Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 2

Though Khwāja 'Abdu-l-Majīd Āṣaf² Khān was a Tājīk and belonged to the writing-class, yet by being supported by the dominion which is conjoined with eternity he did deeds which made Turks humble³ themselves before him. O wise (reader), those who prove their merit by their genealogy succeed with the vulgar ('aāmma). Men of elite (khāsān) shut their eyes to lineage and look to the real nature of a man, and call those noble who do great deeds. In short, Āṣaf Khan by his excellent service, loyalty and reliance upon the eternal dominion was divinely favoured and conquered the territory of Gaḍha. The brief account of this is as follows: In the spacious territories of India there is a country called Goṇḍwāra, viz., the country inhabited by Gonḍs. They are a numerous tribe and mostly live in the wilds. Having chosen this as their abode, they devote themselves to eating and drinking and to venery. They are a low-caste tribe and the people of India despise them and regard them as outside the pale of their realm and religion. The east part of the country adjoins Ratanpūr⁴ which belongs to Jhārkhand, and the west is contiguous to Raisīn which belongs to the province of Malwa. Its length⁵ may be 150 kos. On the north is the country of Pannah, and on the south the Deccan. Its width may be 80 kos. The country is called Gaḍha⁶ Katanga. It is an extensive tract and is full of forts, and contains populous cities and towns, so that truthful narrators have stated that Gaḍha Katanga contained 70,000 inhabited villages. Among these, Gaḍha is a large city whilst Katanga is a village. The country has become known by this double name. The capital is the fortress of Caurāgarha. There was not in former times any sole ruler, on the contrary there were many Rajahs and Rais. At the present day, when by the revolutions of time the country is no longer under the old regime there are still many Rajahs,¹ e.g., the Rajah of Gaḍha, the Rajah of Garola,² the Rajah of Haryā,³ the Rajah of Salwānī, the Rajah of Danakī, the Rajah of Katholā, the Rajah of Mugda, the Rajah of Mandlā, the Rajah of Deohār, the Rājah of Lānjī.

Most of the soldiers fight on foot: there are few horsemen. Since the first appearance of Islam, when great rulers conquered India, though their reigns were long, the bird of victory of none of them was able to fly to the pinnacles of those strong forts, nor could the hoof of the horse of their thought brush the soil of that extensive country. At this time, when Āṣaf Khān became jāgīrdār of Sarkār⁴ Karra, and conquered the territory of Pannah, the sovereignty of that country (Gaḍha Katanga) had come to a woman named Durgāvatī, who was generally known as the Rānī. She was distinguished for courage, counsel and munificence, and by virtue of these elect qualities she had brought the whole of that country under her sway. I have heard from experienced men who had been there that 23,000 cultivated villages were in her possession, and that in 12,000 of these she had resident governors (shiqdār). The remainder were subordinate to her, and their headmen were under her control. She was the daughter of Rajah Sālbāhān of Rātha⁵ and Mahoba who was a Candīl by caste. The Rajah gave her in marriage to Dalpat the son of Amān Dās. Though he was not of a good family yet as he was wealthy and Rajah Sālbāhan was in bad circumstances, the latter was compelled to make this alliance. As Amān Dās had given valuable help to Sultan Bahādur of Gujrāt in the conquest of Raisīn, the latter had increased his dignity by giving him the title of Sangrām Shāhī.¹ He was the son of Arjan Dās, son of Sangīn Dās,² son of Kharjī. Though from old times the house of the ruler of Gaḍha was of high rank, yet it had nothing beyond reverence. This Kharjī by ability and contrivance took things under the denomination of peshkash from the other rulers of the country and so collected one hundred cavalry, and 10,000 infantry. His son³ Sangīn Dās carried on his father's plans and increased his power, collecting 500 cavalry and 60,000 infantry. He had many Rājputs among his cavalry and infantry. Two able companions joined themselves to him. One was of the Kaharcalī (?) caste, and an inhabitant of Hamīrpūr, and the other was of the Parihār⁴ caste. By their abilities he obtained great influence in the country. After him the government came to his son Arjan Dās when the latter was forty years of age. After him the government fell to Amān Dās above mentioned. This Amān Dās was a trickster and evildoer. He always acted against the will of his father and prepared for himself eternal loss. His father out of regard for him kept him in confinement for some while, and then let him out upon conditions. The wretch went back to his old courses and did improper acts. He then ran away to Barsingh Deo, the grandfather of Rām Cand, the Rajah of Pannah. The Rajah adopted him. Barsingh Deo entered the service of Sulṭān Sikandar Lodī and left Aman Dās with Bīr Bahān, the father of Rajah Rām Cand, who was then young. There he outwardly followed a course of rectitude. His father Arjan Dās being displeased with him made his second son Jōgi Dās his heir-apparent, but he had respect to the claim of his elder brother and did not agree to this arrangement. (He said) It is not right that I should have this title in the presence of my elder brother.

