Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 2

The Khwāja came from Sīstān, and they write him Sijzī¹ which is the Arabic for Sigzī. His honoured father who was named Khwāja Ḥasan and who was a contented husbandman died when he was in his fifteenth year. Shaikh Ibrāhīm² Majẕūb of Qandūz's attention was drawn to him and by the blessing of his glance the pains of inquiry seized the Khwāja's soul, and cut away outward ties. He hastened to Samarqand and Bokhāra and for a time applied himself to the acquisition of knowledge. From there he went to Khurāsān and there he grew up. In Hārūn which is a dependency of Nīshāpūr he made the acquaintance of Shaikh Oṯman Hārūnī and became his disciple. For twenty years he practised strenuous austerities in the Shaikh's company, and undertook journeys, and sojournings in strange lands. He became acquainted with many saints of the time, such as Shaikh Najmu-d-dīn Kubrī. In short, he is one of the great men of the Cistī order. He is three³ removes from Khwāja Maudūd Cistī and nine from Ibrāhīm Adham. Before M'uizzu-d-dīn, the son of Sām, came from Ghaznīn to India,¹ he took leave from his Pīr and came to that country. He established himself in Ajmīr, where Rai Pithorā, the ruler of India, resided. Certainly the Khwāja was a lord of austerities and spiritual conflicts and had waged great wars with his carnal spirit. Though many miracles are related of him what miracle can be more glorious than the contest with the desires of this carnal spirit which is the father of excesses? Khwāja Quṭbu-d-dīn Ushī of Andijān became, in Bagdad, in the month of Rajab 522,² in the mosque of Imām Abū-i-laiṯ³ of Samarkand and in the presence of Shaikh Shihābu-d-dīn Sahrawardī, of Shaikh Uḥadu-d-dīn of Kirmān and of a number of other saints, the disciple of Khwāja M'uīnu-d-dīn. Shaikh Farīd Shakrganj, who is buried in Patan,⁴ is a disciple of this Quṭbu-d-dīn, and Shaikh Niẓāmu-d-dīn Auliyā, who was the Pīr of Amīr Khusrū, gave his hand of discipleship to Shaikh Farīd. In short, many of the perfect masters have risen up from under the skirts of the Khwāja's⁵ teaching. May God sanctify their souls!

As the Shāhinshāh's holy soul searches after knowers of the Truth and is inquisitive about reputations founded on reality, he determined on the very hunting-ground to pursue spiritual game, and though his followers urged that he should not go to remote places, and spoke of the dangers of them and the numbers of refractory persons there, he did not give heed to them, for his mind was set upon going, and only became more determined to make the expedition. On the day of Shāhriyūr 4 Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday 8th Jamāda-al-awwal (14th January, 1562), he set off to Ajmīr with a few attendants who belonged to the hunting-party. An order was also issued that Māham Anaga should convey the seraglio to Ajmīr by way of Mewat, and in accordance with it she hastened thither. When His Majesty reached the village of Kalavalī (?)¹ Caghatai Khān, who as an intimate courtier had means of speaking to him, represented the facts of the loyalty of Rajah Bihārī Mal who was head of the Kacwāha clan which is a distinguished tribe of Rajputs. The Rajah, he said, was eminent for wisdom and valour and had always been loyal to the sublime family and had done excellent service. He had in Delhi kissed the threshold and had conducted himself as one of those who were firmly bound to the sublime saddle-straps. For a long time he had been apprehensive on account of his bad treatment by Sharifu-d-dīn Ḥusain Mīrzā and had taken refuge in the folds of the hills. If a ray from the sun of the Shāh were to fall upon him and he were raised from the dust and so freed from the tribulations of the age, perchance his services would be approved of by the holy glance which is an elixir of auspiciousness.

The brief details of the oppression that he had suffered are that when Mewāt was made Muḥammad Sharifu-d-dīn Ḥusain's fief, he wanted to take possession of the town of Amber which is in Mārwār and was the seat of Rajah Biharī Mal's ancestors. At this time Sūjā the son of Pūran Mal, the Rajah's elder brother, out of wickedness and because he wanted the chiefship for himself came and paid his respects to the Mīrzā and raised troubles. The Mīrzā led an army against Rajah Bihārī Mal and as the times were unfavourable and the Rajah had not a large force he came to terms. A fixed contribution was laid upon him, and his son Jagannāth, Raj Singh, the son of Askaran, and Kangār the son of Jagmal, who were the Rajah's brothers' sons, were taken as hostages, who in Hindi are called ol.¹ The Mīrza then went off to Ajmīr and Nāgor, and this year it was his fixed intention to collect troops and to extirpate the family.

When the tale of the loyalty of this old family had been communicated to His Majesty he graciously gave permission for the introduction of the Rajah. When the cavalcade reached Deosa² most of the inhabitants fled from fear. His Majesty said, “We have no other intention than to do good to all mankind. What can be the reason of the flight of those people? Apparently these rustics of the valley of desolation have drawn an inference from the oppression they have undergone from Sharifu-d-dīn Ḥusain and so have run away.” At the close of the day Jaimal the son of Rūpsī, Rajah Bihārī Mal's brother, and the headman of this district, came and was introduced by the courtiers and did homage. They represented that the son of the headman was coming into service. His Majesty said: “His coming cannot be taken into account, Rūpsī must recognise our advent as a great gift of God and himself come and kiss the threshold.” Of necessity Rūpsī came in person and made the dust of fortune's threshold the antimony of the eye of auspiciousness. He was exalted by royal favours. Next day when the village of Sāngānīr¹ was made the camping ground Caghatai Khān introduced Rajah Bihārī Mal together with many of his relations and leaḍing men of his clan. Rajah Bhagwant Das, the Rajah's eldest son, was excepted as he had been left in charge of the families. His Majesty with his discerning glance read devotion and sincerity in the behaviour of the Rajah and his relatives. He captured his heart by kindness and exalted his rank. The Rajah from right-thinking and elevated fortune considered that he should bring himself out of the ruck of landholders and make himself one of the distinguished ones of the Court. In order to effect this purpose he thought of a special alliance, to wit that he should by means of those who had the right of entrée introduce his eldest daughter, in whose forehead shone the lights of chastity and intellect, among the attendants on the glorious pavilion. Inasmuch as graciousness is natural to His Majesty the Shāhinshāh his petition was accepted and His Majesty sent him off from this station along with Caghatai Khān in order that he might arrange for this alliance, which is the material of the eternal glory of the family, and quickly bring his daughter.

One of the dominion-increasing events of this time and which was an instance of the daily increasing distribution of justice by the Shāhinshāh, and a cause of tranquillising a crowd of the terrified inhabitants of the district, was the punishment of a leopard-keeper (cītabān). The brief account of this is that as the Shāhinshāh made the hunting with the cīta one of the veils of his world-adorning beauty and showed a strong passion for it and often indulged in it, one of the cītabāns waxed proud in his ignorance and forcibly took off a man's pair of shoes and appropriated them. The owner was lamenting, and accidentally his cries came to His Majesty's ears and the truth was discovered. The redresser of injustice as soon as he heard of the tyranny, ordered that the cītabān should be seized and brought to him. An order was issued for cutting off his feet, and this was a warning to men of the world, and a lesson in wisdom to the savages² of the fields of heedlessness. It became known in the country and afterwards no one thought of running away or becoming a vagabond. Peace and tranquillity appeared in the country. When the standards were pitched at Sāmbar Sharifu-d-dīn Ḥusain Mīrza had the bliss of doing homage, and brought suitable gifts. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh demanded Jagannath, Raj Singh and Kangār, whom the Mīrzā had taken as hostages, in order that Rajah Bihārī Mal might be entirely free from apprehensions. The Mīrzā agreed to surrender them, but put off the time of doing so by subterfuges. His Majesty thought the excuses were genuine and waited in expectation of the arrival of the hostages. At this stage Adham Khān came from behind and joined the camp. From here the expedition went with all possible speed to Ajmīr and arrived at that bliss-conferring city in an auspicious hour. The visit to the illustrious shrine of his holiness the Khwāja was performed, and the persons in charge of that sacred city were the recipients of fortune. Māham Anaga brought the ladies by way of Mewāt and had the bliss of accomplishing her service. His Majesty decided that the return-journey should be quickly undertaken. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain Mīrzā, to whom the task of taking Mīrtha had been entrusted ignorantly suggested that in order to his accomplishing this work His Majesty should go thither to hunt. When he was convinced that this plan was impracticable he fell into the notion that His Majesty would remain encamped at Ajmīr for some days. But as the holy heart was bent upon returning to the capital all the officers who held Jāgīrs in the neighbourhood such as Tarsūn Muḥammad Khān, Shāh Budāgh Khān, his son 'Abdu-l-Maṭlab, Kharram Khān, Muḥammad Ḥusain Shaikh, and a number more were appointed to assist the Mīrzā, and His Majesty moved towards Agra. A stringent order was issued for the production of the hostages and when the camp had been pitched at Sāmbhar the Mīrzā brought before His Majesty Jagannath, Rāj Singh, and Kangār. Rajah Bihārī Mal from the sincerity of his disposition made the arrangements for the marriage in the most admirable manner and brought his fortunate daughter to this station and placed her among the ladies of the harem. For the purpose of holding the marriage-feast the imperial cavalcade halted for a day in Sāmbhar. At the same place leave to depart was given to Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain, and His Majesty set off rapidly on his march. When he came near Rantanbhūr,¹ Rajah Bihārī Mal and all his children and other relatives were exalted by doing homage. Mān Singh, the son of Rajah Bhagwant Das, the heir of Rajah Bihārī Mal was then exalted by the auspicious ray of His Majesty's glance, and was made a permanent servant. Rajah Bihārī Mal wished that His Majesty the Shāhinshah should honour his house by visiting it so that the promotion of his family's glory might obtain completion. As His Majesty was fixed in his intention of rejoining Agra, and was in a great hurry the fulfilment of this wish was put off to another time. The Rajah was encompassed with favours and given leave to depart. Rajah Bhagwant Singh, Mān Singh, and a number of their officers and relatives attached themselves to the stirrup of fortune and proceeded on to the capital. The long distance was accomplished in less than three days and on the day of Isfandārmaẕ 5, Isfandārmaẕ, Divine month, corresponding to Friday 8 Jamādia-al-akhrī His Majesty arrived alone (manfarid) at the capital. The city received celestial exaltation by the halo of the advent, and the eyes of the spectators gained the glory of stars from the rays of his. The camp proceeded in his wake, stage by stage, and all, high and low, uttered congratulations and thanks to God for the advent. The Khedive of the age sate on the masnad of rule, and undertook the discharge of the intricacies of administration. As the daily-increasing fortune glorifies the state every new day confers a special blessing. Wonderful regulations were promulgated. As the principles of the rule of the Lord of the Age were good, the results appeared in the return of a time of auspiciousness. Every class obtained a career suitable to its condition, and worldly aspirants had their desires gratified.

This time which was the beginning of the spring¹ time of the spiritual king was the beginning of the earthly spring (Rabī'). There was a spiritual as well as a physical banquet of joy. The Great Light, the lamp of the universe, entered his house of exaltation (Aries) with a thousand blessings and felicities after the elapse of three hours and forty-nine minutes of Wednesday the 5th Rajab, 969 (11th March, 1562). The force of vegetation was set in motion, the door of abundance was opened anew before the world. The procession of King Rose (Khasrū-i-gul) arrived after his orbicular course and he displayed his splendour on his garden-throne. The birds of the meadow and the garden upraised the strains of Bārbad and Nagīsā² (Nakīsā). The vernal clouds washed and cleansed the recruits to the armies of fragrant plants.

The heart of the flower with the tongue of verdure Gave thanks to God for spring's balminess
In the production of living forms The stars became dyers and embroiderers
The branches were necklaces full of pearls The buds like the musk-bags of the deer.

From the sun's bounteous entry and blissful enthronement the physical and spiritual world received special prosperity, and things outward harmonized with things inward. The youth of wisdom and wakefulness received discipline, and the year Mihr, the 7th of the Ilāhī era began. The hand of Divine power withdrew the veil from fortune's countenance. The hope of the right-seeing, right-acting members of creation's workshop is that the most high God will make the Shāhinshāh's holy personality, prosperous outwardly and inwardly for a length of time and will year by year grant him a fund of increased life and fortune so that the world may remain protected from the animosities and conflicts of a variety of rulers, and may be illuminated by the justice and equity of this unique one of horizons who is worthy of universal empire. So may the true arrangement of the links in the chain of things human and Divine be revealed, and the great religion, which consists in binding the multitudes of the inhabited world on the thread of unity, be advanced! May dominions grow and knowledge increase, concord be established, sincerity become current, the dust-stained ones of the plains of heedlessness who are throughout the world under an obscuring veil come forth into the fields of discrimination, so that aptitude have an open market and the seekers after things pure and genuine receive into their hands the coin of their desire!

One of the glorious boons of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh which shone forth in this auspicious year was the abolition of enslavement. The victorious troops which came into the wide territories of India used in their tyranny to make prisoners of the wives and children and other relatives of the people of India, and used to enjoy them or sell them. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh, out of his thorough recognition of and worship of God, and from his abundant foresight and right thinking gave orders that no soldier of the victorious armies should in any part of his dominions act in this manner. Although a number of savage natures who were ignorant of the world should make their fastnesses a subject of pride and come forth to do battle, and then be defeated by virtue of the emperor's daily increasing empire, still their families must be protected from the onset of the world-conquering armies. No soldier, high or low, was to enslave them, but was to permit them to go freely to their homes and relations. It was for excellent reasons that His Majesty gave his attention to this subject, for although the binding, killing or striking the haughty and the chastising the stiff-necked are part of the struggle for empire—and this is a point about which both sound jurists and innovators¹ are agreed—yet it is outside of the canons of justice to regard the chastisement of women and innocent children as the chastisement of the contumacious. If the husbands have taken the path of insolence, how is it the fault of the wives, and if the fathers have chosen the road of opposition what fault have the children committed? Moreover the wives and innocent children of such factions are not munitions of war! In addition to these sound reasons there was the fact that many covetous and blind-hearted persons² from vain imaginings or unjust thoughts, or merely out of cupidity attacked villages and estates and plundered them, and when questioned about it said a thousand things and behaved with neglect and indifference. But when final orders were passed for the abolition of this practice, no tribe was afterwards oppressed by wicked persons on suspicion of sedition. As the purposes of the Shāhinshah were entirely right and just, the blissful result ensued that the wild and rebellious inhabitants of portions of India placed the ring of devotion in the ear of obedience, and became the materials of world-empire. Both was religion set in order, for its essence is the distribution of justice, and things temporal were regulated, for their perfection lies in the obedience of mankind.

