² The elephant caught him in his trunk and squeezed him and the stocks, and shoulder-boards, and flung him from one side to the other. As a clear sign for his execution had not been given (by the driver) the elephant played with him and treated him gently. For five successive days he was brought out and tortured in the place of execution. At last on account of his being a Saiyid, and on the intercession of courtiers, he was granted his life. On the same occasion Jai Tawācī brought Shāh Nāṣir Khwājā, who was a ring-leader of the disloyal, to Court, and he was capitally punished.

Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān came according to orders from Agra to Karra and was exalted by doing homage. Out of the abundance of his bounty, H.M. conferred upon him all the fiefs of 'Alī Qulī and Bahādur, in Jaunpūr, Benares and Ghāzīpūr up to the bank of the Causa river, and he went off successful to Jaunpūr and that neighbourhood. The sublime cortège moved on towards the capital on the day of Mihr the 16th Tīr, Divine month, corresponding to Saturday 20 Ẕi-l- ḥajja, 28 June 1567. H.M. went on, stage by stage, hunting and administering justice. Every city and territory that he passed through was ennobled by his justice and the benefits of his advent. In the town of Kura¹ which was in the fief of Farḥat Khān, a great feast was held at the latter's petition, and Shujāa't Khān had similar good fortune in Etawah. Likewise other loyalists were gratified by this favour in various places. At last on the day of Khurdād 6 Amardād, Divine month, corresponding to Saturday 11 Muḥarram 975, 18 July 1567, he reached Agra. The world assumed special freshness, and mankind peculiar joy. The universe became the seat of peace and justice.

The account of the victorious forces that went against Iskandar, under the command of Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās, is as follows: They marched, stage by stage, and on the day of Ardī-bihisht 3 Tīr, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 7 Zi-l-ḥajja, they arrived at the city of Oudh. Iskandar, on hearing of the arrival of the imperial army, shut himself up in the fort of Oudh. The officers besieged it and distributed their batteries. At the side of the city there is a lofty hill which bears the name of Swarag-dwārī,² and which is the citadel (sar-kob) of the city and the fort. Iskandar had established a number of his followers, including many musketeers, there, so that by shooting with bows and muskets they might prevent any one from coming within the city's verge.

Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās first addressed himself towards the taking of this citadel and appointed a number of brave men to attack and capture it. They drove off the rebels and got full possession of the city and the fort, so that not a single person could put his head outside of a window, and the Uzbegs became doomed men and were utterly disconcerted. Meanwhile news of the victory of the imperial army and of the slaying of 'Alī Qulī and Bahādur reached both inside and outside of the city. This strengthened the imperial servants and disheartened the enemy. Although a letter had previously come from Rai Pattar Dās to Rajah Todar Mal, telling of the victory and of the slaying of 'Alī Quli and Bahādur, and this had come before the troops reached Oudh, yet as the common people regarded those two wretches as asses'¹ heads, they considered this news to have been fabricated. When at this time the news became notorious, Sikandar continued to keep it secret, and, using trick and stratagem, he sent for Raḥmān Qulī Qūshbegi saying that he had several things to communicate. The imperial servants did not agree to this. At last he sent Ḥājī Ughlan, who was one of his confidants, to the officers. They had a discussion with him, and it was arranged that Raḥman Qulī should go with Ḥājī Ūghlan and come back after settling the agreement. The two went off the same day and returned. They reported that Iskandar repented of his past deeds and was looking forward to his obtaining through the intervention of the officers the blessing of kissing the threshold. He wished that they should first, by themselves, see one another in an appointed place and confirm the agreement by oaths. It was arranged that as next morning was 'Id Qarbān, his desire should be fulfilled on that day.

In short, Iskandar vacillated and put off the imperial servants by stories and pretexts, and at night came out by the fort-gate, which was towards the river, and crossed over by means of some boats which he kept in readiness for the day of his retreat, and came out of the whirlpool of danger, half-alive. When, in the morning, the imperial servants became aware of Iskandar's flight, they immediately entered the city and beat high the drum of victory. As Sikandar (sic) had left no boats on that side, there was a delay of two or three days in pursuing him, on account of their having to collect boats from other ferries. Meanwhile Iskandar arranged for the security of his family and sent a message that he still stood by his promise, and that he had crossed¹ the river on account of men's fears. He now wished that Muḥammad Qulī Khān, Moẓaffar Khān and Rajah Todar Mal should enter a boat and come into the middle of the river and that he should come with ten men and salute them, and hear directly what had been agreed upon. When his mind has been set at rest he would go to the world-protecting court. Those three magnates agreed to his proposition. Iskandar Khān came from the other side with four or five of his confidants in a boat, and held a conference which was a picture on water and a knot on the wind. The imperial servants took oaths and did what was proper in the way of conciliation. But Iskandar did not abide by his word, and said that he could not just now, when he was an example of crimes, have the courage to kiss the threshold. What was necessary was that, in forgiveness of his crimes, his jāgîr should be left as it was, and that he should be nominated to service in the province, so that he might by good actions make himself fit for royal favour. As his tongue did not accord with his heart, he spent the time in idle talk and in spite of the rains he went off two stages down stream and sent an untrue message, alleging the force of the current on the banks. When the imperial servants perceived that nothing would come from the rogue except deceits and vulpine tricks, they crossed the river and pursued him. He, after traversing quagmires and floods, conveyed himself to Gorakpūr. There Sulaimān Qulī, an Uzbeg who had fled to the Afghans from 'Alī Qulī Khān, and who held the ferry on behalf of the Afghans, collected boats and crossed him over and his men with all rapidity, and so saved him from the billows of the wrath of the Shāhinshāh's fortune. The great officers came to the borders of the Afghan territory, but as orders for entering that territory had not come from Court, they halted and sent a report to Court, relating the facts and asking permission to enter the country. The petition arrived on the day that H.M. reached Agra, and an order was issued that as that remnant of the sword had gone out of the dominions, they should be content at this time with what they had done, and should set about arranging the distracted condition of the province. Sirkār Oudh was made the fief of Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās and the other officers were summoned to Court. When the rescript reached the imperial servants, they established Muḥammad Qulī Khān in the government of the Sirkār and set off for the capital. There they did homage and were recipients of auspiciousness.

To overthrow the neck-stretching rebel is to establish oneness, which is the choicest worship in the fore-court of plurality, and to make current the coin of peace and tranquillity. By the lord of the Age's realising this truth, the pillars of the Divine vice-regency are revealed and a stock of bliss conferred on mankind. God be praised! H.M. the Shāhinshāh, by the help of eternal favour, and the assistance of secret hosts, sees his own happiness in giving peace to mankind, and day by day increases his efforts to control and remedy the madness of the refractory and wrong-headed. The Divine aid keeps close to his holy personality and renders him successful, both in spiritual and in temporal matters. At the time when the capital was made resplendent by the lights of his justice, and when the army was not yet rested from its labours, the news came of the rebellion of the sons of Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā and of their scattering the dust of dissension in the province of Malwa. When they had withdrawn their heads from bearing the burden of obedience to their spiritual and temporal king, and had become vagabonds in the land of destruction, they, after long wandering with little result (lit. much twisting of heads and littleness of speech), had found Malwa empty and had gone there. It passed into the holy heart of the lord of the Age, who knows hidden secrets and is a mine of pity and gentleness, that if he, in consideration of the condition of his soldiers, overlooked the quelling of these sedition-mongers, he would be acting contrary to God's will, and that if an expedition were undertaken to put down this disturbance, and he personally took part in it, he would be acting coutrary to the canons of reason, for the set were not of such a nature as to require his presence for their suppression. And it is an axiom of the laws of sovereignty that whatever can be done by words should not be done by the sword, and that whatever can be done by the courage of officers of middling or lower rank should not be made over to great ministers. In respect to the scale of duties, regard should always be had to the laws of sovereignty, which are an expression for judgment and appreciation. If in accordance with the laws of sovereignty, attendants on the threshold of fortune were nominated for this service, the first men of the country, who regarded obedience to their king as the bliss of two worlds, would in a moment gird up the loins of effort and proceed to perform it, but delay would be caused by having to collect the soldiery, whose presence was indispensable, and in this way a little affair might become a great one. Now the laws of sovereignty did not admit of delay in such matters. Accordingly the Shāhinshāh of the universe and the sage of the time resolved to dispose of this business by his own ripe understanding, and by giving attention under the guise of inattention, and care under the screen of carelessness. He in appearance overlooked the thing, and in reality applied his genius to putting down the disturbance. On the day of Rashn 18 Shahriyūr, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 25 Ṣafr, 30 August 1567, he set out to hunt in pargana Bārī, where he had often enjoyed himself in hunting deer with citas, in order that the loyal and devoted leaders might come without the notoriety of being sent for, while others, either their servants or not, would, seeing that there was no prohibition, readily assemble in order to pay their respects. When men should have quickly assembled, a number of them would be picked out and sent on this duty. With this judicious idea he set out from the capital, and, having encamped at Bārī, he went on hunting towards Dholpūr and Gwālyār which are in the direction of Malwa. The officers and other servants turned the face of hope towards the camp and arrived in crowds. If all the faithful servants of the court, who were associated with hunting, should be added up, they would be enough to conquer a world; if all the loyal heroes were gathered together, who could count them? and if the servants of the servant were also collected, who could estimate their numbers?

When Dholpūr had been made the camping ground, Sakat¹ Singh, son of Rānā Udai Singh, was in attendance on the victorious stirrup. H.M., either from pleasantry, or in order that the presumptuous rebels of Malwa might be led by the circumstance into the slumber of negligence, said to him that though most of the landholders and great men of India had paid their respects, yet the Rānā had not as yet done so, and that therefore he proposed to march against him and punish him. H.M. also asked what service the prince would render in this case. On one occasion he spoke at large about these matters with the prince, and the latter made hypocritical proffers.

At last that crooked-minded one, from want of understanding and from taking a jest seriously, ran away. In his folly he ran away from apparent dishonour, and fell into real disgrace. For the ignorant fellow imagined that H.M. was meditating the punishment of Rānā under the pretence of hunting, and that he himself would get a bad name to the effect that he had gone and brought H.M. against his father. He did not know that it was all a joke, and that there was no reason why this powerful and God-restrained one should personally proceed against such a class of landholders. Nor did he perceive that, on the supposition that his notion was correct, his running away from such a good fortune was to throw himself into the lowest hell of destruction and to hurry from disrepute to misconduct. When the news of his flight reached the royal hearing, the Shahinshāh's wrath was stirred up, and jest became earnest. And in truth this was proper, for, from the time of the accession, most of the leading men of India who had cocked the hat of pride and had not lowered the head of obedience before any of the Sultans, had bowed down and kissed the ground, except Rānā Udai Singh, than whom there was in this country no one more foolish and arrogant. This audacious and immoderate one, in whom the turbulence of ancestors was added to his own haughtiness, was proud of his steep mountains and strong castles and turned away the head of obedience from the sublime court. His brain was heated by the consciousness of his possessing abundant land and wealth, and numbers of devoted Rajputs, and so he left the path of auspiciousness. H.M.'s world-conquering genius decided to chastise him. In the beginning of Mihr, Divine month, corresponding to the middle of Rabī'-al-awwal, about 19 September 1567, the expedition took place and he set off towards conquering the territory of Hindwāra. When the vicinity of the fort of Sīvī Sūpar, which is famous in that country, became the encamping ground, it transpired that the fort was empty. Before H.M's arrival the servants of Sūrjan, the governor of the fort of Rantanbūr, had become terrified and had gone off together with the peasantry. H.M. the Shāhinshāh took the evacuation of the fort as an omen of great victories and remained two days in that pleasant spot. He ordered the fort to be victualled from the neighbourhood and made it over to Naẓr Bahādur. From there he marched six stages and encamped at the town of Kotah, which is one of the strong places in that country, and then made over that fort and its territory to Shāh Muḥammad Qandahāri and left him there. Marching from thence, he halted in the vicinity of the fort of Gāgrūn.

One of the occurrences was that the acute, wisdom-gathering, enchanting, spiritually and physically elder brother (of the author) Shaikh Abu-l-faiẓ Faiẓī was exalted by being brought from the chamber of retirement to the court of service of the world-lord and was distinguished by the Shāhinshāh's favours. This new fruit of the garden of knowledge had continually been gathering wisdom in attendance on the conductor of the heavenly caravans, the garland-twiner of the pinacothek of Plurality in Unity—his honoured father—and in a short time had attained high rank in his truth-teaching school, which was the meeting of the two seas of perception and illumination, and the rendezvous of the comprehenders of theory and practice. One of the results of this association was that his tongue was loosed for word-adornment and for poetry. The renown of his excellences embraced the outer as well as the inner world. Inasmuch as it was the holy nature of his honoured father to draw his foot under the skirt of retirement and so conserve his spirit, and as he, for the sake of concealment, chose the teaching of rational and traditional sciences, he kept closed the road of intercourse with the classes of mankind. From the blessed influence of his spirit, his sons did not indulge their natural inclinations nor were affected by the sight of this deceitful world. He (Mubārak) spent all his time in adorning his soul, and in hiving wisdom and in good actions. And though that enlightened old man divined the ambushes of the spiritual and temporal Khedive, and was one of his faithful believers, he did not bring the unique pearl of love into the market. And in spite of its great value and of its being keenly sought after in the bazar, and of there being a purchaser who could appreciate it, he did not bring it into the mart of sale. And because the doing homage to him (Akbar) was to do homage to Plurality under the guise of Unity, he chose solitude rather than Plurality. Moreover, those attached to the unique worshipper of God (Akbar) received salaries from that fountain of truth. On this account he (Mubārak) had no intercourse with the lords of dominion and pillars of the empire. And though many of his profession spread, by the instrumentality of the outwardly great, calumnies against him out of envy, and made trouble—afterwards falling into the abyss of failure through the acute perception of the truth-discerning prince—his mind was not at all disposed to have dealings with the well-meaning persons attached to the court, and did not take the customary means to remedy his affairs.

At the time when the Khedive of the world was meditating the conquest of Citūr, mention was made to him of the light-increasing lamp of perception and most excellent of brothers (Faiẓī), and an order was given for the attendance of that nosegay of ability. A party of evil-dispositioned and short-sighted persons who did not know the real facts took this gracious summons to be the prelude of censure and sent a peremptory order to the governor of the capital. …On the night of Ābān 10 Mihr, Divine month, corresponding to the night of Wednesday 20 Rabī-al-awwal (975), 24 September 1567, when a portion¹ of the blue robe (of night) had disappeared, and that seer (dīdawar) had gone off to contemplate the new flowers of the garden, a number of Turks came and surrounded our abode. It appears that a part of evil-disposed, base people, who were the scorched centres of the sands of envy, had supplemented their wickedness by suggesting to those ignorant capturers that the Shaikh would hide his son, and seek excuses for not sending him. Their sole wish was that some harm might happen (to Faiẓī). When the real fact was known there was an increase of astonishment, but owing to the delay in the appearance of that overflowing abundance of absolute excellence, their stratagems and wickedness assumed almost the appearance of truth and they were about to commit an outrage, when my honoured brother arrived! Thereupon the disturbance was quelled, and that set was drowned in shame. As the gates of acquisition were closed, it was difficult to make arrangements for the journey, but this obstacle was also smoothed by the exertions of pupils and friends. But a stone of distraction fell into the skirt of that night, and all the members of the family were sunk in the whirlpool of grief.¹ He who was acquainted with the secrets of creation (Mubārak) set himself to assuage their restlessness. He said that at first the face of his heart had in consequence of human nature been saddened by the evil-natured gossips, otherwise his feelings would have been joyous. Nothing but exultation and delight could be produced and maintained from this apparently grief-causing event. Just about then the good news of promotion arrived and the bolt upon rejoicing was withdrawn. In the first instance it was a draught of pain which touched the palate of him who did not know the congregation of wisdom, and then after some days the glad tidings arrived of the kindness shown by the Cyrus of horizons. A stock of everlasting joy came to hand. The following ode was composed about this time in praise of the favours bestowed.

At dawn the Solomon¹ -like messenger bearing good tidings
Arrived with an open brow like that of Felicity.
His face brightened the heart like a company of friends,
His lips shed pearls, like the band of the generous,
By his head he, like Genius, seized greatness,
By his feet he, like Power, gripped wide countries,
Friend and stranger gathered around him
As round a rich host on a feasting-day.
His loins were girt with alacrity and speed
As the path of the Zodiac girdles the revolving spheres
A lofty plume appeared in his cap
He seemed a gracious bird² with outstretched wings
An auspicious rescript bound upon his head
Showed³ its preface atop where Reason's seal is,
A letter he had received in the glorious court
Was a summons from the prince of the Caliphate
Auspicious harbingers proclaimed, “Read
Thy letter of release, O sorrowing captive”
The distant view of the courier caused me an agitation
Worth hundreds of non-agitations
My heart fluttered at the motion of his bells⁴
As flutters the⁵ Nazarene's soul at the swaying of the nāqūs

I kissed his crippled feet,¹ forgetting that
This action was an impediment to his advance
His sudden call produced such ecstacy² in me
As the Divine attraction excites in the pilgrim,
How shall I write of that time when my heart's boat
Was tossed on the billows of the tempest,
A quickening Spring visited my words-garden
A youthful morning came to my spirits' tulip,
Whiles I was disturbed, thinking by what argument
I could raise doubts about absolute verities,
Wherefore diversity of practice in Islām?
Wherefore ambiguities in the words of the Qorān?
Why did false witness shoot out the tongue in the tribunal
Of pride and hypocrisy, and claim belief,
If such be the religion of Islam in this world
Scoffers can have a thousand smiles at the Musulman faith!
Whiles I went on, like Reason, thinking how I could comprehend
The secrets of the wisdom of Greciạn sages
What ideas did the “First Master” (Aristotle) entertain?
What explanation was given by the “Second Interpreter”?³
What is Divine wisdom that the precepts thereof
I may engrave on the tablets of my soul?
But how shall truth's light shine upon
My heart which is not turned towards the holy lamps?
What path is there to the genius which understands
The nature of heat, cold, moisture, and the dryness of the desert and the mine?⁴
How does the sage by the touch of his forefinger

Understand the condition of the heart by the arterial current?
What is the path to mathematics by whose discipline
I may learn the mysteries of the revolving spheres?
Why is the fifth sphere the throne of Mars?
Why the seventh the portico of Saturn?
Whiles I was taken with the weighing of the jewels of poesy
The scales of the balance were full of words and meanings
My brain was perfumed with the āṭr of Firdūsī
My fancy's ear filled with the fame of Khāqāni
Whiles I meditated on prose and belles-lettres
And turned with a smitten brain to the Gulistān's nosegay,
Whiles I was occupied with riddles,¹ since perhaps
They would act as a file upon iron,
My tongue full of wisdom's words, and yet
My head not a moment clear of secret madness
Reason showed to my exterior² Tayfurī's³ asceticism
The Ṣan'aāni's⁴ love impressed my brain

There was intellect prologuising demonstrative reasoning
There were rays of visionary love which burnt books
There were flowery gales of knowledge turning over their pages
Of my soul what shall I say? One soul had a hundred appetites!
Of my heart what shall I boast? One love and a hundred griefs!
The eyelashes which encircled the eyes of youthful singers
Lacerated my liver as if they were tiger's¹ hairs,
My father—may his kindly shadow long endure!
Did not suffer me to abandon study
As perchance I might by his assiduous teaching
Become, like himself, one of the Divinely learned.
His advice ever was, “O famished one of life's morning
Receive wisdom's morsels (luqma) from Luqman's² tray
Lust not after beauteous fairy-forms
Lest Satan's wings sprout from thine arms
Let not sweat³ be aye dropping from thy brow
For such floods, like heaping cotton in the fire, end in destruction

What is thy heart's condition, and what is Love?
Be not o'ercome (by love), for glass¹ will not make an anvil
Why has thy heart opened to Indian love?²
Seek³ not the key of the K'aaba from the monkish cross”
In fine I moved between reason and madness
For wisdom was mingled with unwisdom.
The sound of the footsteps of the Sultan's courier
Roused me to wakefulness from the sleep of neglect
I know not what was the magic whereby
My mind was freed from foolish thoughts
God be praised! that attraction flung my soul
From the stony field of sorrow into a condition of repose
All those weeds and thorns of lusts were consumed
By the sparse rays of the Divine lightnings
I become an alert rider on a swift steed
Which careered in its wisdom through the spheres,
Like Noah I traversed the tempestuous ocean
Like Khiẓr I went alone in the desert
In ecstasy of joy I so hastened along
That I was like a spirit freed from the body's chain
I moved like a petitioner on the highway of respect
With my heart's fist I snapped the bonds of sloth
Meanwhile all my imagination and inquiry were engaged
In considering how the affair would be arranged
On the way there came to the point of the pen of my thought
The broidery of the Shahinshāh's praises wīth a Saḥbānlike⁴ eloquence

Suddenly the blackness of his encampment¹ showed itself afar off
'Twas a blackness which made my eyes bright
It was announced to the royal tent “Lo”
The garden-bird has come to the gate of Paradise”
An order issued to treat it kindly and to bring it in.
Raising me from darkness' abyss to the sky of bliss
Fortune's lord² drew the rein of my star
Towards the court of the world-ruler.
First I kissed the dust of the thereshold
I reached the fountain-head which cures the thirsty
I placed my forehead on the ground in thankful adoration
I made ablution not of my body but of my soul
What shall I say of the door of his fortune's abode
'Twas a wondrous exemplar of the Divine Court
No earthly court, for in it there were
A hundred times more things of pleasure and grace.
They who dwell in the precincts of that sublime place
Are approximated to the attendants of heaven
Men of light and leading stood around.
The exalted Cyrus sate on a Grecian³ throne
Akbar Shāh⁴ the bestower of glory on India's night
Lamp of the court of dominion of Taimur's dynasty
God be praised! from the noble nature of that country
Both trees and soil yield aloes and balsam⁵ 'Twas signified that I should sit and enjoy myself.
In the antechamber of the assembly of friends
I sate down before the pedestal of the Shāh's throne
My speaking tongue ran over with encomia
Eloquent men of 'Irāq and Khurāsān
Poured out pearls of praise over my words
One was amazed and said, “Who is this magician
Whose tongue makes pearls and corals?”
One said with wonder, “This noble pearl
From what cloud of Naisan¹ was it produced?
What is this new singing-bird
That revives the notes of the nightingale?”
The tongue of the evil-thoughted was lengthened against me;
As my heart's palace had a lofty base
The moisture of my spirit did not evaporate in a hot reply
For there was on Faiẓi's lips abundance (faiẓānī) of cool water
My Shāhinshāh soothed me with varied kindnesses
So that I gradually became less and less bewildered
He opened his mouth to ask, saying, “O parrot,
Who was the doorkeeper of your garden of speech?
Who gave brightness to the dark city of your fancy?
Who laid the foundation of your lofty rhymes?”
After paying the respect of ground-kissing I said,
“O Ruler, whose orders are obeyed by the spheres,
The peace of thy reign is my gracious teacher
And the horn-book of its instruction is a large one
If you ask the secondary cause, my father was my teacher
For truly I have no greater or purer than he,
So long as my tongue has wagged with the joy of speech
My teeth have been sharpened by my father's kindness
From the beginning of the disease of ignorance till convalescence
He administered remedies to my inward pains.”
Then he (Akbar) said, “Of those profound leaders
Who placed the things of excellence in the scales

Which one has followed the right road in verse
So that there are no wrong steps in his gait
Which one has traversed the spiritual world?
Whose vision has been disturbed by the abyss of madness?”
I humbly said to the Shāh, “O Protector of speech,
The record of the society of poets is not ignoble
The eloquent who before this have uttered speech,
From whose lips have been struck out jeux d'esprit
Were all wise and pure of heart
And kept themselves pure from iniquity
They drew true pictures by the movement of their thoughts
They revealed subtleties by the quickness of their intellects
All are present by the witness of their souls though their bodies are hidden (i.e. they are dead)
All exist by their divine personality, though themselves have perished
Especially that most eloquent one of Ṭūs (Firdūsi)
Who was an old husbandman of the gardens of speech
Estimate his deeds from the Shāhnāma
For Rustum of Sijistān is not his equal in strength of arm
Save this he reaped no harvest, it was loss
That he lived in the time of the slaves of Nūḥ¹ Samānī
Had he been in the appreciative cycle of the Shāhinshāh
His days would not have been dark nights.
Next comes the Ghaznī toper² whose spiritual wine
Gives lasting intoxication to the soul,
Ask not about that parterre-adorner of the garden
For he has made pomegranate plots in his garden
'Tis a variegated garden so that were it terrestrial
You might gather flowers from it for a hundred Springs
It would be fitting to write with the ink of the heart
The truth-showing excellencies of the Shirwānī³ His choicest work is the “Taḥfa-al-'Irāqīn”
It should be passed from hand to hand like a flower
Ask not after the magical work of the treasure-scattering Treasurer¹
For his pen was a dragon over hidden treasures
If another's poems are placed beside his
It is like putting a false prophet's² fancies by the text of the Quran
Of Anwarī what shall I write; from whose genius
Burning³ rays flash out to highest heaven
The combination of spiritual fervour with ability
Is like nature contending with the crisis of illness
Behold the sweet-tongued Ẓahīr⁴ who produced
A spiritual banquet of fresh dainties
But his excellencies were not as fully known
As is the collyrium⁵ of Ispahan farmed in the world
Critics call him “the creator of ideas”⁶
You will perceive that his lofty ideas are not threadbare
God be praised for the hierophant who in the invisible world
Became a Solomon by his “Language of Birds”
From 'Aṭṭār⁷ comes the medicine for lovers' pains
For when his shop was broken up, he received the Holy Ghost.
Behold the sugar-sprinkling of S'aadī whose spirit's plume
Waves o'er his sweet genius like a fly-flapping fan
He shed joy among the spiritual nightingales