When the worthless Amān Dās heard that his father was giving honour to the second son, he made a rapid expedition and got into his mother's house and remained hidden there. With the concurrence of one of the Rajah's intimates, with whom he had old relations, he one night got his opportunity and killed the Rajah. The people rose and imprisoned him and sent a messenger to the second son, but he would not accept the invitation, saying that he could not kill his elder brother whom he regarded as a father, nor could he submit to him as he had prepared eternal loss for himself. Arguments were in vain. He elected retirement and went off into the desert. The two honest companions stood firm on the path of fealty and refused to serve him. On the contrary they wrote an account of the circumstances to Rajah Barsingh Deo and instigated him to take the country. He got leave of absence from Sulṭān Sikandar and marched with a large force into the country. Amān Dās took refuge in the mountain-defiles. Though in fact he was unable to resist the Rajah, he represented that he had from ignorance and a disordered brain killed one father, and how could he now fight with a second? When the Rajah had conquered the country and was returning after leaving his own men in charge, Amān Dās met him on the way with a few followers and did homage to him. After much lamentation the Rajah forgave him and made over the country to him. Amān Dās wept continually and expressed his abhorrence of himself for his evil action. Nor is it known whether this was hypocrisy, or he became aware of his wickedness and so expressed his feeling of shame before God and men. When he died, the government went to his son Dalpat. He ruled for seven years and then left the world. There was a report that Sangrām had no son and that he requested Gobind Dās Kacwāha, who was his servant, to allow his pregnant wife to be delivered in the former's harem. If there was a daughter, Gobind Dās would have her, and if there was a son, Sangrām would take him as his. No one was to be told of this. Gobind Dās obeyed the order, and when his wife was delivered of a son the Rajah took him as his own. He gave him the name of Dalpat, and Rānī Dūrgāvatī was given in marriage to him. When Dalpat died his son Bīr Narayan was five years old. Rānī Dūrgāvatī in concurrence with Adhār Kayath and Mān Brahman gave her son the title of Rajah and exercised the real authority herself. She neglected no point of courage or capacity, and did great things by dint of her farseeing abilities. She had great contests with Bāz Bahādur and the Mīānas, and was always victorious. She had 20,000 good cavalry with her in her battles, and one thousand famous elephants. The treasures of the Rajahs of that country fell into her hands. She was a good shot with gun and arrow, and continually went a hunting, and shot animals of the chase with her gun. It was her custom that whenever she heard that a tiger had made his appearance she did not drink water till she had shot him. There are stories current in Hindustan of her feasts and her frays. But she had one great fault, to wit, she, owing to a crowd of flatterers, became proud of her outward success, and did not submit herself at the threshold of the Shāhinshāh.