One of the glorious events was the capture of the fortress of Mīrtha³ by the imperial troops. God be praised the Almighty has given to the occupier of the throne of the Caliphate such excellencies that they cannot be contained within the mould of thought or come within the measure of judgment. A fortunate one who is sustained by a real relationship (to Akbar), i.e., a genuine sincerity, accomplishes in the most perfect manner whatever he undertakes, and succeeds with ease in enterprises which yield with difficulty to the rulers of the world. Do you not perceive that when the outwardly selected who have no share in the blissful abode of loyalty, undertake enterprises the Almighty God hath regard to this outward relationship to his elect one, and makes them successful? The case of Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain Mīrzā's capturing the fort of Mīrtha, which occurred in the beginning of this auspicious year, is a proof of this. The particulars of this delightful event are as follows: It has already been recorded that when His Majesty the Shāhinshāh was returning from holy Ajmīr he sent Muḥammad Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain to take this fort and to make the conquest of the territory. A number of great officers were sent with him as auxiliaries. At that time Mīrtha was in the possession of Rai Māldeo who was one of the most powerful of Indian rajahs. He made over the fort to Jagmal,¹ who was one of his leading men, and left with him Deo Dās a Rajput who was famed for his valour with a chosen body of 500 Rajputs to assist Jagmal, and guard the fort. When the royal standards left the blessed country of Ajmīr and spread their glorious shade over Agra, Muḥammad Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain who had recently had the bliss of kissing the stirrup and who was buttressed by the eternal fortune of the Shāhinshāh, led, accompanied by other officers, an army thither and set before his genius the task of conquering that country. When the army of victory arrived at the town the soldiers travel-stained as they were and with their swift coursers all in a sweat donned the armour of endeavour and upreared the flag of daring and without hesitation advanced to the foot of the fortress. The garrison crept into the fort of fear and did not venture to come out. Meanwhile four champion horsemen of the army, advanced the foot of boldness and discharged some arrows against the gate of the fortress. Suddenly the Rajputs became restless under the discharge of arrows and came out on the walls. They made the battlement their shields and discharged confusedly bricks, stones, arrows and bullets, and also boiling pitch. Two of the horsemen obtained martyrdom and the other two came back wounded. Muḥammad Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain and the other officers saw wisdom in proceeding slowly and so they established themselves in the city of Mīrtha and put stations here and there. They applied thought and deliberation to the business of taking the fort, and cautiously invested it. They erected batteries according to proper rules, and drove mines on various sides of the fort. The garrison opposed them and every day there were hot engagements. Occasionally, they watched their opportunity and made sallies, and after showing their valour again withdrew themselves. At length, a mine, which had been carried up to under the tower was filled with gunpowder and set fire to. The tower fell to pieces like cotton when it is carded and a great breach was made. The heroes of fortune's army got an open road for battle and rushed on. The Rajputs washed their hands of life and made a hot resistance. There was a great shock of battle, and all day long there was a brisk market of war. Both sides gave proof of courage. The holy warriors quaffed the goblet of martyrdom and gained eternal life, and many of the foe drank the bloody water of death and became intoxicated by the cup of destruction. When the veil of night intervened, every one went back to his battery and during the night the enemy repaired the breach. But a fort which has been opened by the might of fortune cannot be closed again by the craft of rebels. Soon the garrison were in straits and the fort became their jail. Though a number came down and begged for an asylum, and tried to get out, yet Muḥammad Sharafu-d-dīn did not consent. After much coming and going, and consultation of the officers it was agreed that they should come out after leaving behind all their property. As accepting the petitions of supplicants is a part of the rules of conquest the heroes of the victorious army withdrew in accordance with the stipulations. Next day Jagmal came out and carried off half his life. Deo Dās from ill-fatedness and a darkened mind set his mind upon dying and perversely set fire to his property. Like a snake curled up and emerging from an inner fire he came out of the fort, and audaciously came in front of the army with 4 or 500 horse. The Rajputs such as Jaimal and Lonkaran, who were among the victorious soldiers and had an old quarrel with the garrison, said to Muḥammad Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain that these men had broken the compact and had burnt their goods. The agreement was that they should come out after leaving their goods. As their part of the compact did not stand good it was far from foresight to let such evil-minded, wicked men escape when they had been conquered. Muḥammad Sharafu-d-dīn approved of this view and drew up his forces. He himself was in the centre. Shāh Budāgh Khān, his son 'Abdu-l-Maṭlab and Muḥammad Ḥusain Shaikh were on the left wing, and Jaimal, Lonkaran, Sūja and other Rajputs were on the right. They followed after Deo Dās. When he became aware of the advance of the victorious army he out of utter daring turned his rein and fell upon the centre. A great fight took place which bore on its face a mark of the story of Rustam, or rather it was one which rolled up those old pages and placed them in the alcove of oblivion. The end was that Deo Dās fell from his horse and was assailed by a number who cut him to pieces. The victorious troops returned with success and glory. Some said that Deo Dās came out of this battle, wounded; and some ten or twelve years afterwards a person appeared in a jogi's dress and assumed this name. Some acknowledged him, and many rejected him. He lived for a while and then was killed in some adventure. In short, the other Rajputs escaped half-dead from that battle-field, and the fortress of Mīrtha together with all its territory came into the possession of the imperial servants, and was included among the dominions.

Heaven's eye ne'er saw nor shall see during its existence Such victories as the Shāh Jahān achieved
Every victory whose result is fixed by heaven Is when looked at, the preamble to others.

The Almighty inflicts punishment on every evil-doer at certain times and occasions in accordance with His supreme wisdom. The wise become acquainted in some measure with this mystery and increase their wisdom. The foolish fall into the briny desert of error and having their heads turned by vain imaginings become more foolish. It is like the effect of world-illuminating day which to the sound eye is a cause of increased vision. First, it produces recognition of the various Divine favours. Secondly, it inflames the spirit of thanksgiving and makes this more active and more searching. To owl-like natures which have defective vision it is a cause of increased blindness, and makes them ignoble and obscure. Night, which is day's defect, helps the vision of low, mean, owl-like natures and keeps them under the screen of imperfect sight. In brief, the inhabitants of the hamlets of the town of Sakīt,² which is about thirty kos from Agra, had not their equals for refractoriness and ingratitude. Especially eight villages of that pargana, which were known by the name of Athgarha³ were for insolence, robbery, manslaughter, boldness and turbulence such that the eye of the world had not seen their like. For they were both ruffians⁴ and occupiers of rough places, and they lived by audacity which the ignorant call manliness. The officers of the quarter were continually complaining of their wickedness. At last the Shāhinshāh went towards that village for the sake of hunting. At that time the pargana was in the fief of Khwāja Ibrāhīm Badakhshī.¹ A brāhman of the name of Hāpa obtained an interview through the huntsmen and represented the oppression practised by those stubborn ones, stating they had killed his innocent son and plundered his property. The spiritual and temporal king, who made hunting a means of inquiring into such matters, became indignant on hearing the victim's complaint and announced that he would next morning proceed there and chastise the evil-doers. At dawn he went off to hunt, attended by a few men, and sent off a party ahead. He reached the village at morning. Those who had gone on ahead came and reported that the rebels had heard of the Shāhinshāh's coming and had fled. The flame of majestic justice rose higher, and an order was given that the jeopardisers of their lives should follow them up to whatever defiles the recalcitrants had gone, and that he himself was coming on in reliance upon God. His Majesty proceeded to do so and put his horse at the gallop. On the way Qarātāq² the chief huntsman came and reported that he followed the fugitives, had killed one who resisted and had bound another and brought him. As he had not orders to proceed further he had turned back. His Majesty urged on his horse the faster, and after 1 1/2 watches of the day had passed he arrived at another village which was called Paronkh. The scouts reported that the men of the other village had fled and taken refuge here. When His Majesty approached this village, one of the inhabitants came out and paid his respects and denied that the recalcitrants had come there. His Majesty in his magnanimity sent again someone to guide those lost ones into the right path. As the life-cup of those who were drunken from the goblet of contumacy was full, and the wheel of retribution for their offences for so many years had revolved they fortified their village and stood prepared for turbulence and war. It is a fixed rule that the number of horse and foot which accompany His Majesty on hunting parties should not exceed one thousand men. On that night when the order had been passed for pursuing the fugitives the heroes and riskers of their lives had dispersed in all directions. Nearly two hundred men waited on the royal stirrup, and two hundred elephants had also followed and come up. The number of the rebels was more than four thousand. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh indicated to the brave sacrificers of their lives that they should gain the victory, spiritually and physically. A hot engagement followed, but as the enemy was numerous and the loyalists waiting on the royal stirrup possessed but a small share of his good fortune, the work did not advance. Suddenly his holy glance perceived that a number of his men had on account of the strong wind, and of the fire which had arisen in different sides of the village, taken shelter under the trees and were looking out for a safe corner. The royal wrath blazed forth. Though it was a case for showing severity to those men he from his innate graciousness winked at their misconduct and advanced in person on the elephant Dilsankār. As there was much fire in front of the village, and it was hard for the elephant to go forward they took the mountain-form round by the back of the village.

His Majesty told me the story with his own holy lips in this fashion: “When the elephant had been driven into the narrow places of the village I saw a yellow cuirass appearing on a roof. Dastam Khān had such a cuirass and I thought it was his. I urged on the elephant and got near the roof. Meanwhile there was a rain of sticks and stones and arrows. The Divine protection (which is the Shāhinshāh's coat of mail and which ever watches over him) became more and more marked. When I got close up I saw that the mail-clad man was Muqbil Khān,¹ and that he had gone up and was wrestling with one of the stiff-necked ones, and trying to throw him off the roof. A number of unruly spirits had run to help, and to finish Muqbil Khān.” Just then His Majesty the Shāhinshāh pushed on the elephant and at the same time he called to the men to get up on the roof. Banda 'Alī,¹ the qūrbegī of Mun'im Khān and elder brother of Sulṭān 'Alī Khāldār, ran up on the roof.—The wretches fled. The opponent was quickly disposed of. At this time the elephant's forefoot went into a grain-pit and Jujhār Khān Faujdār who was on the elephant and behind His Majesty fell on the top of the latter. His Majesty by his divine strength brought the elephant out of that abyss and tried to get on to the house where the rebels had fortified themselves. At this time none of the attendants was present except Rajah Bhagwant Dās and Rajah Badicand.² As His Majesty suffered from thirst Rajah Bhagwant Dās served him with his own supply. By chance in the same lane where his Majesty the Shāhinshāh was advancing towards victory, a Hindu drew his sword and struck with it. The blow fell upon the iron ring which is placed on elephants' tusks for strength and for show. The clash made sparks fly out, and the elephant in a rage doubled up the swordsman and trod him under foot. Just then a boy of fifteen, in his agitation flung himself from a roof on to the elephant. Jujhar Khān wanted to kill him, but His Majesty in his mercifulness did not permit him to do so. When they came near the house they saw that the special faujdārs³ had come and were standing in astonishment at the amount of the work. His Majesty advanced and drove the elephant against the gate. A Rajput was shooting arrows. Seven hit the Shāhinshāh's shield. He used to say that five went through and through the shield to the extent of three and five fingers and that two stopped in the shield without traversing it. The Divine protection was another shield which protected him. 'Alāwal Khān faujdār did not recognise His Majesty and called out from a distance, commending him and saying: “Who are you, that I may praise you to His Majesty.” His Majesty showed⁴ him his face and made that lucky one utter thanksgivings. At this time Tātār Khān⁵ cried out “My king, where are you going in this rain of arrows.” Jujhār Khān rebuked him, saying “What time is this for crying out and mentioning names?” At last His Majesty the Shāhinshāh broke down the wall and entered the dwelling. Three or four other elephants joined in this work and a large number of the audacious rebels were killed. Many shut themselves up in the house. In accordance with orders the roof of the house was broken and fire flung in. The breath of these ill-fated ones was converted into smoke. Nearly a thousand of them were sent to the abode of annihilation by the fire of the Divine anger. There was less than a watch of day remaining when this pious work was completed. The eyes of a great many rebels and sedition-mongers were opened.¹

When the Almighty Creator wills that the world-adorning beauty of one of His elect should be impressed on the minds of mankind, He gives him daily-increasing dominion and also provides in His universal mercy that the generality of mankind who have neither far-reaching views nor far-seeing eyes may be brought into the right way and for this purpose He causes disaffection to arise in parts of the imperial domains, and then grants that this be composed by the elect one's excellent arrangements. Of necessity mankind do not assign such a result to use and wont, and acknowledge the wondrous wisdom and farsightedness. There was a fresh illustration of these remarks in the drowning of Pīr Muḥammad Khān, in Bāz Bahādur's regaining his sway, and in the second settlement of the province of Malwa. The account of this fortunate (the resettlement) event is as follows. When Adham Khān came to Agra in accordance with the Shāhinshāh's directions, the imperial messengers brought the news that Bāz Bahādur had come to the neighbourhood of Āwās¹ and was collecting troops. Pīr Muḥammad Khān, who was daring to rashness and whose courage surpassed his judgment prepared a force and went off there. Bāz Bahādur made little account of Pīr Muḥammad and came out to meet him, and gave battle. After a short struggle he was defeated and abundant booty fell into the hands of the conquerors. Pīr Muḥammad Khān went on from there to take Bījagarh.² 'Itimād Khān a servant of Bāz Bahādūr was in command there and he exerted himself to strengthen the fort. As it is in itself a paragon for loftiness and solidity the siege drew out to a long period. The exploit-loving heroes such as Jai Dīwāna, Yār 'Alī Bilūc, Dāīm Kokaltāsh, Maulānā Muḥtasham, Mulk Muḥammad and Mīrzā Ãfāq displayed acts of valour and made assaults upon the gate. One day Muḥammad Mīr Kātib made a strong attack and was the subject of universal commendation. At last one morning very early Khusrū Shāh, the head of Pīr Muḥammad's servants fixed scaling-ladders and got above the fort. Two hundred other heroes advanced at the true dawn. As the blackness of their overthrow had arrived, the garrison were negligent and asleep. The morning breeze of victory had begun to blow, when the enemy took to fighting. A battle took place and the heroes fought well. When the garrison got into difficulties they cried out for quarter and dispersed. At this time 'Itimād Khān was coming forward with one companion and crying out for quarter and asking to be taken to Pīr Muḥammad Khān. An arrow reached him and he went to non-existence. When 'Itimād Khān's companion saw this he drew his sword, and after fighting as long as he could he manfully died. A large number became the harvest of the sword. The leavings of the sword obtained quarter and brought out their lives from the whirlpool. An immense booty fell into the hands of the imperial servants. Pīr Muḥammad Khān waited there some days to put the fort in order and then went on towards Sulṭānpūr. After a short contest it was included within the imperial domains. From thence he returned to Bījāgarh. There he learned that Bāz Bahādur had taken refuge with Mīrān Mubārik Shāh, the ruler of Khandesh, and that Mīrān was adding his troops to Bāz Bahādūr's. Pīr Muḥammad Khān put the superfluous baggage of the army into the fort and took one thousand brave men with him and made a rapid march so that he might suddenly come to Āsīr and Burhānpūr and dispose of the collected enemy. He crossed the Narbada and marched forty kos in one night. Within two kos of Āsīr there was a fort, and in it there were war-elephants. The little fort was quickly taken possession of, and the elephants were made part of the booty. Mīrān had sent a force from Āsīr to defend the little fort. Pīr Muḥammad Khān had taken the fortlet, and was proceeding towards Burhānpūr, which is in Khāndes and is the residence of the ruler, when suddenly the dust of the enemy's army was seen in the distance. Pīr Muḥammad Khān detached Khusrū Shāh and Yār Ālī Biluc to dispose of the enemy. They soon dispersed the fee and put many to the sword and then returned. Next morning they reached Burhānpūr and committed much plundering there. An abundant supply of goods and money fell into the hands of each man. Mīrān remained in the fort of Āsir, and Pīr Muḥammad Khān judged it advisable to return.

Meanwhile news came that Bāz Bahādur had approached with the army of Khāndes which he had taken with him with the intention of attacking Bījāgarh. When he came there he learnt that Pīr Muḥammad Khān had moved swiftly with a small force and had gone to attack Āsīr and Burhānpūr. He was much disturbed and went off to that province. Just at the time when the men were loaded with booty and were returning, and a number of them had got separated, the news came that Bāz Bahādur was close at hand. Pīr Muḥammad Khan took counsel with men of experience. Most of them agreed that it was not a proper time to fight, for they had made great exertions¹ and gained victories and every one was laden with booty. The proper thing was to avoid fighting and to cross the Narbada. They could recruit themselves at Handia and collect fresh men and then set to work. As his fate had arrived Pir Muḥammad Khān did not listen to the honest words of the men of experience, and set his heart upon fighting. His comrades did not support him, and after a little fighting did not stand firm. Yār Ālī Biluc seized Pīr Muḥammad Khān's rein and forced him from the field as there was no use in staying longer. When they came to the bank of the Narbada it was near evening. Though his companions said that the enemy was far off, and that they should remain that night where they were, yet as the inevitable moment had arrived, the messengers of death made him restless and induced him to swim his horse across the Narbada. The bridle of reflection fell from his hand, and the reasonable words of the right thinking found no place in his reason's ear. Mounted as he was, he flung himself with confusion into the swellings of the Narbada (b'arba dar āb Narbada).