Who sang sweetly in his Bostān and Gulistān
Khusrū¹ of Hind is ancestor of the spiritual Khusrūs
Who wielded sovereignty over spiritual thrones
He is the admired Lord of Lords of speech's kingdoms
For his sway extends over Īrān and Tūrān
What shall I say of the exquisite conceits of Ḥāfiẓ
Men and² spirits know the mystic tongue,
The soft flow of the Kirmānī³ garland-twiner
Gives fresh life to the adult brain
The eloquence of Akhsīktī⁴ and Umānī⁵
Is not inferior to that of Isferangī⁶ and Ṭabasī⁶
In fine, to number the pillars of spirituality
Unless we pass over many like Rafī' Lunbānī⁷
Requires that the equitable critic of his rivals should possess
Such rapidity as existed in the tradition of Solomon!⁸
Hail to the inspired songster of Jām
Before whose eyes the spectacle of worlds was effaced
From his abundant pleasantness words mingled with subtleties
Spirituality shone forth in a beauteous form
No one after him attained to his universality
Eloquence in prose and verse closed with him

To compare competitors with him
Would be the tale of the swift steed and the pack bullock
One by one, all have reposed on the bed of death
They have drawn over their heads the sash of concealment.
In the ear in which such profound strokes repose
What place is there for such and such's poetry?
Now, too, there are innumerable poets
But they're set on property and the dog-keeper's board
They have a dog's hunger and in pursuit of their desires
And for want of bread have thrown all honour in the dust
They are blinded and are bad craftsmen of an obsolete pattern
Their darkened souls are mud-choked, deserted wells
They are captives to the buying and selling noxious goods
In the market of disgrace, which may the dust of time cover,
Sometimes they bring out rough expressions
Which look like sheets thrown over the body of the sense
Sometimes they produce frigid conceits in a hot garb
Like cold water poured in winter into a hot bath
They carve undressed potsherds and on them
Affix the price of Badakhshān rubies
Their compositions are so rugged that they won't stick
To the heart even if you fasten them with glue
If you dip their poems in the Seven Seas
They will come out dry as dust-scattering sand
They have robbed a hundred volumes from the masters
So what they have pillaged cannot be counted,
To the fancy the inky pages of their writings
Look like the black blanketed, asinine Multanīs¹
With iron pen, nay, with diamond pen
The've drawn useless lines on truth's pages
A heart that looks for the colour of truth in their poems
Asks from the rattan the flower of the anemone

'Tis best to shut the garden-door in their faces
For this ragged¹ crew would throw the flowers into the dust?
As no one (else) was in the world, I this day am he
Who makes speech new in a new divān
I'm a stranger from the spiritual country in this station
Of the caravan of speech and have all its equipment
Now has heaven granted me the key of speech
The aperture is from the heart, the turning of the key is from me
The angelic ones of the pleasant home of fancy
Have made all my meanings hourīs and pages
They have watched over the beauteous tablet and writing
And preserved my pen from the scraping of calumny.
My interview with the slave-cherishing Shāhinshāh
Was like the conversation of Moses with God
He said, “Rise and draw wisdom from your pen
For to-day the world of speech-knowing is entrusted to you
Set your pen to subtleties for in the wonders of verse
Farazdaq² is mean beside you, and so is Hissānī³
What magic is there in the tricklings from your pen
That it should surpass in colour the masterpiece of Mānī?”
The order was, “Present to us of your subtle poetry
Whatever amount you can, in future
Any poet who contends with you in speech
Should have his neck twisted by you with correction's hand”
What shall I say of the golden dress of red silk
Of me the naked being clothed in gold from head to foot?
What shall I say of how when drawn up from the dust
I was exalted by receiving a swift horse (caugānī)?

What shall I say of the treasures of his favour
Of white and red money I gathered in purses?
What shall I say of how I received
All that befitted a Khān and a Tarkhān?
Two blessings showed themselves to me from fortune's door,
My evil horoscope¹ was changed to a good one
One was, I was made a tutor to the great princes
Who were branches of the tree of honour
1st, There was H.M. Sulṭan Selīm the ocean-hearted
The bridal chamber of whose intellect is the billowy ocean
2nd, Shāh Murād the winged broidery of Hope
Who makes the skirt of heaven his collar
3rd, The courteous Daniel whose happy stars
Have bestowed on him brotherhood
But in truth I was when beside them
Like a schoolboy before his old Instructor
Hail heaven-minded ones who in their perfect wisdom
Are joined with the spheres in world-government
'Tis a mistake to turn to letters the eyes of him
Whose heart-eyes are opened to Reason's tablets
For why should a head lighted by the rays of guidance
Deposit the blackness of ink in its heart's² core?
The other blessing was the prostration of discipleship
Whereby I lowered the strength of sensuality,
By heaven's kindness each of those two great boons
Is a bounteous favour to my star,
World-protecting Shāh, Sun of mighty power
Who is to-day the life of the world, and the world of the living
I speak the truth, for the seven³ moulds
You impart the soul; and the soul which is the soul of souls,
Together with the glory of fortune, majesty of nature, and height of power

Give a thousand times more than all that reason can comprehend.
On the feast day of thy birth it would be proper
To sacrifice celestial dromedaries
Thou hast no option as regards kindness and grace
What can come from the sun but sunshine?
Repentance brings back with the acme of entreaty
Him who on leaving your door's safety binds on the load of the litter
Let it not displease if for the glorious hearing
I tell a new tale with confirmatory oaths.
By that God who hath implanted in the Shāh's nature
Princely graces and perfect humanity
By the heavens by observing whose motions
The acute philosopher governs nature
By the division of the stars into Fixed and Planetary
All which are drops of existence in heaven's ocean
By the order of the elements which on Being's page
All form feet¹ (metrical) in the poem of Existence
By the conjunction of organisms whose dissolution
Works the overthrow of progeny
By the talisman of man's body which is a microcosm
Before which the senses and the intellect are confounded²
By the zeal of the pure souls who have never made
An untrue oath for the sake of eternity (?).
By the forehead-adorning dust of the performers of sijda
Who excel the devotion of the saints of Lebanon³
By the road-dust of the travellers to the holy station
By the guides of the path of certitude
By the acute unitarianism of the son of Arabī⁴ By the austere cloak of the Pir of Kharqān¹
I became not (I swear) from pelf a believer in
Thy Majesty glorious in fortune and throne
Whom the glorious Deity has placed in splendour.
That thou mightest henceforth be the qibla of me the beggar
'Tis worship to prostrate oneself before thy face
For as regards worship thou art the world's altar.
Enough! The God-knower knows thy perfections
Thou art the altar of the hopes of the pious
The prostration of service toward thee is right for men
In this matter there is no conflict of faiths
Why should thy shrine not be my fortune's attār
When judge and sage turn their heart-faces to thee
Every hair of me speaks in praise of thy favours
To me the charge of impiety is preferable to that of ingratitude
Who can describe the niceties of thy favours
The things of ecstacy come not within the bounds of words
To put the woof of words and thoughts o'er the full moons² of thy justice
Were to place cotton raiment on the moon's shoulder
When I put³ on the pilgrim's robe to visit thy throne's shrine
The rose of paradise became a thorn in comparison therewith
From eve till morn my bosom is pricked
By the budding-breasted bride of my heart;
My pen-bow has pointed word-arrows
For piercing the hearts of the envious
A holy strain is poured forth by the birds of my fancy
When my pen's palm-tree swells with sap
All their pens do not equal the movement of mine

There is a difference between the Shāh's ensign and the shepherd's staff
From the Attic salt which I sprinkle from my pen
My inkstand can claim to be a salt-cellar
From the glorious morsels at the Shāh's banquet
What comes to my soul is like balmy wine
If grace and favour assist me
I'll ascend hundreds of steps above Hope's summit
My tongue's wish does not exceed the bounds of respect
Grant my desire such as Thou knowest it!
This is the end of my request.
On Thee is my trust!

Where was I? Whither has the plenteous flood of words carried me? In fine, as the design of the lord of the world in undertaking this expedition was based upon benevolence to all, the great officers, who regarded service as the substance of their religion, gathered together for their duties without any arrangements having been made for the forming of camps. The great encampment assumed another appearance from the assemblage of a victorious soldiery. H.M.'s innate dignity demanded that he should proceed in person to chastise the Rānā, while a number of officers should be dispatched to Malwa in order to cleanse that province from the dust of the rebellion of the sons of Muḥammad Sulṭan Mīrzā. The lot of this service fell upon Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān; Shāh Budāgh Khān, Murād Khān, Hājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī and others who had received fiefs in Malwa, undertook the preparations. They set out from the fort of Gāgrūn and did not draw rein till they reached Ujjain. The Mīrzās fled to Gujrat. The details of this are that when they heard that the grand army had left the capital and was advancing stage by stage, Ulugh M., who was the eldest brother, and whose head itched with contumacy, departed and went to Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. and Muḥammed Ḥusain M., who were in Ujjain, in order to join them and plot his own destruction. When those wretches got the news of the arrival of the imperial forces at Gāgrūn, they were amazed and went off to Māndū. There Ulugh M. quitted his body (i.e., died) on the uplifting of the noise of the drums of fortune. The other brothers perceived that to resist the royal army was beyond their power and fled towards Gujrāt. There they joined Cingīz Khān, who had been a slave of Sulṭān Maḥmūd of Gujrāt, and who, after his death, had seized several of the forts of Gujrāt, such as Cāmpānīr, Broach and Surāt. There, too, they misconducted themselves and spread dissension until they threw the dust of destruction on their own heads after the conquest of Gujrāt. An account of that masterpiece of good fortune will be given in its proper place. In short, the victorious troops cleansed Malwa from the dust of those ill-fated ones, and then went to repose in their fiefs. They sent to Court reports of their success and of the abandonment by the rebels of the imperial territories.

At the time when the sublime camp was pitched in the environs of Gāgrūn, on account of making arrangements for the Malwa campaign, Āṣaf Khān and Wazīr Khān, who had fiefs in this neighbourhood, went off in accordance with orders to attack the fortress of Māndal. It was one of the strong forts of the Rānā, and was defended by the valour of Rawat Balvī Solangī, but by the prestige of the Shāhinshāh they conquered it. After the completion of the arrangement for the Malwa army, though the imperial forces were in appearance few in number, yet H.M. relying on the Divine aid, and being contented to have secret auxiliaries, ordered a march forward with the idea that perhaps the Rānā might hear that the army was small, and so might come out of the defiles, and be thus easily disposed of. But as that ill-fated one knew that the army had not much of a siege-train with it, and thought that on that account H.M. would not attempt to take fortresses, he strengthened the fort of Citūr, which, in the opinion of the short-sighted, was such a place that the lasso of conquest could not attain to its battlements, and supplied it with provisions sufficient for several years. He also left in it five thousand gallant Rājpūts, and devastated the surrounding country so that there did not even remain grass in the fields, and himself retired to the defiles of the hill-country. When the sublime army encamped in the neighbourhood of Citūr, H.M. did not judge it proper to pursue that doomed one, and to enter the heart of the hills. By Divine inspiration he decided to capture the fort of Citūr, which was the foundation of the Rānā's power, and the centre of his dominions; and on the day of Ābān 10 Ābān, Divine month, corresponding to Thursday 19 Rabī-'al akhir, 20 October 1567, he arrived at the outskirts of the fort and pitched his camp. At this time there was a great storm of wind, accompanied by thunder and lightning, so that the earth was shaken. But after an hour the sky became clear, the world was revealed and the fortress appeared in the distance.

A fort on the face of that mountain
Reared its head up to the fourth heaven
The bird of the imagination could not reach it
No one knew its nature and condition.

The world-conquering mind decided upon besieging that sky-high fortress and upon hemming in the garrison. Accordingly he next day marched from that station, and encamped on the skirt of the mountain, on the summit of which was the fortress. He then rode out, accompanied by some of his courtiers and made the circuit of the mountain. The surveyors, who are always in attendance on the royal stirrup, found by measurement that the circumference was more than two kos, while it was five kos at the part used by the general public. H.M. applied himself to the task of taking the fortress and directed the Bakhshīs to set out the batteries. The troops who had come along with H.M. went to their batteries, and those who came up afterwards had separate batteries. In this way the whole circuit of the fort was encompassed in the space of one month. During the same time some of the officers were sent to devastate the Rānā's territorry, and to punish the contumacious. Āṣaf Khān with a number of officers was sent off to Rāmpūr, and he opened it with the key of the sword, and received the applause of the Shāhinshāh. As the Rānā was pointed out as having gone to Udaipūr and Kombalmīr, Ḥusain Qulī Khān was sent with a large force to lay hold of him. Ḥusaīn Qulī Khān arrived at Udaipūr, which was the Rānā's capital, and slaughtered the rebellious. Wherever he heard of any gathering of rebels of Udaipūr, or the hill-country of Kombalmīr, he consumed them with the lightning of the fiery sword. He obtained much booty and made great search for the Rānā. But as he could get no trace of that vagabond, he, in accordance with the royal command, returned and was exalted by the bliss of doing homage.

Whilst the army was engaged in besieging the fortress, it came to the royal hearing that I'tmād Khān of Gujrāt had been defeated by Cingīz Khān and the Mīrzās, and had come to Dongarpūr. About this time I'tmād Khān's petition, accompanied by suitable presents, was received. Among the latter was a sea-elephant¹ which had exceedingly long ears, and had strange motions. H.M. the Shāhinshāh received the envoys graciously and dismissed them along with Ḥasan Khān Khazāncī and a conciliatory rescript. At this time he (I'tmād) had not the good fortune to come and kiss the threshold. Ḥasan Khān came to Agra from Gujrāt and there had the felicity of doing homage.

As H.M. was very desirous of taking this fort, which was famous for its height and strength, the gallant spirits of the army were continually rushing upon it and daringly attacking it. Thus acted Khān Aālam and 'Ādil Khān. But as terrestrials cannot reach celestials, so these efforts were abortive. H.M. was very solicitous about this and was continually forbidding those intrepid men and saying that such mode of attack should not be called courageous. Rather it was to be called rashness which the wise regarded as remote from moderation, and as blameable. But those men were overcome by rashness and did not give ear to these wise counsels and were continually rushing to the ambit of the fort, with the result that many had the cheek of their courage stained with red wounds. Many also drank the wholesome cup of martyrdom, for the arrows and bullets which those rank-breakers discharged passed off after grazing the surface of the walls and battlements, while those which the ill-fated garrison discharged reached men and horses. Accordingly an order was issued that proper spots should be selected and that there the walls and bastions of the fort should be mined, and that then these mines should be filled with gunpowder and set on fire. When the walls and bastions had thus been destroyed, brave men could enter. Also that at one place a covered way (ṯabāṭ) should be made. The servants of the Court girded up their loins of effort for these two works. Though there were many batteries, for the holy warriors had made various shelters and enclosures for their protection all round the fort, there were three principal batteries. One was the Shāhinshāh's special battery and was opposite the Lākhūta Gate, and was in charge of Ḥasan Khān Caghatāī, Rai Pattar Dās, Qāẓī Ālī Baghdādī, Ikhtiyār Khān Faujdār and Kabīr Khān; it was here that the miners worked. The second battery was in charge of Shujā'at Khān, Raja Todar Mal, Qāsim Khān Mīr Barr-u-Baḥr. In this battery they constructed, in the height of the rains, a covered way of the length of a bowshot, from the middle of the hill, on the summit of which the fort was situated. The third battery was in the charge of Khwāja 'Abdu-l-Majid Āṣaf Khān and Wāzir Khān and many other noted heroes. As to send for large mortars from the magazines would cause great delay, a large mortar which could throw a ball of half a man was cast in H.M.'s presence. When the garrison became aware of this fact, which never had entered into their ideas, the smoke of astonishment suffused their obfuscated brains, and they recognised that the foundation of their destruction had been laid, and that there would be daily progress to this consummation. As they were helpless, they had recourse to craft and sent, firstly Sāndā Silāḥdār, and secondly, Ṣaḥib Khān, and made use of entreaties and lamentations. They offered to enrol themselves among the subjects of the sublime court, and to send a yearly present. Several of the officers approved of this offer and made representations to this effect to H.M. They advised that in accordance with this agreement they should withdraw from this difficult task, but the sovereign dignity did not accept this view, and made the coming in of the Rānā a condition of release from the siege. Although the great officers were brought into straits by the long contest and endeavoured to get away from the dangerous place, they were not successful; and as the defenders did not know the bliss of service, they assembled on the walls and bastions and waged hot war. There were many dexterous artillerymen among them and they continually showered balls on the trenchers and other workmen. The latter protected themselves by shields of raw hides and laboured hard at making the covered way. But, in spite of all precautions nearly two hundred men were killed daily. Day by day the sābāṭ was pushed forward, and the mines advanced. The coin of presents was poured into the lap of the workmen's hopes, and silver and gold were reckoned at the rate of earth. On two¹ sides they produced a broad, mud wall such that balls could not penetrate it, and it was sinuous in shape as being for the destruction of those viperous and scorpion-like natures. The miners also drove their mines and brought them up to the foot of the fort. They made two excavations contiguous to each other under the wall and in one they put 120 mans and, in the other, 80 mans of gunpowder. An order was given that the brave and enterprising should stand armed, and in readiness, and be on the watch so that when the mines were fired, and the wall broken down, they should rapidly take possession of the fort. On the day of Isfandārmuẕ 5 Dai, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday 15 Jamāda-al-akhirī, 17 December 1567, the gunpowder was set fire to. The bastion was pulled up from its foundation and sprung into the air with all the ill-fated soldiers who were on it. The match of the second excavation had not taken fire when the assailants, seeing that the wall had been demolished, rushed on heedlessly to the breach in order to enter by it. All at once the second mine exploded, and the troops who were entering, and also a body of their opponents who were preparing to prevent them, were involved in the catastrophe and their souls severed from their bodies by the fierce storm. Their limbs were blown here and there, and stones were carried for leagues. The report of the explosion extended to fifty kos and more, and astonished those who heard it. The cause of this accident was that there was one train for both mines and so it was fired from one place. One mine took fire after the other, and the brave men made their attack without noticing this and without reflection. Before this, when it was reported to H.M. that the mines were ready, he had observed that they should be fired from two places lest there should be delay in the ignition of one of them. Thus he had foreseen the accident with his far-reaching vision. Kabir Khān and the other superintendents of the work formed their own ideas, and the fire ran quickly from one point to two places. But as the thing was fated to occur, planning was of no avail, and that took place which took place. Nearly 200 of the victorious troops ascended to heaven, and among them there were about 100 men of note. About twenty of the latter were known to the king, and among them were Saiyid Jamālu-d-dīn son of Saiyid Aḥmad, one of the Saiyids of Bārha, and who was distinguished by H.M.'s favour. Others were Mīrak Bahādur, Muḥammad Ṣālḥ son of Mīrak Khān Kūlābī who was in his early youth a fiery spark of valour, Ḥayat Sulṭān, Shāh 'Alī Ishak Āqā, Yezdān Qulī, M. Bilūc, Jān Beg and Yār Beg, brothers of Sher Beg Yesāwal-bāshī and Mīrak Bahadūr. A number of about forty who were, as they thought, protected in the defiles of the mountain and were waiting their opportunity, were overwhelmed by earth and bricks from the fort. After the taking of the fort it was ascertained how they had been destroyed. Of the enemy, about forty were consumed by the wrath of God and sent to the abode of annihilation. When the catastrophe became known to the other combatants they advanced and engaged in battle. Their opponents sacrificed their lives in one place, and in the other exerted themselves in raising up a wall, till in a short time they succeeded in building another broad wall as high as the former one. On the same day a mine was exploded in the battery of Āṣaf Khān, but it did not take fire properly. About thirty of the garrison were killed, but, though no injury was sustained by the imperial army, the progress of the siege was not advanced. Although the situation was such as might have opened the eyes of the doomed garrison and have led them to supplication and lamentation, yet as something had occurred to the besiegers which the superficial might regard as a subject of exultation, the besieged made it an adminicle of presumption and pride. The genius of the sovereign recognised the catastrophe as a cause of increased exertion, and strove more and more. Though some of the assailants had been slain, the devotion of the others increased, and though the garrison shewed exultation, H.M. the Shāhinshāh was tranquil, for he knew that there had been a want of plan and gradual progress in regard to the siege, and he pointed out to the eager spirits that haste was not effective in matters of this kind. Patience and planning were necessary. For first, there was the strength of the position, secondly there was the strength of the fortifications, and thirdly there was the large supply of provisions and the number of fighting men. His mind fixed upon the completion of the covered way, which was the best mode of capturing a fortress, and he devoted himself more and more to this work. He frequently visited the sābāṭ and went close to the fort and used to fire at those of the garrison who showed themselves. One day that tiger of the mighty forest was going round the fort. When he came near the Lākhuta battery the holy warriors were engaged in prosecuting the seige under the protection of the wall. H.M. stood under the wall and fired from the loop-holes. His servants were in attendance. Jalāl Khān was standing two removes from H.M. and had placed his shield on the top of the wall, and was watching from behind it the shooting by the garrison. The devoted men who were in the battery were admiring the skill and rare failure of one of the musketeers of the fort who had injured many of the ghāzīs. Suddenly that seldom-erring marksman aimed at Jalāl Khān's head and fired. He shot him through the flesh but did not do him much harm. H.M. the Shāhinshāh remarked, “Jalāl Khān, that mārksman does not show himself, if he would do so, I'd avenge you.” He aimed at the musket which projected from the loop-hole and said, “We shall this very instant take revenge for you on his gun.” The firing and the passing of the bullet through the aperture and its striking the marksman were all one and the same thing. Though it could not be exactly ascertained at the time, yet the lowering of the musket indicated that its owner had been hit. Afterwards it was found that the royal gun had finished the wretch, and that he was named Ismā'īl and was the head of the musketeers. The king's good fortune calmed the men of the battery. Similarly, H.M. killed many of the noted members of the garrison and sent them to the sleep of annihilation. One day he came to the battery towards Citūrī, which is a little hill near the fort, and was superintending the work. He was going slowly along at a place where many bullets and cannon-balls were coming, and as he had perfect reliance on the Divine protection and assistance, no dust of apprehension entered his mind. Suddenly a large cannon-ball fell near him and martyred twenty of the brave combatants. On another day a bullet struck Khān 'Aālm, who was standing near the King; it passed through his cuirass but when it came to his under-garments it was, by the Divine favour, cooled by his sweat. This, too, increased the confidence of the leaders of the holy war. One day a bullet struck Moẓaffar Khān, but eventually did no harm. During the siege many such instances of the Divine protection occurred, and were a cause of guidance to the simple, and increased the devotion of the loyal.