When Āṣaf Khān conquered the country of Panna, Dūrgāvati was infatuated with the strength of her army, her courage and her abilities, and was not apprehensive of such a neighbour. When Āṣaf Khān was near at hand he kept open the gates of friendship and intimacy and sent spies and experienced traders into her country and made investigations about her revenue and her expenditure. When he knew the truth about her abundant collections of treasure, and her hidden stores, the desire of lordship over the country entered his mind, and he longed to embrace the bride of the territories. He began with coquetry and toying, and put out his hand to touch the down and the mole of the beauty (Gondwāna), i.e., he began by attacking and plundering the villages and hamlets on the borders. At length, he in this year by the orders of the Shāhinshāh, collected 10,000 cavalry and abundant infantry and girded up the loins of endeavour for the conquest of Gaḍha. Muḥibb 'Alīkhān, Muḥammad Murād Khān, Wazīr Khān, Bābāi Qāqshāl, Nāẓir Bahādūr, Āq Muḥammad and a large number of holders of fiefs in that quarter accompanied him in accordance with the royal order. The Rāni was drunken with the wine of negligence and was spending her time in prosperity. Suddenly the news arrived that the victorious royal army had reached Damoh¹ which is one of the important cities of the country. A stone of dispersal fell into the midst of her pride, and her soldiers scattered in order to defend their families. Not more than 500 men remained with her. As soon as she heard of the event, the Rānī in her courage proceeded towards the victorious army and with the rashness which outruns arrogance went forward to welcome a battle. Adhār, who had charge of her administration, spoke to her like a well-wisher of dominion and unfolded the circumstances of the desertion of the soldiers and of the largeness of the royal army. The Rānī replied that the desertion was due to his stupidity, and asked how she, who had for years governed the country, could resolve upon flight? “'Twas better to die with glory than to live with ignominy. If the just king were here in person it would have been proper for her to wait upon him. What did that fellow (Āṣaf Khān) know of her rank? It was altogether best that she should die bravely.” She advanced four stages towards the victorious army. Aṣaf Khan, who was marching rapidly, halted in Damoh. The Rānī had collected 2,000 men. Her officers unanimously said that it was noble to determine upon war, but that it was not in accordance with courage and prudence to let fall the thread of deliberation. It was proper to stay in some secure place and to await the reassembling of their forces. When the Rānī heard these words she moved towards the forest west of Gaḍha. She then came into another forest north of Gaḍha, and wandered about slowly in those deserts. At last she came to Narhī which is east of Gaḍha. It is a place very difficult for ingress or egress. On four sides there are sky-high mountains, and there is a river in front called Gaur. On another side is the furious river, the Narbada. The ravine formed by the passage of the river and by which access is attained to the village is very narrow and awful. Āṣaf Khān, who, on hearing that the Rānī was approaching, had halted at Damoh, completely lost news of her, and though he sent out persons to make inquiries, yet, as the country was of an extraordinary nature, he could get no information. At last, he advanced in person to Gaḍha and proceeded to bring the villages and hamlets into subjection. When he got news of the Rāni he left a force in Gaḍha and hastened after her. When the Rani heard of the army's approach she called together her officers and held a council. She said that if they thought of going to some other place till her forces were collected, it would be proper to go there, but that her own inclination was to fight. How long was she to shelter herself among trees? Whoever liked to go might do so. They had leave. There was no third issue to her warfare. Either she would fall or she would conquer. At last all her men—there were about 5,000 collected—set their hearts on fighting. Next day the news came that Naẓir Muḥammad, Āq Muhammad and a large force of gallant men had taken by force the head of the ravine which was the road of access, and that Arjan Dās Bais, who was the faujdār of the elephants (i e., Dūrgavati's), had bravely lost his life there. The Rānī put armour on her breast and a helmet on her head and mounting an elephant slowly advanced to encounter the heroes who were eager for battle. She said to her soldiers, “Do not hasten, let the enemy enter the pass and then we shall fall upon them from all sides and drive them off.” It turned out as she anticipated, and there was a great fight. Many on both sides fell to the dust, and three hundred Moguls quaffed the wholesome draught of martyrdom. The Rānī was victorious and pursued the fugitives, and emerged from the ravine. At the end of the day she summoned her chief men and asked what they advised. Each man spoke according to his understanding and courage. The Rānī said we ought to make an attack this night, and finish off the enemy. Otherwise Āṣaf Khān will come in the morning in person and take possession of the pass, and will fortify it with artillery. The task which is now easy will become difficult. No one agreed to this proposal. At last she yielded to the majority and retreated by the way she had come, and occupied herself in comforting those of her people who had been orphaned. When she came to her house she proposed the night-attack to some of her devoted followers. Not one of them could equal her in courage. When it was morning, what the Rānī had foreseen occurred. Āṣaf Khān came with his artillery and fortified the entrance to the pass, and the victorious army entered the mountains. The Rānī in her eagerness for battle mounted on a lofty and swift elephant which was the best of her animals, and was called Sārmān, and came out. She drew up her forces, distributed the elephants and prepared for battle. After the armies had encountered, the work passed from arrows and muskets to daggers and swords. Rajah Bīr Sā, the Ranī's son, who was the nominal ruler, behaved bravely, and performed great deeds. Shams Khān Mīāna, and Mubārik Khān Bilūc fought bravely. The battle raged till the third watch of the day, so that if it was fully described the account would be a long one. Three times Raja Bīr Sā repulsed the victorious army but the third time he was wounded. When the Rānī heard of this she ordered trusty men to remove him from the battle-field to a place of safety. They obeyed the command and carried him off to a retired place. On this account a great many left the field of battle, and the Rani's troops were much discomfited. Not more than 300 men remained with her. But there was no weakening of the Rānī's resolution, and she continued to wage hot war alongside of her own gallant followers. An arrow from the bow of fate struck her right¹ temple, and she courageously drew it out and flung it from her. The point remained in the wound, and would not come out. Just then another arrow struck her neck. That, too, she drew out with the hand of courage, but the excessive pain made her swoon. When gradually she recovered her senses she addressed Adhār, who was of the Bakhīla caste and was distinguished for courage and devotion and who was riding in front of her on the elephant. She said to him, “I ever laboured to educate and consider you in order that one day you might be of service. To-day is a day in which I am overcome in battle, God forbid that I be also overcome in name and honour, and that I fall into the hands of the enemy; act like a faithful servant, and dispose of me by this sharp dagger.” His true heart could not do anything so hardhearted. He said, “How can I bring my hand to do this thing. How can the hand which has held your gifts do such a dreadful deed. This I can do: I can carry you away from this fatal field. I have full confidence in this swift elephant.” When the Rānī heard these words, which proceeded from soft-heartedness, she grew angry and reproached him, saying, “Do you choose such a disgrace for me?” Then she drew her dagger, and herself inflicted the blow, and died in virile² fashion. A large number of her devoted followers fell in her service, notably Kanur Kalyān Bakhīla, Cakarmān Kharcalī, Khān Jahān Dakīt and Mahārakhs Brahman. A great victory was gained. A thousand elephants and much other booty fell into the hands of the Imperial servants. There was both a large amount of property obtained and also an extensive territory was added to the Imperial dominions. The reign of the Rānī lasted for sixteen years.

When the brilliancy of the Rānī's rule was extinguished, and when in the very height¹ of her rule the hand of destruction flung the dust of annihilation on the head of that noble lady, Āṣaf Khān after two months, and when his mind was at rest about the Miyāna² country proceeded to the conquest of Caurāgarh³ fort. This fortress was replete with buried treasures, and rare jewels, for the collection of which former rajahs had exerted themselves for many ages. They thought these would be a means of safety but in the end they were a cause of destruction. The soldiers girded up the loins of courage to capture this golden fort, and from the love of these treasures they washed their hands of life and eagerly followed Āṣaf Khān. The Rānī's son who had left the battle-field and was shut up in the fort, came out to fight on the approach of the army of fortune; but the fort was taken after a short contest. The Rajah died bravely. He had appointed Bhoj Kaith and Mīyān Bhīkārī Rūmī to look after the jauhar, for it is the custom of Indian rajahs under such circumstances to collect wood, cotton, grass, ghee and such like into one place, and to bring the women and burn them, willing or unwilling. This they call the jauhar. These two faithful servants, who were the guardians of honour, executed this service. Whoever out of feebleness of soul was backward (to sacrifice herself) was, in accordance with their custom, put to death by the Bhoj aforesaid. A wonderful thing was that four days after they had set fire to that circular pile, and all that harvest of roses had been reduced to ashes, those who opened the door found two women alive. A large piece of timber had screened them and protected them from the fire. One of them was Kamlavatī, the Rānī's sister, and the other the daughter of Rājah Puragaḍha, whom they had brought for the Rajah but who had not yet been united to him. These two women, who had emerged from that storm of fire, obtained honour by being sent to kiss the threshold of the Shāhinshāh.