It chanced that a string of mules¹ was then crossing rapidly. They came near the horse and kicked it on the side. Pīr Muḥammad's horse, as well as his sense, departed from their place. He fell from his horse into the water, and his comrades who were close by, did not in their wickedness exert themselves to draw him out of that whirlpool of destruction. He was drowned and went to the ocean of annihilation, either as a retribution for the oppression which he had committed in this expedition, or for his conduct in Tardī Beg Khān's battle, or for some other deed known to the knower of secrets.² By heaven's decree so loyal, able, and gallant a man underwent such a fate.

Where destiny is powerful The stronger is all the weaker
When the day of darkness shows its face Two world-seeing eyes make a gloom.

Thus in spite of his power and greatness, he strayed away from deliberation and with his own feet fell into the whirlpool of destruction. Qīyā Khān Kang, Shāh Muḥammad Qilātī, Ḥabīb 'Alī Khān, and a number of other officers who had fiefs in the province gave up heart and went off to the world-protecting court. Each of them received punishment suitable to his deserts, and Bāz Bahādūr became possessed of Malwa. The world-conquering fortune of the Shāhinshāh saw that the proper course was to appoint a high officer who should possess excellent sense as well as abundant courage, and perfect energy together with judicial calm. Therefore 'Abdullah Khān Uzbeg, who was ranked among the magnanimous riskers of their lives, and who had been formerly in that country, and was familiar with its nature, was nominated for the conquest of Malwa. The order was given that he should have the power of life¹ and death.

Khwāja M'uīnu-d-dīn Aḥmad Farankhūdī, who was distinguished among the viziers of the dīwān-i-bīyūtāt for his rectitude and ability, was raised to the rank of a Khān and sent with him in order that he might regulate the province and might inquire into the position of the jāgīrdars and define the exchequer-lands. A large number of persons were sent with him for this important work. The order was given that after the military had cleared that delightful province of the weeds and rubbish of enemies, 'Abdullah Khān should remain there and devote himself to ruling the country, and that M'uīn Khān should hearten the peasantry, the farmers and the other inhabitants, both high and low, by the influence of the Shāhinshāh's graciousness. He was to remedy the absenteeism which might have occurred on account of the marchings and counter-marchings of the troops, and with the help of the officers and other royal servants who had been appointed for this service he was to allot the fiefs according to the rules of eternal dominion. After finishing this work he was to return to court. In accordance with this order 'Abdullah Khān, attended by high officers, and with a suitable force, set his face in the beginning of this year for the conquest of Malwa. When Bāz Bahādur became aware of this expedition, he abandoned firmness and found that the power of resistance was not within his capacity. Before the standards of fortune's army could cast the shade of peace and tranquillity over those lands, he left Malwa and his ambitions and fled to a place of safety.

The dread onset of the Shāhinshah's fortune, and the majestic might of his armies and the promptitude of his expeditions are not (mere) loud noises such as that great princes should not be disturbed or terrified by them. What wonder then at the flinching of rulers like Bāz Bahādur. Without the sword's becoming a thunderbolt of evil or the arrow's pouring a rain of calamity, the victorious army entered Malwa. A number of brave men, out of foresight, pursued Bāz Bahādur and put to death many of his soldiers. He threw himself into the tree-clad defiles and spent his days in vagabondism. For some time he took shelter with Rānā Udai Singh. When the fame of the Shāhinshāh's clemency was spread about, he at last by good guidance left the abode of alienation and came to the restful abode of the sublime threshold, and was exalted by royal favours. This will be recorded in its proper place. In short, the country of Malwa came again into the possession of the imperial servants. 'Abdullah Khān in accordance with orders went to the city of Mandū, which was the capital of the princes of Malwa, and settled himself on the pillow of rule. The cities, towns, and villages were distributed among the officers according to their rank. The imperial servants went to Ujjain, Sārangpūr and other fiefs and opened out the trappings (raḥl) of repose. M'uīn Khān after putting the country in order and alloting the fiefs proceeded to court. He hurried along the highway of loyalty and enjoyed the bliss of service. He was the recipient of power and fame.

Among the occurrences was that Rajah Ganesh, the Zamindar of Nandūn¹ —a Panjab territory in the hill-country between the Bīāh and Sutlej—had the folly to attack Jān Muḥammad² Bahasūdī, the jāgīrdar of pargana Bīrka in that neighbourhood. As he was fundamentally bad, he had not the happiness of success. On the contrary he lost his honour and his estates by this affair. All his goods were plundered, and his wife, who was famed for her beauty, fell into the hands of the plunderers. As she had ornaments and jewels no trace of her could be found, and probably some narrow-eyed reprobates coveted her property and killed her as if, forsooth,³ the incomparable Deity had sent them this provision as a recompense for the conduct of the invader. When the news came to the officers of the Panjāb, the Khān Kilān, Quṭbu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān and a number of others went against him and inflicted suitable punishment. He became a vagabond, and then by the interposition of Rajah Todar Mal he presented himself at court and was favourably received. His career ended in good service.

One of the events was the arrival of the ambassador of Shāh Ṭahmāsp Ṣafavī the ruler of Persia. It is an old custom that powerful potentates should, for the sake of gathering spiritual and temporal blessings and for accomplishing spiritual and temporal objects, seek to associate with fortunate princes, and that if owing to a God-given destiny, a connection has already been established, they exert themselves to strengthen the pillars thereof and finish off the thread of their own fortune with this wondrous ornament. Accordingly the noble Shāh Ṭahmāsp, whose justice made glad the heart of Persia, sent, in accordance with the choice connection which had prevailed from former times between the sublime family (Akbar's) and the dynasty sprung from holiness, his cousin Saiyid Beg, the son of M'aṣūm¹ Beg, who (i.e., the father) held the office of prime minister (vakīl), to convey condolences for the unavoidable event of His Majesty Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī and to congratulate the Shāhinshāh on his accession. He also sent presents such as fiery Arab-coursers, and swift steeds from 'Irāq and Turkey, delicate cloths, and wonderful curiosities. When the ambassadors came near the capital, His Majesty ordered that several distinguished officers should go out to welcome him and should conduct him to a suitable residence. He also sent fourteen lacs of dāms, which are equal to seven hundred Persian tomans, together with other things for his maintenance. After some days, and when he was rested after the fatigues of the journey, he obtained an audience and the privilege of making kornish and was honoured by kissing the carpet. After communicating the Shāh's prayers for his prosperity, he presented with the two hands of respect and laid upon the edge of the throne a letter which from commencement to conclusion was decked with the writings of love and sincerity. He also properly arranged the presents and laid them before His Majesty. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh made most kind and gracious inquiries after the Shāh's health, and distinguished the ambassador by countless favours.

A greeting like the favours of the glorious God,
A greeting like the qualities of the prophet Muḥammad,
A greeting radiant with the light of truth,
A greeting fragrant with the otto of constancy,
A greeting like rain dropping on the rose
And trickling from thence to the leaves of the hyacinth,
Grief-dispelling like the rose of the garden,
Joy-increasing like the faces of friends;—
Its fragrance equable like the gardens of paradise
Resting the soul and soothing the heart.

This gift of a greeting which out of perfect sincerity renews the bond of hereditary love and affection, and this present of congratulations and benedictions, which in their utter truth and transparency have made our mutual ties and our affinities of love and fondness to be renowned throughout the world, are dedicated and presented from the country of love and singleness, along with caravans of rejoicings and longings, to the exalted one, who is the asylum of sovereignty and glory, repository of vicegerency and of the administration of justice, flower of the garden of sulṭanhood and success, luminous lamp of the sublime dynasty of Timur Khān, pearl of fortune's and dominion's casket, royal pearl of greatness's and glory's mansion, fresh fruit of glory and dignity's garden, goodly tree of the garden of the desires of just princes, adorner of the throne of sulṭanship and kingship, exhibitor of the endless mysteries of God, a Khāqān the grantor and attainer of desires, glorious monarch of an illustrious house.

Star of a happy Sign, light of a fortunate Ascendant,
Enthroned grantor and attainer of desires,
Spite of the long reigns of princes, none hath reached
What he hath attained to in early youth.

The aided with glorious aids from God,—glory of sulṭanhood, magnificence, honour, justice, vicegerency, love, sway and exaltation—Abū-l-fatḥ Jalālu-d-dīn Muḥammad Akbar Pādshāh, placed by God on the hereditary throne of sovereignty with all honour and dignity, unsurpassed adherent of God's Word and extirpator of polytheists. Verily the relations of concord and amity which existed between ourselves and His Majesty the pardoned king—May the Almighty place him in the highest Paradise! are fixed and certified, and the marks thereof are visible to mankind. At this time, the notes of victory and fortune, and the news of the success and glory of that grantor and grantee of desires which have been brought to our hearing by messengers from that country are the cause of varied upliftings of our hearts. As a consequence of thorough sympathy and companionship our desire increases that that asylum of sovereignty and glory may acquire the constituents of success and joy; and our firm hope is that his radiances may extend higher and higher each day, and cast light upon all mankind. Nor shall it be concealed from the mirror of his enlightened heart, that from the date when a covenant of love and friendship and of concord and brotherhood was made between ourselves and the deceased monarch, our loving heart was continually directed towards the exaltation of the glory of that great prince, and that we employed our utmost energies in advancing his position and diguity in every respect. Accordingly this has been manifest to mankind. To speak without arrogance, as the feeling of brotherhood and princely honour demand, we have respected in our heart the brotherly relations which existed between us and the deceased asylum of brotherhood, and have discharged the duties thereof according to our abilities and leisure in conformity with the principle that deeds are impledged to opportunities. But in accordance with the decree of the all-powerful King—may His power be glorified—and the designs of mortals cannot be arranged or carried out without His Will, nor is the arrangement of the world's workshop possible or conceivable without His orders—the aforesaid pardoned monarch conveyed the garnishing of eternity from the strait of the perishable world to the ample mansions of immortality, and so wishes and longings have remained under the veil of concealment. Subsequently, when by the favour of God— may His glorious name be praised,—the lamp of the eyes of the partizans of the lofty lineage, or rather of the commonalty, and the spirits¹ of the lovers and friends of that grand family have been brightened by the emerging light of that quintessence of sulṭanhood and sovereignty, and the throne of the sulṭanate and of success has been ennobled by the aureole (farz) of that honoured son (Akbar), we testify by the honour of God—and He is a sufficient Witness—that from that day in accordance with our ardent, hereditary love we have always felt drawn towards that light of the eyes of the Caliphate and have held firmly to those ancient bonds of brotherhood. And it has always been the fixed thought of our hearts that we should send one of our officers to that fortunate region in order that he might convey our regrets for the king clothed with forgiveness and our congratulations and our blessings to the auspicious and felicitous one for his sway and sovereignty. By chance, various hindrances have occurred, one after the other, which have caused delay in the execution of this project. When the hindrances had been removed, the keenness of the desire showed itself and we had been for some days engaged in sending an officer when the dignified and auspicious Shāh¹ Ghāzī Sulṭān, the envoy of the asylum of justice and control, workshop of rule, glory of great officers, and grand governors, splendour of justice, dominion and fortune, the faithful Bairām Khān, arrived at the world-protecting court. He communicated the Khān's representations of sincerity and respect, and renewed on behalf of the light of the eyes of the Caliphate and sitter on the kingly throne the pillars of hereditary affection and conveyed his sentiments of sincerity and friendship. During the time that he stayed with us he was honoured by being present at several assemblages and was the recipient of various favours. So much so was this that we out of respect to your dignity raised him to the lofty rank of an Amir and Sulṭan, and then suffered him to depart after bestowing on him royal favours and presents. We now send as our ambassador Saiyid Beg, the successor of Saiyids and rulers, son of M'aṣūm Beg Ṣafavī, the repository of saiyidship and fortune, laboratory of orders, prop of dominion, &c., &c., Mīr Dīwān, and who on account of his lineage² is distinguished among our great officers and intimates, in order that he may convey our condolences for the late king, and our congratulations on the accession of the asylum of sovereignty, and may consolidate the foundations of hereditary love and friendship so that henceforth the revolutionary hand of time may not reach the edge thereof, nor fear of rift or rupture enter the heart's core of any creature. We expect that so long as the reservoir of saiyidship abides then you will look graciously upon him and show him a little favour. Do not detain him long, but permit him to depart and to return to this country. And ever moisten the gardens of old love and affection with the cloud-droppings of fragrant words, and hereafter do not neglect to send messages and letters and to announce events, conditions, &c., as the relationship of love demands.

O God, grant that this nursling of fortune's garden,
This shining light of an auspicious Sign,
May enjoy life and vigour
And be firmly seated on felicity's throne;
May his heart's desires be fulfilled for cycles,
May his station be on the summit of success,
May the desires of throne and fortune coincide,
May he prosper in his fortune and his throne.

When the world-adorning Deity wills the bestowal of greatness on an unique one and exalts him to the high office of sovereignty He, in the first place, gives him far-seeing reason to be ever his unvarnished counsellor. After that He bestows on him wide forbearance so that he may bear the brunt of so many of the world's disagreeables and that he may, by the help thereof, refrain from dropping the thread of deliberation when he beholds such evils. Then he gives him the priceless jewel of justice, so that he can place the familiar friend and the stranger in the same balance and can comprehend the affairs of creation's workshop (the world) without being weighted by personal considerations, and can establish a school of instruction within his holy soul. Many sages who have made no error in testing knowledge have yet at the time for action become timid owing to the want of a wide understanding and let go the reins of carefulness, and so have fallen off in the arena of examination. When knowledge and endurance are suitably developed the marks of justice are evolved, without anxiety or delay, from the just temperament. Thanks be to God! These glorious excellencies and splendid qualities. are innate and constitutional in His Majesty the Shāhinshāh and spring from the plenteous house of Divine wisdom, uncontaminated by outward teaching or the decoration of human instruction. But that knower of the Creator's secrets keeps himself, for his own designs and reasons, under the veil of concealment, and spends his life in the garb of obscurity. Nor is he content with ever so many veils, but is always fashioning others in order that acute observers cannot penetrate them. But the Divine decree is paramount, and when God wills that mankind should become acquainted with his intrinsic beauty, what avails the screen? Of necessity his face must be unveiled and his beauty adorn the world so that those who are afar off from fortune's neighbourhood may reach the palace of devotion and have the chief seats in the court of acknowledgment.¹ What happened in Agra, the capital, is an example of the majesty and extensiveness of the justice of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh.