A lofty genius is the key to difficult enterprises, and a lamp of the mysteries of destiny. Especially, wherever such a lord of fortune put his heart into an arduous task, he easily accomplishes it in spite of the apprehension of worldlings. Thus it was by the lofty genius of the Shāhinshāh, which is the interpreter of the Divine aid, that the work of the sābāṭ was accomplished under the supervision of Rajah Todar Mal and Qāsim Khān Mīr Barr-u-Baḥr. Excellent quarters were constructed on the top of the sābāṭ, and H.M. stayed in them for two nights and one day before the work was completed, and directed the operations. The fortunate combatants strung up their hearts to the taking of the fort and destroyed its walls. The besieged also displayed bravery. H M. personally put his heart into the conflict, and kept up a fusillade. He took up a place on the sābāṭ and watched the spectacle of the brave-hearted and of the chain-breaking tigers. During these two nights and a day those gallant men so engaged in conflict that they took neither sleep nor food. The strength of both sides was exhausted. At length on the morning of Daibamihr 15 Isfandarmāz, corresponding to Tuesday 25 Sh'abān, 23 February 1568, that sky-based fortress was conquered. The account of this glorious event, which might serve as the bulletin of fortune, is that on the previous night an attack was being made on the fort from all sides, and several breaches were made in the walls. There were manifest indications that the fortress was ruined. Near the sābāṭ, brave men of the conquering army had pressed forward and had destroyed much of the solid wall of the fort. Half of the night had passed when the garrison crowded into the breach and, while part of them gave themselves up to destruction, the other brought muslin, cotton, wood and oil and were filling up the breach so that when the ghāzis should approach they should set fire to the heap and prevent anyone from entering. At this time H.M. perceived that a person clothed in a cuirass known as the hazār mīkhī (thousand nails) which is a mark of chieftainship among them, came to the breach and superintended the proceedings. It was not known who he was. H.M. took his gun Sangrām, which is one of the special guns, and aimed it at him. To Shujā'at Khān and Rajah Bhagwant Dās he said that, from the pleasure and lightness of hand such as he experienced when he had hit a beast of prey, he inferred that he had hit the man. The Khān Jahān represented that the man had been continually there during the night and been directing the operations; if he did not come back it was evident that he had been killed. An hour had not passed when Jabbār Qulī Diwānā reported that the enemy had all disappeared within that space of time. Just at the same time fire broke out at several places in the fort. The courtiers had various ideas about this, but Rajah Bhagwant Dās represented that the fire was the johar. For it is an Indian custom that when such a calamity has occurred a pile is made of sandalwood, aloes, etc., as large as possible, and to add to this dry firewood and oil. Then they leave hardhearted confidants in charge of their women. As soon as it is certain that there has been a defeat and that the men have been killed, these stubborn ones reduce the innocent women to ashes. And in fact on the morning when the breeze of victory and dominion arose, it was ascertained that the Shāhinshāh's musket had reached Jaimal, the governor of the fort, and had at once destroyed both him and the fort. The fires were the johar, and they took place in the house of the Pata who belonged to the Sīsūdia clan and was one of the Rānā's principal servants, and in the house of the Rāthors, of whom Ṣaḥib Khān was the chief. There was also a great johar-fire in the house of the Cūhān-s whose chief was Aissar Dās. As many as three hundred women were burnt in the destructive fire of those refractory men. Though on that night no one remained in the breach and though every one had given up heart on the killing of Jaimal, and withdrawn to a corner of retreat, yet the rules of precaution were observed and the heroes and ghāzīs were collected from every side and directed to enter the fort at dawn. When the morning-breeze of dominion arose, the active young men and the bold warriors came from the batteries and entered the fort, and engaged in killing and binding. The Rajputs gave up the thread of deliberation and fought and were killed. An order was issued that the active and experienced elephants should be brought in from the front of the sābāṭ. First, Girdbāz Dhokar was brought and stationed at the head of the wall. Then came Madhukar, and then Jangīā, Sabdaliya and Kādira. Each of them did things which surpassed imagination.

Two armies raised their lances
They formed ambuscades, and drew up in line
They were all iron-fisted, biters of steel,
All were famous and were clad in iron
The heroes brandished swords red with blood
One was yielding up his life, another was flying,
They mowed down with swords the elephant-trunks
You'd say serpents were being rained down from the clouds¹
The Commander on a mighty, raging elephant
Continually assailed the bow string²
One paid off his debt of hate with lance and sword
Sometimes the heart was riven, sometimes the breast was consumed
Tulips were painted by his dagger
There was a rain of rings from the heroes' armour.

At the white dawn, which was the morning of fortune for the imperial servants and the evening of destruction for the enemy, H.M. the Shāhinshāh mounted on an elephant, majestic as heaven, and proceeded to the fort. Several thousand devoted men accompanied him on foot. A wonderful thing was that Aissar Dās Cohān, who was one of the brave men of the fort, saw the elephant Madhukar and asked its name. When they told him he, in a moment, with daring rashness, seized his tusk with one hand, and struck with his dagger with the other and said, “Be good enough to convey my respects to the world-adorning appreciator of merit.” The elephant Jangīā displayed great deeds. One of them was that a Rājpūt ran and struck his trunk with his sword and cut it off. Though his trunk was severed, which makes life difficult, it made wonderful conflicts before it died. It had killed thirty distinguished men before it was wounded, and it slew fifteen afterwards. The elephant Madhukar also displayed wonderful deeds. A wonderful thing was that the elephant Kādira ran away inside the fort on account of the noise and tumult, driving before it a number of doomed men who were coming to the breach. The lane was narrow, and it trampled and scattered them all. It was by the Divine aid that such a great boon was conferred. 'Aẓmat Khān, who was riding on the elephant, was wounded, and died of his wounds a few days afterwards. H.M. used to state that, at this time, he was standing on the wall of the fort and contemplating the Divine aids. The elephant Sabdiliya came inside the fort and was engaged in casting down and killing the Rajpūts. A Rajpūt ran at him and struck him with his sword inflicting a slight wound. The elephant, however, did not regard it and seized him with his trunk. Just then another Rājpūt came in front of him and Sabdiliya turned to him while the first man escaped from his grasp and again daringly attacked him from behind, but Sabdiliya behaved magnificently. H.M. also said that in the very heat of the conflict a hero, whom he did not recognise, came under his observation. A Rājpūt who was separated from him by a low wall challenged him to combat, and he joyfully went towards him. One of the imperial soldiers, whom also H.M. did not recognise, ran to the assistance of the other hero, but the latter forbade him saying that it was contrary to the rules of chivalry and courage that he should come to his aid when his opponent had challenged him. He did everything to prevent him from helping him, and engaging personally with his opponent he disposed of him. H.M. used to say that, though he endeavoured to find out this brave and chivalrous man, he did not succeed. Presumably he was one of the mysterious men who put on a bodily form in order to help the spiritually and temporally august one. In the beginning of the fight there were fifty elephants, and at the end as many as 300 entered the fort and trampled down the enemy. H.M. related that he had come near the temple of Gobind Syām when an elephant-driver trampled a man under his elephant. The elephant rolled him up in his trunk and brought him before H.M. The driver said that he did not know the man's name, but that he appeared to be one of the leaders, and that a large number of men had fought round him with sacrifice of their lives. At last it came out that it was Patā who had been trampled to death. At the time he was produced, there was a breath of life left in him, but he shortly afterwards died. There were 8,000 fighting Rajpūts collected in the fortress, but there were more than 40,000 peasants who took part in watching and serving. When the standards entered the fort some of the garrison squeezed themselves into the temples, thinking that they were holy places and and that the idols would help them, and awaited the sacrificing of their lives. Others awaited their doom in their own houses. A number lifted up their swords and shortened their lances and came forward to face the holy warriors. The latter disposed of those evil-fated ones by their swords and lances. A number of those who were in the temples and in their houses came out on seeing the ghāẓīs, but were struck down before they could reach them.

No one ever saw such battles
Nor ever heard of such from the experienced
What shall I say of that battle and engagement
I cannot mention one item out of a hundred thousand.

From early dawn till midday the bodies of those ill-starred men were consumed by the majesty of the great warrior. Nearly 30,000 men were killed. The reason of so many being killed was that on the former occasion on 3 Muharram 703, 16 August 1303, when Sulṭān 'Al'aū d-dīn took the fort after six months and seven days, the peasantry were not put to death as they had not engaged in fighting. But on this occasion they had shown great zeal and activity. Their excuses after the emergence of victory were of no avail, and orders were given for a general massacre. But a large number were made prisoners.

One of the wonderful things was that the Shāhinshāh's wrath had been greatly excited against the skilful musketeers, but though much search was made no trace of them could be found. At last it transpired that those evil-doers had, by means of the disguise of trickery, carried off their lives in safety from the fort. The way they got out was¹ this: When the victorious army was hotly engaged in plundering and capturing, these musketeers, who were a thousand in number, bound their wives and children as if they were prisoners and set off with them. The truth remained concealed from the searchers, and they thought that they were royal troops carrying off their prisoners. The stratagem was effectual at such a time and they escaped. Though on that day there was no house or lane, or passage where there were not heaps of dead, yet there were three places where the numbers of the slain was very great. A large number of Rājpūts had collected in the house of the Rānā in the fort. They came out by twos and threes, and threw away their lives. A large number collected in the temple of Mahādeo, who was much reverenced by them, and gave their bodies to the winds in the Rāmpūra gateway. A glorious victory, such as might be an embroidery of increasing dominion, displayed itself from the ambuscades of fortune, and the fumes of pride at once departed from the heads of the contumacious ones of India, and they adopted submission after a special fashion. Except Ẓarb Ālī Tuwācī no one of the armies of fortune drank the cup of martyrdom on that day. H.M. the Shāhinshāh offered thanksgiving and after midday proceeded towards the camp. He remained there for three days arranging affairs, and made over the whole of the Sarkār to Khwāja 'Abdu-l-majīd Āṣaf Khān. As, at the commencement of this great enterprise, he had vowed that after the achievement of victory he would go on foot to the shrine of Khwāja Muīnu-d-dīn Cistī in Ajmīr, he, when he returned from the fort, in accordance with his vow, walked back to the camp. On the day of Farwardīn 19 Isfandārmāẕ, Divine month, corresponding to Saturday 29 Sh'abān, 28 February 1568, the drum of return beat high, and he set off on foot as before and went on stage by stage over the burning desert-sands and while the wind was extremely hot. Although the order was that the troops should come on, mounted, yet the courtiers did not fail to do as he did, and many of the ladies of the harem travelled on foot under the shadow of H.M.'s protection. When he reached the town of Māndal, Shagūna Qurāwal, who had gone in advance to Ajmīr and had conveyed the good news of H.M.'s approach, came quickly and brought representations from the ascetic hermits of the shrine to the effect that his holiness the Khwāja had appeared in a vision and had announced that the spiritual and temporal king had, from feelings of religion and righteous endeavour, formed the intention of visiting the shrine of his humble self on foot, and had directed them to restrain the caravan-conductor of Truth's way from his design by every means in their power. “If he knew the amount of his own spirituality he would not bestow a glance on me the sitter-in-the-dust of the path of studentship.” When this representation reached the royal hearing, he allowed himself to be conveyed from that stage, and on the day of Āsmān 27 Isfandārmaẕ, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 7 Ramẓān, 6 March 1568, made the district of Ajmīr fortunate by his advent. The last stage he, in accordance with his vow, performed on foot, and, without going to his quarters, at once proceeded to circumambulate the holy shrine. He encompassed all the attendants on the shrine with liberal favours. He stayed there for ten days, intent on the worship of the Author of all good.

Among the fortunate things which occurred during the siege of Citūr there was this, that Sulaimān, the governor of Bengal, again recited the Khuṭba in the name of H.M. the Shāhinshāh. He also had an interview with Mun'im Khān the Khān-Khānan, and made an insincere peace with him (gurg āshti). The account of this is, that at the time when Mubāriz Khān, who was known as 'Adili, became an ingrate and a claimant of rule, Tāj Khān Kararāni fled with his brothers and came to Bihār, and continuously practised hypocrisy and feline stratagems, both while Muḥammad Khān the ruler of Bengal was lifting up the head of dissension, and also after him, during the time of Bahādur. At last after 'Adili had been killed in battle with Bahādur, the latter died of a natural death, and his younger brother Jalālu-d-dīn laid claim to the sway of Bengal and Bihār. Tāj Khān and his brother were sometimes at strife with Jalālu-d-din, and sometimes were on friendly terms with him. They also laid the foundation of a friendship with the Khān Zamān and behaved in a hypocritical manner. After many adventures Jalālu-d-dīn also died, and the rule of Bengal and Bihar fell to Tāj Khān. After a short time, during which Tāj Khān had, by fraud and deception, obtained possession of Bengal and Bihar, he too died, and his younger brother Sulaimān obtained the power. He formed a friendship with the Khān Zamān and strove to make his own position secure. He acquired strange power and the brainless Afghans all gathered round him. He collected treasure and a large number of elephants. When the Khān Zamān got his deserts by being punished, and H.M. the Shāhinshāh had returned after granting Jaunpūr, etc., to Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānan, as has already been narrated, Asad Ullāh Khān was holding Zamāniya, which had been founded by the Khān Zaman, on the latter's account. When the Khān Zamān was killed, Asad 'Ullāh, from weakness of intellect, sent a person to Sulaimān and asked for an appointment. He proposed to make over Zamānya to him and to become unfaithful to his salt. When the Khān-Khānan became aware of this, he sent men to him and conciliated him. As he had some goodness in him he hearkened to the advice, and made over Zamānya to Qāsim Mashki, the Khān-Khānan's agent, and personally appeared before the Khān Khānan. The Afghan army which had come for Zamānya returned unsuccessful. Lodī, who was distinguished among the Afghans for wisdom and goodness, and was Sulaimān's prime minister, was on the bank of the Son. As he knew the Khān-Khānan to be a sedate man and a lover of peace, he made friends with him and planned by this means to save his country from the impact of the Shāhinshāh's troops. Presents and messages passed between him and Mun'im Khān, and close relations were thus established. When the world-conquering standards marched against Citūr, Sulaimān was engaged in extirpating the Rajah of Orissa, and Ibrāhīm. As he was not at ease about Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānan he, at the opportune time when H.M. was engaged in taking Citūr, endeavoured through Lodī to come to terms with him, and laid the foundations of friendship. After a friendly correspondence it was arranged that the Khān-Khānan should come to visit him, so that by coming face to face alliance might be confirmed, and that the Khuṭba and the coinage might be adorned by the lofty titles of the Shāhinshāh. The Khān-Khānan decided upon visiting Sulaimān and so completing the outward arrangements. Though far-seeing well-wishers endeavoured to dissuade him from this unsound idea, he did not listen to them and set off for Patna with 300 chosen men of his own and with Muḥibb 'Alī Khān, Ibrahīm Khān Uzbeg, L'al Khān Badakhshī, Kucak 'Alī Khān son of Mīr Sultan Wais Qibcāq, Mīr Hāshim, brother of Abū-l-máālī, Hāshim Khān, and their dependants who might altogether amount to 1,000 men. Lodī came and paid his respects, and after him came Bāyazīd the eldest son of Sulaimān. When they were five or six kos from Patna, Sulaimān came to welcome him and respectfully embraced him. First, the Khān-Khānan had a feast and invited Sulaimān to his quarters, and had a brilliant assembly. Next day Sulaimān exercised hospitality and exalted the pulpit by the holy name (of Akbar). He also glorified the coinage by the sacred stamp and offered suitable presents. A number of his strife-mongering nobles urged the seizure of Mun'im Khān. They represented that the sublime standards were engaged in conquering Citūr, and many of the great officers were there. If they disposed of the Khān-Khānan there was no one between them and the throne who could oppose them. When Lodī heard of this perfidy he spoke wise words and said that it was far from wisdom to make an enemy of such a lord of fortune, the lights of whose power shone more powerfully year by year over countries. Moreover the Khān-Khānan was only one of the slaves whom H.M. had reared. Whatever humble individual fell under the glance of the God-assisted one could be a Khān-Khānan? What benefit would result from killing those few men? Then they had an opponent such as Ibrāhīm lying in wait for them. How could such a plan (as that of seizing Mun'im Khān) be successful? Though Sulaimān accepted these views, the other Afghans, who were drunk with the wine of ignorance, did not listen and plotted mischief. When Mun'im Khān heard this news he, by a clever stratagem, left his camp and, by Lodī's advice, came away quickly with a few men. The black-hearted Afghans only heard of it after he had gone a long way. As the business was at an end, they could only behave in a soothing manner. Bāyazīd and Lodī came rapidly to the Khān-Khānan, and after doing him honour they returned. Mun'im Khān had crossed the Ganges and made two or three marches when the bulletin of the victory of Citūr arrived. This increased the confidence of the imperial servants a thousand times. Sulaimān went with a tranquil mind towards Bengal, and engaged in the disposal of his own business. He by fraud got possession of Orissa, where the temple of Jagannath is, and perfidiously put the Rajah to death. He also, by oaths and deception, got Ibrāhīm into his hands, who had taken refuge with the Rajah and indulged in ideas of sovereignty. Him also Sulaimān sent to the abode of annihilation. Mun'im Khān engaged on his duties with a mind at rest.

O thou opener of the eyes of the far-seeing
Supplier of those sitting in want,
Stretch out thy hand, for the self-reliant spirit
Has fallen into the abyss of a boundless flood.

By the help of daily-increasing fortune my utterance has come thus¹ far and the burden on my heart has become somewhat lighter. I hope that by the increasing brightness of the morn of auspiciousness my heart may have new enlightenment and my tongue new strength, and that every moment the difficult task may become easy and suitable.

When my heart's guardian angel beheld me
He exclaimed from the portico of resolve,
Bring up the new Spring from life's fountain
Clothe speech with a newly-woven garment!

The auspicious cortège of the Near Year arrived during the pleasant time when the Shāhinshāh was staying in Ajmīr after the conquest of Citūr. The world-adorning standards of the sun entered Aries—the house of exaltation—and the fortresses of the buds were opened by the alert hands of the vernal gales. The armies of vegetation adorned the parterres of the garden of equability.

They spread a carpet of China brocade
On it were forms from all the seven climes
These adorned the floor of that banquet-hall of joy
They invited the grandees and called for wine
Love showed itself and desire increased
They chose their loves and grasped their cups.

After the passing of three hours and nine minutes of the night of Thursday the 11th Ramẓān 975, 10 March 1568, the auspicious transit (of the sun) took place, and the thirteenth year, to wit, the year Farwardīn, which was the first year of the second revolution, took place. It is to be hoped that thousands of revolutions and cycles (qarn) will possess the qualities of spring for the spiritual and temporal Khedive. H.M., after completing the circumambulations and celebrating the New Year's feast, left Ajmīr for the capital on the day of Isfandārmaẕ 5 Farwardīn Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday 15 Ramẓān, 14 March 1568. He travelled by Mewāt and indulged in hunting by the way. While doing so the huntsmen pointed out a tiger-jungle and H.M. the Shāhinshāh went there to hunt the beast. When he came near the reed-bed, suddenly a formidable tiger came out. The courtiers lost control of themselves and pinned the animal to the earth with life-taking arrows. H.M. the Shāhinshāh did not approve of such haste, and commanded that no one should, without orders, surround any wild beast that came out of the jungle. While H.M. was saying this, another tiger, as formidable as the first one, came out and moved towards him. When the attendants saw this, their hair stood up on their bodies, but on account of the sacred command no one ventured to advance to kill the tiger. H.M. mounted as he was, watched the tiger's eye and shot an arrow at him. The tiger, wounded as he was, daringly advanced, and came out on the high ground and sate there (?) in his wrath. H.M. got off his horse and stood there, while the brave tiger-throwers drew a circle round him. H.M. took aim with a gun and fired at the tiger, so that the ball entered at the corner of his mouth and grazed the skin below the ear. H.M. was endeavouring to discharge another bullet, and was seeking for an opportunity, but to whatever side he turned, the tiger was on the watch there, and a fitting opportunity for shooting did not present itself.

I have heard from the holy lips of the Shāhinshāh that H.M. Jahānbāni Jinnat-Āshiyānī used to relate that God had so ordained it that when a number of persons went tiger-shooting the tiger always kept his eyes on the person who was destined to shoot him. H.M. told me that he had noticed this on many occasions when he went out shooting, and found it come true.¹ In fine, when he could not get an opportunity he bade Dastam Khān advance, so that on the tiger's attention being drawn to him, H.M. might get a shot. 'Ādil, the son of Shāh Muḥammad Qandahārī, who had been chidden (for shooting the first tiger) thought that the order to advance was given to all the attendants, and he too went on from behind H.M. with a bow and arrow in his hand. The tiger turned towards 'Ādil, and when he came near, 'Ādil shot, and by force of destiny he made a miss. The tiger came on and struck him with his two paws. That strong man attacked the tiger, and put his left hand into his mouth, while with the other he drew his dagger. As fate destined something different, the dagger was fastened to the hilt, and while he was unfastening it the tiger chewed his hand. Then he drew his dagger and inflicted two wounds on the tiger's mouth. Then the tiger seized his right hand with his mouth. Meanwhile the brave men in attendance rushed in from all sides and disposed of the tiger with their swords, and at the same time 'Ādil received a sword-wound. That tiger-hearted brave man lay in agony for four months and at last the poison of the wounds caused his limbs to mortify, and he died in Agra. It would seem that this was a retribution for his disrespect to his father. The circumstances were that the shameless one lusted after the wife of his father's diwān, and that the chaste lady gave her life to death and did not yield her body to him. His father used to restrain him from this improper behaviour, and one day, he being annoyed by his father's remonstrances, struck him with his sword. In fact, if 'Ādil escaped in the judgment-hall of God by such a punishment, from the abyss of his crime he was fortunate. How could so great a transgression receive its retribution by such an event!

In fine, after enjoying the hunting, H.M. sent off his camp which had been pitched near Alwār, while he himself went by way of Nārnol and there joined the camp. From there he went on hunting, and on the day of Isfandārmaẕ 5 Ardī bihisht, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday 15 Shawwāl, 13 April 1568, he arrived at Agra. In this fortunate year Ḥājī Begam returned to the imperial dominions after visiting the two holy places (Mecca and Medīna) and distributing large benefactions and charities to the inhabitants thereof, and was rejoiced by seeing the altar of her heart and soul, and the spiritual and temporal king.

One of the events was the march of the victorious troops to take the fort of Rantanbhōr which, for strength and solidity, was the equal of Citūr. But in the middle of the way the army turned back in accordance with the orders and went off to Mālwa to put down the Mīrzās. The account of this is, that when the world-conquering forces returned to the capital after the victory over Citūr, it occurred to H.M. the Shāhinshāh that some of those leaders who had not had the happiness to serve at Citūr, or who had arrived late, should be appointed to take Rantanbhōr, which was a stumbling-block in the way of peace. In accordance with this good idea Ṣādiq Khān, Bāba Khān Qāqshāl, Samānjī Khān, Ṣafdar Khān, Bahādur Khān, Dost Khān Sahārī, and other great officers were dispatched on this service under the leadership of Ashraf Khān. The army had marched some way and then returned. Messengers brought the news that Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. and Muḥammad Ḥusain M. had collected a number of vagabonds and had come from Gujrāt to Mālwa. They were besieging Ujjain, which is a great fortress in that province, and thereby had introduced disorder into the territory.

The circumstances of this disturbance are as follows. When Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, together with many of the great officers such as Murād Khān and Shāh Budāgh Khān, were sent against the Mīrzās from the vicinity of Gāgrūn, when H.M. was proceeding against Citūr, the Mīrzās felt that they could not cope with the victorious forces and hastened towards Gujrāt. They joined Cingīz Khān, the slave of Sulṭān Mahmūd Gujrātī, and who had, after the Sulṭān's martyrdom, taken possession of Cāmpānīr, Surat and Broach. He was then aiming at getting possession of Aḥmadābād and was wishing to lead an army against I'timād Khān. He regarded the coming of the Mīrzās as a valuable prize, and marched with a large force against I'timad. A hot engagement took place near the city and I'timad Khān was defeated and Aḥmadābād taken. As the Mīrzās distinguished themselves in this battle, Cingīz Khān gave them suitable fiefs in the neighbourhood of Broach. As the clay and water of their bodies were composed of turbulence, there too they extended the arm of oppression. In their presumption they laid hold of several estates and villages and traversed the country with unruly steps. Cingīz Khān sent a large army against them, but it was defeated. As, however, they could not withstand Cingīz Khān, they stirred up the dust of calamity and went off to Khāndes. There too they were not safe and set off for Mālwa, and spread the table of strife on the borders of Ujjain. Murād Khān, the jāgīrdār of Ujjain, and M. 'Azīzu-ullah, the diwāu of Sarkār Mālwa, had heard of their designs two days before, and repaired and strengthened the fort of Ujjain and stood firm.

When the news of this disturbance arrived, an order was issued that the troops which had gone off to take Ranthanbhōr should proceed to Mālwa. Thereupon the officers turned towards that province, and proceeded there in spite of the intensity of the rains. H.M. the Shāhinshāh separated from his court and added to the troops several of the great officers such as Qulīj Khān and Khwāja Ghīāṯu-d-dīn 'Alī of Qazwīn, the latter of whom had been appointed Bakhshi.

When the troops reached Saronj, Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, who was jāgīrdār there, joined them with a proper equipment. In Sārangpūr Shāh Budāgh Khān, who was governor there, joined them. When the Mīrzās heard of their approach they lost confidence and fled in confusion to Māndū. Murād Khān and Mīr 'Azīzu-ullah Diwān and other great officers pursued them, and the Mīrzās fled from Mandū and went off in confusion to the Narbada. A large number of their followers gave their lives to the waves of annihilation. While there, they heard of Cingīz Khān's having been killed by the treachery of Jajhār Khān Ḥabshī and of the divisions in Gujrāt. They considered that Gujrāt would be a grand asylum for them and went off there. The officers continually pursued them and came up to the Narbada. But as the conquest of Gujrāt was reserved for another knot of time, they did not, in the absence of orders, proceed further and so turned back. The jāgīrdārs of Mālwa remained at their fiefs, and the other officers, such as Ashraf Khān, Qulīj Khān, Sādiq, and Khwāja Ghīāṯu-d-dīn 'Ālī, returned to court. As H.M. had heard that they had shown tardiness in setting off and in pursuing the Mīrzās, they were for some days under his displeasure. But when it appeared that the tale-bearers and stirrers up of strife had reported what was untrue, they were encompassed with princely favours. The Mīrzās managed to drag themselves to Gujrāt, and as they found the country without a ruler, they got possession, without a contest, of the forts of Cāmpānīr and Surat. Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. went to Broach. Rustam Khān, a Turkish slave, in whose house lived Cingīz Khān's sister, made the fort strong and shut himself up in it. The strife-mongers besieged it for two years, and Rustam Khān continually sallied out of the fort, and did Rustam-like feats. But as he was without a head, and despaired of help, he came to terms and surrendered the fort. By perfidy and deceit the lords of dissension caused his life also to come out of the fortress of his body. The affair of the Mīrzās, and the end of those troublers will be related in this noble volume in its proper place.