In fine, when the fort was taken there fell into the hands of Āṣaf Khān and his men an incalculable amount of gold and silver. There were coined and uncoined gold, decorated utensils, jewels, pearls, figures, pictures, jewelled and decorated idols, figures of animals made wholly of gold, and other rarities. I have heard from reliable informants that among the goods and treasures of Caurāgarh of which Āṣaf Khān took sole possession, there were one hundred jars (deg) full of 'Alāū-d-dīn¹ ashrafīs. There were also other things which could not be calculated. When Āṣaf Khān, by the good fortune which came from the rays of the Shāhinshah's prestige, acquired such wealth, and became so powerful, his self-confidence became greater than it is possible to imagine. As he did not possess right reason, the senses-robbing intoxication revealed the amount of his capacity. He altogether abandoned the path of propriety and sent none of those rarities or splendid jewels, which were worthy of the appreciative acceptance of the Shāhinshāh, to Court. He did not comprehend that fortune had made those pearls and jewels a sprinkling for the head of dominion and a tiara for the auspicious, and regarding himself as the central object, he strewed the dust of ruin on the head of his own honour. That ill-fated one, the tablet of whose heart bore no impress of sincerity, or rather it had not a letter or even a dot of justice in it, sent only 200 elephants as a present, out of the 1,000 which had fallen into his hands. He concealed all the other rarities, and resting himself on the pillows of the government of Karra and Gaḍha he spent his days in negligence. H.M. the Shāhinshāh on account of his world-bestowing disposition did not give a thought to those things (the hidden rarities) and winked at his treachery. When he made the third expedition to Jaunpūr in order to chastise 'Alī Qulī Khān Zamān he summoned Āṣaf Khān to the presence. The latter obeyed the command and went to kiss the threshold.¹ At the time when Jaunpūr was the seat of the royal forces he had the blessing of doing obeisance. The details of that affair will be recorded in their proper place.

It is a requisite of the high office of sovereignty that justice be administered to the oppressed without distinguishing between friend and foe, relative and stranger, and that it place retribution for tyranny in the collar of the tyrant, so that those connected with the sovereign, and those attached to the court may not make their relationship a means of oppression, and that if, which God forbid, any such event should occur out of infatuation, right-acting men may be under no apprehension in reporting the oppression, but may boldly bring it forward. God be praised that this lofty characteristic is so marked in the disposition of the Shāhinshāh that the human intellect is at a loss how to describe it! This world-ministering quality is so unaffectedly existent in the sacred nature of H.M., that all classes rely upon it and pass their days in peace and tranquillity.