The account of this affair is that Adham Khān, the younger son of the cupola of chastity Māham Anaga, had neither understanding nor good conditions. He was intoxicated by youth and prosperity and was continually envious of Shamsu-d-dīn Muḥammad the Ataga Khān. Mun'im Khān, the Khan-Khānān, also suffered much from this malady and used to throw out dark hints such as the generality could not comprehend and instigate Adham Khān to strife and intrigue. At length on the day of Isfandiyār 5 Khurdād, Divine month, corresponding to Saturday, 12 Ramzān, 969, 16th May, 1562, when the equability of Ardibihisht was still prevailing, an extraordinary occurrence, which was far from equability, took place. On a court-day (rūz-i-dīwān) Mun'im Khān, Ataga Khān, Shihābu-d-din Aḥmad Khān and other magnates were sitting in the royal hall and transacting public business, when Adham Khān suddenly entered in a riotous manner and attended by others more riotous than himself. The members of the assembly rose up to do him honour and the Ataga Khān rose half-up. Immediately upon entering Adham Khān put his hand to his dagger and went towards the Ataga Khān. Then he angrily signed to his servant Khūsham Uzbeg and the other desperadoes who had come with their loins girt up for strife saying: “Why do you stand still?” The wicked Khūsham drew his dagger and inflicted a dangerous wound on the breast of that chief-sitter on the pillow of auspiciousness. The Ataga Khān was thoroughly amazed and ran towards the door of the hall. Immediately thereon Khudā Bardī came and struck him twice with a sword. That great man was martyred in the court-yard² (ṣaḥn) of the hall of audience. A loud cry arose in the palace on account of this outrage, and general horror was exhibited in that glorious abode. That doomed one in spite of his past audacity presumptuously advanced towards the sacred harem—to which may there be no access for the wicked—with evil intentions. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh had gone to sleep in the auspicious palace, but his fortune was awake. That black-fated one went up, sword in hand from the hall to the terrace (ṣuffa) which went round the palace (qaṣr) on all four sides, and was of the height of a man and a half. He tried to go inside, but Ni'amat the eunuch, who was standing near the entrance (darbār), immediately shut the door and bolted it. And though the presumptuous one, who was hastening to his death, spoke roughly to Ni'amat and bade him open the door, the latter did not do so. Those standing by the threshold had not the grace to inflict the punishment of his deed on that presumptuous and furious one at the beginning of his doings when he assailed the Ataga Khān. And what shall I say of their dumbfoundedness and cowardice when after forming such vain thoughts he tried to enter behind the curtains of fortune! Why did they not shed his blood? Why did they not level him with ignominy's dust? If they had not courage for that, why did they not make a general rush and surround him? Even then, how can I suppose that among those present in the palace there was no one who was loyal? Apparently there was a design in the perfunctoriness of those people, viz., that the perfect courage and justice of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh might be impressed on the minds of great and small, of the wise and the foolish!

In short, His Majesty was awakened by the dreadful clamour and called for an explanation. As none of the women (pardagīān, lit: veiled ones) knew of the affair he put his head outside of the palace-wall and asked what was the matter. Rafīq¹ Ṣāḥib-i-cār mansab who was one of the old servants of the palace mentioned the facts. When His Majesty heard the horrible tale he was amazed and made further inquiries. Rafīq pointed to the blood-stained corpse and repeated his statement. When His Majesty the Shāhinshāh saw the body he became nobly indignant. From a Divine inspiration he did not come¹ out by the door where that demented wretch was standing and meditating evil, but by another way. As he was coming out, a servant of the seraglio put into his hands, without his asking for it, the special² scimetar. His Majesty took the scimetar and went on. When he had passed over one side of the terrace and had turned into another he saw that villain, and there issued from his holy lips the words “Son of a³ fool why have you killed our Ataga? That presumptuous wretch hastened to seize His Majesty's hands and to say “Inquire and deign not deliberate! There has been (only) a little⁴ inquiry” (talāsh). What reproach shall I make about the spectators of this convicted liar! No amount of reproach or contempt will fit their case!

At last His Majesty the Shāhinshāh withdrew his hands from his own sword and freed them from the grasp of that wicked one, and stretched out his arm to take Adham Khān's sword. Just then that outcast for all eternity withdrew his hand from His Majesty and turned it to his own sword. His Majesty withdrew his hand therefrom and struck him such a blow on the face with his fist that that wicked monster turned a summersault¹ and fell down insensible. Farhat² Khān and Sangrām Ḥūsnāk had the good fortune to be present. His Majesty angrily said to them, “Why do you stand gaping there? Bind this madman.” They two and a number of others obeyed the order and bound him. The righteous order was given that the fellow who had outstepped³ his place should be flung headlong from the top of the terrace. Those shortsighted men out of consideration (for Adham), than which inconsideration would have been a thousand times better, did not throw him down properly, and he remained half-alive. The order was given to bring him up again, and this time they dragged him up by the hair and in accordance with orders flung him headlong so that his neck was broken, and his brains destroyed. In this way that blood-thirsty profligate underwent retribution for his actions. The fist of the Divine athlete of the world had made such a mark that those who did not know the facts thought that it was a mace-wound. Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān and Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, who were there, fled from before His Majesty's wrath, and disappeared. When Yūsuf Muḥammad Khān, the eldest son of the Ataga Khān, heard of the fate of his honoured father, he armed himself and his clan and lay in wait for Adham Khān and Māham Anaga. He did not know that the spiritual and temporal Khedive had executed justice, and had not had regard to Māham Anaga's position, but had in the judgment-hall of sovereign wrath inflicted condign punishment on the murderer who was taken in the fact.

When the truth about the sublime justice of His Majesty the Shāhinshāh—which was higher than human nature—became impressed upon men's minds they were greatly supported. Oppressors hid themselves in the night of contempt while the oppressed had a daily market of joy. A lamp of knowledge was placed on the path of the ignorant so that they confessed the spiritual and temporal greatness of the lord of the terrene and of terrestrials and were guided to the highway of devotion. The Ataga clan was still watching for Adham Khān and the other relatives of Māham Anaga. They thought that the rumour (of Adham's death) was false and were waiting to take vengeance. But as it was bruited abroad, they represented through some courtiers that when such justice had been done, the body of the blackhearted villain might be shown to them so that their minds might be set at rest and a balm be applied to their wounded feelings. His Majesty approved of their request, and Shaikh Muḥammad Ghaznavī went as their delegate and saw the body. The agitation of this loyal clan subsided, and they expressed thousands upon thousands of praises and thanksgivings. Mankind was at once delivered from the disturbance of makebates and reposed in security. In truth, if the rejoicing of celestials for this great act of justice could be added to the panegyrics of mortals a little of the dues of gratitude might be paid. What power then have the atoms of the human race to give thanks for it? It was at once a great punishment whereby the visible world was refreshed, and also a public lesson by whose blessing the dark tenement of hearts was irradiated by the light of sincerity and devotion. It was at once a sight-giving medicine for the thoroughly blind over whose eyes there was a film, and a collyrium of illumination for the blear-eyed—at once the foot of research for the lame ones of loyalty's land, and a staff of zeal for the slow-footed ones on the path of devotion— at once an iron fortress for the army of the lost of heart, and a wakeful watchman for the family of impatience!

In fine, His Majesty retired into the harem after performing such an act of justice. Māham Anaga, who was lying in bed ill in her own house, came to hear that Adham Khān had committed so great an act of violence, and that His Majesty had imprisoned him. Maternal love raised her up and brought¹ her to visit His Majesty in order that she might perhaps procure her son's release. When His Majesty saw her, he said: “Adham Khān killed our Ataga, we have inflicted retaliation upon him.” That wise one of the age meekly said: “You did well,” but she was not certain that her son had undergone capital punishment. Just then Bībī² Najība Begam, the mother of Dastam Khān, came from Adham Khān's house and told Māham Anaga what had happened. She asked how they had killed him and the reply was, “There is the mark of the blow of a mace on the face: I don't know anything more.” But that mark was from His Majesty the Shāhinshah's fist and had been made by divinely-aided power at the beginning of the occurrence. When Māham Anaga knew for certain that her son had been put to death, she by virtue of her wisdom preserved her respect for His Majesty and did not complain or lament, but she became inwardly wounded by a thousand fatal blows. The colour left her face, and she wanted to visit the body. His Majesty the Shāhinshāh in regard to her long service spoke comforting words to her and consoled her somewhat, but did not allow her to go there in order that she might not behold her son in such a condition. In accordance with orders the two bodies were sent to Delhi that day. He addressed lofty monitions and heart-affecting exhortations to that wise old woman and permitted her to go to her son's house next day. That wise mourner went and expressed her resignation, and submitted to the Divine decree. Then she came to her own house and sat in grief and indulged in lamenting and weeping. The illness from which she was suffering grew worse, and the pillars of health were shaken. Forty days after this occurrence, viz., in Tīr, Divine month, corresponding to Shawwāl she went to the sacred abode of non-existence. His Majesty's loving heart was much affected by the fate of this cupola of chastity, and he expressed great sorrow. The body also was sent with much respect to Delhi, and His Majesty personally escorted it for some paces. All the state officers and the great ones of the sublime family paid the dues of respect and regret. In accordance with orders a lofty¹ building was erected over the tombs of Māham Anaga and Adham Khān. Similar mourning was made for the Ataga Khān. The hearts of his brethren and children were soothed, and the wounds of the whole clan were healed. H.M. devoted great attention to the educating of this faithful band and to the furthering of their advancement.

If you grieve thus for any one
Many will be inclined to die.

On the day after the catastrophe of the Khān A'aẓim and Adham Khān His Majesty heard of the flight of Mun'im Khān and Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān. He made allowance for their irreflection and shortsightedness, and sent off Āshraf Khān with comforting words to them so that he might set their minds at rest and bring them back to court. By the bounty of the Shāhinshah's favour the sweat of their shame was changed into the face-drops (ābrū) of angels.

From the time when, in accordance with the decree of Divine wisdom, this catastrophe occurred, H.M. the Shāhinshāh perceived the spirit of the age and the nature of mankind and gave his attention to the affairs of State. In consequence the terrene and the terrestrials entered on a new phase. Though the daily market of those who had been pushed forward by their self-conceit fell flat, yet sincere inquirers who on account of the injustice of the great were in the corner of contempt, took to coming forward in consequence of the Shāhinshāh's brilliant perspicacity. An instance of this is the reputation obtained by the eunuch I'timād Khān. The account of his great advancement is as follows: The officers in their ignorance, fatuity or dishonesty attended to the enrichment of their own households and collected treasure for their own purposes, while neglecting to collect the Shāhinshāh's revenues. Still less did they try to increase those. H.M. the Shāhinshāh, either because he was wearing a veil, or because he had no listener at hand, said nothing about this, and did not prescribe any regulations on the subject. Though the household² officers had to endure losses and hardships, H.M. put off the solution of their difficulties till another season and contemplated with open brow and a cheerful mind the spectacle of the methods of destiny. At this time when a stone fell on the glass of great men's reputations, and some prudent and seviceable men came forward, Khwāja Phūl¹ Malik, an eunuch, became on account of his abilities the object of the Shāhinshāh's favourable glance. He had on account of his integrity been distinguished during the rule of Salīm Khān, the son of Sher Khān the Afghan, by the title of Muḥammad Khān, and before this affair (that of Adham Khān) he had been enrolled among the imperial servants, and had done good service. He came to understand the holy disposition of the Shāhinshāh, and represented in a proper manner his views about the collection and augmentation of the revenues. H.M. recognised his value and gave him encouragement. He conferred upon him the title of I'timād Khān and made over to him all the royal revenues, which were in the hands of embezzlers. He by excellent management carried into effect all that the Shāhinshāh had meditated with regard to the collection of the revenues. This work began in the middle of this year. The arms of unrighteous robbers were shortened, and black-hearted self-pleasers went aside and placed their feet in the skirt of retirement. The clean-hearted and devisers of good things came forward, and the revenues, which are the foundation of sovereignty, and the basis of dominion, and the source of military strength, were put upon a footing which was worthy of the dominion which is linked with eternity. What wondrous rules and regulations, each of them fit to be a code for mankind's prosperity, came forth daily from the Lord of the Age! A few out of the many, to wit, those which occurred to the holy intellect with regard to financial matters, were carried into effect by I'timād Khān. What wonderful things there were which did not become manifest! How could the most important of all concerns be brought forward? If (other) similar recipients of orders had comprehended the Shāhinshāh's ideas and endeavoured to carry them out, in a short time the surface of the inhabited world would have come into the possession of the royal servants. But the world is in the contemplation of the Shāhinshāh's genius an extremely contemptible affair. He does not deem it worthy of his complete attention, and always keeps his soul attached to the pleasing of God. If the recipients of his firmāns possessed one thousandth part of his intellect this petty business which the superficial regard as so momentous would be disposed of with a little attention. Apparently there are considerations of the Divine designs involved in this state of things (the non-conquest of the whole world).

One of the occurrences was the flight of Mun'im Khān, and his arrest and reconveyance to court. There are two strange things in man's constitution. One is his passions which have neither eyes nor discernment. The other is far-seeing reason which understands business. Most men are, from irreflection, overcome of wrong notions, and depose reason which is the regulator of right-thinking, and obey their passions. And so by one act of carelessness a man does to himself what his enemies could not effect by hundreds of tricks. The absurd conduct of Mun'im Khān the Khān-Khānān is an instance of this. In spite of the royal favours and of his attainment to lofty state, among which were his being summoned from Kabul and receiving the title of Khān-Khānān, his obtaining the post of vakīl, and full powers, he did not comprehend this graciousness. He left them all out of sight, and guided only by the fear that he was suspected of having kindled the flames in the matter of the Khān Ā'aẓim and Adham Khān, he could not find it in his head to remain steady. Accordingly he had fled on that very day. Although his motive (for instigating Adham Khān) was that he in his ignorance had believed that after this affair the binding and loosing of the transactions of the sublime family, and the control of all matters political and financial would be in his hands without association with anybody else, yet this idea did not take shape. Melancholy took possession of him, and he formed the improper resolution of leaving the world-protecting court which is the native country of the auspicious ones of the seven climes, and of going to that abode of pleasure—Kabul, where his son Ghanī Khān was governor, and of there enjoying himself. Accordingly in Mirdād, Divine month, he left the capital and took the road by the base of the hills. Muḥammad Qāsim Mīr Baḥr accompanied him. When H.M. heard of this, he did not take it seriously, and said that Mun'im Khān had not gone anywhere and would soon come back. Though busybodies hinted, or openly said that his property should be confiscated, he out of magnanimity refused to accept suggestions of slanderers. He said, if it be granted that Mun'im Khān has gone to Kabul, that too is our territory, and he is still a servant of our court. Fear, and not disloyalty has led him to this. If he does not come we shall send his property after him. No one must meddle with his household. By fate it happened that after traversing for six days hills and deserts the fugitives came to the pargana of Sarūt¹ which was in the fief of Mīr Muḥammad Munshī. Qāsīm 'Alī Sīstānī, Mīr Munshī's servant, was the Shiqdār of that pargana. He heard that two king's officers were passing through and that they appeared to be alarmed. He with the aid of some of the villagers blocked their road and arrested them, willing or unwilling. Saiyid Muḥammad Bārha, who on account of his good services was one of the great officers and had a fief in that neighbourhood, heard of this event and brought Mun'im Khān to his own house. He recognised his opportunity, and treated him with gentleness and respect, and conveyed him honourably and in his own company to the Shāhinshāh. H.M., contrary to the expectations of petty worldlings and to the wishes of the ill-intentioned, of whom the age is never free, treated him with boundless favours and gave him the office of vakīl and the title of Khān-Khānān. His troubled soul was comforted and the strife-mongers retired to a corner. Mankind received another soothment. Why should not this be so? He placed on the head of one on whom men expected the sword of punishment to fall, a crown of government.