One of¹ the occurrences was that the officers of the Atka clan were removed from the Panjab and that the government of that country was entrusted to Ḥusain Qulī Khān, who on account of his good services received the title of Khān Jahān. It is not hidden from the hearts of the far-seeing aud clear-sighted that the spiritual garland-twiners of sovereignty (i.e. kings) resemble gardeners. As gardeners adorn gardens with trees and move them from one place to another, and reject many, and irrigate others, and labour to rear them to a proper size, and extirpate bad trees, and lop off evil branches, and remove trees that are too large, and graft some upon others, and gather their various fruits and flowers, and enjoy their shade when necessary, and do other things which are established in the science of horticulture, so do just and far-seeing kings light the lamp of wisdom by regulating and instructing their servants, and so uprear the standard of guidance. Whenever a large body is gathered together of one mind and speech, and show much push and energy, it is proper to disperse them, firstly for their own good, and secondly for the welfare of the community. Even if no improper act in consequence of the aggregation be seen or suspected, such dispersion is the material of union, for peace cannot be established when there is damage from the man-throwing wine of the world, and the weak-headed drinkers of the cup of its intoxication! Especially when strife-mongers and tale-bearers abound! Negligence is implanted in the human constitution. Accordingly the wisdom and statesmanship of the Shāhinshāh demanded that the loyal members of the Atka Khail, who had for a long time been gathered together in the Panjāb and been administering that province, should leave it, and after appearing at Court should have charge of another territory. Although previously to this, viz., when the Khān Kilān had gone to Kabul, or when M. Ḥakīm had with a few troops besieged Lahore, wonderful stories had been told about those loyal men, they had not been credited by H.M., who is a world-revealing cup of terrestrial and celestial mysteries. But in conformity with the above-mentioned canon, which is consonant with the religion of sovereignty, he resolved that all the officers of the Panjāb and the jāgīrdārs of that province should be summoned, and that the control of that territory should be entrusted to some other persons from among the intimate courtiers. At the time when the sublime army had conquered the fortress of Citūr and returned to the capital, an order was issued calling for the officers of the Panjāb, and those auspicious ones made respectful haste, and in Shahriyūr, Divine month, corresponding to Rabi'-al-awwal 976, August 1568, did homage in Agra, the capital. After a short period, the Sārkar of Sambal was made the fief of Mir Muḥammad Khān, Sarkār Mālwa given to Quṭbu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān, and Sarkār Qanauj to Sharīf Khān. All the descendants and scions of this glorious clan were distinguished by the grant of suitable fiefs. As M. Koka was continually in attendance on H.M., his Panjāb jāgīr was left as it was, while the province was made over to the government of Ḥuṣain Qulī Khān who was summoned from Nāgor. He arrived and made the dust of the sublime threshold the collyrium of the eyes of his fortune at the time when the army was proceeding to conquer Ranthanbhōr. He accompanied this expedition, and when the fort was taken and the country conquered, he came to the capital and was sent off with his brother Ism'aīl Qulī Khān to administer the Panjāb.

In this fortunate year Shihābu-d-din Aḥmad Khān came, in accordance with orders, from Sarkār Mālwa and did homage. The world-adorning mind directed that as the management both of political and financial matters was beyond Muẓaffar Khān's powers, and he could not give proper attention to exchequer affairs, one of the able, peasantry-cherishing, honest and laborious officers should be specially appointed to this high office. In accordance with this idea H.M. nominated Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān—who possessed a large share of those qualities—to the office of the Exchequer. He took proper pains to administer this department, and as the exchequer-business was large, and honest men, or rather officers¹ who did not much embezzle, were few, he abolished the yearly settlement (ẓabṭ-i-hirsāla) which was a cause of great expense and led to embezzlements, and established a rate (nasq), and by his acuteness² suppressed the fraudulent.

The chastisement of the stiff-necked ones who cocked the cap of pride, and whose heads held the brain of turbulence, as well as the cherishing of the obedient who bow themselves beneath the burden of submission and move swiftly under it, are for great princes the most exquisite form of religious worship. Thanks be to God! H.M. the Shāhinshāh has always kept this praiseworthy object in view. Accordingly he has by daily-increasing fortunes from time to time cleansed the heart-expanding territories of India from the weeds and rubbish of strife-mongers. When the lofty fortress of Citūr had been conquered, and the rebellious ones trodden by the elephants of the troops of fortune, he turned his attention to the fort of Rantanbhōr which was Citūr's equal. As officers who were organisers of victory had repeatedly been appointed to take it, and something had always occurred to prevent this—and indeed it would appear that the arbiters of destiny had reserved this great feat for the expedition in person of the Shāhinshāh—he by Divine inspiration decided to accomplish the undertaking at this auspicious time. Accordingly, on the day of Āẕar 9 Dai, Divine month, corresponding to Monday the 1st Rajab, 21st December 1568, the expedition for the conquest of this great fortress took place. In order to strengthen his heart by the influences of holy recluses he marched by way of Delhi, and in the sacred places there sought for amplitude of light. Especially did he visit the perfumed shrine of that sitter on the spiritual and temporal throne, H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiānī, and did he confer princely largesse on the attendants thereupon. Similarly he bestowed liberal alms on all the custodians of other shrines, and weighted the skirts of the hopes of the empty-handed ones of the city by generous gifts. In the neighbourhood of the town of Pālam, which is near the city, he had a qamargha hunt and engaged in the pursuit of joy. In that pleasant locality he had various delights, and engaged in spiritual and physical hunting. From thence he went, hunting by the way, through Mewāt, and after spreading the shadow of his justice over the city of Alwar he moved further forward.

One of the instructive occurrences was that in the neighbourhood of the town of Lālsot¹ the elephant Mansukha² (mind's delight), which was one of the special elephants, became mast and rushed at the elephant of Shaikh Muḥammad Bokhārī. With his two tusks he so lifted up that elephant as to amaze the spectators. That famous elephant received an injury to its chest, and died after two days. Its female companion for three days after this occurrence did not touch water, or rice or fodder. The more they tried to induce her to eat, the less inclination did she show to do so. At last she died on the third day, from grief at the separation from her companion. When such marks of affection appear in beasts, what deeds are there which may not be displayed among human beings? But no one must reason from this to persons who are human in shape, but not in reality, for such persons are lower than fossils. In brief, by seeing this catastrophe spiritualists had the lamp of their understandings illuminated, while the simple ones of the school of loyalty received a tablet of instruction in devotion. After traversing various stages H.M. the Shāhinshāh reached Rantanbhōr on the day of Anīrān 3 Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday 21 Shābān, 10 February 1569. This fort is in the middle of the hill-country. Hence they say that all other forts are naked, while this is mail-clad. The real name of this fort is Rantahpūr,³ and Ran is the name of a high hill which overtops it. On this account the fort has got this name. The fort is very lofty and strong, so that the lasso of the imagination cannot reach its battlements, nor the catapult of the fancy be effectual against its high walls.

They saw a hill with its head on Arcturus,
Not made of hands, or by water and clay
On it was a fort which since Time
The bird of thought had not passed by
The Pleiades were its first pillar
No such fort was to be seen in the world.

At that time Surjan Hārā was ruler of the fort. He had strengthened it in various ways, and had provisioned it, and having prepared for war, he had in his folly grounded his presumptuous hopes on this piece of stone. On the day after his arrival H.M. the Shāhinshāh had come out of the defile where his camp was pitched and examined the hill in company with a few of his special courtiers. He went up to the top of the hill and studied with far-seeing eyes the height of the fort. He brought the figure of its conquest into the mirror of his imagination and tightened the straps of resolution for its capture.

Thus spoke the illustrious Khāqān
O famed one, the memorial of the world,
By the favour of God the Creator
I shall cast this fort to the ground.

In accordance with the world-conquering commands the able Bakhshī-s arranged the batteries round the hill on the summit of which the fort was situated. The ocean-like army surrounded it with its billows, and took the form of a devastating flood. Egress and ingress were so blocked for the garrison that the wind could not enter. They were active in firing cannon, and the thunderbolt of wrath burnt up the life-harvest of the ill-fated enemy.

One of the occurrences during the siege was the arrival of Mahdī Qāsim Khān from the journey to the Ḥijāz. He from a confused brain had gone off on this journey from Garha, which was his government, without leave from H.M. Having been struck with shame he had come to Qandahar by way of 'Irāq, and from there he came to Ranthanbōr and did homage. He presented 'Irāqī horses and other things, and as the nature of H.M. the Shāhinshāh is such that he feels ashamed¹ for transgressors, he showed kindness and humanity and gave him a robe of honour, etc. He also gave him the Sarkār of Lucknow and its territory as his fief, and afterwards conferred upon him the dignity of an Amīr.

While the Shāhinshāh was engaged in besieging Ranthanbhōr the standard of the army of Spring was upreared, and the “'aṭr” of the New Year took possession of the world. The mouth of the bud opened, and the fire of the rose shed sparks.

The new spring was like young men's minds
And fresher than the brains of the wise
The garden-fortress shot fire from the rose
The armies of the jasmine and cypress careered,
The hyacinth-bed shed everywhere perfume
And excited more joy than the mountain-shade
The tulip in the field seemed to hold up a flag,
The thunder in the clouds was like a mountain-echo
The breeze brimful of the bounty of the world's morn
Suffused the earth's brain with fragrance.

By the felicity of the Shāhinshāh the outer world took the freshness and pleasantness of the spiritual world. The Great Luminary—the gift-bestower on the world—entered its house of exaltation after 7 hours, 9 minutes of the night of Friday the 22nd Ramẓān 976, 11 March 1569, and the 14th year or the Divine Year Ardī-bihisht of the 2nd cycle began. The vernal breeze gave the news of the blowing of the rose and proclaimed victory to mortals, and the birds of the garden sang in chorus. As after consideration it appeared certain that the enterprise was impossible without the application of sābāṭs which are the demolishers of the stiffnecked, an order was given to Qāsim Khān Mīr Barr-u-Baḥr to prepare one. For greater security Rajah Todār Mal, who had the control of the vīziership, was also employed on this service. Able superintendents raised a lofty sābāṭ near the valley of the Ran. Strong stone-cutters as well as smiths and carpenters addressed themselves to this duty. In a short space of time the work was far advanced, and the work became on a level with the fort. Great culverins, each of which was with difficulty dragged over level ground by two hundred pairs of oxen, and which threw a stone of sixty mans and a bullet¹ of thirty mans were drawn up such a mountain full of heights and hollows by winding paths by iron-armed kahārs and strong-shouldered porters, by the genius of the Shāhinshāh who is the opener of physical and spiritual knots, over the hillock of the Ran where the royal battery was. In accordance with orders firing began. At every discharge there was a reverberation in the mountain, the ears of the solid rocks were opened, and there was a breach in the walls of the fort and the houses went to dust.

On seeing this state of things the smoke of amazement rose in Sūrjan's brain, and dust was evolved from his breath. His pride was shattered, and the fire of his disposition quenched. At the end of the month of Ramẓān, 19th March 1569, which was the first day of victory, the Shāhinshāh remarked: “If the garrison do not to-day come to do homage, next day, which is the 'Īd, the fort will be our target (qabaq).” Sūrjan's heart gave way. He employed the intercession of the courtiers and sent his sons Dūda and Bhoj to court. They succeeded, by the instrumentality of some high officers, in obtaining an interview and placed the foreheads of supplication on the threshold of sincerity. They begged the pardon of their father's offences and requested that they might perform the prostration (sijda). Inasmuch as the ocean of the Shāhinshāh's forgiveness is always in motion, the ear of their hope was made heavy by the jewels of favour. They were attired with robes of pardon and sent to their father. One of the strange things that occurred on that day was that when the sons of Sūrjan were brought out from the royal pavilion to receive their robes of honour, one of the doomed Rajputs, who was with them, conceived the notion that possibly an order had been issued for the seizure of the lads. In his loyalty he got excited and proceeded to draw his sword. Bipākdas (?) Sakrwāl, a servant of Rajah Bhagwant Dās, was near at hand, and began to rebuke the Rajput and to give him advice. The fated one attacked him with his sword, but that excellent man did not budge and continued his admonitions, saying that his duty was clear, that he was the friend of both parties, and that the Rajput should desist as he was under a mistake. The furious man did not attend to him, but ran towards the royal daulatkhāna. He wounded Pūran Mal, son of Kānth Sajāwat, and also one or two others. He also clove to the middle Bahāu-d-dīn Majẕub of Budāūn, who was in the circle of admirers of the holy beauty (of Akbar). Meanwhile one of Moẓaffar Khān's servants came up and disposed of him. H.M. the Shāhinshāh was astonished at the occurrence. Though the sons of Sūrjan were not to blame and were not censured, yet they were somewhat ashamed. They were encompassed with favours and joyfully rejoined their father, and communicated to him the happy intelligence. Sūrjan, in order that his honour might be preserved, begged that one of the intimate courtiers might come and introduce him to the court, and H.M. the Shāhinshāh granted his request, and nominated Ḥusain Qulī Khān. When the latter drew near the fort, Sūrjan hastened to meet him, and to convey him with honour to his house. On the day of Māh the 12th Farwardīn, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday 3 Shawwāl, 22nd March, he came out of the fort and prostrated himself at the threshold. He tendered suitable gifts, and the keys of the fort, which were made of gold and silver. He was treated with great favour and attained to security and tranquillity. Through some courtiers he represented that after three days spent in the fort he would bring out his family, etc., and that thereafter he would make over the fort to the imperial servants and proceed himself to the capital. Meanwhile his sons would wait on the royal stirrup. H.M. accepted his proposition, and gave him leave to depart. An order was issued for the dispersal of the troops. Sūrjan entered the fort, and was occupied for three days in bringing out his dependants and his goods, and then made over the fort, with its granaries, and stores to Mihtar Khān, who was one of the great officers. The conquest of such a lofty fort, which great rulers had not been able to accomplish after long sieges, and which Sulṭan Al'aū-d-dīn had taken with great difficulty after a year, was effected by H.M. the Shāhinshāh in the space of one month. Next day H.M. entered the fort. The cries of “God is great” (Allah Akbar) resounded in that heaven-like mountain, and songs of exultation rose high from holy celestials!

Wherever the eye looked, there was sign of victory.
Wherever the ear applied itself, there was news of conquest.

When by the help of fortune the standard of victory had been raised high as Capella, and the management of Ranthanbhōr had been arranged for, Khwāja Jahān and Moẓaffar Khān were, in accordance with orders, sent off to the right with the large camp towards the capital, while H.M. the Shāhinshāh went off with his intimates towards Ajmīr and the illustrious shrine. Every day he enjoyed the pleasures of hunting till at length he reached that delightful city (Ajmīr). H.M. paid his respects to the shrine and scattered coin into the skirts of the attendants. During the week that he spent there he visited the shrine every day, and in going and coming showed great reverence. Afterwards he proceeded towards the capital.

When he alighted at Amber, Rajah Bhagwant Dās, whose native town it was, came forward with sincerity and arranged a feast. He also tendered noble gifts. The royal cortège moved from thence, stage by stage. On the way news was brought to H.M. of the death of Darbār Khān. At the time of proceeding to Ajmīr he had, on account of severe illness, obtained permission to repair to the capital. In accordance with heaven's decree he died in that city. As H.M. is a mine of gentleness and an appreciator of merit, he was rendered very melancholy by this catastrophe. As in the world of asceticism and isolation patience and endurance in such matters is proper, so in the world of association are restlessness and disturbance approved of. But in the case of an all-sincere king such events are but the polishers of the jewel of devotion! In accordance with his directions (waṣīyat) that faithful servant was buried at the foot of the royal dog,¹ where formerly a dome had been erected by him. His children were encompassed by royal favours. May almighty God preserve this loyalty-rewarding Shāhīnshāh for epochs and cycles on the throne of dominion, and not suffer the dust of sorrow to touch the hem of his ever-vernal heart!

O God, as long as there is a centre to the sky
Make not the world vacant of this King
May the heavens be his signet ring
May the key of the world be in his sleeve.

In fine, after traversing various stages he arrived at Agra on the 31st Ardībihisht, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday 24 Ẕī-l-q'ada, 11 May 1569, and alighted in the centre of the citadel in the Bangāli-Maḥal which had been newly constructed. The gates of justice and graciousness were thrown open for mankind.

The breezes of fortune which blew from the vent-hole of fortune caused the flowers of the gardens of success to smile, and the boughs of victory to become heavy with fruit. The aspirations of joy were fulfilled. Proclamations issued from the³ four pillars of dominion, and joyful tidings from the six sides of fortune. As an instance of this, on the 32nd day of Amardād, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday 29 Ṣafar 977, 11 August 1569, messengers brought the news of the capture of Fort Kālinjar. That fort is built upon a hill, and is equal to the cærulean fortress of the spheres.

If one vows to ascend the hill
He afterwards searches for a means of fulfilment
When one sees a higher hill than it
His to-day will be the day after the resurrection.

This fort was in the possession of Rajah Rām Cand, the ruler of Panna. During the evil time of the Afghans he got possession of it by giving a large sum of money to Bijlī Khān, the adopted son of Bihār Khān.¹ At the time when the army of victory proceeded against Ranthanbhōr, an order was issued to Majnūn Khān Qāqshāl, Shāham Khān Jalāīr and other officers, who had jāgīrs in the eastern provinces for the taking of Fort Kālinjar. They obeyed the command and laid siege to the fort. The garrison was brought into difficulty so that no one could put his head out of the fort. When the report of the captures of Citūr and Ranthanbhōr resounded in the ears of the haughty ones, everyone whose eyes had been in a measure touched by the collyrium of understanding saw that there was no remedy except to lay down the head of presumption on the ground of submission. Rajah Rām Cand, who possessed some rays of intelligence, heard of the arrival of the holy cortège at the capital, and asked for quarter. He made over the fort to the imperial servants and sent the keys along with splendid presents along with confidential agents to the sublime threshold, and offered his congratulations on the recent victories. His wisdom and foresight were approved of, and his agents were received with favour. The government of the fort was made over to Majnūn Khān Qāqshāl. By the felicity of the Shāhinshāh's fortune such a fortress upon whose battlements the eagle of the imagination of former rulers had never alighted, came into the possession of the imperial servants without the trouble of a battle or a contest.

One of the occurrences was the arrival of the ambassador of the Rajah of Kajlī² which is a province of India near Malabār. The ambassador made many demonstrations of loyalty to the Shāhinshāh. The Rajah was distinguished among the landholders of that part of the country for his territory and wealth, and on one occasion having received benefit from the sect of jogīs he had since a year adopted their costume and treated them with honour. This Rajah had beheld in a dream the spiritual and physical glory of H.M. the Shāhinshāh and had become one of his disciples and continually made inquiries of travellers concerning him. He was always meditating the sending of the rarities of the country to court, and the expressing of his devotion. But on account of the distance and the intervention of islands (peninsulas?) and mountains, and of oppositions from enemies, he could not effect his purpose. None of his servants accepted this mission which was distant, and the path of which led through enemies. The son of his Vizier in his wisdom and disinterestedness undertook the journey. He said that though the journey might not be accomplished by preparation and expenditure, et cetera, yet he would as a single individual give his energy to it, and by every exertion in his power reach the court. He would both discharge his duty to his master and show his devotion to him, and also attain eternal felicity for himself by beholding the Shāhinshāh. As the Vizier's son was dear to his father and mother they did not give him leave to go, but at last that auspicious one, after a thousand efforts, obtained a willing or unwilling permission and set off. The Rajah said, “Though you are conveying to the court the best thing in the world, viz., genuine sincerity, yet it is indispensable that the dues of dependence be paid. But if all my jewels and my wealth were taken there, what show would they make, and what value would be placed on them? Especially, how can you carry rarities in this condition, and how can you protect them from the dangers of the road? But I have a knife which was made by former physicians of this country, and who constructed it according to talismans and charms. Though in appearance it possesses no value, yet its virtue is that whenever it is applied to a swelling it removes it. I make over this rarity to you that you may put it into the hollow of a staff and carry it with you, so that it may be a memorial of me.” The ambassador set off; he was for a long time in attendance on the court but could not get an introduction. At last he was introduced through Rajah Bīrbar. That protector of the poor and favourer of the humble (Akbar) sent for him and granted him his desire. After doing homage he produced that rarity and was rewarded with favours. Afterwards he took leave and returned to his country. To this day the knife is in the general treasury. I have frequently heard from the holy lips of the Shāhinshāh that more than two hundred persons, who were near to death, obtained health by touching that knife. Such refulgent power has been shown by the world-adorning Creator! When one is of a lofty nature and exalted genius, the world-bestowing Deity casts without entreaty into the bosom of his fortune the fulfilment of a wish which has not yet entered into his heart. What wonder then if He grant wishes that such an one has formed! The wise man knows how the desires of that spiritually and externally great one are granted daily. An instance is the happiness-increasing existence of a son which the sovereign was always imploring from the Divine Court. In this year that great blessing was bestowed, and the lord of the world and of men obtained the fulness of joy.

The Lord of the world, Depicter of the External, Revealer of the Internal, after his outward and inward condition had attained perfection, was searching for some individual among the sons of men that he might hold fitting converse with, as is indispensable in the world of associations. Though he made much search, he did not find anyone. The evangelists of the inner world, and the informants of the external, all announced that a person who could hold converse with the cream of existences must be born from himself, and that he should be urgent in begging a son from God the Creator and the Giver of life, so that there might both be a confidant of the holy feast of the Shāhinshāh who was worthy of the title (of son?) and also that an ocean of Divine bounty, which had been for so many thousand cycles reared under the sacred eyes of God, might emerge into the world of existence. The noble series would thus go on from fount to fount and from column to column (jadūl), and the grades of mankind would, in proportion to their capacities, partake of the banquet of spiritual and physical blessings, and be zealous in respect and obedience. The pious King, who used not to make any other requests to God, became a wisher for this great boon. The Great Giver has unasked granted him a spiritual and temporal kingdom, and has bestowed on his unique servant such things as do not come within the world's comprehension. The far-seeing sage knows what sort of glorious pearl will be granted if such an unique one of the world ask a boon from his constant Patron. In a short space of time there appeared signs of the attainment of this desire. Inasmuch as it is the noble nature of this Shāhinshāh that in spite of the possession of boundless treasures he seeks the knowledge of God from dervishes, ascetics and theologians who withdraw their hands from everything and regard as the most acceptable service of God the contemning of their senses, and so pass their time in worship and austerities, he employed supplications and continually cultivated the regard of the toilers in the fields of search (after God) who spend their days in ecstatic devotion. At this time the lights of God-knowingness, God-worshipping, and of austerity were conspicuous in Shaikh Selīm of the town of Sīkrī, which has become a capital by the glory of the Shāhinshāh's advent and is called Fatḥpūr. By means of Shaikh Muḥammad Bokhārī and Ḥakīm 'Ain-al-mulk and a number of other courtiers who had the right of audience, this was brought to the royal hearing, and it was determined that the matrix¹ of the sun of fortune together with several of the officials attached to the Zenana (lit. the screens of chastity) should be conveyed to Fatḥpūr and should enjoy repose in the vicinity of the Shaikh. It was also ordered that a royal palace should be established there so that the saintly Shaikh might address himself to the Author of bounties for the attainment of the great boon. The blessings of his proximity were manifested in the appearance of the desired object. previous to this also, the Bestower of gifts had presented the sove??ign with several children, but they had been taken away for ??ousands of wise designs, one of which might be the increasing of ??y in the acquisition of the priceless pearl. The general suspicion ??ferred their loss to local circumstances, and expressed itself in ??rious stories. Hence the ruler of things, spiritual and temporal, ??ished by changing the locality to place the seal of silence on ??ssips. He accordingly adopted this course and was always hoping ?? God the Giver of many things, and was waiting for the advent of ??e unique pearl of the Caliphate. At length, in an auspicious ??oment the unique pearl of the Caliphate emerged from the shell of ??e womb, and arrived at the shore of existence in the city of ??atḥpūr. At the ascension-point of the 24th degree of Libra after ??even hours had elapsed of the day² of Rashn 18 Shahriywar, Divine month, corresponding to the beginning of Āb (August) 1880 Rūmī, 11 Bahman of the year 938 of the old Yezdijird era, or¹ the day of Dīn 24 Shahriywar of the Jalālī year 491, or 977 of the lunar era, the star of auspiciousness rose from the horizon of fortune.

The flower of joy bloomed in the glorious garden
Fruit appeared on the plant of realm and religion.

Messengers conveyed the happy tidings to Agra, and there was general rejoicing. Delight suffused the brain of the age.