In the beginning of this Divine year and middle of 971,—which was the preamble of the distribution of justice—Khwājah M'uaẓẓam, who was the half-brother of the noble lady H.M. Miriam-Makānī; as he had no flavour of real relationship so did he make his outward relationship an intoxicating drug and show himself on various occasions as an example of immoderation. In the auspicious time of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī, as it was a season for gentleness, H.M. had consideration for the noble lady and used to pass by his offences. For instance, in the year of the expedition to Badakhshān, he attacked H.M.'s diwān Khwāja¹ Rashīdī and with the sword of immoderation shed the blood of that worthy man. He absconded after committing this horrid crime and came to Kabul. Thereafter he was allowed again, by the intercession of near intimates of H.M., to come to Court, and renewed his misbehaviour. At last H.M. expelled him, and he went off to the Ḥijāz. He committed wickedness upon wickedness and came back to India. There he displayed the old bad qualities. One day, when the ministers and officers were assembled in the Shahinshāh's palace, he made an unprovoked attack on Mīrzā¹ 'Abdullah Moghal who was ranked among the great Amīrs. On account of some story he ran at him and kicked him and struck him with his fists. On another occasion he behaved rudely to Bairām Khān and put his hand to his dagger. He was again expelled. He now went to Gujrat and there spent his days in doing harm to himself and to others. On account of his bad conduct and bad circumstances he could not remain there. He turned his face towards the world-protecting court. When Agra became the seat of the Caliphate he was exalted by the bliss of service and was distinguished everywhere by kindnesses and consideration. But inasmuch as his nature was compact of immoderation he revealed his character by hundreds of presumptuous acts and by his disregard of his past. Bairām Khān was arranging to make him over to Walī Beg in order that he might be conveyed by way of Bakar to Gujrat, when Bairām himself became excluded, and the Khwāja, on account of his connexion with the holy family, was treated with high favours. But he was caught by the hand of his own wickedness and continued to commit hundreds of unruly actions. At last Bībī² Fāṭima, who had been H.M. Jahanbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī's Urdū-begī, and now held a high position in H.M. the Shāhinshāh's harem, and whose daughter Zahra Āghā was in the Khwāja's household, and was, owing to his barbarity and wickedness continually in grief and in the prison of affliction, came one day with a thousand agitations and implored help as the Khwāja was about to go to his pargana and was going to take her daughter with him. On account of his wickedness, and of the evil imaginations which were part of his nature he meditated the death of this chaste and innocent lady. She said over and over again that from apprehensions of the Shāhinshāh's justice he could not effect his purpose in the capital. Now that he was taking her to his jāgīr, what would happen? H.M. had compassion on the distress of this old servant and soothed her troubled mind. He was going a-hunting, he said, and for her sake he would cross¹ (the river) by the Khwāja's house. When the Khwāja came out to pay his respects he would give him good advice and forbid him to take her daughter with him. Shortly afterwards H.M. left the citadel and crossed the river by boat. He then went off to the Khwāja's house with a few special attendants —not more than twenty. Among them were Dastam Khān, Ṭāhir Muḥammad Khān Mīr Farāghat, Qatlaq Khān, Maqbil Khān, Shimāl Khān, Peshrū Khān, and Ḥakīm-ul-mulk. As the unaccommodating temper of the Khwāja was known, the Mīr Farāghat and Peshrū Khān were sent ahead in order that they might apprise him of the sublime advent and bring him to the highway of rectitude. And Dastam Khān and Maqbil Khān were sent after these two in order that if the Khwāja should, according to his usual custom, behave in an insane manner, they might assist Ṭāhir Muḥammad Khān. When the ungovernable madman heard from Ṭāhir Muḥammad Khān and Peshrū Khān that H M. had crossed the river at this place and had sent them, he became violent and said, “I shall not come into H.M's presence.” Then he went, full of wrath, to the female apartments, and drawing his dagger killed Zahra Āghā who had just come from the bath and was robing herself in the dressing-room. In this way he provided for himself a supply of eternal destruction. Then he put his head out of the window and flung the blood-stained dagger to where Dastam Khān was standing and cried out with a loud voice, “I have shed her blood, go and tell.” Dastam Khān took up the bloody dagger and brought it to H.M. When H.M. the Shāhinshāh heard of this outrage he boiled over with indignation and entered the house of the villain. The madman buckled on his sword and came into the presence with his hand on the hilt. H.M. angrily asked him, “What kind of conduct is this? Your hand is on your sword; attempt to draw it and I shall strike such a blow on your head that your soul will depart.” When the madman beheld the majesty of the Shāhinshāh, his hands and feet gave way and he sank down. Those present arrested him. One of the Gujrātīs was standing behind the Khwājah with a sword and was meditating treason. H.M. perceived his intention and bade Qatlaq Qadam Khān strike him. That ready-witted one understood at once and struck him such a blow that his head rolled off and lay beside his feet. For a moment the trunk remained standing and the black blood spouted from the arteries of the neck. H.M. then asked the Khwājah for what fault had he shed the unfortunate woman's blood. The monster opened his mouth and uttered delirious ravings till at length they silenced him by blows and kicks. Dragging him by the hair and kicking him they brought him to the river. The tide of wrath foamed up in the ocean of justice, and in accordance with orders, the servants, who were always the boon-companions (hamkāsa) of his violence and frenzy, were bound neck and hand and immersed in the whirlpool of retribution. Though they dipped the wicked wretch in the river he showed tenacity of life and did not cease his ravings. He knew that to blaspheme saints was painful to the king, and so he indulged in this. Though everyone was convinced that in this whirlpool of wrath he would be killed by the buffeting of the waves, yet from tenacity of life and hardness of heart he remained alive. He was made over to Maqbil Khān who sent him to Gwāliār where he was imprisoned. Melancholia took possession of him there, and he died of a disordered brain. There is a ridge in the precincts of the fort, and there he was buried; but afterwards his body was brought to Delhi. God be praised! Hail to the Fortune which consumes sedition and the justice which wipes out violence. As H.M.'s sole object is to show forth the lights of justice and to erase the traces of oppression, his dominion increases daily, and also his prosperity.

One of the dominion-increasing occurrences of this auspicious year was the victory of 'Alī Qulī Khān Zamān over Fatḥ Khān of Patna. The account of this is as follows. Fatḥ Khān, Ḥasan Khān his brother, Mallū Khān and a large number descended from fort Rohtās and took possession of Bihār and various estates belonging to the Khān Zamān. They chose the son of Salīm Khān, who had the name of Āwāz Khān, for the throne, and uplifted the head of sedition. The Khān Zamān and other officers of that country, such as Bahādur Khān, Majnūn Khān, and Ibrāhīm Khān proceeded to extinguish these flames of disaffection. As the Afghans were in full force, the Khān Zamān did not think a battle advisable and made himself secure in a fort on the bank of the Son (called) Andhīārī-bari¹(?), At this time Maulānā 'Alāu-d-dīn Lārī, Mullā 'Abdullah Sulṭānpūrī, Shihābu-d-dīn Khān and Wazīr Khān came from the court. This was because H.M. the Shāhinshāh had resolved that the Khān Zamān should be established in the path of fidelity by good counsels, and by royal favours. Ample favour, too, was shown to Sulaimān Kararāni, the governor (Ḥākim) of Bengal, who had made himself one of the court officers and associated himself with the Khān Zamān, and who recited the Khuṭba in the Shāhinshāh's name. If it seemed advisable and opportune, he (Sulaimān) was to be brought to kiss the threshold—the elixir of spiritual and temporal excellence. Those envoys came inside the fort and gave the Khān Zamān the good news of the royal favour. They strengthened him physically and morally, and at such a time of discomposure conjoined him with victory. One day they were seated in front of the Khān Zamān when the black-hearted Afghans came towards the fort with an equipped army and a number of war-elephants. The Khān Zamān was collecting his forces when they came, and as soon as they arrived they repulsed his men and threw them into confusion. His whole army fled, and the Afghans set themselves to plunder their quarters. Just when those presumptuous ones (the Afghans) had made things difficult, the daily-increasing fortune of the Shāhinshāh looked to the outward connection of the Khān Zamān with the sublime palace and manifested itself in a wondrous way.