Among the occurrences was the coming of Tān Sen² to the holy court. The brief account of this is as follows. Inasmuch as the holy personality of H.M. the Shāhinshah is a congeries of degrees, spiritual and temporal, and a collection of divine and terrestrial excellences, so that when matters are discussed the master of each science imagines that the holy personality has devoted his whole attention to his particular subject, and that all his intellect has been expended on it, the knowledge which H.M. has of the niceties of music, as of other sciences, is, whether of the melodies of Persia, or the various songs of India, both as regards theory and execution unique for all time. As the fame of Tān Sen, who was the foremost of the age among the kalāwants³ of Gwāliār came to the royal hearing, and it was reported that he meditated going into retirement and that he was spending his days in attendance on Rām¹ Cand the Rajah of Pannah,² H.M. ordered that he should be enrolled among the court-musicians. Jalāl Khān³ Qūrcī, who was a favourite servant, was sent with a gracious order to the Rajah for the purpose of bringing Tān Sen. The Rajah received the royal message and recognised the sending of the envoy as an honour, and sent back with him suitable presents of elephants of fame and valuable jewels, and he also gave Tān Sen suitable instruments and made him the cheek-mole of his gifts. In this year Tān Sen did homage and received exaltation. H.M. the Shāhinshāh was pleased and poured⁴ gifts of money into the lap of his hopes. His cap of honour was exalted above all others. As he had an upright nature and an acceptable disposition he was cherished by a long service and association with H.M., and great developments were made by him in music and in compositions.⁵

At this time, when the ever-vernal mind of H.M. the Shāhinishāh was occupying itself with the delights of melody, and was giving joy to the lovers of this art, the song of the coming of the new year rose high and delightsome. Pleasure expressed itself thus by pantomime.

'Tis the time when the garden breathes of joy
A hundred songsters strike on the ear of spring
From the fire of the rose kindled by the morning breeze
Blood is made to boil in the veins of the garden-birds.

Composite natures proceeded to develope by the life-cherishing bounty of the earth, the strains of the birds of the garden insinuated themselves into the ears of the flowers. Time's cup-bearers poured chargers of joy into the lips of the age, the half-intoxicated nightingales began to beat with their beaks the chords of pleasure.

On every branch the birds made an organ
The rose bush was elevated by melody
Owing to that sense-ravishing melody
The musician silenced his own music.

After nine hours and thirty-eight minutes of Thursday, 15th Rajab 970, 10th March 1563, the sun entered his mansion of exaltation, and the Divine year Ābān, which is the 8th from the accession, began, and the terrene and terrestrials received new joy. In the beginning of this year Khwāja¹ 'Abdu-l-Majīd Āṣafkhān obtained a victory over Rajah Rām Cand and Ghāzī Khān Tannūrī, and the country of Pannah was conquered. The account of this excellent affair is that Khwāja 'Abdu-l-Majīd, who on account of his abilities had been distinguished by the title of Āṣaf Khān and had been promoted from the pen to the sword and taken his place among those who join the sword to the pen, and are masters both of peace and war (lit. drum and learning) had obtained as his fief the ample domains of Sarkār Kara. He by his skill and exertions was about to take possession of Pannah which was a country near his own. At first he sent messages of good advice to Rām Cand, who was among the famous Rajahs of India and whose forefathers had ruled over that country for generations. Āṣaf Khān bade him doff his cap of pride, and place the ring of submission in his ear, and come into the list of tributaries. He also told him to send to court Ghāzī Khān Tannūri who had trodden the path of rebellion and had taken refuge with him. Rām Cand, whose forehead had not yet been irradiated by the light of auspiciousness, turned a deaf ear to these advices, and the mention of obedience and submission increased his pride and arrogance. In his illfatedness he made ready for war. Āṣaf Khān was supported by the prestige of the royal dynasty and marched against him with a proper equipment. The Rajah came out with Ghāzī Khān Tannnūrī and a large force of Rājputs and Afghans. The brave men on both sides washed their hands of their lives and fought a great battle.

The brave fought with bow and arrow
All strove with spear and sword
The world was full of diamond-pointed darts
The wind was from dust and blood vermilion-scattering.

After a great contest Āṣaf Khān was victorious and Ghāzī Khān Tannūrī and many other leaders were put to the sword. Rajah Rām Cand was defeated and took refuge in the fort of Bāndhū¹ which was the strongest fort in that country. Immense spoil fell into the hands of the victors. At this time, at the intercession of famous Rajahs¹ who had obtained favour by long service, an order was issued that Rajah Rām Cand had put the ring of servitude in his ear, and had done homage; he was now included among the servants of the threshold, and his territories were not to be interfered with. In consequence of these orders Āṣaf Khān returned to his fief.

As the Shāhinshāh's world-adorning mind was always directed towards the management of Kabul and was inquisitive about the affairs thereof, he now heard that Faẓīl¹ Beg, the brother of Mun'im Khān, had joined with Amīr Bābūs, Shāh Walī Atka, 'Ali Muḥammad Asp, Sēonj Sīdhī Māhī, Khwājah Khāṣ Malik and a number of others in reporting to the cupola of chastity, Māh Cūcak Begam the mother of Muḥammad Ḥakīm, the immoderate conduct of Ghanī Khān, and had used all their endeavours to remove him from Kabul, the abode of pleasure. He therefore appointed Mun'im Khān to be the guardian of M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm and sent him to Kābul. The details of this are as follows: Though Faẓīl Beg's eyes were deprived of sight, yet in chicanery and strife-mongering his whole body was an eye. He was always disturbed and dissatisfied about his nephew's rule, and in truth Ghanī Khān, Mun'im Khān's son, was without discretion or good sense. In addition to this, the intoxication of authority had cast him down from the pillar of moderation. Evil companionship, the worst ill of humanity, was dragging him down, with the lasso of ruin, from the height of auspiciousness to the depth of misery. At last that faction made the noble lady, the Begam, one of their party. In the beginning of Shahriyūr, Divine month, of the seventh year, Ghanī Khān had gone towards Zama,² to visit the melon-fields. They strengthened the city and shut the gate of the citadel against him. He equipped a force and came over against the Delhi gate and halted on the ridge of the Sīāẖ Sang. But he could not effect his object. He sent Pahlwān 'Idī Kotwāl on an embassy, thinking that perhaps he might by craft and stratagem effect something. The persons above named replied that Ghani Khān had not been appointed to the government by H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and that the people had been brought into straits by his tyranny and immoderation. The proper thing now for him was to go off in safety. If he wanted to have again the government of this country he should go to Court and have his conduct tested, and should bring an order from the Diwān of the Caliphate, so that it might be acted upon. During these parleys his men took to deserting him. When he had halted there a long time and had perceived that he would not be able to enter the city and that he was nearly being captured, he, by the advice of Hamza 'Arab and Mīr Maghīṯu-d-dīn of Nīshāpūr, went towards Jalālabād. All his property in the city was plundered. The cause of the courage of the Kabulīs in this matter was the affair of Tūlak Khān Qūcīn.

The brief account of this is that Ghanī Khān, in whom youthful presumption and intoxication were added to innate wickedness, thought that his advantage consisted in others' loss. He behaved with quarrelsomeness and levity and did not pay respect to men's position. His manners were bad, and insolent. One of his actions was the arresting without cause Tūlak Khān Qūcīn, who was famous for his valour and an intimate courtier of H.M. Jahānbāni Jinnat Āshiyānī. He put him and a number of his relatives into confinement.

Not everyone who does evil does you evil
Certes he does that evil to himself.

At length some prudent persons interposed and released him. After this affront Tūlaq Khān went to the village of Māmā Khātūn which was his fief. There he wrapped the foot of courage in the skirt of patience and sought for an opportunity of revenge. Meanwhile a caravan was coming from Balkh. Ghanī Khān heard of its arrival at Cārīkārān and went out with a few men to meet it and to make a choice of the goods, giving out that he was going to visit Khwāja Sihyārān, which is an enchanting spot. There he inaugu. rated a drunken feast and played the melody of self-indulgence. When Tūlak Khān, who was, in season and out of season, meditating revenge, heard of his expedition, he recognised the advantage of the opportunity and hurried after him with a number of his kinsfolk and servants. At midnight he came upon Ghanī Khān, who had given away his sense to wine and his body to slumber, and caught his prey. He arrested him and Shagūn the son of Qarāca Khān and put them into confinement. He also emptied his wrathful heart by reproaches. Thinking that as he had the governor as his prisoner he might also seize the city, he turned back from there, and having won over the militia of Kabul he halted at Khwājah Rivāsh which is within two kos of Kabul. Faẓīl Beg and Abu-l-fatḥ, his son, and Ghanī Khān's men prepared for war. Tūlak Khān perceived that his enterprise would not succeed, and that he would not get hold of the city. He contented himself with a portion of his object and proposed peace and a division of territory. Faẓīl Beg considered this proposal advantageous on account of his wish to release his brother's son, and sent the chief man of the city to Tūlak. He made over to him the territory from M'amūra-i-pai-Minar to the limits of Ẓuḥāk and Bāmīān, which was about a fifth of Kabul. In this way he extinguished the flames of disturbance and rescued Ghanī Khān from his clutches.

O Sage,¹ consider the work of fate
You will at last get the result of your actions
Your safety consists in not injuring anyone
There is a brisk market of recompense for well-doing.

Ghanī Khān did not make Kabul an abode of kindness but left the register of the treaty and agreements in the niche of forgetfulness. He proceeded against Tūlak with all his forces. Tūlak did not see it advisable to remain in Kabul and went off with his relations and men to the world-protecting court, and took the high road to India. Ghanī Khān followed him with a large force. As Tūlak Khān had not power to resist he took to flight. Near the village of Zhāla, which is a ford of the Ghorband² river, the Kabul army came up with him, and a battle ensued. At last Tūlak Khān with his son Isfandiyār and a few of his kinsmen and servants manfully made their way through so large a force. Bābāi Qūcīn, Maskīn Qūcīn and others of his servants were killed. Ghanī Khān returned from there successful and came to Kabul. There he spread out the carpet of tyrrany and self-glorification, and lengthened the arm of oppression over the citizens. And though he knew the disorganised state of M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm's affairs he paid no attention to them. The Mīr-zā's men and the rest of the people of Kābul were distressed by this, and joined with Faẓīl Beg and his son Abu-l-fatḥ to suppress him. By chance at this time the melon-fields of the village of Mamūra were in perfection, and a desire to visit the melon-fields took possession of him. He forgot what has been said—

As the time of his downfall had arrived, he went off to visit the melon-fields and stayed the night there. Abu-l-fatḥ Beg and other known men of the city took the opportunity and brought in M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm over the Iron Gate, and beat drums, and blew trumpets. A great uproar arose of high and low. Ghanī Khān on getting the news came in a confused state and with the few men who were with him towards the city. When he arrived there he saw that the chess-board had been arranged after a new fashion and that the gates of concord were closed, while those of hostility were open, and that he could not advance. Should he come nearer it was probable that his companions, who had their families in the city, would leave him alone, or rather would seize him and take him along with them. In an astonished and distracted state of mind he pitched his tent on the side of the Sīāh Sang and halted there. The garrison fired guns at him, and as fate would have it a ball struck the tent. When Ghanī Khān saw this he got terrified and went² off to India with a hundred brands of disgrace and with the uprooting of thousands of longings for his home and family and the government of Kābul. After Ghanī Khān had departed, the cupola of chastity, the noble lady Māh Cūcak Begam, undertook the affairs of Kābul and appointed Faẓīl Beg as the Vakīl of M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm. As he was blind, his son Abu-l-fatḥ managed affairs as his father's Naib, and as the latter had neither magnanimity nor far-reaching reason he did not attend to justice in distributing the fiefs, and the disposal of business, and conducted himself foolishly. The worst of all was that he took the select fiefs for himself and his friends, and alloted inferior ones for the Mīrzā's household, and practised extraordinary oppressions on his own account. Among these things was his giving Ghaznīn to M. Khiẓr Khān who was one of the chiefs of the Hazāras, and his arresting Bābūs Beg and making him over to his charge. He also took all the other property of Bābūs and squandered it. Whoever does not possess sound reason, by the light of which he can direct his actions, nor a seeing eye whereby he may be warned by observing the conduct of others, nor right-thinking companionship, whose words he may follow, will assuredly receive in this world of retribution due punishment. Accordingly, when two months of this state of affairs had passed, the Mīrzā's honoured mother and the old servants could not endure the oppression and bound up the loins of revolt. A number of them, such as Walī Atka, 'Alī Muḥammad Asp, Mīram, a relation of Shāh Walī, M'aṣūm Kabulī, Sīyūndūk, 'Īdī Sarmast and many others conspired against Faẓīl Beg's son, and waited for an opportunity. One night they called him out of his house for this purpose and had a drinking party in a tent which they had erected in the courtyard of the Cahal Sitūn (forty pillars) Diwān-khāna. The cups circulated, and the drinking of bumpers went on from evening till night. Meanwhile Abū-l-fatḥ several times prepared to leave. The members of the party prevented him by drunken flatteries from going out. This¹ doomed drunkard was unaware that it was the last day of his fortune. When time had come to the end of night and sleep had overpowered him, the party which had conspired to shed his blood drew their swords and entered the tent. They slew him and Mīram Bahādur a relative of Shāh Walī, cut off his head and placed it on a spear. His body was flung down from the citadel, and there was a great uproar in Kābul. When Faẕīl Beg heard of the fate of Abu-l-fatḥ he was dismayed, and having with the aid of Muḥammad Sanjār, the son of Khiẓr Khān Hazāra, and whose son Sikandar was Faẓīl's son-in-law, collected his goods, he wished to go to the encampments of the Hazāras. He set out with this intention, but some of the Mīrzā's servants hearing of it went after him. They caught him and brought him to the fort and put him to death. After that Shāh Walī Atka became the general manager of Kabul. In his folly he took to himself the title of 'Aādil Shāh and gave Ḥaidar Qāsim Kohbar the post of Khān-Khānān, and to Khwājah Khāṣ Malik, the eunuch, the title of Ikhlāṣ Khān. In his presumption and folly he assigned titles which kings give to their friends. By his own efforts he arranged for his destruction. In a short time the Begam suspected him of aiming at rebellion and sent him to the abode of annihilation. She assumed the management of the affairs of Kabul and for considerations of propriety chose as the Mīrzā's Vakīl, Ḥaidar Qāsim Kohbar, whose ancestors had been officers under H.M. Getī Sitānī Firdūs Makānī, and H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī. We have made a long digression for the purpose of animating our discourse.

In fine, when the news of the expulsion of Ghanī Khān and of the confused state of affairs in Kabul was brought to the sublime court, it occurred to the acute and farseeing mind of H.M. the Shāhinshāh that Mun'im Khān was very anxious to be in Kābul. He resolved to appoint him the guardian of M. Ḥakīm and to send him to Kābul in order that he might both avenge his own son, and also ameliorate the condition of the Kabulīs, and also that he might better appreciate the favour and clemency of the Shāhinshāh. In accordance with this wise decision Mun'im Khān, who had been sent against the Rajah¹ of the Meos, was recalled from Etawah and dispatched on this important service. Many officers, such as Muḥammad Qulī¹ Khān Birlās, Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khān Atka Begī, Shāh Ḥusain Khān Nikadarī, Ḥasan Khān, the brother of Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmed Khān, Taīmur² Khān Ikka and a number of brave and distinguished men were also appointed. As Mun'im Khān did not appreciate what a blessing H.M. was, and did not comprehend the extent of his favours, and did not properly know the Kābulīs, he regarded this appointment as a great gain and went³ off to Kabul in all haste as soon as he got leave. He marched rapidly and arrived at Jalālābād. He did not make such halts that the auxiliary forces could join him, nor was there any sign of Muḥammad Qulī Khān Birlas who was governor of Multān and had a large force. When the Begam heard of the coming of Mun'im Khān she took counsel with the Kābul officers and decided that the soldiers and Aimāqs should be collected and that they should take the Mīrzā with them and go forth to meet Mun'im Khān so that they might make war in the Lamghānāt. If they were victorious nothing could be better, and if they were defeated they could join the Mahmaṇd and Khalīl tribes, and from there could go and wait upon H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and submit themselves to his protection. Otherwise the Khān-Khānān would by various punishments take vengeance for his brother, his son and his nephew.