Time arranged an assembly of enjoyments
The cup-bearer sate and the glass rose up
There was a banquet more joyous than life's foundation
A cup-bearer unequalled as a drawer of cups
They made an illumination for the world
There was a vernal assemblage
The flower shot up and the garden shone forth
A lamp came and lighted up the family
There was a fortune like the brain of the wise
The world arose with an awakened fortune
The zephyrs moved while scattering flowers
The earth rose up and joined the sky
The king came and the desire of friends was fulfilled (lit. s??)
He sate at the feast by the cup and the relish
His diadem he raised to the sky
His forehead he fastened to the ground
He issued a proclamation for enjoyment
He invited the world as his guest
The cup-bearer opened the lid of the goblet
The treasurer opened the door of the treasury
The skirt and wallet of the sky were filled
In order that it might shower pearls on the earth.²

Among the notes of thanksgiving for this everlasting favour there was this, that all the prisoners in the imperial domains who were shut up in fortresses on account of great crimes, were released. There was a fresh market-day for joy, and the lamp and eye of fortune was rekindled. It is great wisdom to deal with the conditions of mankind in accordance with the notions and understandings of each of them so that all may be brought into order. The art of eloquence consists in having regard to the condition of one's audience. Every one who has studied ancient histories knows that the chief cause of the troubles of the world has been that rulers and the great ones of the age have ignored the measure of the capacity of their hearers, and have carried themselves towards the generality with reference merely to their own far-sightedness. The general public have had no notion of the grand conclusions of the eminent. Few indeed comprehend such high matters, and hence they abide in exclusion and loss. God be praised! H.M. the Shāhinshāh merely by the help of God while he is in the crowd of the short-thoughted and superficial does not proceed upon his God-given wisdom, but converses with every group, nay with every individual suitably to the latter's comprehension. Accordingly the acute of every group conjecture or rather are certain that the prince of the world has no other understanding or knowledge except what he shows to them! Accordingly at this time when the Great God had bestowed such a gift, it was proper that he should go with all possible speed and illuminate the eyes of that blissful infant with the light which a secret power hath implanted in him (Akbar). But as the common people of this country have an old custom according to which whenever God, after long expectation, has bestowed an auspicious child, he be not produced before the honoured father till after a long delay, H.M. respected this feeling and put off his visit to Fatḥpūr. That new fruit of the garden of fortune was kept in his birthplace, and the care of him was entrusted to eminent persons. From spiritual and physical associations he received the name of Sulṭān Selīm. It is hoped that he may grow up in spiritual and physical well-being under the guardianship of the Shāhinshāh, and be fortunate by pleasing H.M., which is a sign of pleasing God. May he, by the blessings of the holy breathings of the Shāhinshāh, attain to spiritual and physical old age and be green and full of sap in the spring of fortune! In accordance with directions, astronomers calculated the powers of celestial sires and terrestrial mothers (the planets and the elements) and presented the horoscope. And as there is a discrepancy ¹ between Greek and Indian astrologers with regard to fundamental principles and their consequences in the matter of the stars, a horoscope was prepared according to each scheme.² If time allows and my mind be vigorous I shall, under the orders of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and by the strength of my own understanding, draw out a new horoscope in accordance with the Greek and Indian canons and record its judgments for each year, so that it may be a code for horoscope-makers of the age. At present, my time is occupied night and day in the service of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and I cannot do as my heart would desire even in that respect. Where then is there time for other occupations? As the horoscope which Maulānā Cānd drew up according to the Greek canon appears most worthy of confidence, it is set down first.

Poets composed gratulatory odes in honour of this eternal joy and received great gifts. One of the able ones found that “A royal pearl of the great ocean, Dar-i-shawār-i-laḥaja akbar, 977” was the date of the auspicious birth. A learned person found “A pearl¹ of the Shāhinshāh's mansion,” and another “A pearl of Akbar Shāhī's casket,” Gohar-i-daraj-i-Akbar Shāhī.

Khwāja Ḥusain² of Merv presented an ode, the first line of every couplet of which gave the date of the Shāhinshah's accession, while the second gave the date of the birth of the pearl of the casket of auspiciousness. In spite of the inclusion of two such wondrous dates, the poetry was not devoid of excellence. Some verses of it are given below.

God be praised for the glory of the King
A splendid pearl came ashore from the ocean of justice
A bird alighted from the nest of grandeur
A star appeared from the zenith of glory and beauty
Such a rosebush cannot be shown in the parterre
Such a tulip has not opened in the tulip-bed,
Hearts were gladdened because the world revived
From the heaven of justice as spring does from the sun
That new moon of the house of power, beauty and pomp came forth
That nursling of the soul's desire of the King fruited,
The King of faith's realms, the Sultan of purity's portico,
The lamp of the disheartened, the desire of the expectant,
The just and perfect Muḥammad Akbar, Lord of Conjunction
The renowned King, seeking and attaining his desires,
Perfect in wisdom, the most just of Kings,
Just, noble, unparalleled for understanding,
Pleasing shadow of God, worthy the diadem and signet,

Defender of the faith, just centre of the world,
Know that the fourth heaven (the sun) is the censer for his assembly
That¹ Arcturus has come as spearman for his cortège
Light of the mansion of existence, pearl of liberality's sea
A falcon who hunts souls from his desire of capturing the summits of hearts.
O King, I have brought a chain of exquisite pearls
A gift from a glorious mine²: seek it out, hang it in thine ear.
No one has brought a better gift, if any has
Tell him to bring it, let him produce what he has,
The first hemistich contains the King's accession
From the second, receive the birth of the Light of the eyes
That the count of years, months and days may last
And that it may endure for cycles
May our King be permanent and also the Prince
For countless days and unnumbered³ years.

One of the joy-increasing occurrences was H.M. the Shāhinshāh's engaging in the hunting of cītahṣ. The lord of the world, though under various forms he appears to be enjoying himself, is in reality carrying on the worship of God. He both tests men and discovers the secrets of the kingdom. With this view he makes hunting a means of gaining knowledge, and employs himself in real devotion. Among these things he especially inclined to the hunting of cītahs, and he has traps made for catching them. The custom was that when news was brought of a cīta having fallen into a trap,¹ he immediately mounted a swift horse and went off to the spot. By proper methods the cīta was brought out from the hole and made over to the skilful in the business. On this occasion news was brought that a powerful cīta had fallen into a hole in the neighbourhood of Gwālyār. On the day of Ormazd the 1st Āẕar, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 4 Jamāda-al-ākhir, he mounted his horse and proceeded towards Gwālyār. When he came to the hole he himself bound the cīta and took it out. Just then the news came that in the holy harem a daughter had been born on the day of Dībāẕar 8 Āẕar, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 11 Jamāda-al-ākhir, 21 November 1569. He gave to that auspicious arrival the name of Khānam,² and ordered rejoicings. It is hoped that the notes of auspiciousness in her will increase day by day and that she will be a cause of increased life and fortune to the lord of the world. After some days when high and low had been delighted with the hunting, he returned to the capital. When the holy cortège reached Agra it was reported that Deo Sulṭān, the son of Darbār Khān, who was like a dīv (deo) or a wild animal for bloodshed and strife, and was always a receptacle of turbulence and dissension, and would not listen to advice, was lying in wait in his father's tomb, where H.M. would pass, and was armed and indulging in evil designs. In accordance with orders he was arrested there and made over to Jagmal³ Panwār. In prison he went to annihilation and mankind was freed from his wickedness. H.M. arrived at Agra in a fortunate hour and established the spiritual and physical throne by justice and equity, and spent his time in administration.

As the holy understanding of the King desires inspiration from saints, he, at the time when he was seeking for a son, had made a vow to his God that if this blessing should be attained, he would perform an act of thanksgiving which should be personal to himself, viz., that he would walk from Agra to the shrine of Khwāja M'uīnu-d-dīn Cistī, and there pay his devotions to God. It was settled in Rajab¹ (the 7th month), which was the month of the saint's anniversary, ('uras) that this intention should be carried into practice. When such a night-gleaming jewel of the casket of the Caliphate arrived at the shore of hope, he recognised his obligation and set out on foot from Agra on the day of Ābān 10 Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Friday 12 Shābān (the 8th month), 20 January, 1570, and traversed stages and deserts. Each day he journeyed ten or twelve kos, less or more.

The following is the list of the stages² of the journey from Agra:—

1. Mandhākar.
2. Fathḥpūr.
3. Passed Khānwa and halted near Jūna.
4. Karoha.
5. Basāwar.
6. Toda.

7. Kalāwalī.
8. Khārandī.
9. Dīsa.
10. Passed Hansmaḥal and encamped near Phūlmaḥal.
11. Sāngānīr.
12. Near Neota.
13. Jhāk near M'uizzābād (Jarrett II. 273).
14. Sākhūn.¹
15. Kajbīl.
16. The holy dwelling of the Khwāja in Ajmīr.

Then he straightway went to the shrine and placed the forehead of sincerity on that spot and implored help. He spent several days there in devotion and good works. He distributed gifts among the attendants of the shrine. As on the occasion of the division of the gifts, which came to a large amount, those who claimed to be descendants of the Khwāja, and who had the superintendence of the shrine— their cheif was Shaikh² Ḥusain—took possession of the whole of the money, and there were disputes and quarrels between him (Shaikh Ḥusain) and the attendants on the shrine, and there was the allegation that the Shaikhs who had charge of the shrine had told falsehoods with regard to their descent, and as this dispute had gone on a long time, H.M. appointed trustworthy persons to inquire into the matter and to report thereon. After much investigation it was found that the claim of sonship was not genuine. Accordingly the charge of the shrine was made over to Shaikh Muḥammad Bukhārī, who was distinguished among the Saiyids of Hindustan for knowledge and fidelity. H.M. also arranged for the management of the shrine, and for the treatment of pilgrims and for the erection of mosques and khānqās in the territory. In fine, after having made over the presents he set out on his return, and proceeded to visit the shrines of the saints of Delhi. He went there, and in Isfandārmaẕ, Divine month, corresponding to Ramzān, February-March, 1570, he arrived at Delhi. He spent some days in that pleasant spot, in visiting the shrines and in the administration of justice, and gladdened the hearts of friends and strangers.

During this gracious time that the Shāhinshāh's cortège was gathering hidden light in Delhi, the vivifying spring arrived, and the bounteous New Year removed the veil from her face. A temperate breeze breathed a fresh soul into the body of the earth. The power of vegetation developed the new comers of the vegetable kingdom. The morning gales, like the breaths of the enlightened of heart, opened the knots of souls. The spring-clouds, like the bosoms of the noble and liberal, exuded abundance and laid the dust of lives.

What flowers expanded, and what birds sang!
So that the soul ran to the eye, and a vision came to the ear
I'm like the bird captivated by the presence of the rose
Sometimes I faint, and sometimes sense returns
What need is there of a message to the companions of the garden
When Time is calling out with a thousand tongues.

With auspicious lights the world-adorning Sulṭān of the east (the sun) cast the shadow of his entry into the mansion of Aries after the passing of two hours and twenty-three minutes of Saturday, 3 Shawwāl 977, 11 March, 1570, and the 15th Divine year from the Accession, viz., the year Khirdād of the second cycle began. Fortune's market again became brisk. In this spring-time H.M., in gratitude and thanksgiving, visited the stations and buildings which right-thinking princes had erected in former times, and received instructive warning thereby. He scattered gold among the humble dwellers in those ruins. He then visited the tomb¹ of H.M. Jahānbānī, Jinnat-Āshiyānī, which is the altar of pure spirits and bodies, and implored political and spiritual light. From here he proceeded towards Agra and crossed the Jamna. He passed through villages and several times took the pleasure of deer-hunting by moonlight. He went from stage to stage in enjoyment, and at length on the day of Bād, 22 Ardībihisht, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday, 26 Ẕīlq'ada, 2 May 1570, he arrived at Agra. The people of the city rejoiced. In the beginning of this year Shujā'at Khān, who was one of the great officers, and a favourite, invited the Shāhinshāh to a feast. As H.M.'s disposition was to favour his servants and grant their desires, he accepted, and in an auspicious hour made his dwelling brilliant. He proffered the prostrations of loyalty and made special exertions for H.M.'s entertainment. A magnificent feast was arranged, and H.M. spent one night and one day in that assemblage, and enjoyed spiritual and physical pleasures, and behaved with kindness and benevolence.

Inasmuch as the celestial fathers and the terrestrial mothers engage in making the Shāhinshāh successful, every spring a fresh flower blooms in the garden of fortune, and in every cycle an auspicious star emerges from the horizon of the Caliphate. When the Shāhinshāh, who is the progenitor of dominion and fortune, wished for noble children, the incomparable Deity displayed special liberality in granting this boon, and this daily-increasing favour, which is the great gift of heaven, came, one after another, as an adornment of H.M. New and powerful aids, which could succour sovereignty and buttress the Caliphate, arose, and showed to the four pillars of the world, and the six sides of the universe that God had granted to the Shāhinshāh the kingdoms of fortune together with all blessings and boons because he had no equal or similar among the sovereigns for dispositions and qualities and for devotion to what is right and for Divine worship. Among these blessings was this, that in this fortunate year, after the passing of fifty-two seconds (pul) of the night of Asmān, the 27th Khirdād, Divine month, Thursday, 3 Muḥarram 978, 7 June 1570, 29 Khirdād, of 1881, 492 Jalālī Malikī, corresponding¹ to 17 Ābān 939 of Yezdijird, 8 Ḥazīrān 1881 Rūmī, under Capricorn according to the Greek philosophers, and Sagittarius, according to the Indian sages, a noble son, in whose forehead the lights of high fortune were visible, appeared in the fortunate quarters of Shaikh Selīm in Fatḥpūr. A new rose of the Caliphate bloomed. In a fortunate hour the name of that fortunate prince was inscribed in fortune's page as Shāh Murād. In rejoicing for the rising of this star of fortune, great feasts were held, and largesses bestowed. The skirt of time was made heavy with the coin of success (murād).

From the joy which came to the age
There was a new market-day for delight
Spring came beating her foot in joy
Sweeping the ground with the breeze of morn
Joy upon joy was added to heaven
The world struck coins¹ of light upon light
The morning broke out into congratulations
For the box-tree² sprang from the jasmine-bosom
The spring of rejoicing had honour (ābrū)
For it received water (āb) from the fountain of wish
Hope drank water from the seven seas
For the lock of the jewel-treasury was being turned³
The shedding of 'atar o'erwhelmed the senses
Joy leapt forth and pleasure became intoxicated.

Encomiasts composed verses and chronograms for this birth, and received rewards. A horoscope⁴ was made according to Greek methods, and another according to Indian rules. For the sake of offering congratulations and for disposing of the affairs of the eastern provinces Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān came post from Jaunpūr and had the bliss of doing homage.

As in the end of the days of spring, while yet the fragrant breezes were playing round the collar of Time, and the garden-zephyrs hung from the skirt of the sphere, a new rosebush bloomed in the home-garden of the Sultanate, and a fresh cypress sprang forth from the spring time of the Caliphate, the Shāhinshāh determined that in gratitude for this great boon he would visit the holy shrine of Khwāja-Munina-d-dīn, may his grave be holy! On the day of Ābān 10 Mihr, Divine month, corresponding to Saturday, 22 Rabī'-as-sānī, 23 Sept., 1570, he set out with the intention of obtaining this blessing, and halted at the village of Mandhākar. There Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān obtained leave for the sake of disposing of the affairs of the eastern provinces. The noble Khedive proceeded from that stage to Ajmīr in enjoyment of various pleasures, and especially of that of the chase. When Ajmīr had received light from the shadow of the Shāhinshāh's umbrella of fortune, he spent some days in devotion at the shrine and distributed gifts among the attendants thereon. So liberal were the bounties that no single individual was excluded from the feast of good things.

At this same auspicious time an order was issued for repairing and enlarging the fort of Ajmīr. Accordingly able architects laid deep foundations and in an auspicious hour began to construct that noble building with stone and lime. All the mansions, and all the abodes of high and low were included within the area, and in a short space of time much work was done, and praise was given by the Shāhinshāh. Towards the east of the city, halls of state were erected. In the course of three years all the buildings of the fort, and the Shāhinshāh's mansions were completed, and in the following year they were made places of light by his advent. Similarly, all the nobles and officers made, in accordance with orders, suitable dwellings and gardens. By the blessing of the noble advent such a grand city arose in a short space of time as could not be seen in the imaginative mirrors of magical geometricians. After the Shāhinshāh had laid the foundation of those buildings, he for political reasons, and for subduing oppressors, etc., etc., and under the veil of indulging in hunting, proceeded on the day of Rām, 21 Ābān, Divine month, corresponding to Friday, 4 Jamāda-al-ākhirī, 3 November, 1570, towards Nagor.¹ On the day of Ardībihisht, 3 Āẕar, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday, 16 Jamāda-ala-ākhirī, he halted at that city. Khān Kilān, the governor of that province, recognised the advent of the Shāhinshāh as a great happiness and arranged a feast. H.M. honoured his house with a visit, and poured into the lap of his wishes eternal glory.

At the same time the glance of H.M. fell upon a tank. Several of the nobles of the city, who had come out to welcome him, represented that the prosperity of the city was bound up with three² tanks. One was called Kaidānī, another was the Shams Talao, and this one which was known as the Kūkur Talao. As by lapse of time much of it had been filled up with earth, many of the inhabitants had on account of want of water left their houses and gone elsewhere. For the public benefit, an order was given for digging out the Kūkur Talao, which was very extensive, and able Bakhshīs made measurements and divided the work among officers. By a little attention on the part of his ocean-like mind that mirage became a sea such as could water a vast camp. To this fountain of sweet waters the name Shukr Talao was given. The origin of the first name was that Kūkur means in the Hindi tongue a dog, and the name of the tank had reference thereto. The story told was that a merchant, owing to embarrassed circumstances, deposited his dog, which was an embodiment of sense, with a rich man and went off to a far country in order that he might seek fortune. He spent a long time in doing so. One day the dog from its gentleness set off on the road, and by a beautiful coincidence the merchant had gained his object, and came there. The dog learnt this and came fawning to his master's feet, and from excess of joy gave up his life. He became famed for his fidelity, and the merchant, in gratitude, made a tank there and named it after the circumstance.

When the sublime cortège of the Shāhinshāh came to this part of the country to put things in order and administer justice, the great men and the landholders hastened to do homage. Among them was Cander Sen, the son of Māldeo, who is one of the great zamindārs of India. He was received with royal favours. Also Rai Kalyān Mal Rai of Bikānīr came with his son, Rai Rai Singh, and had the bliss of a reception. In his good fortune he represented through those who had access to H.M. that his wish was that his brother Kahān's daughter might be included among the inmates of H.M.'s harem. The Khedive accepted his proposal, and that occupant of the howdah of chastity was brought within the screens of purity.

One of the joyful occurrences was that Bāz Bahādur hastened to the summit of fortune and paid his homage. By the kindnesses of the Shāhinshāh he came out of the dust of loss and obtained a ray of auspiciouness, or rather he had a new birth. His honour had declined since he left Malwa, turning his face from fortune, and for a while he went from door to door. First, he went to Baharjī, zamindar of Baglāna. From there he went to Cingīz Khān, and after that he joined Sher Khān Fulādī. From him he went to Niẓāmu-l-mulk of the Deccan, but everywhere he met with loss, and then he took refuge with the Rānā. When the Shāhinshāh heard of the misfortunes and wretchedness of this man, who had been debauched by the world's wine, his innate kindness moved him to send one of his servants to summon him to court. Accordingly Ḥasan Khān Khazāncī was appointed to this service. He made him hopeful of the royal favour and brought him to court, and there he was encompassed with princely favours.

One of the occurrences was that one of the empowered of the holy assembly represented to H.M. that Rāwal Har Rai, the ruler of Jaisalmir, had secretly bound the saddle-straps of desire on the waist of his soul and was desirous that his daughter, who was a chaste, secluded one, might be exalted by being included among his female servants. But as, on account of impediments, he could not personally come to court, he begged that one of the courtiers might be deputed to come to his country and to give him the news of a favourable acceptance, and might convey that secluded one to court. As H.M.'s habit was to grant the requests of the needy and to loose those who were bound by distress, he accepted the petition, and Rajah Bhagwant Dās, who was favoured as one of the firm-footed of loyalty's banquet, was despatched on this service. He completed it at the time of H.M.'s return (from Nāgor), and that holy and happy-starred lady obtained eternal glory by entering the female apartments. When H. M. had disposed of that country's affairs, his devotion induced him to visit the shrine of Shaikh Farīd Shakarganj, which is in Pattan in the Panjab. He gave permission to Ṣādiq Khān, Beg Nūrīn Khān¹ and many other servants to remain in the country, and went off to Pattan.

The Shaikh was one of the ascetics of the age, and one of the chosen combatants of sensuality. They say that he was descended from Farrukh Shāh Kabulī who was commonly called King of Kabul (Shāh-i-Kābul). In the time of the Great Khān and sublime Qā'ān Cingīz Khān, one of his (Shaikh Farīd's) grandfathers, Qāẓī Sh'aīb by name, came to Lahore and settled in the town of Qaṣūr. Sulṭān Balban regarded his advent as a great honour and treated him with reverence. The Shaikh (Farīd) went to Multan and applied himself to the study of the sciences which were current in India. Khwāja Quṭbu-d-dīn Ūshī,² the successor of Khwāja M'uīnu-d-dīn, and who had turned his attention from penmanship³ to the sacred writings, and from the picture to the Painter, took notice of him, and gave him valuable counsels about contemning routine-sciences, and devoting himself to real knowledge, and so led him into the Way. The torch of search was kindled, and the flames of zeal were lighted. He withdrew from all other things and gave his heart to the service of the Khwāja. By his devotion and long service he became an exhibitor of wondrous miracles, and a station of marvels.¹

The prince of theosophists proceeded towards his goal. In appearance his mind was taken up with the pleasure of hunting; inwardly, there was in his heart the longing to know God. On the way a strange¹ thing occurred on the borders of Rai 'Alā'ū-d-dīn's Talondi² near the Sutlej, which is there called the Harhārī. The brief account of this is that the scouts reported that there was a herd of wild asses (gorkhar). The sovereign proceeded to hunt them, attended by three or four special huntsmen. When he came near the plain he dismounted and proceeded on foot. At the first shot he hit an ass, and the rest of the herd fled far away at the report of the gun. That Divine world-hero took his piece in his hand and proceeded rapidly on foot over the burning sand, attended by the same three or four huntsmen. He soon traversed the plain and came up with the herd and killed one after the other with his gun. He continued to follow them up, and on that day he shot thirteen wild asses. Whenever he killed one the others went further off than at first. At this time he became consumed by thirst. There was no sign of water. As he had decided to follow the prey on foot, those attached to the hunt thought that H.M. was near at hand, and so kept in view the place where the game was and did not leave their place.³ When the lord of the world had traversed some kos, his attendants, though they searched, could get no news of the water-carriers, nor any trace of water. A strange condition supervened, and the weakness from thirst increased to such a degree that he lost the power of speech. At this time, when the courage of the loyal was turning to water, mystic guides led the special water-bearers through the boundless desert. Thanksgiving was offered to God, and the hearts of the loyal were rejoiced. It appears that a Divine message impressed itself by a mystic tongue on the heart of H.M. that he should consider his own holy person and be more careful in guarding it, for in reality that was the watching over mankind at large, or rather it was the returning of thanks for Divine favours, and the preserving of the Divine gifts.

In the beginning of your thoughts, think of the end
Do not sport with your life.

One of the occurrences was that Jalāl, the zamindar of Bhimbar, (in Kashmīr) destroyed by wickedness Qabūl Khān.² The latter had put down by the sword the disaffected persons in that country. The zamindar craftily represented himself as a well-wisher, and the simple-minded Turk, without proper examination of the matter, and without studying the lines of his forehead, was led away merely by his plausible, gold-incrusted speeches. In accordance with the recommendations of this zamindar he sent away his soldiers to distant places, and his son, Yādgār Ḥusain, went off to the borders of Naushahra. Though far-seeing and right-seeing men said that he should not separate all his men from himself, yet as the thing was predestined, their remonstrances were of no avail. (The zamindar) led his son away from Naushahra into the defiles, and the heads of the passes having been occupied by the enemy, many of his men were killed. Yādgār Ḥusain was wounded and was reckoned among the dead. A zamindar behaved kindly and sheltered him. At the same time that these men were caught in this evil, Jalāl fell upon Qabūl Khān. He from the courage which he had, and the skill which he had not, did not regard the plurality of the enemy and the paucity of his own men, and on the day of Rām, 21 Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday, 5 Ramẓān (31 January, 1571) came out of his place and fell valiantly. When H.M. heard of this he issued orders to Khān Jahān to apply himself to the extirpation of those evildoers, and to gather an army of brave and experienced men. In accordance with orders a select body of men hastened to that country and exerted themselves to destroy those presumptuous evil-doers. They cleansed that land of roses from the weeds and rubbish of the seditious.

The cavalcade of spring arrived at this auspicious time, and the news of growth was communicated to all, and bodies and souls received fresh bounty. The disposition of the age expanded, the world became equable. The bounteous clouds, like the eyes of those that long, dissolved into rain. The beautiful fountains got into commotion, like the hearts of saints. Verdure spread an odoriferous carpet. The parterre waved with fragrant streamers. The emerald buds put forth flowers of red coral.