The brief account of this astonishing affair is that the Khān Zaman assisted by a few men was waiting inside the fort-walls for an opportunity of fighting or of retreating. Ḥasan Paṭnī was mounted on an elephant named Bakht-buland and advanced with a body of troops. The men fled, and Khān Zamān and the few who remained resolved to die. He went to one of the bastions and having fired¹(?), a mortar which was planted there, discharged it in the face of the presumptuous army which was advancing like a mast elephant. The discharge and the striking of the elephant's head were simultaneous. The elephant was overthrown and killed, and the army was dispersed. A divine help which occurred at this time close upon the above providential boon, was that there was an elephant called Kohpāra which Bairām Khān had given to Bahādur Khān when the latter was deputed to Mālwa. It had become completely mast and was kept chained up, and was still quarrelsome. When the Khān-Zamān's troops were driven off, the Afghan elephant-drivers loosed it and mounted it. While they were riding it, it became violent and overthrew and killed an Afghan elephant that was close by. A great uproar arose, and the Afghans mistook this for the noise of the victorious army and fled. The Afghans also who were engaged in plundering all at once lost their heads and dispersed. When the fugitives (of Khān Zamān's troops) heard of this Divine help they turned back and pursued the black-fated Afghans. Much booty and many noted elephants were captured. It was solely by the fortune of the Shāhinshāh that such a great victory showed herself. After it the Khān-Zamān returned and went towards Jaunpūr, and sent the envoys to court with all honour from Zamānīya.

One of the occurrences was the arrival of Amīr Murtāẓā. As the world-protecting gateway of the Shāhinshāh is the rendezvous of the elite of the earth, for Almighty God hath made the king's holy personality desirous of collecting all perfections, and a collector of liberal sciences, and a gatherer of all kinds of beneficial things, so do the solitary ones of the seven climes leave their native lands and turn their faces towards this holy gateway and there attain felicity. One of the wonderful things is that when the master of any science or craft, who is the unique of the age in his department—from theology to carpentery—comes into the society of the Shāhinshāh, he hears from him such acute remarks about his science or art as he has never heard from his teachers, and becomes convinced that H.M. has devoted his whole time to the study thereof. In short H.M. by his wide capacity, and great-mindedness, which are exercised without effort, and with adaptation to his listener—from the highest to the lowest grade—makes the latter successful, spiritually and physically. Among those was the glorious Saiyīd Amīr Murtāzā, who belonged to the very learned Jurjānī¹ famīly, and who was eminent in the rational and traditional sciences. He had circumambulated the holy places of pilgrimage, and now took up his abode at the sublime threshold which is the K'aaba for the pilgrims of blessedness, and the altar for the caravans of auspiciousness. He according to proper regulations became acquainted with the majestic assemblies, and gained auspiciousness. The Khedive of the Age, who is a connoisseur in human jewels, recognised the advent of the Mīr as an honour, and distinguished him by graciousness and by copious gifts.

As it is a lofty duty of sovereignty to be always cognisant of the affairs of the kingdom, and of the sentiments of the officers of the State, especially of the presumptuous and narrow-minded ones who when they have attained success have departed from the vicinity of the throne, and to check them before their proceedings have amounted to sedition, so is it a thing to thank God for that this glorious quality is displayed in perfection in the holy personality of the Shāhinshāh. Accordingly the wise are at a loss how to comprehend it. He continually seeks for information about the hidden things of the kingdom, and though apparently he be engaged in hunting and the like, yet such things are but a veil, and his noble days have no respite from the affairs of church and state, and he is ever employed in worship of God, and in fostering his subjects. Therefore, when he came to hear that 'Abdullah Khān Uzbeg, who had eaten the salt of fortune's table was uplifting the head of rebellion in Mālwa and that he was in his narrow-mindedness about to cast away the burden of favours and to become an ingrate, he determined to use elephant-hunting as a pretext and to make an expedition to Mālwa. He set out under the divine protection on the day of Bahrām 20 Tīr Divine month corresponding to Saturday, 21st Zī Q'ada 2 July, 1564. It was a season when those proudly-stalking elephants—the clouds—had in their violence flung confusion and uproar on the time and the terrene and had in their oozing fury sent forth floods and made highlands indistinguishable from lowlands, and in their arrogance and haughtiness paid no regard to the guiding-crook (kajak) of the lightning, that the sublime standards approached Narwār¹ and the Sīprī² where there were elephant forests. When the camp reached the bank of the Cambal, the river was, owing to excessive rain, in full flood. It was necessary that the encampment should halt for nearly two weeks in order to cross, so that the whole body might pass over in boats. When the special elephants were crossing that furious river, the elephant Lakna was in his impetuosity carried away by the water. After that the army encamped at Gwālīār, and from there marched on to Narwār. As the elephant forest was near there, arrangements were made for hunting, and the servants were divided into several bodies. To each of them a great officer was appointed and several tame elephants assigned. Strong ropes, too, were provided which might have force to drag the mountain-forms, nay, which might furnish nooses for the elephants of the horizons. The order also was issued that whenever wild elephants were found, the tame elephant should follow them up, until the latter should from weariness lose power of movement. Then from each side of the wild elephant the drivers who were seated on the tame elephants should cast one end of the rope round the neck of the wild elephant and the other round the neck of the tame one. In this way they were to bring him into captivity and to drag him along. Every day they were to tame him more and more, and to throw fodder before him until at length they could mount on him. In this way they were to tame him in a short space of time. The real method of taming every wild animal is gentleness, and the exhibition of what is agreeable to him such as grass, grain and water. On rational grounds this mode of hunting seems to be the best plan for hunting elephants; for the wild elephant is great of body and powerful, and is subdued by elephants more powerful than or like himself. The hunters avert his malignity from themselves and gain the victory over him.