When Mun'im Khan arrived at Deh-Ghulāmān¹ there came news that 'Idī Sarmast had come to Jalālābad and was fortifying it. Taīmur Īkka and Khwājah Kilān and a force were sent there against 'Idī. He made the fort strong and came out to fight. Next day the Khān-Khānān marched to besiege Jalālābād. Meanwhile the news arrived that M. Ḥakīm and the army of Kābul had come. Jabār² Bardī Beg, who had been an officer of H.M. Firdūs Makānī, and had become a dervish, and who was travelling with the army, was sent to the Mīrzā in order that, perhaps, the affair might be settled without a battle. If this could not be done, it was decided that the battle should take place next day, as the star was in front.³ Taīmur Ikka came from the vanguard and reported that the enemy were few in number and that they should not postpone fighting till to-morrow, for perhaps the enemy would go off in the night, and the affair would be protracted. The Khān-Khānan from his own eagerness, and the instigation of Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khān, both of whom loved Kabul and were proud of their courage, took the course of engaging. Meanwhile Khwājah Kilān, who commanded the vanguard, was killed. M. Ḥasan, who was on the left¹ wing, did not move from his place, and the Qāqshāls and others, who were on the right wing, also did not do their duty. Abu-l-M'aālī² topcī, to whom the Kabulis had given the title of Rumī Khān, had arranged fireworks (grenades?) all round his horse, and a ball (tīr) from them struck Calma Ḥisārī and killed him. As men had lost³ heart on account of the death of Khwājah Kilān, they flung way their reins and did not keep their feet firm in the stirrup. The battle took place near Cārbagh⁴ by the shrine (muqām) of Khwāgah Rustam. As a retribution for his failure to appreciate the favours which had been shown to him, and in punishment of his presumption, which is the worst of human faults, defeat fell upon Mun'im Khān. A number showed faithlessness and joined the Kabulīs. All Mun'im Khān's baggage was plundered. Bāyazīd Beg,⁵ who was one of Mun'im Khān's confidential followers, states that he had thirty lakhs of rupees with him in specie and goods, and that they were carried off. If the enemy had not been engaged with the spoil Mun'im Khān himself would have been seized.

Mun'im Khān came¹ with loss of everything to Bikrām (Peshawar), and stayed there for some days, seeking what he should do. At last he sent Yarī Tawācī² with a petition to Court and represented that he had not the face to come to the sublime threshold. He hoped that he would be allowed to go to Mecca, in order that he might in that holy land cleanse himself of his offences and then come and kiss the threshold. As by his evil star he had not understood the amount of the king's graciousness he had seen what he had seen. If the king was not disposed to be so gracious to him as to give him leave, he hoped that a fief in the Panjāb might be granted to him for some time, as he was without any property, that so he might acquire something and then come and present himself. When he had sent off the petition he could not remain³ in Bikrām. He went off from there to the Indus. Then from fear of his enemies he crossed the Indus and came into the country of the Ghakkars where he had repose. He stayed for some days in that country, and Sulṭan Adam behaved with humanity to him. The Khān-Khānān was in a distracted state, and could neither travel nor settle down. He spent his days in a confused manner. When H.M. the Shāhinshāh heard of his condition he, contrary to the ideas of superficial worldlings, sent gracious orders and by weighty admonition and by acts of clemency relieved him from his distress. In reply to his petition he said, with reference to the fief in the Panjab, that he had not taken away his former fiefs which were not inferior to Panjab fiefs, such as Ḥīṣār Fīrūza, Sarkār Etawah, Khairābād, Shāhpūr, Kalānūr, Jālandhar, Andari,¹ etc. If there was to be no expedition against the Ghakkars, there was no necessity for his being in Lahore. He should now come to Court as soon as he had received this order. When Mun'im Khān became aware of the royal favour he proceeded to Court. Accordingly he arrived there in the middle of the eighth year of the Divine Era, and in the end of 970. The Shāhinshāh's favours overwhelmed (maghmūr) him in the sea of graciousness, and made him luxuriant (māmūr) on the continent of kindnesses. The dust of shame and the mist of melancholy were wiped from his countenance, and he received special, royal favours. Mun'im Khān came to know the perfect qualities of the Shāhīnshāh, and the black thoughts of going to Kābul departed from his heart. He became of one head and one mind and girded up the loins of zeal for the service of the Shāhinshāh. The holy heart of the Shāhinshāh wished Mun'im Khān to be with him, while he from ignorance and unthankfulness did not respond. At last he understood his own good, and with a hundred supplications became devotedly attached to the threshold of fortune. The auspicious star of his fortune rose higher day by day, and he attained to high positions.

One of the occurrences was that the joyous heart of H.M. the Shāhinshāh turned towards hunting, and he went to the neighbourhood of Mathura with a select party. The hunting was successful. One day that tiger-hunter hunted seven tigers. Five were levelled with the dust by arrow and bullet, and one that repository of courage caught alive and so was the subject of a thousand wonderings. The other was caught by the united efforts of a number of bahādurs. In the same hunt he joined worship with pleasure and became a distributor of justice. It was² brought to his notice that for a long time it was the custom in India for the rulers to take sums from the people who came to sacred spots to worship, proportionate to their rank and wealth. This (worship) was called Karma.¹ The Shāhinshāh in his wisdom and tolerance remitted all these taxes which amounted to crores. He looked upon such grasping of property as blameable and issued orders forbidding the levy thereof throughout his dominions. In former times, from the unworthiness of some, and from cupidity and bigotry, men showed such an evil desire towards the worshippers of God. H.M. often said that although the folly of a sect might be clear, yet as they had no conviction that they were on the wrong path, to demand money from them, and to put a stumbling-block in the way of what they had made a means of approach to the sublime threshold of Unity and considered as the worship of the Creator, was disapproved by the discriminating intellect and was a mark of not doing the will of God.

When he had turned away his mind from hunting he resolved to make the journey of eighteen² kos on foot, and to arrive in one day at the capital. He and some select attendants put the foot of courage on the road, Yūsaf Muḥammad Khān Kokaltash, Mīrzā Koka, Saif Khān, Shuja'at Khān, Mir 'Alī Akbar,³ Ḥakīm-al-Mulk, Dastam Khān, Shimāl Khān, Maṭlab Khān and others being of the party. But among these, none except Mīr 'Alī Akbar, Ḥakīm-al-mulk,⁴ and Shimāl Khān were able to keep pace with him.

As the lower and elemental world is regulated by the beneficence of the holy and heavenly world (and the proof of this wondrous fact is that the political and financial administration of great princes is bound up with rectitude of intention, and correct thinking which are ancillary to the heavenly world), so every asylum of fortune who is not carried out of his sphere by external pomp and material grandeur, and who exercises himself in the cultivation of hearts and addresses his genius to the soothment of high and low, and who always from innate auspiciousness carries into effect his designs as far as possible, and who recognises that he is the watchman for humanity, has his actions advanced and made successful by God, and day by day the marks of his increasing greatness display themselves to everyone, whilst his opponents are troubled even by their own friends, and after passing through various distresses are cast down into the abyss of annihilation. On the other hand, if the internal nature of anyone, which is a sample of the kingdom of heaven, is corrupted by the evil thoughts of lust and sensuality, the result will be the opposite of the above. The lamp of his dominion will, like burning grass, endure for but a short time, and the sapling of his fortune will soon fail like the shade of a tree. Though the wise of heart need not such prefaces, yet as the object of this book of Divine praise is to guide the generality, it does have recourse to past times and to far-away places in order to apply a salve to the eyes of the dim-visioned and the short-sighted, of whom the world, for various purposes, is always full. The sublime actions of the Khedive of the age are (for them) a written apologue.

To resume, there was in this blessed year a cause of increased discernment to the perceptive, of seeing to the short-sighted, viz., the conquest of the country of the Gakhars. Their country is between the Indus and the Beas, in the folds of the mountains, and among hillocks and caverns. Though in former times the rulers of India had attempted with large armies and abundant equipment to establish tranquillity there, they had not succeeded, inasmuch as they had no skill beyond that of outward show, and as they had not a good intention. The knot was not untied by their efforts, as has already been related. Now that the world had received grace and ornament from the excellent intention and pure acts of H.M. the Shāhishāh, and that the celestials and terrestrials had gained spiritual and temporal welfare from his existence, this great undertaking, which had not been effected by former rulers of India, was admirably carried out by the fortune of the Shāhinshāh. The country came into the possession of the imperial servants. The account of this great boon is that as the Gakhar clan was always boasting of its loyalty and singleness of heart, that mine of clemency and liberality (Akbar) cast nought but eyes of favour upon their country. Though with reference to the courtesies of service it is most proper that the great men of the land should, if they cannot always be in attendance, occasionally obtain the auspiciousness of kissing the threshold, Sulṭān Adam and the headman of the country who had been encompassed by the Shāhinshāh's favours, did not at all perform these duties. However, H.M. preserved the recollection of the small¹ service which Sulṭān Adam had performed, and so passed over such offences. When afterwards the throne of world-sway was adorned by the radiance of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, Kamāl Khān in accordance with the former services and devotion of his family which were graven on his heart, brought the countenance of supplication to the lofty court, and by kissing the threshold gave a new foundation to the pillars of hereditary devotion, and showed himself to be an adherent of the victorious stirrup. The ray of favour fell upon him, and he received appropriate fiefs. At the time of the struggle between the Khān Zamān and the son of 'Adlī, he held fiefs in the Sirkār of Lucknow and in parganas Hanswah² and Fatḥpūr,² etc. Also, in accordance with orders, he brought a considerable force with him and took part in the service. He distinguished himself in that man-testing war, and when his merits were reported by truth-tellers to H.M., more favour was shown to him and he became the object of increased confidence. Accordingly H.M. was pleased to say, “Kamāl Khān has done his duty, now is the time for us to show him favour, whatever desire he may have shall be gratified.” At this auspicious time Kamāl Khān represented through H.M.'s intimates that the Shāhinshāh had shown him favour above his deserts. It was his hope now in consequence of his affection for his native country that he might obtain from the royal grace the possession of his father's territories. For since misfortunes came upon him, and he was imprisoned by Salīm Khān, his ancestral lands had been in the possession of his uncle Adam. From this uncle ('am) he had suffered a thousand vexations (gham).

The brief account of this affair is that Sulṭān Sārang waged brave war with Sher Khān, but at last he and his son Kamāl Khān were made prisoners. Sārang was put¹ to death and Kamāl Khān was imprisoned in Gwāliār fort. But in spite of such disaster their country could not be conquered and the clan was governed by Sulṭān Adam, the brother of Sulṭān Sārang. When Sher Khān died and Salīm Khān's turn arrived, he too made great efforts to take the country, but was unsuccessful. One of the wonderful things was that Salīm Khān ordered that all the prisoners in Gwāliār fort should be put to death, and that for this purpose a pit should be dug under the prison and filled with gunpowder and set on fire. There was an explosion, the building was destroyed and the prisoners were blown to pieces; Kamāl Khān was inside, but fate sheltered him from this calamity. In the corner where he was, not a breath of the fire reached him. When Salīm Khān heard of this Divine protection he took an oath (of fidelity) from him and released him. From that time Sulṭān Adam, his uncle, was in full possession of the country while Kamāl Khān passed his days in frustration. At last, in the beginning of H.M. the Shāhinshāh's reign, he bound himself to the saddle-straps of eternal dominion and trod the path of devotion.

When he had represented his misfortunes and had begged for his old native land, a world-obeyed order was issued from the ascension-point of justice that the country of the Gakhars which Sulṭān Sārang had held, and which was now possessed by Sulṭān Adam, should be divided into two portions, and that Sulṭān Adam should have one of them and Kamāl Khān the other. Orders to this effect were issued to the Khān Kilan Mīr¹ Muḥammad Khān, and to Mahdī Qāsim Khān, Quṭbu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān, Sharīf Khān, Jān Muḥammad Khān Bahsūdī, Rajah Kapūr Deo, and Rajah Rām Cand who (all?) held fiefs in the Panjab. If Sulṭān Adam did not submit to these orders, the army was to march from the Panjab against his territory and punish him for his contumacy so that all savage rustics might receive warning. When Kamāl Khān obtained the highest point of his hopes he left the sublime threshold and came to the Panjab. The great officers communicated to Sulṭān Adam H.M.'s commands. He and his son Lashkarī, who managed all his father's affairs, turned away their heads from obedience to the world-adorning order, and proffered excuses which were worse than their offence. They would not agree to descend even a little from their borrowed sovereignty or to Kamāl Khān's obtaining his inheritance. The officers out of precaution reported the state of the case to the Court. Again an order of justice inscribed with the majestic sign-manual (ṭughrā) came directing that though Adam had at the outset broken the bond of obedience, yet as he was the subject of royal favours he would be allowed to keep the half of his territory if he made over the other half to his brother's son. If he still remained recalcitrant they were to chastise him and confirm Kamāl Khān in the whole of the territory. As his refractoriness had been shown, the army marched and entered the Gakhar territory. Adam stuck to his folly and prepared to resist. A great battle took place in the vicinity of the town of Hīlān.² As courage and activity are implanted in the nature of the Gakhars, there was fighting and carnage, but as the imperial armies are always aided by God, the flashing of the victorious swords scoured the rust of the oppressors' battlefield, and those wild beast-like savages traversed the desert of defeat. By the good fortune of the Shāhinshāh, a victory which might fittingly be the embroidery of great victories was won, and Sulṭān Adam was made prisoner. His son Lashkarī fled and went to the hill-country of Kashmīr. For some time he was a vagabond, and then he too was captured. The whole country of the Gakhars, which none of the rulers of India had conquered,¹ was by sublime inspiration subdued by a few of the imperial servants. In accordance with the sacred order the great officers gave the whole of the Gakhar country to Kamāl Khān, and confirmed him therein. They returned after making over Sulṭān Adam and his son to him. Because Kamāl Khān was firm and constant in his obedience to the sublime court he obtained a fortune which had not even entered into his dreams. He sent Lashkarī to a place from which there is no coming back, and he imprisoned Sulṭān Adam and kept him under surveillance to the end of his days. If they had submitted their necks to the royal commands, which are always visitations from heaven, they would not have been caught by these misfortunes. And if they had been contented with half of the territory, they would not have been afflicted with the loss of the whole. By their disgraceful disobedience to the royal orders, which are a mirror of the Divine orders, they gave up to destruction their lives, their estates and their homes.²

Among the occurrences was the coming from Kāshghar of Khwāja M'uīn,³ son of Khwāja Khāwind Maḥmūd, and his kissing the Shāhinshāh's carpet. God be praised! Owing to the daily-increasing fortune of the Shāhinshāh, just as the conquest of countries, the cultivation of lands, the safety of the roads, the lowering of prices were manifested year by year, month by month, week by week, and day by day, so did crowds of people—Turks, Tājiks, soldiers, merchants, mullās, dervishes and others come from the seven climes and rub the forehead of supplication on the world's threshold, and obtain success spiritual and temporal. Among these there came from the bounds of Kāshghar the essence of saints, Khwāja M'uīn. He was the son of Khwāja Khawind Maḥmūd, who was the son of Khwāja 'Abdullah who is known as the Khwājajān¹ -Khwāja, and who was the direct son of the repository of direction Nāsiru-d-dīn Khwāja Ubaidullah.² Khwāja Khāwind³ Maḥmūd was distinguished among his brothers and the rest of the family for excellences and for purity of morals. In the time of his youth, after the acquisition of the ordinary sciences, he set down his feet on the path of exile and travelled over 'Irāq and Khurāsān and came to Shīrāz. After acquiring medical sciences in the school of the learned of the age, Maulānā Jalālu-d-dīn Dawwānī,⁴ he went to Samarqand, and then at the time of the disturbances in Transoxiana he went to Turkistān and Moghulistān. At the time of the rising of the sun of the fortune of H.M. Getī Setānī Firdūs Makānī (Bābar) he came from Turfān⁵ to Kāshghar. From there he came to Agra in order to participate in that monarch's assemblies, and here he was highly honoured, and given the chief seat at the meetings. At the time of the expulsion from India he came to Kabul and stayed there. He had two sons. One was Khwāja Qāsim, and the other was Khwāja M'uīn. The latter went to Kāshghar in the lifetime of his honoured father, and was there treated with respect. 'Abdu-r-Rashīd Khān, the son of Sulṭān S'aīd Khān, presented the Khwāja with rūdkhāna-i sang-i yashab,⁶ commonly known as sang-i-yashm (the river of jasper or jade). When the Khwāja heard that the reputation of his son, Sharfu-d-dīn Ḥusain, had risen very high, he this year made the intention of pilgrimage (ḥaj) a means of visiting the (k'aaba) of the sacred threshold (Akbar's court) and proceeded towards India. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain hastened from his fief of Nāgor to meet him, and went with him to court. When the latter came near the territory of Agra many officers went, in accordance with an intimation from H.M., to meet him, and when he came near the city, H.M., the Shāhinshāh went to meet him. By this act of respect he made the Khwāja for ever glorious. He brought him with all honour to the capital, and gave him honourable quarters, and treated him with favours such as kings show to dervishes. The Khwāja presented rare merchandize from Khita (China) and Kāshghar. For a long time father and son were encompassed with favours.