The clouds came with world-kindling lightning
Water came up to the waist of vegetation
The cypress showed the standard of Kāūs
The tulip brought the diadem of Darius
The rose kindled a sulphur-flame¹ in the garden
The water glided like quicksilver.

After eight hours and twelve minutes had elapsed of Sunday 14 Shawwāl 978, 13 March 1571, the Illuminator of time and the terrene cast his ray on the mansion of Aries, and made the earth fresh as the mind of the Shāhinshāh. The atmosphere became aromatic like the delicious nature of the world's lord, and the 16th Divine year from the Accession, viz., the year Tīr of the second cycle, began. In the commencement of this auspicious year H.M. was encamped at Pattan.² The God-worshipping Khedive visited the shrine of Shaikh Farīd and implored strength. Those associated with that warrior against sensuality, and the inhabitants of those environs of the sciences of beauty and excellence, received advancement. He halted for some days in this town for the sake of spiritual and physical benefits. A thing which pleased him here was the spectacle of fishing. The fishermen here dive and catch the fish with their mouths¹ and hands and also strike them with iron prongs and draw them out of the water.

One of the occurrences was Muḥibb 'Alī Khān (the son of) the Mīr Khalīfa's obtaining permission at the instance of Nāhīd Begam to go and conquer Tatta. The brief account of this is that previous to this, the chaste Nāhīd Begam who was married to Muḥibb 'Alī Khān, had obtained leave to go and visit her mother Ḥājī Begam. Before she arrived, Mīrzā 'Isā had died, and Muḥammad Bāqī had become ruler in his stead. He,² from his want of sense, did not regard the arrival of the Begam as an advantage. On the contrary, he behaved badly to Ḥājī Begam. She was displeased at this, and wicked men of the country, among whom were Khān Bābā and Miskīn Tarkhān, joined with the Begam in trying to lay hold of Muḥammad Bāqī. He got wind of this and endeavoured to extirpate the faction. Khān Bābā and Ḥājī Begam fell into his hands, and he put Khān Bābā to death, and confined Ḥājī Begam till she died. Nāhīd Begam by courage and skill escaped and came to Bakar. Sulṭān Maḥmūd of Bakar proposed to act in harmony with her, and said that if Muḥibb 'Alī Khān and his son Mujāhid Khān came with a small force, he would join them, and that Tatta would be conquered by the imperial servants. The Begam believed his dissembling words and came to court, and begged that the above-named persons might be allowed to go (to Tatta.) As she used much importunity, she got leave and came to Tatta.

Nāhīd Begam was the daughter of Qāsim Khān Koka who in his loyalty devoted himself for H.M. Getī Sitānī Firdūs Makānī. It appears that in the battle with Ubaidullāh Khān there was an apparent¹ want of success, on account of a great work in the future. H.M. Firdūs Makānī fell into the hands of the enemy. The brave and loyal servant came forward and said, “I am the king, why have you seized this servant of mine?” By this act of fidelity the king was saved, and as the enemy put the other to death, H.M. took his family under his protection. Ḥājī Begam, who was the daughter of Muqīm Mīrzā, son of Mīr Zū-l-nūn, married (secondly) Mīrzā Ḥasan,² and afterwards Mīrzā 'Īsā, and her daughter was brought up with princely kindness. She was given in marriage to Muhibb 'Alī Khān (the son of) Khalīfa, who had behaved as a faithful servant.

In fine, when they came near to Bakar, Sulṭān Muḥmūd sent a message to the effect that he had spoken³ hastily and that he could not join them in this enterprise. If they were determined to go to Tatta they should do so by Jaisalmīr. Muḥibb 'Alī Khān was in a difficulty. He could neither turn back, nor had he confidence in going forward. As he had auspiciousness in his disposition, and was comforted by the help of so great a support (as Akbar) he resolved upon attacking Bakar and on fighting with Sulṭān Maḥmūd. The two armies met near the fort of Matila.⁴ What kinds of two armies were there? Muḥibb 'Alī Khān and Mujahid Khān had not more than 200 men with them, and Sulṭān Maḥmūd had sent 2,000! By the help of God, who looks after the affairs of those connected with the eternal dominion, this small force was victorious after a hot engagement. The other side fled and took refuge in the fort. The gallant victors set themselves to besiege it, and the garrison applied for quarter and came out. When the fort was taken and they had acquired confidence they girt up their loins for the conquest of Bakar. The fortune of the Shāhinshāh brought division among the enemy, and Mubārak Khān,¹ Sulṭān Maḥmud's khāṣa khel, and who was his factotum, came and joined Muḥibb 'Alī Khān with 1,500 men. The ostensible reason for this was that the wicked ones of that country had caused his son Beg Ōghlī to be suspected of intimacy with one of Sulṭān Mahmūd's women. Hence the simpleton (S. Maḥmūd) was, without making inquiry, endeavouring to extirpate his family. He (Mubārak) was not candid. He was suspicious about his treatment and was searching for an opportunity of separating himself (from Muḥibb). Muḥibb 'Alī Khān longed for his possessions and put him to death. He conciliated his men (by bribes)—who were like dogs and flies—and engaged in the siege of Bakar. Merely through his connection with daily-increasing fortune this fort was captured, as will be told in its proper place.²

As the health of Prince Shāh Murād was a little off the path of equability, H.M. stayed some days in that city (Pākpattan). When the prince recovered, the drum of return was beat high on the day of Khirdād 6 Ardībihisht, Divine month, corresponding to Monday 20 Zūlq'ada, 16 April 1571. Every day there was hunting. Worship was performed under the veil of pleasure. One day the huntsmen reported that there were several cītahs, and the Shāhinshāh went in quest of them. Six ³ cītahs were caught that day in a kheda, and among them was Madan Kalī who became the head of the Shāhinshāh's cītahs. When the standards of fortune reached Dībālpūr, Khān 'Aẓim Mīrzā Koka, who held this district in fief, begged that H.M. would visit him. H.M. conceded his request and visited his quarters. He exerted himself in preparing a feast and in tendering presents. As a right disposition adorned his loyalty, and as he knew that for an intelligent servant to give a feast is to return a little of what has been bestowed on him, he made this an acceptable entertainment. Moẓaffar Ḥusain, who was in the Mīrzā's service, made this hemistich as a chronogram of the event. “The Shāh and Shāhzāda were guests of 'Azīz (978).” H.M. went on from there, and hunting and administering justice, he arrived at Lahore on the day of Khirdād 6 Khirdād, Divine month, corresponding to Thursday 22 Ẓīl ḥajja, 17 May 1571. Ḥusain Qulī Khān performed the rites of service and loyalty, and at his petition H.M. visited his quarters which had been newly prepared, and so he received everlasting honour. When the affairs of this country had been disposed of under the guise of progresses and hunting, H.M. desired to go by way of Ḥiṣār in order that he might make that province an alighting-place of illuminations. He also wished to visit¹ the shrine of M'uīnu-d-dīn (Cistī). Accordingly he in the end of Khirdād, Divine month?? corresponding to 1 Muḥarram 979, proceeded to that district, and on the day of Māh 12 Tīr, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 1 Ṣafr, encamped at Hiṣār Fīrūza.

One of the occurrences was that the justice of the Shāhinshāh inflicted punishment on Lashkar Khān. Though he held the offices of Mīr Bakhshī and Mīr 'Arẓī, etc., the just prince did not refrain from this. The brief account of this instructive affair is as follows: The world's intoxication made Lashkar Khān leave the path of moderation, and made him become the author of improper acts. In his folly he came in open day drunk to that sublime court which is the asylum of the wise of the seven climes, and made a disturbance.² When the truth of the case came to the hearing of H.M. he, for the sake of instruction to him, and warning to others, caused him to be led round, tied to a horse's tail. He then sent him to prison. He cast a glance of patronage on Shahbāz Khān, and made over Lashkar Khān's offices to him. As there are degrees of the Shāhinshāh's patronage, that one, who was imprisoned on account of his own acts in Fatḥpūr, obtained his release at the intercession of favourites. The Khedive of the world, although it was the rainy season, marched every day in the discharge of his kingly duties, and, hunting on the way, arrived at Ajmīr. On the day of Rash 11 Amardād, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday 1 Rabī-al-awwāl, 21 July 1571, he alighted at the delightful place, and visited the shrine of M'uīnu-d-dīn, and implored strength. He worshipped his God, and united supplication with exaltation. When the stewards of fate and destiny desire to make a happy-starred one's outward and inward dominion increase daily, they restrain him from the heights of saintship. His thirst for pleasing God increases, and from excessive capacity and abundance of spiritual thirst the ocean round him appears as a mirage and he searches for the fountain-head of purpose. With this view a new stage of holiness is continually brought before him. Such is the condition of our Lord of the Age. After paying the dues of justice and after satisfying the desires of those attached to the shrine, he proceeded towards the capital. On the day of Āsmān 27 Amardād, Divine month, corresponding to Thursday 17 Rabi'-al awwal, he alighted at Fatḥpūr. He took up his quarters in the lodging of Shaikh Selīm. The grades of men who had been oppressed and were waiting to do homage obtained happiness.

Among the dominion-increasing events was the making of Sīkrī, which was a dependency of Bīāna, into a great city. As the Khedive of the world is an architect of the spiritual and physical world, and is continually engaged in elevating the grades of mankind, and making strong the foundations of justice, and causes the longing ones of the age to be successful, so also does he strive for increasing the glory of the earth, and cherishes every place in accordance with its condition. Inasmuch as his exalted sons had taken their birth in Sīkrī and the God-knowing spirit of Shaikh Selīm had taken possession thereof, his holy heart desired to give outward splendour to this spot which possessed spiritual grandeur. Now that his standards had arrived at this place, his former design was pressed forward, and an order was issued that the superintendents of affairs should erect lofty buildings for the special use of the Shāhinshāh. All the grades of officers, and the public generally made dwellings for themselves, and a high wall of stone and lime (ḥiṣār) was placed round the place. In a short time there was a great city, and there were charming palaces. Benevolent institutions, such as khānqās, schools and baths, were also constructed, and a large stone bazaar was built. Beautiful gardens were made in the vicinity. A great place of concourse was brought together such as might move the envy of the world. H.M. gave it the name of Fatḥābād, and this by common use was made into Fatḥpūr.

One of the occurrences was that Moẓaffar Khān conceived the lofty wish of entertaining H.M. the Shāhinshāh in his quarters which had been recently constructed and were the admiration of the critical. When this request was made known to H.M. he accepted the proposal, and on the day of Dībādīn 23 Dai, Divine month, proceeded from Fatḥpūr to Agra the capital. His quarters were spiritually and physically illuminated by the advent of H.M. Gifts were presented, and there was great rejoicing. From there he returned to Fatḥpūr. The wishers of the seven climes attended and obtained their desires without the intervention of anyone. God be praised for that the farseeingness and profundity of the sublime Khedive suppresses the market of the evil and covetous! This evil tribe descends into the abyss of discredit, and the crew who make a way for themselves by a wheedling tongue, do not get an opportunity of speaking. Nay even these good men, who solely for the public advantage recommend men of merit, are rendered unnecessary by the abundant personal attention of the Shāhinshāh. From the ample illumination of his soul he shuts up the petty stalls of the hypocrites and the dissemblers. How shall I describe how that tribe learns its evil doings by the light of the torch of instruction and comes into the ranks of the good, and how the grades of humanity, high and low, come to their level and pray for the permanence of daily-increas-ing dominion? The wise prince from his wide capacity and extensive knowledge treats every one according to his position and makes outward sovereignty consonant with spiritual sanctity.

Indispensable as life, desire-granting as intellect
Successful as fate, powerful as destiny.

In this auspicious time when the age had increase of spirituality, physical growth also took place. The pageant of spring's cavalcade rubbed the rust off the mirror of time and the terrene. The world-illuminating New Year gave equability to night and day. The bounty of spring circulated in the veins and fibres of life. The morning breezes associated with the spirits of vegetation. The canopy of the rainy clouds was drawn together from the four quarters by the ropes of the swift winds. The army of odoriferous plants speedily arrived, and received splendour on the banks of the streams of abundance. The gales of the rose-garden produced intoxication in the mind. The twittering of the birds of the parterres struck the ears with silken bows and so unclosed them!

The ravishing breeze of the dawn began to blow,
The lips¹ of the buds sucked the morning
The quaffers of morning-draughts formed a circle
The longers for sweets drained their glasses
The fragrance of the rose made the rose-garden uneasy
The nightingale was aroused by the perfume
The hyacinth shook in every curl
The narcissus glorified bed on bed
The fragrance of the rose stirred up a hundred parterres
The wine-cellar was poured into the mouth of the cup
Love's drunkards were in every tavern
Love's hands were in circle upon circle.

The polisher of the sky and earth, and the illuminator of heights and hollows, after the passing of two hours and three minutes from the night of Saturday the 25th Shawwāl 979, 11 March 1572, cast the shadow of light upon the mansion of Aries and the 17th year from the holy accession began, to wit, the year Amirdād of the second cycle. It is to be hoped that by the blessing of the Shāhinshāh's justice this cycle may be joined to ages and epochs.

Of the occurrences which marked the beginning of this fortunate year was the bringing to court by Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān of Sikandar Khān, and the latter's being pardoned for his offences at his request (Mun'im's). It has already been related that Sikandar Khān Uzbeg had from inborn inauspiciousness turned away from the God-given dominion, and that he had leagued himself with the evil-doer 'Alī Qulī Khān and had lifted up the head of sedition. When what was predestined had happened to 'Alī Qulī, and his rebellion had come to an end, Iskandar Khān, from wickedness of disposition and evil fate, joined Sulaimān Afghan. He spent some time in that country. The narrow-minded Afghans did not think his being among them was proper and laid plots against him. He learned their apprehensions and petitioned Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān. He represented that what had happened to him had been the result of ignorance, and that he was ashamed thereof. The treacherous Afghans had killed Sulaimān Uzbeg, and now they were thinking of killing him. If Mun'im Khān interceded for this wicked and ill-fated man (himself) to the sublime court, it would be granting him life for this world and also eternal life. Mun'im Khān sent his letter along with his own representation to court and requested orders. H.M. in his abundant graciousness sent a favourable order and made him hopeful. The Khān-Khānān, who on account of the greatness of the offences did not expect a forgiveness, made a prostration of thanks for the kindness, and sent for Iskandar Khān. On receiving this good news Sikandar Khān took with him Yūsuf the son of Sulaimān Uzbeg, and came away hastily from the Afghans without informing them. The Khān-Khānan behaved kindly to him and taking these protégés along with him, came to court. In the beginning of Tīr, Divine month, they were received. At Mun'im's intercession the penitents were forgiven, and treated with royal favours. In a short space of time the Khān-Khānan was encompassed with favours, and dismissed to the eastern provinces. Sikandar Khān¹ was granted the Sarkār of Lucknow and sent off with him.

One of the occurrences of this time, which was the spring of fortune and dominion, was that 'Abdullah Khān Uzbeg, the ruler of Tūrān, was induced by the fame and majesty of this sovereignty (Akbar's) to send Ḥājī Altamsh as an ambassador. He brought with him letters of respect and affection, and curiosities of his country. The purport of the letters was to recall ancient relations and to renew friendship, in order that by the help of such Divine glory he might act vigorously against the other princes of Tūrān. Another object was that he might repose in peace and be without apprehension of the strokes of the world-conquering armies. For greater security and success he sent presents to Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān and the Khān A'aẓim Mīrzā Kokā in order that they might exert themselves to lay the foundations of friendship. The prudent sovereign received the ambassador graciously, and gave him his dismissal after he had discharged his duty. Presents consisting of the rarities of India were sent along with him.

One of the occurrences was the falling out of favour of Moẓaffar Khān. At all times, in spite of the rise of the sun of direction of the Shāhinshāh, an unique veil hung over his world-adorning beauty. At this time he made the game of caupar² the veil of his esoteric beauty and carried on the amusement with keenness. Special rules were framed for the game, in which hundreds of designs were involved, and all the servants of the court were continually present for this business. There were great feasts and entertainments. Though in appearance the market of the play was brisk, yet in reality men were being tested. The lord of wisdom under the guise of sport did serious work and was testing men's qualities. One day Moẓaffar Khān, on account of the intoxication of the world and his small capacity, behaved in a savage and rustic manner in consequence of having lost many games and of having been long in the Presence.¹ H.M. cast him off from the pinnacle of confidence and sent him on pilgrimage in order that by playing the game of unimportance and exile, his unsound condition might be amended.

The pious lord of the world always regards external administration as the decoration of the world of reality, and without any contamination of human desires recognises that his own satisfaction lies in the soothment of mankind. He always perceives what things are most important, and applies himself to the gathering together of the distressed and dispersed ones of the age. In conquering countries and cities his first thought is to inquire into and sympathise with the condition of the oppressed. Hence wherever the rulers act wisely and exert themselves to protect their subjects, he does not set himself to conquer that country though the means for doing so be at hand. And although it is clear to the front of his holy mind—which is truth's arena—that every extension of territory brings the plurality of the world into the majestic uniqueness of one of the sublime administrators of justice, and thus brings the highest form of worship to the bridal-chamber of manifestation, yet as the motive of his genius is the preservation of the general public—who are a wondrous trust from God—he does not address himself to such worship. But as the incomparable Deity is engaged in increasing the dominion and in exalting the foundations on H.M.'s sovereignty, it happens from time to time that He makes a country empty of just rulers, in order that the truthful sovereign may direct his royal attention thereto, and may eradicate it by his justice. So that those burnt up in the desert of misfortune may be cooled by graciousness, and also that compulsory unity, which is the twin of voluntary unity, may take proper shape; and that the torch of loyalty may be kindled even among the superficial, of whom the world is full. For the power of God has established a great gap between the merits of the various sections of mankind. Glory to His Name!¹ One section has, by beholding the brilliant wisdom, the walk and conversation, the giving and forgiving, the winking at men's faults, and the wakeful-heartedness of the Khedive of the age, become his followers and regards him as the Unique one of God's Court. They regard his service as Divine worship and go on augmenting their loyalty and devotion. Another section, whose glance has not fallen on those acts, have come to believe his esoteric greatness from seeing his external grandeur, and the increase in his territories, and have bound the noose of discipleship on the neck of their souls and become of the number of his devoted followers.

Accordingly, at this time, when the kingdom of Delhi was cleared from the dust of fly-like sedition-mongers, and the blind-hearted ones had descended into the abyss of defeat and annihilation, the Shāhinshāh's genius determined upon the conquest of Gujrat, and the amendment of the distractions of that country, for the oppression of the subjects thereof had reached its climax.

From the time when Sulṭān Maḥmūd had from carelessness taken the smooth-tonguedness of enemies to be friendship, and had died from the evil nature of servants who regarded the loss of their master and benefactor as their gain—as has been briefly noticed¹ in the account of the province of Gujrat—the officers of Gujrat, especially Saiyid Mubārak, 'Itmād Khān, and 'Imād-al-Mulk had looked after their own interests. In order that their power might be real, they had produced one of the sons of Sulṭān Aḥmad and given him a noble name. But when he came to years of discretion they got rid of him, and brought forward a worthless boy named Nannū who was of low origin, and gave him out as a son of Sulṭān Maḥmūd. They gave him the title of Moẓaffar Shāh and pursued their own private advantage. Aḥmadābād, which is the capital of Gujrat, Cambay and much of the country fell into the possession of 'Itmād Khān. Sarkār Patan fell to Mūsa Khān and Sher Khān Fūlādī; Surat, Broach, Baroda, and Cāmpānir to Cingīz Khān, the son of 'Imād-al-Mulk; Dandūqa and Dūlqa, etc., came to Saiyid Ḥāmid, the grandson of Saiyid Mubārak; Jūnagarh and the district of Sorath to Amīn Khān Ghori. 'Itmād Khān craftily kept that low-born child in his own presence, and so passed his days, while the country was, owing to the prevalence of embezzlers, the scene of various oppressions, and heedless heads strove with one another. Meanwhile, when Cingīz Khān died, Nannū, at the instigation of Shēr Khān Fulādi, fled from Aḥmadābād and came to Patan. Sher Khān Fūlādī and a number of vagabonds got together an army for the taking of Aḥmadābād. 'Itmād Khān shut himself up in Aḥmadābād and asked the help of the Mīrzās. Strife rose high, and the market of contention became brisk. The holy heart of the Shāhinshāh recognised that the taking of Gujrat was the most important matter, and applied himself to making preparations for this. Mīrzā Yūsuf Khān, Fattū, Rajah Bīrbar and a large force were sent to the Panjab to help Ḥusain Qulī Khān lest Ḥakīm Mirzā should at the instigation of short-sighted men, and from thinking that the imperial army was at a distance, allow seditious thoughts to occupy his brain. An order was issued to Ḥusain Qulī Khān that he should annex Nagarkot and make it over to Rajah Bīrbar, as Rajah Badh Cand, the zamindar thereof, had been convicted of bad service and evil intentions. If his people should regard the strength of the fort as materials for presumption, he was to besiege it with a large force and capture it. Similarly prudent men were despatched to every quarter, and on the day of Bahram 20 Tīr, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday, 20 Ṣafar, 4 July 1572, H.M. marched out from Fatḥpūr to conquer Gujrat, and halted at Dābar.

One of the acts of justice which were performed at this time was the punishment of Bābā Khān Qāqshāl. The brief account of this act of justice is as follows. Shahbāz Khān was the Amīr-Tūzak, and was engaged in arranging the procession. That ignorant Turk behaved presumptuously and was rude to Shahbāz Khān. When it was reported to the adorner of the rose-garden of the Caliphate, he ordered him to be severely¹ punished as a lesson to himself and as a means of amending other transgressors. Thus, by a single advertence of the Shāhinshāh was a matter appertaining to a large army, and for which many experienced¹ administrators would have found it difficult to make proper regulation, disposed of with ease.

One of the joyful occurrences was that at the time when the army was encamped at Sangānīr, H.M., according to custom, engaged in hunting. He was at this time much devoted to hunting with cītas' and after assigning cītas to numerous parties he went off himself with some special attendants. It chanced that they loosed a special cita (cīta-i-khāṣ) called Citr Najan at a deer.² Suddenly there appeared in front of them a ravine which was twenty-five yards broad. The deer leapt into the air to the height of a spear and a half and conveyed itself across. The cīta in its eagerness took the same course, cleared the ravine and seized the deer. On beholding this astonishing occurrence the spectators raised a cry of amazement and there was great rejoicing and astonishment. The Khedive raised the rank of that cīta and made him chief of the cītas. He also ordered that as a special honour, and as a pleasure to men, a drum should be beaten in front of that cīta. On the day of Gosh³ 14 Amirdād, Divine month, corresponding to Saturday, 15 Rabī'-al-awwal, 26 July 1572, he according to custom went one stage to Ajmīr on foot and proceeded to circumambulate the shrine of M'uīnu-d-dīn. On the way the scouts reported that there was a powerful tiger there that always lay in wait for travellers and killed them. Inasmuch as the extirpation of causers of evil is one of the duties of sovereignty, the prince went forward to destroy him. He did so, and then went on to that delightful spot. The advent of the Shāhinshāh produced fresh joy, and the rites of supplication and circumambulation were performed. The river of bounty overflowed, and the grades of mankind shared in great gifts. Next day he proceeded to inspect the fort⁴ of Ajmīr, which is on the summit of a hill. In that lofty place he visited the shrine of Saiyid Ḥusain Khang-suwār, who is commonly said to be a descendant of Zainu-l-abadīn. But by investigation it appears that the Saiyid was a servant of Shihābu-d-dīn Ghorī, and that at the time when he returned from the conquest of India he made him Shiqdār of Ajmīr. There he died. From lapse of time and general assent he became famous as a saint, and his tomb became the circumambulation-place of mankind. As H.M. the Shāhinshāh was always a painful seeker, he took into consideration the popular report and implored his aid. On the day of Rūz¹ 7 Amirdād, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday, 2 Rabī'-aṯ-ṯānī, 12 August 1572, the Khān Kilān was sent off to Gujrat as an advance-guard along with many officers such as Ashraf Khān, Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, Shāh Budāgh Khān, Saiyid Maḥmūd Khān, Qulīj Khān, Sādiq Khān, Shāh Fakhru-d-dīn, Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khān Akhta Begī, Saiyid Aḥmad Khān, Qutlaq Qadam Khān, Muḥammad Qulī Khān Tūqbāī, Kharram Khān, Beg Nūrīn Khān, Beg Muḥammad Khān, Muḥammad Qulī Khān, son-in-law of the Khān Kilān, Mihr 'Alī Khān Sildūz, Saiyid 'Abdullah Khān, Mīrzāda 'Alī Khān, and Bahādur Khān. On the day of Farwardīn 19 Shahriyūr, Divine month, corresponding to Monday, 22 Rabī'-aṯ-ṯānī, 1 September 1572, H.M. marched from Ajmīr in order that he might indulge in hunting, and also that the officers sent in advance might the better show their merits, and also that Gujrat might as soon as possible come into the possession of the imperial servants, and that the sufferings of the oppressed ones of that country might be redressed in the best manner. In two stages the army had arrived within two stages of Nāgor when news came of the birth of a noble son, and also that of a victory.