In fine, H.M. practised the laws of hunting in the pursuit of elephants in the forest of Narwār, and sent out parties in every direction. He himself with his brave companions enjoyed the sport. That day after a great chase a female elephant was seen in the distance. They hastened after it, and having tired it out, they bound it to another elephant. As they were doing so, Adham, the son of Mullā Kitābdār, fell into the clutches of the elephant and was kneaded somewhat but managed to crawl away. Next day was the 'Īd Qurbān. Mūn'im Khān Khān-Khānān, who in that pleasant hunt was in attendance on the royal stirrup, and other pillars of the state, appeared before H.M. and did homage. H.M. in his kindness heaped 'Īd upon 'Īd and went off to hunt. Each party proceeded to its appointed place, and that day, after much exertion, a herd of female elephants was sighted which had with them two or three male elephants. H.M. on beholding them had a renewal of the joy of the 'Īd and captured the herd which consisted of nine elephants. Next day he abode in his camp and engaged in administration which is the real kind of hunting. On the third day he was on horseback with the dawn, and till the close of day traversed that forest into which, from the closeness of the trees and the thickness of the branches, it was difficult for the north or east winds to penetrate. Suddenly a herd which contained more than seventy elephants crossed before him. He was delighted and took it as an omen of the capture of great successes. In accordance with orders the elephants were driven into the dense forest and the foot of each was fastened to a tree. Persons were appointed to watch over each animal. Ropes were sent for from the camp, and that forest in which there never had been a trace of men's footsteps, and which had not been crossed even by the steeds of imagination, became on that night by the arrival of the sublime cortege a Cairo and a Bagdad. The chamberlains by the help of the court carpenters made a platform for the royal repose and covered it with scarlet cloth. H.M. took his seat thereon, and his courtiers such as Yūsuf Muḥammad Kokaltāsh, 'Azīz Muḥammad Kokaltāsh, Saif Khān Kokaltāsh, Mīr M'uizzalmulk, Mīr 'Alī Akbar, and Calma Khān, who was known by the title of Khān 'Aālm, Mīr Ghyāṯu-d-dīn 'Ālī, who is now distinguished by the title of Naqīb Khān, and other special favourites formed a circle round him. Next morning when the world-warming sun had sate on the throne of the horizons, H.M. the Shāhinshāh with the desired prey in his net and the cup of success at his lip sate on that auspicious throne and graciously ordered his courtiers to be seated. Then for the sake of delight and pleasure he listened for some time to Darbār¹ Khān's recital of the story of Amīr¹ Ḥamza. Meanwhile several elephants with many ropes arrived from the camp. H.M. signified that each one of the evil-disposed elephants should be firmly bound between two of the royal elephants, and be conveyed to the camp by evening. This was done, and for the completion of the work he remained there two days more. As H.M. meditated the capture of some more wild² elephants he turned his rein towards Mālwa. On account of the lightning, the rain and floods, and the viscous mud, and the numerous holes and ditches which characterise the province of Mālwa, the march was difficult. The horses had to swim like hippopotamī, and the camels to traverse floods like ships of ocean. At last after hundreds of difficulties they came to the village of Ranad³ and encamped there. On account of the excessive rain they halted there two days. From thence they proceeded by way of Sārangpūr. On account of the quantity of mud on this march the horses sank up to their chests and the very hair of the camels became a burden to them. With a thousand difficulties they moved along. On this day the tents of the victorious encampment which crowded the wilderness fell into the rear. Except the royal tents and enclosures, a tent of the Khān-Khānān, the tent of M. 'Azīz Kokaltāsh, and the tents of one or two of the other great officers, not a tent of the king's servants could come up. Of necessity, a halt for one day was ordered. Next day the standards were upreared in the direction of Mandū. The wide plain of the town of Khīrār⁴ was reached after five stages. Though in these halting-places the animals could not get grain, they enjoyed instead abundance of fresh and moist grass, which was plentiful in these pleasant meadows, and were indifferent to grain. They skipped about with delight in those verdant pastures.