One of the warning occurrences was the absconding of M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain from the Court. It is an old custom for the divinely great and for acute rulers to attach to themselves the hearts of dervishes and of the sons of dervishes. And they have exhibited this tendency, which is both an intoxicant which destroys men, and also a refreshing wine, sometimes out of regard to the ancestors of such men, and sometimes as a means of testing their real nature. If the matter be looked into with the eye of justice, it will be evident to the prudent and awakened-hearted, that the favour shown by the Shāhinshāh to this father and son exhibited both those motives. Accordingly, the concomitants of H.M.'s fortune withdrew in a short time the veil from the face of M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain's actions, and his real worthlessness and unsubstantiality became manifest to mankind. When God, the world-protector, wills to cleanse the site of the eternal dominion from the evil and black-hearted, and to deck it with the sincere and loyal, a state of things spontaneously arises which could not be produced by a thousand plannings. The hypocrites depart from the threshold of fortune by the efforts of their own feet, and fall into destruction. Such was the evilly-ending case of M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain, who by influence of the man-throwing wine of the world did not remain firm of foot, but left his place, and into whose head there entered thoughts of madness and melancholy. On 23rd Mihr, Divine Month, October 1562, he out of suspicions and from internal wickedness, to which his nature was prone, fled from the holy threshold, which is the refuge of the great of the seven climes, and hastened to Ajmīr and Nāgor which were his jāghīrs. Several found the chron ogramof this event to be shash Ṣafr (970= 5th October, 1562).

When this disgraceful event was reported to H.M., he expressed complete surprise and amazement. Though he inquired the reason of it from his Sharafu-d-dīn's confidants and companions, nothing appeared except internal wickedness and an injured brain. He frequently remarked that he had had the intention of educating him, but that his narrow capacity could not stand this, and that he had quickly gone off, and that in this way his real nature had been tested. Thereafter H.M. the Shāhinshāh determined that one of his trusty servants should be appointed to the province of Nāgor, lest the infatuated son of a Khwājah should, at the instigation of flatterers, stir up strife there, and should alienate the hearts of the inhabitants. As to raise the position of the loyal is to exalt the standards of dominion, and to cast down the faction of the ingrates and the strife-mongers is to preserve the general public, who are a trust from God, and also to leave the black-hearted a lamp of guidance for the highway, H.M. the Shāhinshāh exalted Ḥusain Qulī Beg, the son of Walī Beg Ẕū-al-qadir, who was an honoured servant and distinguished for acuteness and serviceable qualities, to the rank of Khān, and made over to him the jāgīr of M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain; and having given him valuable instructions, he sent him to Nāgor, which was the Mīrzā's seat and refuge. A number of loyalists such as Ism'aīl Qulī Khān, the brother of Ḥusain Qulī, Muḥumad Ṣādiq Khān, Muḥummad Qulī Toqbāī, Mīrak Bahādūr and others were appointed to assist him. H.M. observed that forgetfulness and mistakes were constituents of humanity, and that if the Mīrzā should awake from his sleep of negligence, and be ashamed of his conduct, he was to be treated with royal favours and brought back to Court. But if he were minded to be ungrateful, and to have evil intentions, he was to be punished so that his treatment might be a warning to others. Ḥusain Qulī Khān sent his family to the fort of Hājīpūr¹ and prepared for this important service, and proceeded towards Nāgor. When the fortune-helped army arrived, the Mīrzā had not time to arrange the strife which he meditated. Of necessity he made over the fort of Ajmīr to Tarkhān Dīwāna, who was one of his trusted servants, and went off to Jalaur, which he had brought into his possession, and there waited for his opportunity. The imperial forces approached Ajmīr and besieged the fort, in order that they might make the way clear for a further advance. Tarkhān Dīwāna acted wisely, and having made a treaty he was enlisted in the royal army. Ḥusain Qulī Khān made over the fort to trusty men, and marched onwards. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain Mīrzā, who had turned his back on faith and fortune, could not resolve upon standing his ground, and left the imperial domains. The country was cleared from his mist, and the fort of Mīrtha, which was the strongest in the territory, and which Jaimal held with the approval of the Mīrzā also fell into the hands of Ḥusain Qulī Khān. In accordance with H.M.'s orders it was made over to Jagmal.

When the minds of the imperial servants were at rest about the business of M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain, they addressed themselves to the taking of the fort of Jodhpūr, which was the strongest fort in that country. Let it not be concealed that this fort was the capital of Rai Māldeo, who was one of the great Rajahs of India, both in rank and position, and for the number of his servants, and the extent of his territories. When he departed from the fortress of life, his younger son Candar Sen succeeded him and held this fort. The officers went to besiege it, and Rām Rai, the elder son of Rai Māldeo, came and joined the army of fortune, and after that he was exalted by saluting the sublime threshold, which is the kissing-spot of the exalted ones of the horizons. M'uīnu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān Farankhūdī and Moẓaffār Moghol and a number of others were sent to assist Ḥusain Qulī Khān. By the Divine aid the fort was soon conquered.

One of the occurrences was the promotion of Khwāja Moẓaffar 'Alī Tarbatī¹ to the rank of Khān, and the bestowal on him of the robe of the Viziership. The details of this are, that when the affairs of the Sultanate were put in order by the auspicious fortune, admirable attention, etc., of H.M. the Shāhīnshah, and the most important matters had been arranged, in spite of the perfect understanding of the spirit of the age, and the aggregation of qualities temporal and spiritual, and the unflagging engagement in external and internal matters, and the unnecessariness of Vizier or vakīl, yet, for the sake of maintaining the screen and of following the custom of predecessors, which is the eye-salve of the commonalty, and also for the sake of farsightedness and of abundant caution, the world-conquering mind determined that the masnad of dīwanship should be graced by the presence of a man who was loyal, fond of service, and acquainted with business, so that the holy personality might remain under the veil of inattention, which is the best means of testing men, and that political and financial affairs and the details of speech and action might be conducted in the best method, and that the gardens of the imperial domains might be watered by the tricklings from his efficacious pen. For this purpose the attention of H.M. the Shāhinshāh was drawn in the beginning of this year to Khwājah Moẓaffar Ālī of Tarbat, and he was exalted by being appointed to this service. The cushion of the dīwan was adorned by him, and he received the title of Mozaffar Khān. He returned thanks for this great favour, and displayed his abilities in the execution of his duties. He managed in a proper manner the operations of the Treasury, which is the capital stock of sovereignty, the improvement of the condition of the peasantry, and the control of the army (according to what was hidden in the breast of H.M.). From his good service in the affairs of the Viziership, he rose to be an Amīr. He had abundant courage as well as intelligence, and was master both of the sword and the pen. The Khwājah was a servant of Bairām Khān. At the time of the latter's alienation, Dervash Uzbeg arrested the Khwājah and sent him to the Court. Though short-sighted men urged that he should be put to death, H.M., who is a judge of the coin of humanity, perceived the Khwājah's aptitude for business, and granted him his life. For some time he was collector of the pargana Parsarūr,¹ and from his success therein he was made dīwān-i-bīyūtāt. Thereafter he was raised to the lofty office above mentioned. I laud the discrimination of the farseeing mineralogist who brings out rubies and cornelians from among dust, and makes them the ornaments of dominion's throne.

As the world-adorning Deity willed that the outward glory and inward majesty of the Lord of the Age should be impressed on high and low, and the standards of his daily-increasing dominion should be raised up to the heavens so that both his outward development might have a happy completion, and also that the astray in the wilderness of error might be guided to the highway of auspiciousness, it was inevitable that the ill-wishers of his power should first of all be brought into the abyss of destruction. And as the adorner of the tiara of sovereignty was constituted a mine of urbanity and gentleness and took pleasure in tasting the sweets of forgiveness, it was decreed by omnipotence that the evilly-inclined towards God-given dominion should by their own action cast themselves into the whirlpool of ruin. An instance of this strange mystery, which only the wise can perceive, is afforded by the miserable end of Shāh Abū-al-M'aālī, who neither understood his own position, nor the extent of the royal forgiveness. He had neither a loyal heart nor a practical understanding.

It has been told in previous narrations how this wicked and evil-thoughted one had repeatedly committed improper acts, and how he had, owing to the innate clemency of the Shāhinshāh, been saved from death, and been encompassed by favours. In order¹ to his own amendment and for the general welfare he had been sent to holy Mecca. At this time he gathered up from the excellent places —where he ought to have acquired graces—the sparks of wickedness into the harvest of his actions; and having become a receptacle of sins he returned with evil designs to the imperial domains which were lighted up by the rays of the Shāhinshāh's justice. Full of evil thoughts and intentions of strife he delayed not in Gujrat but went on towards Agra and Delhi. When he came to Jalaur¹ he joined M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain, who was ruined in realm, and religion, and went yet more rapidly towards destruction, and indulged yet more in vain and rebellious imaginings. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain Mīrzā also made a compact with him that he would furnish him with three hundred proper men (khūb-i-khud) from among his private followers such as Yār 'Alī Balūe and Mīr 'Alī Kūlābī who would stir up strife in the provinces (Wilāyat).² He also promised that if things made progress here (i.e., in India) he would join him in person. Should matters not succeed here he would himself come to Kābul. He regarded that country as an asylum for himself and would seek his opportunity.

Shāh Abū-l-M'aālī from his innate folly and the instigation of Sharafu-d-dīn Mīrzā, proceeded towards Ḥājīpūr where were the families of Ḥusain Qulī Khān and of the other officers. When he came to the environs of Hājīpūr he was unable to gain possession of it because Aḥmad Beg and Iskandar Beg, the relatives of Ḥusain Quli Khān, had in accordance with orders from the Court come there from the rear. The brainless and ill-fated youth turned towards Nārnaul when he despaired of getting Ḥājīpūr. At this time Nārnaul had been removed from the exchequer-lands and been conferred on Shuja'āt Khān, and his son Qawīm Khān was governor of it. Mīr³ Gesū, the exchequer aāmil, was then purposing to convey to court a part of the royal revenue, and on account of a disagreement between the past and present agents (gumāshtagān) precautions had been neglected, and carelessness prevailed. One morning, when the officers were in the slumber of security, that ingrate arrived with a set of vagabonds. Qawīm did not behave bravely and chose the disgrace of flight; nor did Mīr Gesu obtain the bliss of shedding his blood, and was made a prisoner. A portion of the coin fell into the hands of those wretched forgers, and the city was plundered. When Ḥusain Qulī Khān heard of the arrival of the presumptuous villain he hastily despatched Ṣādiq Khān and Ism'aīl Qulī Khān¹ with a body of troops lest injury should befall his belongings in Ḥājīpūr. When those troops got to the confines of Ḥājīpūr they found that the ill-fated wretch had hastened off to Nārnaul. They went off there, and Aḥmad Beg and Iskandar Beg hearing of their approach came and joined them. When they were within twelve kos of Nārnaul they fell in with Khānzāda Muḥammad, commonly called Shāh-i-laundān,² who had left his jagīr and was proceeding to join his brother. In this way a prey fell into the possession of the imperial servants.

When Shāh Abū-l-m'aālī heard of the arrival of the troops he fled from Nārnaul. Zeal urged the brave men to push on all the faster. When they came to Daharsū two camels loaded with silver which were being marched in the villain's rear fell into the hands of Ism'aīl Qulī Khān and Aḥmed Beg's men. The avaricious soldiers (qalaqcīān) quarreled over this, and the dispute went so far that there was controversy about it among the leaders. As they had marched far that day they halted at Daharsū. Aḥmad Beg and Iskandar Beg were vexed by the sudden quarrel and marched on further, and encamped. At dawn they pushed on without waiting for Ṣādiq Khān and Ismāīl Qulī Khān. Some Badakhshīs and all the men of Transoxiana chose the ignominy of disloyalty and resolved to mutiny. A faithless man named Dānā Qulī deserted, and hastening onwards joined Abū-l-M'aālī and told him the state of affairs. The latter halted in a wood and waited his opportunity. As soon as those brave and loyal men arrived, he emerged from his ambush and attacked them. The mutineers joined him according to the agreement and drew their swords against their own leaders. Aḥmad Beg and Iskandar Beg fought bravely and disposed of many of the rebels. They themselves drank off the cup of martyrdom and earned an everlasting good name. Shāh Abū-l-M'aālī fled before the arrival of the victorious army. When he came to pargana Jhanjhūn¹ the Shiqdar of the place shut the gates of the fort and prepared for battle. He devoted himself on the path of loyalty.² Abu-l-M'aālī went from there to Ḥiṣar Fīrūza. Bayāzīd Beg, a servant of Mun'im Khān, took measures for defending the fort, and that mad dog being discomfited there also, went off towards Kābul. At this time H.M. the Shāhinshāh was enjoying the sport of hunting at Mathurā³ which is 15 or 16 kos from Agra. When he heard of Shāh Abu-l-M'aālī's arrival and of his evil acts he at once ordered that a number of loyal officers such as Shāh Budāgh Khān, Tātār Khān, and Rūmī Khān should follow him and not stop till they had caught him, so that they might lay the dust of sedition and give tranquillity to the people.