It is not concealed from the hearts which closely scrutinise the established law of the elements and the celestial bodies, or from the acute descriers of the associations of loins and wombs, that as the stewards of things terrestrial and celestial have distinguished the Khedive of the world by daily-increasing fortune, and eternal dominion, and have made him successful in his desires, spiritual and physical, and auspicious as regards the objects of realm and religion, so also have they every morning caused a fresh spring-flower to bloom for him in the gardens of hope, and every evening have made a felicitous star arise from the horizon of his wishes. Inasmuch as the amount of Divine aid in respect of the Shāhinshāh of the universe is beyond human calculation—for Almighty God, after having gathered together all the blessings and glories which are in the hidden stores of the eternal decrees and having placed them in his fortune's bosom, hath attached to his personality many unwished-for great gifts—how could there be room for things which he had wished for, to remain secluded behind the screen of delay? Accordingly as his holy mind was desirous of obedient truth-seeking, truth-recognising children, Almighty God bestowed on him this favour without limitation and this blessing without cessation, which is styled “the creation of copies,”¹ and from time to time makes a priceless pearl of the secret ocean glorious on the shore of manifestation.

At the time that the sublime cortège was proceeding from Ajmīr, one of the secluded ones of the screen of chastity had come near the time of child-birth and was unable to endure movement or a journey. In searching for an auspicious place the house of Daniel¹ —a follower of the illustrious shrine (or M'uīnu-d-dīn)—was found. It was made empty and the lady was placed there. The cortège of fortune had halted in Phalūdī,² which lies in a desert (ran) belonging to the Sarkār of Nāgaur, when couriers came from Ajmīr and brought the joyful intelligence that after 41 puls of the night of Āsmān, 27 Shahriyūr, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday, 2 Jamāda-al-awal, 9 September 1572, according to visibility³ and to the night of the third according to supreme decree, under the sign of Aries according to the Greek philosophers, and of Pisces according to the Indian sages, the Giver of life and Adorner of the world had, in the blissful land of Ajmīr,⁴ the longitude of which is 111°5', and latitude 26', bestowed on the Shāhinshāh a lofty-starred son. By the emergence of this brilliant star favour had been conferred on souls and on horizons. When the lord of the world heard this news he placed his forehead on the dust of prostration, and returned thanks to God. He recognised in this news the foretidings of incalculable victories, and inaugurated splendid feasts. The people received fresh joy by general gifts, and the coin of liberality was poured into the lap of the world.

A soul-sustaining rose bloomed in the garden
The fragrance reached a thousand gardens
When the cypress sprang from the noble¹ root
Gratulations were uttered by the seven planets
The Khedive gave fresh wings to joy
He proclaimed a wine-distribution to the seven climes
Rapture was hung on the chords of melody
Song penetrated the brain of the Age
Liberality, when it gave a glance of genius
Removed the curtain from in front of desire.

H.M. had regard to the birthplace which was the house of Shaikh Daniel, and having implored aid from His Highness Daniel the Great (the prophet) gave to that nursling of fortune's rosarium the name of Sulṭān Daniel. Acute poets wrote congratulatory odes, and rare chronograms came from the tongues of the skilful, and were rewarded with gifts. An order was issued that when this celestial star should be a month old, his cradle should be conveyed to the town of Ambēr and the care of him committed to the Rānī, the wife of Rajah Bāra Mal.² It is hoped that this cypress of the Caliphate will for long epochs be watered by the Shāhinshāh's fortune, and will grow up under his shade and protection. Now that the eternal aid has guided me astray in life's assembly to the exposition of the instructive account of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and makes me more impatient and mobile than my pen, I here insert the horoscope of the happy birth according to Greek and Indian calculations, but leave the extraction of the judgments to the subtle eyes of astronomers.³

In fine, after the completion of thanksgivings for this great boon the Shāhinshāh's cortège continued its march, and on the day of Isfandarmaẕ, 5 Mihr, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday, 9 Jamāda-al-awwal, 17 September 1572, encamped in the town of Nāgaur.

God be praised! On 7 Ardībihisht of the 41st year of the Divine Era, corresponding to Friday, 27 Sh'abān 1004, 16 April 1596, the noble task of the record of a cycle (qarn) of everlasting dominion and of many marvellous incidents in the fortune of the Lord of the World during thirty years received a happy completion by the strength of a word-weighing intellect and the swiftness of a heavens-like moving pen.

Lamp of six arches, King of nine pavilions
Akbar Shāh, the King of the Age
May fortune's day gain brightness from his face
May the age become a rose-garden from his Spring.

Many great princes have been commemorated as complements to that unique one of creation, and so the garden of history has been watered, and the countenance of life eternal has glorified those who were resting in the sleep of non-existence.

Hundreds of thanks for that this Gallery
Has assumed everlasting decoration
He who is a chief for acuteness
Knows what has been the spiritual outpouring.

Had my confused glance fallen upon myself, I should have seen that I was unfit for this great emprise, and have accepted the words of the sage and turned away from the execution of the great task.

If thou hast not a nature clear as running water
Lay not hands on the record of princes
If the mouth¹ is to remain free of food
'Tis best to leave the table unsupplied.

But the Shāhinshāh's command and the potent magic of loyalty opened my mind's eye to the exhibitions of fortune, and victoriously withdrew me from myself.

The beginning of my education came from Arabic. In Persian I was less versed. The pacings in the alleys of a spiritual Spring, and the contemplation of the house-garden of theoretical and practical wisdom abstracted my attention from all other matters. Especially did I live in alienation from old stories about divs.² Methought it great loss to give up current coin for antiquated bills of credit. An extensive survey showed me that the palace of history was in ruins, and that the ample plain of chronicles could be no arena for Truth's cavaliers, seeing that it did not merit even a glance from exoteric persons who were capable of making a right choice. It is essential that the sons of men should not gratuitously cast away the precious jewels of the spirit, and should keep life's brief tenement in repair by obedience to the wise, and not spend their days in folly, or sell life's precious pearl for worthless potsherds. Cupidinous persons and confused babblers introduced untrue statements for their own ends. They designedly mixed truth with falsehood, and thus incurred the reproach of the enlightened. Unexperienced physicians and quacks who had no proper understanding of goodness or purity fabricated tales of hopes and fears. They supposed the bitter medicaments of falsehood, and a mixture from the poisonous herb of untruth to be a remedy for the chameleon-like spirit, and for the melancholy engendered by opposing humours, and so entered the wide field of error. Many drugged-dreamers¹ and worshippers of fancies took their evil imaginations to be called celestial visitants, and became blatant babblers. From mental confusion and long-continued turmoil of spirit they mixed up presumptuous imaginings with the delightful utterances of Truth. Very many truthful, well-constituted, well-meaning simpletons and writers have given way to dejection (literally, loosed the tress ends of dejection), and, from shortness of view and want of understanding, indulged in foolish discourse, and at the instance of silly persons, who did not know what truth was, brought false tales into vogue. Owing to the lapse of epochs, to the mustiness of records, to wisdom's retiring to a corner, and to the predominance of natural temperament, typhoons of strife were let loose, and floods of evil seethed over. Class upon class of mankind and all sorts of natures heaped up great punishments (for themselves) from the reading of old and erroneous books, and fell into eternal loss. From the dulness of their fortune and the dreaminess of their understandings, they chose, instead of the unique pearl of science, which quiets perturbations, physical and spiritual, and gives light to darknesses external and internal, an injurious intermixture (of truth and falsehood). They covered up the illuminating light with dust and rubbish, and devastated the city of bliss. More extraordinary still! they, while in that burning desert of indiscrimination, where no restful shelter is to be found, are eager to fashion the life-destroying simoom thereof into the material of a refreshing sleep! They go down into the gloomy abode of error, and build joy and sorrow upon miserable dreams.

Alas! How shall one enter a road
Which is a sword-edge, and a track of thorns?
At once wounding the heel and swelling the sole
How can I set foot on a diamond-paved desert.

In the darkness of my heart and perturbation of my mind the star of truth shone out, and my reason's ear was opened by the felicity of my temperament. Celestial reproof struck a blow on my distorted spirit, and admonished me with a tongueless tongue. “Son of Mubārik, to whom has been alloted a select lodging in the honourable mansion of right thinking, what has come into thy head? Why has the eye of fault-finding been unclosed, and how long wilt thou cavil and utter improprieties? How long will the pearl of goodness be covered with the dust of misunderstanding?” As a general rule whoever has not a constructive hand, abuses what he does not understand and stains his heart and tongue with abuse, and takes the road of ignorance, and does not exercise deep discernment. If the brilliancy of story, and the radiance of annals did not exist, where would so many lamps of knowledge be lighted? Or how would the holy seekers after retired wisdom of old times have come down to us. Speech—a painting upon air, and a knotted (articulated) wind—was young in years, and ancient eloquence had not received its acompaniments. In their gratitude for the mighty boon, far-seeing appreciators of work do not give so much as a glance at faults, much less do they speak of such or listen to remarks about them.

Look at perfect love and honesty, not at defects
For whoe'r lacks wit, casts his eye on faults.

Why does the combination of excogitated (m'aqūl) and acquired (manqūl) knowledge remain hidden¹ in thy heart's antechamber—which is a fountain of Divine bounties—and why does thy prudent² soul become dejected and the tongue of chiding be unloosed? Know that high resolves and lofty genius are rare, or rather, non-existent. If all obscure verities had been recorded in the primæval writings, mediæval wayfarers in the fields of inquiry, and laggards in the wilderness of search—of which last the world is full—would not have tasted joy, and writings of the past age would have been consigned to the closet of neglect. Clearly, the wondrous Showman of creation (God) hath introduced such singular combinations, and His magic power hath drawn such charming uncoloured sketches on the wondrous tablet in order that there may be both spots¹ averting the evil eye from the daughters of the houris of the spirit, and chargers for the conveyance of those veiled and mystic beauties.² Chronicles unfold the feasts and the fights (bazm-razm), the strivings and sports, the glooms, and the glories and other things relating to the knowledge of mankind and civilisation, the perspicacities of the wise, the mistakes of the learned, the various ups and downs of the world, the simplicities of the great of the earth, the vain knockings³ at the door of inaccessible Fortune, the empty⁴ satisfactions of many members of the households of Reason and Testimony, and other singularities of the wonderful world. They also record many experiments and lessons in a pleasing and impressive manner. If enlightenment be brought to the task (of chronicle-writing) and regard be had to what is proper, a second life is bestowed on the inquiring and the laborious, such as they died wishing for, and the materials of eternal existence are gathered. Moreover, if the wooers of knowledge (shāhid-i-'urfān) have, from lacking the light of wisdom, not been able to seat⁵ themselves on the genial bride-bed, and if the veiled one of the spiritual bed-chamber has not wholly unveiled her cheek, owing to there being no ray from the night-gleaming jewel (wisdom), yet the controller of Truth (God) has given the means of light by the avenue of the senses. Especially has a profusion of light been admitted by the wicket-gate of the eye, and the lattice of the ear! and this is brightened by the seeing and hearing the vestiges of past generations, whereby an embroidery is furnished to daily-increasing beauty. Moreover, in the spicery of varied traditions there are remedies for melancholy, and medicines for sorrow. Such agreeable electuaries are indispensably necessary in the social state (nishāh-i-t'aalluq).¹

Apparently, my refractoriness was due to my strange soul's being perpetually excited by the thought of liberation. It sought an empty hand and a vacant heart. How could it be satisfied with the mass of story-telling (logography) which is the best thing which worldlings (t'aalluqiyān) have to show. How can perfect Beauty be seen under concrete forms? At the present day when men have been relieved from internal struggles and are proceeding towards the pleasant abode of peace with all, and when they are invited to come out of the stony hollow of formalism to the spacious mansion of Liberty, how will it be surprising if the glad news of Cognition reach my blissful ear, or how will it be strange if my heart cease from its aversion (to the world)?

The truth of the matter is that everything which the heart passes on to the tongue, and the pen transfers to paper, is the offspring of the patriarch (ābū-l-ābāī) Reason, and is the magical work of this wondrous draughtsman. But, by heaven's decree, that refulgent gem of existence became, from companionship with Wrath and Desire, and the embraceries of Heedlessness—which last is the true descendant of those two ogres (ghoul) in the path of bliss—incrusted with ever-during rust, layer upon layer, and the encrustations still remain. As a result of this mischief, a deadly mixture caused under various designations the bewilderment of tranquil hearts, and still does so. The blackness (of the rust) sometimes prevents Truth from being seen, but sometimes it cannot weave a screen against the luminary of intellect, though it make the workman to stumble. Any birth of Reason which has been so far cleansed and scraped that the veiled ones of the sacred chamber can be recognised, and that, owing to the brightness of the jewel and the illumination of the heart, mysteries can be perceived, is termed “Revelation” (makshūf). If the incrustation has come to have the appearance of being the magic offspring of celestial sires,¹ and terrestrial mothers, it is called “in elegant language” a compendium (majmal.) The “Why and the Wherefore” which are part of its properties are regarded as right and are termed in the language of the world “Rational” (maqūl). The rosy fruits of wisdom receive the name of “Acquired” (manqūl) and are cast away with contempt. Alas! where has an atom of contingent (imkān) dust the strength to grasp such matters, or Reason which seeks to serve, the audacity to describe her sovereign's privy-chamber? Such matters are the glorious work of the incomparable Deity, and are the unveiling of the many-coloured countenance of destiny! The wise man perceives that Good and Evil are alike² (barābar), and that “Victorious Evil, i.e., Pure Evil” is impossible (lit. is in the secret chamber of impossibility). The luminary³ of existence which is pure Good, and unmixed light, can only be kept burning by victorious Good.⁴

My troubled and devious heart left off those thoughts, and by a strong bond held back my foolish tongue. To conclude: after long discourse and little result my mind was relieved somewhat from various troubles, and relief came to my straitened capacity. I abandoned my aversion and applied myself to the amendment of mankind. I set my foot resolutely to the task of their spiritual and physical improvement. It seemed to me indispensable that incorrect delineations should be erased. My design was to lay down certain principles which might at the time of question and answer assist both the imparters (lit. sellers) of knowledge, and the seekers thereof. Now when ascetics seek for a chain for the unruly spirit, they begin by collecting the things pertaining to the forge. After that, many shackles are put together which may be fit to control the swift, quicksilver-like spirit, and which may preserve seekers after God who belong to the house of search from daily decrease (in numbers?) and may assist them to strengthen them for the adornments of the deceptive spirit. God-finders¹ (Khudayābān) who are satisfied anyhow, abandon their wrong notions and perceive, after failure, that the sublime threshold of Divinity is too high for the soaring birds of the zenith of contingent existence, and that they cannot flap their wings there. The dealers in the market-places of religions² base their transactions (lit. their profit and loss) upon this fact, and withdrawing from boundless and bottomless bewilderment they cease to stretch their feet beyond the carpet of their capacities, and neither act nor speak foolishly. But from cautiousness and opportunism, which are indispensable for the seekers after happiness, and the active-minded, I say to myself, “Seven thousand years have elapsed during which the turmoil of indiscrimination had gone on increasing, and mischievous ignorance has confused all, high and low. On this day, which is the beginning of a new cycle, is the marvellous Host (God) weaving as of yore various veils, or is He about to remove the screen barring admission, and to guide mankind to Truth's glorious mansion. I long to get a hint of the designs of heaven and earth, and I seek an enlightening explanation from the aspect of the Age.” Suddenly I descry a line of despair on its forehead, and it becomes apparent in perception's foreground that many more revolutions of the juggling heavens are required. After experiencing the waywardness and tardiness of Hope I sate in expectation of that time. Suddenly the light of bliss cast a ray and my heart turned back from foolish ideas. It became clear that the pen of destiny had not decreed that every one should become possessed of the truth, and that I had been made the physician of myself, not of the world. The physician¹ said, “Since silence is hollow, and understanding is, like a madman gnawing at the knocker on the door, intellect, which is termed the key of action, has become the lock on the treasury of truth-seeking and the happiness of every section of mankind is impledged to just thinking² and honest intentions.”

My heart was relieved from the notion of instructing mankind, and I came to think that if genius helped me and time granted me leisure, I would compose a history suitable to the temperament of mortals, and would treat of the mysteries of truth with a cryptic³ tongue. May it be a pendant in the ear of a sage (ṣāḥibdil) and a collyrium for his eyes!

It was long in my thoughts
That by a knowing and thoughtful heart
I might set hidden wisdom in the open field

Might bring precious goods for sale
Might give enlightenment to the heedless
Might revive the position of good will.

At this time, the Great Ruler, the Shāhinshāh of the world, commanded the writing the account of his rule. Wings came to my soul, and strength to my tongue, and in an admirable manner I brought the hidden things of the heart from the soul's ocean to the shore of paper. The duty of obedience was performed, and the thanks due for favours received were in part paid.

Though my desire was always seeking utterance
Yet fulfilment was in pawn to the proper season
May the life-soothing inspiration come soon
So that it may be the adorner of my soul.

Most old authors and many writers of the present day, who all hold the same language, and string their words after one fashion, and display a worn-out embroidery, give all their attention to the ornamentation of words, and regard matter as subservient to them, and so exert themselves in a reverse direction. They consider cadences¹ and decorative style as the constituents of eloquence, and think that prose should be tricked out like the works² of poets. They make the collocation ³ of words, the art of derivations,⁴ the rules of paronomasia,⁵ and homonyms¹ their central point. They expend their talents on quotations (iqtibās), the use of synonyms (istihilāl), allusions,² the invention of enigmas and the reciting of panegyrics³ and genealogies. They think that fantastic embellishments are language's capital and do not look to the weighty matters of eloquence, and the glories of the spirit. A few abandon the old methods when they career in the spiritual arena. These regard minutiae and fantastic notions as the game to be pursued in that region, and consider an involved style, and far-fetched metaphors, which bear upon themselves the marks of the disapproval of good judges, as the ornaments of discourse, and do not discriminate between novel obscurities, out of which they fashion the philosopher's stone of wisdom, and the initial⁴ difficulties of cognition. The general crowd of writers set down nothing but what is true and commonplace, and open the lips of reproach against both the above kinds of obscure diction. By the commands of my heart, the help of my resolution, and the robustness of my good fortune, a new palace has been constructed for composition in this auspicious record (humāyūn nāma), and description has assumed a new gait. The weaving hand of idiosyncrasy has been clasped by the teaching of wisdom and the guidance of choice and brilliant spirits. My jewel has been taken to acute connoisseurs,⁵ and water-drops have moistened the burning hearts of those in the desert of search.

I broke to pieces my talisman
But from each letter I made a new one,

Know that whoever desires to see me
May behold my life's marrow in this roll
If I'm a veiled spirit, this is my body,
If I were Joseph this were his coat.

Meetings were held to praise and to blame (A. F.'s book), and there was a new market-day for approbation and disapprobation. Those who took the path of reflection and did not fall a prey to custom (taqlīd), who opened the seeing eye and exerted themselves (lit. practised sweeping) in searching for heart-touching language and for a heart appreciative of language, and who did not from the pressure of circumstances and the length of time required give way to weariness, received the reward of their labour and exulted in joy. Their congratulations drowned me with the perspiration of modesty. Those who remained in the thornbrake of their nature and who from failure in ability, and from companionship with the faction which had staked their money in the old petty shops, uplifted their heads for disapproval. Incompetent critics underwent the torments of envy, and sate wasting their hearts and their souls. They loosed the tongue of reproof and begrimed with dust the simple-hearted.

I am dust on the path of those jewellers
Who, when they, differing from the malevolent,
Open this day this treasury of jewels
Will open eyes which choose justice.

A certain enlightened man was well-disposed towards me, and used to regard me with friendly eyes. Our conversation turned upon the book, and out of kindness he said to me, “Why do you take such pains (zaḥmat), and why do you write in such a style? Will one out of thousands come into existence who will read this glorious volume aright, and be instructed by the new magic of its method? From whom do you expect the effectual recognition of the Truth? When shall an exalted sage draw the veil from over your work? 'Twere far better to fold away these new-fangled coverlets (table carpets), and to speak in the language of the age, and to spread a plenteous table for the generality!”

My soul was soothed by his appreciation, and I was delighted with his affection. The nobleness of his personality induced me to answer him, and I opened out the casket of truth. “There's ample provision for ordinary guests. I am preparing a dainty morsel for the Unique One of Time. What have I to do with a crowd? Celestial things are glorified by being presented nobly to the king of enlightenment. What connection have they with the common herd?

What business has the kite with the pigeon?
Such game is only for the royal falcon.

The passed¹ master of acute seekers after wisdom was also convinced, and rendered powerful help to my enterprise.

Mankind may be divided into four classes: First—There are the darkened and contumacious who do not listen to reproof (lit. do not make reproof a constituent of their hearing) and do not convey it from the wicket of the ear to the chamber of the heart. Or if it does find its way, it is not accepted. Or if accepted, it is not acted upon. Second—Those ill-conditioned, evil-natured ones who reckon their own ignorance as knowledge, and who are proud of their health when they are suffering from incurable disease. Third— Those seekers after light, and those well-constituted natures who have escaped from the demons-castle of envy and the dark pit (sīyāh cāl) of ignorance, and engage in the pains of Search, but who from perverse fate and their evil star cannot attain to Iofty, spiritual knowledge and to whom the veiled beauties of Wisdom's seraglio but rarely show themselves. Fourth—That illustrious man of a happy star who, along with treasures of knowledge, possesses loftiness of soul and great genius, and who from profundity of perception ever fares forward. He who knows the world chooses naught but silence with respect to the first three, and opens not the casket of speech save to this truth-seeking jeweller (i.e., expert), so that the lamp of knowledge may be kindled, and its radiance may embrace every one!”

“Son¹ of Wisdom, why do you tattle and utter vain things? Since you have introduced speech of a new texture, and have not adapted it to the appraisement of contemporaries, what is the end of all this word-selling (i.e., speech). And wherefore is the head of assertion exalted? Though you may be speaking truth and not be praising your own idea, yet it is far better to erase from the page of existence a feature which looks like arrogance, and not stain the garment of your pure mind with this unbecoming language.

“Be not drowned in the water of thy own merits.
Look to a standing-place for thy feet
Thousands of boats have sunk in this whirlpool
And not a plank has come ashore.”

The truthful and appreciative assayers of speech, and judges of its lofty rank know that in this noble hall² of audience five things of great price should be gathered. First—Spiritual brilliance must cast her ray from high heaven on a pure heart and make it her auspicious landingplace. Second—A choice combination of opposite qualities must clothe the secluded ones of the heart's bright chamber with the painted silks (parniyān) of words, and so associate those daughters of the spirit with elemental forms that they may make a wondrous compound like that of soul and body. Third—A new, heart-delighting and grief dispelling plan must clarify the ears, and exalt the soul. Fourth—Arrangement³ and taste must give spirituality its proper setting. Ambiguous⁴ expressions must be rejected. The theme must be brought into its proper mansion, and speech—the lover—must be adorned both spiritually and physically. Fifth—The rhetorician must keep his style free from obscurity and disagreeable tautology. Nor must frigid¹ glances, or heavy features be admitted into the assembly, and also there must not be anything trite or hackneyed. There must be animation and rosy friendliness. To all this collection of goodness there must be added suitable time, and opportunity must help speech so that a right intention, singleness of aim, strenuous search, and the vigorous help of wisdom may all meet in one place. Constant supplication and the favour of the Incomparable Creator must be accompaniments (doshadosh, lit. shoulder to shoulder). And every one of these requisites carries along with it many conditions and ancillary points. This noble volume cannot reckon them, nor my limited leisure admit of describing them. But a trusty helper is indispensable who should by the light of his intelligence search for faults with the eye of an enemy and should address himself as a friend to their amendment. Evidently the companionship of such a distinguished man, elixir of wisdom, and arranger might constitute a sixth jewel of great price. On this day when my heart is distracted, and my soul pawned in a thousand places, and when I am unfamiliar with Persian diction, and the true guide unavailable, how can my heart's desire be accomplished? And what hope is there of a happy issue? Above all, at this time, when the glory of spirituality, adorner of speech, balance of wisdom, scale of truth, my eldest brother Shaikh Abu-l-faiẓ-faiẓī, who was as a father to me, has departed from the troubled house of the elements to the holy resting-place, and eloquence's bride sits mourning! My condition became still more bewildered and my heart snapped the links of understanding. I was aroused by a Divine message,² and fell into a long repentance.

Alas for this confused medley of knowledge
The breast full of learning, and nothing known,
I am nought, and my thoughts less than nought,
Nothing comes from me but yet wilder words.

The fault-recognising eye¹ was found, and my head sank into the fold (lit. pocket) of shame. In the beginning of the roll of fortune (the Akbarnāma), my design was that when the story of stories (dāstān dāstān) should have been written, it would receive beauty's rouge from being decorated by that chief² of the eloquent. Suddenly, a deadly sorrow appeared, and it came into my mind that there was no happiness for any one. Accordingly I in my distress and feebleness of capacity hissed out idiotic³ cries, and revealed my rawness.

O lord of speech, look not on the crudity of speech
For I'm consumed by the death of the pattern of sages⁴
And am more brokenhearted than that crystal vase
Which lies far off within the rock.

Up to the tenth year (of the history of Akbar) the assemblage of wisdom (Faiẓī) had revised the composition of this know-nothing; not, however, to the extent that his heavenly mind was satisfied therewith, or that this bewildered pupil in wisdom's school was pleased. Time showed such jugglery, and pointed to a soul-exhausting day! Life became difficult to me, and my heart grew yet more disturbed at the mutability of things. The charm of the graciousness of the Khedive of enlightenment, and the wisdom-amulet of the spiritual and temporal caravan-leader (Akbar) recalled me from the aversion (to society) and bound me anew to sociability (t'aalluq). With a disturbed heart and a confused mind I summoned up resolution to write the glorious (gauharīn) history. But difficulties and bitterness caused from time to time fresh distress to my confused heart and distracted it more than ever. And ever-new bewilderment ruined my thoughts' metropolis. Why should not the dust of rebellion arise, and why should not the foot of resolution tremble? For, together with various tumbles and contrarieties, a lofty sage, who helped me on every side, had departed, and a companion, who in respect of intellect possessed a nine-tenths share, had taken the veil. Would that in the famine-year¹ of humanity there had been a helper who could have written the pages when my heart was distracted so that they should not disgrace those which had gone before! Or if this stock of knowledge were not, an expert was indispensable who could amend² the writing of a distracted soul, and could erase clauses and introduce words and elicit meanings. Or if Time grudged even this, some persons were indispensable who might from the brilliancy of their enlightenment, and the strength of their courage perceive faults. Inasmuch as in the ambushes of my heart there was a daily-increasing agitation for freedom, and as there were various competing, outward engagements pressing upon me, and the confidential and loving friend was under the veil, what could be the value of the matter supplied by the heart to the hand, and by the latter to the pen. As my thoughts were clear, and gratitude to God increasing, and my loyalty sincere, and the genius of the Shāhinshāh was assisting, the light of fortune cast a ray in that darkness of struggles, and bestowed energetic strength.

What is within my heart
Is spiritual coin beyond count
I did not earn this enduring wealth myself
I received it from my patron's glance.

On the first Āẕar of the 40th Divine year (about 11 November 1595) I shut¹ the door of my house² of anguish. Outwardly I was occupied, to the exclusion of everything else, in writing the noble history, inwardly I was supplicating the Incomparable Giver, and was imploring a lamp for my darkened heart. I was laying the head of entreaty at the threshold of the Divine greatness, and begging for the accomplishment of my wishes. Suddenly fortune's morning unveiled her countenance, and a ray of light brightened the windowless closet. When I had time to meditate, and surprise had departed (literally had packed up), the morning-glory caught the slit of my pen. A great joy seized me, and a wondrous delight showed itself. My sore³ and adust body donned the robe of spring, and a guide for my enterprise appeared. My heart renewed its vigour, and my useless (literally, headless and footless) pen drew a wondrous sketch. The stewards of glory roused up the wedding-minstrel⁴ of discourse to a mystic⁵ dance. In a short space of time I was made a rich treasury of eloquence, and a lofty diploma was granted to me. The titles of Nādir-al-kalāmī⁶ (marvel-of-oratory) and Shams-i-peshtāq-i-goyāī⁶ (sun of the portico of speech) were conferred. Some delightful expressions were put into writing (by Akbar). Thanks were returned for favours and a jewel-volume was completed as a gift to truth-seekers and connoisseurs. A great good fortune and brightener of the countenance arrived.

Fortune ran and opened the door of success
She gave a gift greater than my wishes
The nightingale of speech flew up from my mind's rose
The veil of concealment was rent by my pen's point

Host upon host of spirits joined me
Called and uncalled, they passed through the door
The idols of the heart ran forward
My pen invited them with a melodious murmur.¹

It is now fitting that there should be the melody of joy and the whispering of delight. But how can he whose resolution is attached to the recording of cycles upon cycles break his fast by writing the account of one of them? With what provision can he satisfy his heart and indulge in pleasure? Especially on this day when by heaven's decree there is a fresh agitation in my head, and another consideration has come to my perturbed mind? The body is urban (i.e., inclined to sociability) but the soul is campestral; there is the thought of the last journey which will dissolve associations. There is the futility of my contemporaries whose tongues speak, but whose hearts are silent. There is daily-increasing anxiety about the composition of the book of fortune (Iqbālnāma, i.e., the Akbarnāma).

Alas! A mountain (koh) of grief has fallen on a straw (kāh)
The moon has become the beloved of a tiny ant
This strange thing has happened
The beggar has fallen in love with the king.

The sole desire of my thoughts is that when the marvels of several cycles shall have been described, and my obligations of gratitude shall have been paid suitably to my wish, I may by the Divine aid withdraw my foot from among the world's servants and earnestly apply myself to the service of God. May I emerge from the defile of association and relationship, and obtain repose at the sublime stage of enlightenment! May I emerge from the strivings of this soul-destroying abode of demons, and enjoy happiness in the holy chamber of eternity!

Remove your goods from this caravanserai
For the roof has holes, and the clouds are big with tempest,

'Tis a cell where you cannot remain
Be your years 10, 100, or 1000
Lift up the screen so that they may bring in
The Divine Couch to the dais (of the heart).

But in the atmosphere of this lofty eyry the wings of the courage of the highflyers of the fields of cognition grow faint, what then must be the condition of the sensual and selfish? Shall I speak of the thorny and dangerous road? Or shall I allude to the grief of those who, from the wickedness of the robbers of the desert, which is full of evil, have fallen short of their goal? Or shall I speak of pain from the cowardice of selfish fellow-travellers? In the garish inn of natural existence, Wisdom sits in the corner of contempt, and Self-will on the height of ostentation. The varied phantasmagoria of the outer world hunt after the soul, and the spiritual physician has assumed the veil. The last evil is the soul-tormenting of the wicked. Some by smooth speech, and some by silence sell evil things (nikūhīdigī) as good things (nekūkārī) and in the garb of guides practise highway robbery (dar libās rahnamūnī rahzanī kanand). Most, after having been deceived themselves, practise fraud upon others, and regard the injuring of men—what need then to speak of animals—as matter for boasting. How can the number of those who have yielded their hearts to the blandishments of this harlot (the world) who robs the wise, and destroys Rustum-like strength be reckoned up? How can the jugglery and sorceries of the workers of iniquity be enumerated? The eldest of them is baseness of disposition which is enchained by the pledge of love for this friend-slaying, foe-soothing One (the world). On the prosperity of this quicksilver-waved mirage it (the base disposition) has the triumph of sloth (kharsandī) and a joy composed of heedlessness. In the adversity of this wheat-shower, barley-seller, shall it not feel the being trampled under the foot of regret, and the exhaustion of grief? On this account the wise and eloquent, in their diagnosis of mysteries, call the first¹ the “Father of that quickly-perishing mountebank” (the world). The second is the fool who on the coming or going of the old dotard snaps the thread of discretion and judgment, and becomes bewildered with joy or sorrow. His hunger is not satisfied by her many seeming but unsubstantial dainties, nor his wishes quieted. Nor is his orphaned¹ stomach filled by the deficiencies of this something-seeming but in reality nothing, nor is the foot of his desire made lame. In the allegory of truth this (the fool) is called son of the capricious drunkard (the world). The third is the purblind and low man who on account of old errors does not come away by the highroad of truth from pursuing the desires of this world—which has come to the meeting-place of the furious blasts of destruction—but who trusts to the worthless remedies of the cheating Age, and lays his hand on the skirt of deceit and fraud, and thinks to convey himself to the shore of safety by his own devices (dastān sarāī). Great men have called him in their allusive style the slave of that thousand-wiled magician. The fourth is that slumbrous confused one who is led astray by the crowding of desires and seeks to make a shield for himself out of fraudulent traditions. Moralists point him out in enigmatical language as the handmaid of this faithless juggler.

It is clear to the leaders in the assembly of judgment what must be the state of the man who looks for repose in such a place of turmoil, when such is the state of those who have chosen it. If in expounding this thesis I should write of the sects² of ancient times and of the present day, my work would be like filling an abyss, and the foot of my travelling pen would be worn out at the first stage. Hear now a little of my own story! And let me stretch out the foot of effort for curing myself.

If I tell my story from the beginning
I'll travel so far that I can't come back.

My honoured father practised contentment in seclusion and lived apart from the world's house of turmoil. He regarded me with more affection than he did my brothers, and from the beginning of my growth he, by the strength of precept and example, did not permit the approach of the wayward and the defiled. He always watched over me with an inward and outward purity, and instructed me with an eloquent tongue in the lessons of truth.

From my first infancy I did not play “Hide¹ and Seek”
For my guardian was both my father and my mother.

As the acquired sciences ('ulūm muktasabī) hold the veil over spiritual Beauty, my father, in his love to my bewildered self, wished to conduct me also to the study of them. But from my fifth year I was in a confused state, and my heart in nowise inclined to hear or speak about such things. It seems as if my temperament robbed me of² that guide (rahbar) to the abode of perfected pupils, and of that light of the portico. The stupendous dangers of an endless desert—which make men of men to stumble—had taken possession of my soul's chamber. When my years increased and my knowledge developed, my heartfelt disgust increased also, and the truceless agitation became more intense. I withdrew from everyone, and delighted myself with the companionship of madness. I came³ to long for death. The secret attraction of the leader of Truth's caravan (his father) bound me, the heedless and heartless one, to the customary abode of knowledge, and in my fifteenth year, when the heavy sleep of thoughtlessness holds all men, I traversed the wide field of wisdom, and the ample space of the doctrines of many schools. The advancement of knowledge¹ increased my arrogance, and the intoxication of enlightenment augmented my confusion. In spite of my having such a powerful guide and perpetual overseer, the turbulence of self-willed intellect increased, and egotism showed itself under various forms. By the favour of the fount of lofty ideas (his father) the secrets of the Platonists,¹ the hidden treasures of the Ṣūfīs, and the wondrous observations of the Peripatetics² were acquired by me. It was natural that so much learning and the arrogance produced by it should reduce the importance of the deceptive world. The same principle which increased self-glorification and self-worship, broke the connection with other men. I was dissatisfied with the unprofitableness of the world's booths and my heart was captivated by the anchorites. The thought of a hermitage displayed fresh vigour. There was not such madness of bewilderment that I turned away from the command of wisdom and took a pathless direction. Nor had my disorder such ungentleness that I would grieve my visible gods (khudāyān-i-majāzī) (i.e., his parents). I spent my days in the hollow of joy and grief with a dejected mind. The thought of freedom contributed somewhat to my repose. From the base disposition which was in me, and the timidity which was part of my constitution, together with my complete aversion to society and my love for the desert, I entered the lofty hall of bewilderment, and fell into a strange state from the enchantment of inward perturbations. The displeasing (narāẓamandī) of my illustrious teacher (pīr) by those erratic wishes was very present to me (literally, very near) and yet the giving up of a contrary notion was very far off. At every breath submission to that unique one of enlightenment's kingdom was on the increase, but from time to time various impulses acquired fresh strength.

The luck to associate with my beloved was wanting,
I had not the endurance to refrain from love
No hand to contend with fate
No foot wherewith to flee away.

At length heaven told my story in the glorious (humāyūn) assembly of the Shāhinshāh, and the star of a happy fortune shone from the horizon of prestige. The pursuivants (cāwūshān) followed, and a summons shed glory upon me. By the machinations of my extraordinary soul the picture of ambition had been erased from my mind's antechamber, and the longing for asceticism displayed its power. I was on the point of treading the desert of frenzy with bared head and foot, and of breaking to pieces the enclosing wall of environment, and taking the path of liberation. My spiritual physician (his father) knew that the king of the Age was the caravan-conductor of God's worshippers, and had also some acquaintance with fate's decrees, and so he addressed himself to my cure. He opened his casket of jewels and inculcated sociability upon me. Through the magic and enchantments of this guide I hastened to the shrine of dominion and glorified my forehead by prostrating myself at the threshold of the glorious, enthroned one. Without any stain on my spirit's skirt from corruptive canvassing, or any rubbing of the foot of search on the wide plain of avidity, and before there could come the shame of expectancy, or self-respect be thrown² away, and without the mediation of this or that person, and without having to supplicate any one, the Shāhinshāh's graciousness laid hold of me, and raised me from the hollow of obscurity to the height of lofty rank. The alchemic glance of the spiritual and temporal lord gave fresh impluse to my energy and a new expansion to my heart. I was cured to some extent from the obstinate malady which my father with all his curative skill had been unable to remedy. By the strength of perception I spread the cloth of concord and union with mankind, but there was something hypocritical in my down-sitting, and I was, as it were, in ambush.¹ Many mental faults displayed their lineaments, but I found strength to delete some of them. The very resurrection of hate ended in love. Nor could the refractoriness of many groups of men stop me from the noble pursuit,² or stir up the dust of failure in my heart's pleasant home. Some of those in the glorious entourage of the world's lord eagerly seized the opportunity of attaining wisdom, and there was a new and daily market for the investigation of ideas, and the examination of evidence. Owing to inacquaintance with scientific principles, and to their being void of real knowledge, the praters of the day—who, on account of their humbug and plausibility, were looked upon as men of much enlightenment—fell into difficulty. Sometimes they practised trickery by keeping silent, by elevating their eyebrows, and by turning up their eyes, and sometimes they replied by speaking in enigmas and by talking nonsense. By heaven's favour they were so brought to a stand that their base-metal talismans broke in pieces. They were obliged to give up that plan, and to have recourse to absurdity. They esteemed Reason and Faith to be opposites, and some simple-minded descendants of Turks³ were led⁴ away. Relying on the help of those ignorant and foolish persons, they now pressed forward as if to victory. The assistance of a happy star and an open brow brought them down from that high ground, and they proceeded to cavillings and to the discussion of minute points of acquired (manqūl) knowledge. In accordance with the tactics of such a crew they set up false principles and introduced¹ worthless arguments. There were long discussions about creeds and sects, and they represented the critical examination of doubtful points as laying pitfalls in the articles of faith and so inveighed against it. Some behaved badly on receiving these hypocritical warnings. Old² intimates and friends of long standing gathered up the skirt of caution so that I was surrounded by a wall of exclusion in my own city. Sometimes I uttered songs of joy at this solitude in the midst of society. I knew it was the result of right-thinking and so increased my supplications to God. Sometimes from human weakness and feebleness of capacity I murmured to myself “What strange thing is this? I spread the carpet of right-thinking and well-wishing towards men, and I strive against myself, and spoil³ my own play. Why do men lie in ambush against me.” By heaven's help, and a happy star, the world's⁴ glories, and the mental sloth and the frowns of friends and strangers, and the futile talk of far and near, and the agitation of short-sighted malevolent men wrought no breach in the continuity of my soul. The flatness of Truth's market gave me fresh joy.

Like the pearl-oyster I smile⁵ when tormented
'Tis for the untrained to smile when successful.

When several revolutions of the heavens had occurred, the doors of dominion opened, and a new glory was given to ambition. The world's slaves exchanged the rage of envy for religious animosity and occupied themselves with evil designs. From narrowness of view and from spite they entered upon war with Almighty God, and heaped up for themselves everlasting destruction.

Those two or three slanderers demolish their own bed
They attack their own profession as well as me
May I be like the revolving moon
I decrease not, or if I do I wax again.

Inasmuch as my intentions were right, and my devotion firm, the sorry tricksters were defeated everywhere, spiritually and temporally. They were informed of the true condition of enlightenment and had to sink into the street of humiliation. At that time I, in my ignorance of the heights and hollows of the world, was seeking the companionship of that crew, while they took the course of showing dislike to me. Now this slumbrous-witted faction wishes to conciliate me, the once troubled and now quiescent one, and to enter into my service, whilst I reject them!

The sun of auspiciousness lighted up the darkness of the desert and by the encouragement of the world's lord I came to the pleasant abode of peace with all men. My perturbed spirit rejoiced in the clear chamber of tranquillity and as I seized the skirt of rejoicing I sang thus “If men think¹ you wicked, and so choose the path of enmity they are acting according to their lights and are treading the path of piety. Why are you irritated? If they know you to be good and yet follow this course it is evident that they are suffering from the disease of envy. Why look for healthy acts from a sick man?” From human frailty and mortal weakness the murmur of a wish arose from the bottom of my heart, and this desire came forth “How good it would be if my inefficient foes could understand the tranquillity of my disposition and my antipathy to revenge so that they should not use fawning bodies and supplicating tongues for making² excuses, and might make their external acts correspond with their internal feelings, and be delivered from mental troubles! Would that the good feeling which I bear to my ill-wishers, and my observance¹ of right—which does not know the path of hypocrisy— were known to my ignorant and childish friends so that the coin² of friendship might not bring any pain along with it.”

I threw fire into my sheaves with both hands
When I did it myself why do I plain of an enemy?
No one is my foe, I'm my own enemy
Alas for myself, my arm and my skirt!

With regard⁴ to my panegyrists and defamers I have passed from the second⁵ stage and arrived at the third. I hope that there will be no retrogression and that the guidance of a happy fortune will bring me to the delightful fourth station! May I repose there, and keep apart from (the doctrine of) co-partnership⁶ with the Incomparable Deity. Most persons cultivate friendship with the first class (that of the panegyrists), and behave in an opposite fashion to the second. Dissemblers are apparently unaffected by either class: secretly they are delighted with their panegyrists, and cherish resentment against their censors. A few heaven-helped ones see the strange deceptiveness of it all, they regard both classes with an equal eye and are not perturbed by either of them. There are many who are deceived by the protean spirit which says to them “Evil speech against one such as you who are on the right path, carries with it the Divine displeasure.” They swallow the deception and rise up in abuse of their detractors, and thus turn aside from the highway of bliss. When an accurate estimate¹ of their actions is made, it is found that they themselves have omitted to reckon many foolish and wicked acts. The noble position is to regard the admirer who supplies food for arrogance as an enemy and the detractor who points out faults as a friend. Would that I might attain to this form of enlightenment and reach the height of my aspirations, and be delivered from the sting of a domestic foe to self-knowledge! By the help of my temperament and by firmness of soul I was soon freed from my aversion² (to society). I waged war with myself and renewed the incessant combat.

How shall I make war with myself
From whose collar shall I exsert my head?
I'll make a rent in the veil of my trappings
May it be that I strike a blow at my own skirt.

I continually smite myself and rehearse my self-disgust with a reproachful tongue. “Seeing that the Unique¹ Witness, whom the ancients designated by the phrase “strength of eye-testimony” has by the lamp of proof shown you to be one of the right-minded and enlightened, why are you depressed? Running away from what, do you seek the corner of despisedness? What has wearied you and made you stretch out the hand of wish? I admit that you have no inspiration, and that the light of brilliant knowledge has not been granted you. But by a happy star and a robust heart there have been given to you the search for truth and a large capacity, so that in the court of business and in the decision of cases, friend and foe, stranger and acquaintance are regarded by you with impartiality and that² neither the satisfaction nor the dissatisfaction of a world can cloud your mind. An eager³ lover cannot gain his ends with you. What need then to speak of others? Why this hurrying to the realm of solitude? And what will you gain by being unknown?”

But⁴ what does the poet say and write?

My heart grasps the sleeve and skirt of sorrow
As when Wāmiq seized the tip of Aẕrā's tress,
I feel towards the world's turmoil and to men
Such disgust as was felt by the 'Anqā.

The truth of the matter is that human effort is not successful. What can be done with regard to what has been written in destiny's antechamber? And upon what do the revolutions of the stars and the heavens depend. We cannot devise any remedy against the deceitful commixture of heavenly and earthly bodies. No shield can be framed against the archery of the skies.

The bow of heaven is drawn from the side where the cuirass is
I'm my own enemy, what use is there of donning a cuirass?

Now a wrestling-match has begun with my thousand-wiled spirit. The friends of each stand firm and from time to time the jugglery is renewed. There is wondrous rising and falling and the countenance of instruction is illuminated. I¹ know not what the end will be and in what station I shall repose, or with which of the three forms² of Divine knowledge I shall be eternally conjoined. Or by what enchantment will the final refreshing slumber take place. Fear has a knot on brow (thinking) that the varied glories of the universe may not enter her house of toil. Hope has an open brow (thinking) that she may with joy bear the griefs of mortals on the shoulder of her genius. The swift and prudent walker who has abandoned the dunghill of Fear, the petty garden of Hope, the fireplace of Contraction, and the recreation-ground of Expansion is not bound by joy or sorrow. Every moment an order for residence comes to the station, and ere I have made the place warm, I am summoned from another door.

With such inward struggles, I became by loyalty's command engaged in writing this weighty history. The loyalists of devotion's feast do not turn to other work. Why should this not be so? And why should it appear strange? After serving the King of enlightenment the world's gauds cease to weigh in the balance of the soul, and the gorgeous spectacle of the outer world has no value in vision's antechamber. Of necessity the pen moves in laud of the great gift, and praise grows fervid. To some extent a fresh lustre is bestowed on my heart for the writing of the tale of truth. I do not, like a sensualist,² measure water in a sieve or pound air in a mortar. It is far better that I do not uncover the lid of my strange soul and that I do not cast out into the open my inward secret. It is not proper to proclaim things that do not penetrate the ears of contemporaries, and which the eyes of the conventional do not comprehend.

If I were to tell the thoughts of my heart
You'd either be amazed like me or not believe.

“Abūl Faẓl, son of Mubārak, why has your wisdom-seeking heart grown full of whispers of hidden things, and of speech about subjects of silence. Are you bringing your characteristics into the hall of publicity, and are you giving the stranger an audit into the secret chamber of your heart? A spring of vision is trickling from your clear, inner chamber. What wise man's part is it to let wine flow¹ out? Stand resolutely on the cloth of service and make supplication to God while praising your king. Convey holy mysteries in a secular strain.” The message of truth brought back my heart from folly. Strength was given to my purpose. Vigour for work increased, and a fresh glory was bestowed on my nature! The inscription which Fortune wrote on my destiny's portico and which impawned this slave of Gratitude was that I should be tied to the saddlestraps of eternal dominion and become a historian of marvels. This constellation of intellect's horizon, and this star of a spiritual heaven (the Akbarnāma) was, from its glorious ascension, day by day presented for the auspicious hearing (of Akbar), as it came to the tongue of the pen and was transferred to paper, and was welcomed by him. Happy the slave whose service is approved by the Shāhinshāh, and who gets a mark of approbation from his Court!

God be praised! This first narrative
I have made right in an excellent way,
During the period of this composition
The word was mine, the inspiration the Shāh's
Should genius make me hopeful
Heaven grant leisure and Fortune courage
I shall by the motion of the heavens-traversing pen
Carry to an end this lofty writing.²

P. 4, Notes wrongly numbered. In line 3 the note should be 2, No. 3 refers to Kalānūr, 4 to “screens,” and 5 to last line of poetry.

P. 37, l. 19. For Ali read Abū.

P. 72, No. 1, for Hatch read Hata. Five lines from foot insert 2 after Hājī K., and also prefix to note n. For Annotations in, read Annotations on, and for Rai Kaapatar read Rai Kalapatar.

P. 73, three lines from foot, no. 2 should be 1, No. 2 refers to last line, and 3 belongs to p. 74.

P. 81, n. 2, second sentence belongs to p. 82 and refers to Shāh Qandahārī.

P. 82, n. 1, belongs to p. 81.

P. 87, l. 17, Backotī read Bachgotī.

P. 97, n. 4, should be 3, and 3 should be 4, and n. 3 is continued on p. 98.

P. 98, n. 1, refers to Chagānīān. The Pāsha n. belongs to p. 97.

P. 99, add to note about Selīma's age. “The B. M. copy, Or. 171, of Kāmgār Ḥusainī's Jahāngīrnāma, p. 72a, has a note stating that Selīma was 76 at her death. See also B. M. MS. of T. Muḥammadī, Or. 1824, p. 140, and note in A.S.B.J. for December, 1906, p. 509.

P. 103—Insert Sayid Maḥmūd Bārha before Shāh Qulī. n. 1, for “wooden” read “woollen.”

P. 129, n. 2. See R.A.S.J. for 1905, pp. 131 and 364, and do. for 1909, p. 165.

P. 130, l. 9, for capre, read cup.

P. 135, l. 9, for Bahlūl read Ghauṯ, do. n. for Ghans read Ghauṯ.

P. 136, l. 16, several MSS. read Mubāriz, and this is right.

P. 143, l. 21, for Missron read summon.

P. 157, l. 5, Shāh Budāgh K.'s name should be inserted before Majnūn.

P. 192, top line, for M, read Mīr.

P. 208, l. 16, for Ḥabīb Qulī read Habīb 'Alī.

P. 325, for Amān read Aman.

P. 344, for Ranad read Ranūd.

P. 352, for Nālcha read N'alcha.

P. 362, top line, dele “and.”

P. 377, for Nīmkhar read Nīmkār.

P. 381, dele dot in Maḥapattar.

P. 386, n. 2, for Ahū-i-karan read Ahū-i-ḥaram.

P. 415, n. 1, for 42 read 424.

P. 436, l. 3, line of text omitted here, insert after Yār 'Alī “and Khūshḥāl Beg who for a time was in Humāyūn's body-guard.”

P. 455, ten lines from foot, for “farmed” read “famed.”