As in all his ways, the peace of the world, and the repose of mortals are kept in view by the inspired soul of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and his true intent in miscellaneous matters, such as hunting, etc., is to acquaint himself with the condition of the people without the intermediary of interested persons and hypocrites, and to take proper measures for the protection of mankind he, upon hearing of Shāh Abu-l-m'aālī's commotion, proceeded towards Delhi on the day of Āsmān, the 27th Dai, Divine month, corresponding to Saturday 23 Jamādā-al-awala. On the day of Mārisfand the 29th Dai, corresponding to 25 Jamāda-al-awala, 8 January, 1564, that city was illumined by the advent of the Shāhinshāh. Abū-l-m'aālī could not, on account of the glory of the Shāhinshah, and the sublime dynasty, abide longer in India, and carried the burden of destruction to Kābul. Sedition which had awoke with bleared eyes went into a profound slumber, and mankind stretched their hands to heaven in supplication for the permanency of daily-increasing dominion. As the squint-eyed world lies in wait and searches for opportunities for promoting the cause of the wicked, wounds are continually being inflicted on the good and pure, but they are preserved by the Divine protection from the calamity thereof, and acquire eternal felicity in spite of the ill-intentioned. The Divine decree too has issued that whenever unstinted joys and lofty blessings are to be bestowed on anyone, he is in the first place to be made the recipient of griefs and pains, so that he may the better render thanks for his favours and that such sorrow may be the (evil-averting) rue for his world-adorning beauty. An instance of this occurred when the cortége of H.M. Shāhinshāh after arriving in Delhi had proceeded on the day of Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday 28 Jamāda-al-awal, to visit the shrine of Shaikh Niẓāmu-d-dīn auliyā. May his grave be holy! He was returning¹ from there to his dwelling, and when he reached the crossways (cahārsū) one of the death-destined ingrates was standing near Māham² Anaga's Madrasa. When H.M. had gone on beyond him, the latter discharged an arrow against that qibla of the world. It struck H.M.'s right shoulder and penetrated about the length of a span. A cry rose from heaven and earth, and devoted followers fell upon that wretch. They wished to examine him and not to kill him at once, but H.M. indicated that he should be speedily put to death lest a number of loyalists should fall under suspicion. In an instant they cut him to pieces. Though the hearts of the loyal and the minds of the superficial men of the world were perplexed as to the remedy, that spiritual and temporal king preserved his composure and comforted the faithful. He bade his followers extract the arrow. I have heard from the glorious tongue (Akbar's) that at first he thought someone had unwittingly thrown a fragment of a stone from a roof. In spite of such a wound he remained as before on his horse and proceeded to his palace. As the Divine protection and the prayers of the saints were guarding him, the wound was not serious, nor was lesion great. Skilful leeches who possessed Jesus' breath attended to the plastering and curing of it. Especially Khiẓr³ Khwājah Khān and Ḥakīm 'Ain-al-malk joined together in treating the fresh wound and healing it by dry bandaging (khushk-band). Every day they administered a fresh fatīla.⁴ In the course of a week a cicatrice formed, and there was perfect restoration to health.

One of the strange things was the story of the king's dog. It was a bitch and called Mahuwa (beloved?). It was in the palace at the time of leaving Agra. It showed signs of distress and sadness from the day of this horrible occurrence, and before the news came it had refrained from eating and drinking and remained so for seven days. Such loyalty and fidelity did it show! Whoever glories in the adorning-beauty of this chosen one will not regard this occurrence as wonderful. Above all, what is astonishing when it is the case of a dog, whose species is famed all over the world for fidelity.

Though H.M. the Shāhinshāh from his farsightedness and reticence did not give time for the examination of the circumstances of that evildoer, yet so much was ascertained as that this presumptuous iron-hearted one was a slave of Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain Mīrzā's father, and that his name was Qatlaq Faulād. That rebel (Sharafu-d-dīn) had sent him from Jalaur with evil designs to be a companion of Shāh Abū-l-m'aālī. When the latter fled from India and went towards Kābul he sent this inauspicious one upon this business. In order to his own destruction he (Faulād) placed the arrow of strife on the bow of fate and prepared the materials of eternal ignominy and did not perceive how impossible it is for evil thoughts of wretches to enter the protected sanctuary of him who is befriended by God. On the contrary, whatever evil thought they have entertained recoils upon themselves in ruin and destruction. How does it come to them? It comes by leaving to them no trace of honour or reputation, and no particle of life, or fame, or home. Accordingly, just observers who critically examine the record of the flawless sovereignty of this holy lord, well know the condition of the opponents of this God-given dominion. (They know) how they become the subjects of a thousandfold calamities, and go down to the abyss of destruction. If I reckoned them up one by one, a separate book would be necessary. However, everywhere in this noble record there has been reference made to the condition of those blind-hearted ones, and to the retribution of their deeds.

When H.M. was perfectly recovered he proceeded on 11 Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Friday 6 Jamāda-al-akhira, 21 January, 1564, to Agra the capital. He made the journey by slow marches. Although the wound had been cicatrised, and quite cured, yet out of consideration for the fact that the wound was yet recent, and that he could not endure the motion of a horse, he made most of the journey in a litter (sūkāsan), which is the boat of dry land. When the shadow of his light-nourishing umbrella cast its rays on the territory of Agra, mankind received fresh life and hastened to the acme of devotion, and had the bliss of going forth to welcome him. They scattered gifts among his followers, and offered thanksgivings for the Divine boon of his safety. H.M. on the 20th Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 15 Jamādā-al-akhira, alighted at the palace. He busied himself in the administration of justice, and made fitting regulations for the founding of empire and the cherishing of subjects. The talented of the seven climes at the auspicious glance of the Shāhinshāh emerged from their retirements and took part in active life and became constituents of increasing dominion. The evil received their punishment and hastened to the hiding of annihilation. The world was cleansed of the rubbish of the immoderate and enjoyed the equability of spring.

Nearly about the time when the rose-garden of the world put on fresh leaves and became melodious from the arrival of the Shāhinshāh at the capital, and the holy disposition became equable, and turned towards the development of the springtime of justice, the spring of joy came and conveyed the news of H.M.'s convalescence. After the lapse of three hours and twenty-seven minutes of the night of Saturday, 27 Rajab, 971, 11th March, 1564, the world-warming sun passed into Aries, its house of exaltation, and freshened the universe.

The time gave colour and fragrance to spring,
It put a nosegay into the hand of desire,
The rose made the spring of the amorous,
The brain of lovers was heated,
The air became humid like the brain of the wise,
The time became like the temper of the strong of heart.
Pearls dropped from the clouds
Like as the brain of the sage drops wisdom.

One of the great gifts which H.M. the Shāhinshāh made at the beginning of this year was the remission of the Jiẕya throughout India. Who can estimate the amount thereof? As the far-seeing glance of the Shāhinshāh looked to the administration of the world, he paid great attention to the issuing of this edict, which might be regarded as the foundation of the arrangement of mankind. In spite of the disapproval of statesmen, and of the great revenue, and of much chatter on the part of the ignorant, this sublime decree was issued. By this grand gift, thousands of leading-reins and lassoes were made for the stiff-necked ones of the age. When this tax was imposed in former times by those who held outward sway, the reason for it was that they on account of heart-rooted enmity were girded up for the contempt and destruction of opposite factions, but for political purposes and for their own advantage, they fixed a sum of money as an equivalent therefor, and gave it the name of jiziya.¹ Thus they both gained their object and also derived a profit. At the present day, when owing to the blessing of the abundant good-will and graciousness of the lord of the age, those who belong to other religions have, like those of one mind and one religion, bound up the waist of devotion and service, and exert themselves for the advancement of the dominion, how should those dissenters, whose separation is founded merely on habit and imitation, and whose zeal and devotion are the real things, be classed with that old faction which cherished mortal enmity, and be the subjects of contempt and slaughter? Moreover the prime cause of levying the tax in old times was the neediness of the rulers and their assistants. At this day, when there are thousands of treasures in the store-chambers of the world-wide administration, and when every one of the servants of the threshold of fortune is rich and prosperous, why should a just and discriminating mind apply itself to collecting this tax? And why should it from imaginary advantage advance on the path of definite dissension?

One of the excellent occurrences was the punishment of Abu-l-M'aālī. The account of this instructive occurrence is that, when Abu-l-M'aālī went with evil intentions to Kābul, and when the army which had gone in pursuit of him and to drive him out of the dominions, returned after traversing the Panjāb, that inauspicious wretch sent a petition from Sind, full of his relationship to H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī, to Māh Cūcak Begam, the mother of M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm, who was all-powerful in Kabul; and he added to it an account of his own forlorn condition, and embroidered it with this verse:—

We have not come to this door in search of honour and glory;
We've come here for protection 'gainst the hand of fate.

When Māh Cūcak Begam had made herself acquainted with the contents of this letter, she took counsel with her confidential advisers. These short-sighted and self-interested men represented to the Begam, that Shāh Abū-l-M'aālī was sprung from the great Sayyids of Termiẕ, and that the rulers of Moghulistan and the princes of Kāshghar had formed alliances with those families. As he had sought protection from the sublime family, it was proper to treat him with all kindness, and to exalt him so that he should be seen to be a favourite and of great distinction, and to give him in marriage her daughter—the sister of Muḥammad Ḥakīm—so that he might look upon this family as his own; and might make it illustrious, and might do it good, and convert it from dissension into harmony. The simple-minded Begam was led by the deceitful words of these men to entertain wrong ideas, and replied¹ to Shāh Abu-l-M'aālī's letter in soothing language, and brought him to Kabul with all honour. Without making inquiry at the court of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, she of her own notion gave Abū-l-M'aālī her daughter Fakhru-n-Nisā Begam in marriage and joined that scion of the family of realm and religion to this evil-minded man. The fruit of this was soon gathered, for in a short space of time the Begam lost her life in consequence of this union.

The details of this are as follows: When Abū-l-M'aālī, who always displayed lack of wisdom and narrowness of thought, as well as other bad qualities, became the master in that household, he could not contain his emotions. His evil nature too was worsened by the companionship of instigators. He made no account of the Begam and her officers, nor followed her weighty counsels. Nor did his actions show the fragrance of gratitude and devotion. At this time, various strife-mongers such as Shagūn, the son of Qarāca Khān, and Shādmān—who both had old spites against the Begam—joined Abū-l-M'aālī. They represented to him that so long as the Begam was in life, he would not be secure in office, and that he would soon be put to death like Faẓīl Beg, his son Abu-l-fatḥ and Shāh Walī Atka. The proper thing was for him to act boldly and take the initiative, and to bring up M. Muḥammad Hakīm, who was still young, in accordance with his views. In this way all the Kābulīs would place the head of obedience on the line of submission to him. That evil-minded one who did not think of his latter end gave ear to their wicked counsels, and took steps to carry out their evil plans. He did not retain possession of the key of reason but lost it in the abyss of ignorance. He gave to the wind of rebellion ('aqūq) the harvest of the rights (ḥaqūq) of the family. He spurned the recent favours of the Begam, and lay in wait to commit murder—the worst of crimes!

In fine, he made that wretch Shagūn and that scum of Transoxiana, who was styled the Qāẓīzāda, his friends and proceeded to the Begam's residence. Abu-l-M'aālī entered the house by one way, and the two wretches by another. There were a number of women in the house, and by mistake they shed the blood of an innocent lady. When it appeared that they had blundered, and that it was not the Begam, they went looking for her and joined Abul-l-M'aālī. They endeavoured to effect their object, and when the Begam became aware of the facts, she shut the door of her room in the face of the tyrants. Abū-l-M'aālī broke the door with the help of the two villains, and entered and put¹ the Begam to death. By this wickedness he hoisted the flag of oppression. This instructive catastrophe occurred in the middle of Farwardīn, Divine month, corresponding to the middle of Sh'abān (971), April, 1564. After shedding the blood of the Begam, he hastened in search of M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm. He took him out from among young boys² and brought him into the diwānkhāna by the side of himself. The men of the Mīrzā's household attended on him (Abū-l-M'aālī) willingly or unwillingly. Next day he put to death Ḥaidar Qāsim Kohbar, whose family had filled great offices under the dynasty from generation to generation, and who at that time held the office of the Mīrzā's Vakil, and carried on the administration of the country; and also Khwājah Khāṣ Mulk and several others. He also imprisoned Ḥaidar's brother, Muḥammad Qāsim. Tardī Muḥammad Maidānī, Bāqī Qāqshāl, Ḥasan Khān, and Maḥasan Khān,³ brother of Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, and a number of the Begam's servants joined together to kill Abū-l-M'aālī. 'Īdī Sarmast, who was one of them, gave information to Abū-l-M'aālī and the latter armed himself and his adherents and prepared for battle. Those ambitious ones took the right-hand road to the fort, while Abū-l-M'aālī advanced from another side. A number were killed on both sides, but Abū-l-M'aālī's party was victorious and drove the other faction out of the fort. When night let fall her curtain, every one went off in a different direction. The Qāqshāls hastened to Ghorband, the Maidānīs went to Maidān, while Ḥasan Khān and Maḥasan Khān went towards Jalālābād. Muḥammad Qāsim, the brother of Ḥaidar Qāsim, and who was in prison, made his escape and went off to Badakhshān. He informed M. Sulaiman of the tragedy of Kabul and of the wickedness of Abū-l-M'aālī, and urged him to come to Kabul. M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm, in spite of his tender years, was horrified at the catastrophe of his mother; and by the advice of well-wishers secretly sent messengers to M. Sulaimān in quest of relief, and to incite him to come.

M. Sulaimān on hearing of what had happened, girt up the loins of intent and prepared to march to that abode of pleasure which was always the object of his ambition. He collected the army of Badkhshān and marched to Kabul, accompanied by Ḥaram Begam. Abu-l-M'aālī was agitated by the news of M. Sulaimān's purpose. He collected his troops, and, as in his folly he regarded M. Muḥammad Ḥakim as being on his side, and as one of his titles (dast-āwez) he made arrangements for his accompanying the army. He took the initiative and marched out of Kabul before M. Sulaimān could get there, and arriving at the river of Ghorband took possession of the head of the bridge. From the other side M. Sulaimān came rapidly with the Badakhshān forces to the bridge, and both sides drew up in line. Just then a body of troops from Kūlāb were seen on the right, and Abū-l-M'aālī sent off a number of Kabūlīs to oppose them. After the two forces had engaged, news was brought to Abū-l-M'aālī that the Kabulies had been defeated. He thereupon placed M. Muḥammed Ḥakīm in the centre of the troops facing M. Sulaimān, and went off to assist his defeated men. Upon this opportunity M. Muḥammed Ḥakīm's men seized his horse's rein and drove him to the river, and in haste brought him to M. Sulaimān. The whole Kabul army became disorganised after this event and dispersed. When Abū-l-M'aāli came back and learnt the state of affairs, he got utterly confused, and gave up fighting and accepted defeat. The Badakhshānīans pursued him and came up with him at Cārīkārān. They seized him and brought him before M. Sulaimān, who came rejoicing to Kabul along with M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm. Two days afterwards he sent that tyrant in chains to the Mīrzā, who ordered him to be strangled. This was done on the day of Ormazd, the beginning of Khurdād, Divine month, corresponding to the 'Īd of the Ramaẓān.

With my own eyes I saw in a thoroughfare
That a bird killed an ant;
Its beak had not been withdrawn from the prey
When another bird came and killed it.
Be not secure if you have done evil;
For retribution is in accordance with nature.

At the time of his being strangled, his impure character displayed itself, and he made entreaties and lamentations in order that he might, perhaps, by a thousand humiliations, gain a few more days of life, though they were worse than death. But the result was only to show his worthless character. His impure carcase was by the exertions of some worthy² people deposited near the graves of the cupola of chastity, Khānzāda Begum, and of Mahdī Khwāja. God be praised! The world was cleansed of his hateful existence, and he by his own acts hastened to the pit of destruction. Whoever does not appreciate kindness and practises ingratitude, perishes under such circumstances of contempt and disgrace. If he escape the clutches of the imperial servants, the stewards of fortune send adversaries against him so that he is brought to destruction for the edification of the wise.

After this M. Sulaimān engaged in arranging the affairs of Kabul, and in educating M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm; and sent men to Badakhshān and had his daughter brought to Kabul and given in marriage to the Mīrzā. He gave much of the territory of Kabul to Badakhshān men, and appointed Umed 'Alī, one of his officers, M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm's vakīl, thereby establishing his own influence. He himself returned to Kabul. Ḥaram Begam urged him to take M. Ḥakīm with him, and to make over Kabul to the Badakhshīs. But he did not agree, holding that abrupt measures did not look well, and that things should take shape by process of time.

He gave three-fourths of Kabul in fiefs to his own men, and he picked out the (best) lands for them. One inferior share he alloted to M. Ḥakīm and the Kabulīs. He thought that this kind of arrangement was a means of keeping Kabul in subjection!