H.M. the Shāhinshāh left off the pleasure of hunting, and having located the camp in that pleasant spot and placed some officers in charge, he went off on horseback towards Māndū, which was the residence of the rebel. On the way he sent Ashraf Khān and I'timād Khān in advance in order that they might convey to 'Abdullah Khan, who was apprehensive on account of his improper actions, the news of the royal favour, and bring him to do homage, and might not permit him to be a vagabond in the fields of disloyalty. With the wings of swiftness he went from Khīrār to Sarangpūr¹ which is the first city in Malwa and is at a distance of 25 Malwa kos, which are equal to more than 40 Delhi kos, and he performed this journey in such a time of mud and water in one stage. At the confines of Sārangpūr, Muḥammad Qāsim Khān of Nīshāpūr, to whom the government of that place was entrusted, had the felicity of going out to meet him. He begged H.M. to alight at his house, and offered as a present on the part of himself and his followers nearly 700 horses and mules. These were distributed to the officers and servants. At dawn he proceeded towards Ujjain, which in former times was the capital of the kings of Malwa. When the climate of Dhār² had become delightful (lit. otto-scattering) by the arrival of the encampment, Ashraf Khān and Itimād Khān came from 'Abdullah Khān and reported the state of his case. It appeared that though these loyal servants had done their office zealously, yet no impression was made on his hypocritical heart. He would not accept any consolation. He sent his family out of the fort, and then waited till evening and followed his men. He made some idle requests and sent them away. For instance he asked that he should receive no detriment in person or purse, and that the province of Māndū should be left to him as before, and that Tingrī Bardī, Khān Qulī, and Insān Bakhshī should be allowed to accompany him. Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān relying upon H.M's clemency and mildness, begged the pardon of his offences. H.M. the Shāhinshāh, out of his abundant graciousness, drew the line of forgiveness over his offences and accepted his petition. He issued an order in accordance with them and again despatched 'Itimād Khān and Darbār Khān to him.

During the time that the shadow of glory rested on the inhabitants of the town of Dhār, a woman who had been oppressed came and complained that Muḥammad Ḥusain, qūrbeg of 'Abdullah Khān, had committed various acts of tyranny against her minor daughter and had plundered her house. H.M. with a fate-expressing voice directed her to be at ease and to wait the exhibition of the lights of justice, for that he would shortly inflict a great punishment on him. It was one of the wonderful instances of H.M's foresight, for this was the first person who was seized and punished. In this city it was brought to H.M.'s notice, that when the news of the expedition reached 'Abdullah Khān he—for a traitor is ever fearful—made certain that he would be destroyed, and that as he saw himself imprisoned and bound by the wrath of the Shāhinshāh, he took to flight, and went off from Mandū to Liwānī. H.M. left Mandū and pursued him. A number of loyal officers such as Mīr Mūazz-al-Mulk, Muqīm Khān, Muḥammad Qāsim Khān of Nīshāpūr, Shāh Fakhru-d-dīn, Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, Dastam Khān, Māṣūm Khān Farankhūdī, Qatlaq Qadam Khān, Kharram Khān, Qulīj Khān, I'timād Khān, Caghatai Khān, and others were sent on in advance in order that by marching rapidly they might head that devious one. H.M. with some of his intimates made a great expedition, and on the day of Dīn 24 Amardād, Divine month, corresponding to Saturday 26 Ẕī-l-ḥajja, he arrived at evening at the village of Liwānī.¹ The ill-fated one had already left it. H.M. remained there that night. Meanwhile 'Itimād Khān and Darbār Khān, who had been commissioned to lead aright the strayed one, were sent off to guide to the highway of auspiciousness the wanderer in the wilderness of ignorance. Next morning H.M. advanced from Liwānī. On the route the envoys returned and reported that as it was the day of his destruction he ('Abdullah) had regarded their admonitory words as a trick and had turned away from the blessing of presenting himself. It happened that the Disposers of success and victory had guided those who have been already mentioned as forming the advance to the village of Bāgh.² There they learnt that the ill-fated one had sent his family on ahead, and had himself halted. It chanced too that on account of the ups and downs of the route, many of the advance-guards had got separated. A few, such as Muḥammad Qāsim Khān of Nīshāpūr, the Khān 'Aālm, Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, Sāmānjī Khān, Khwāja 'Abdullah, Mīrzāda 'Alī Khān, and Saiyid 'Abdullah went forward and boldly engaged, assailing the enemy with a shower of arrows. 'Abdullah Khān, regardless of the secret forces (i.e., the heavenly helpers of Akbar) turned round in his reverted fortunes, and accepted battle. To his companions he said, “The grand army has made a long march and only a few have come up, we are many and full of vigour, let us be brave and attack.” With this evil design he turned his face to battle, and made a hot onset. The fortune-befriended ones gave proof of courage and devotion and had drawn up their forces when swift couriers brought the news to H.M. The royal standards pressed forward. On that day Khāksār Sulṭān, from want of understanding, presumptuously suggested to H.M. that the expedition should be abandoned. The royal wrath boiled over and H.M. put his hand to his sword and in his rage rushed at the man. The fool got off his horse and took refuge among the horses' fore and hind feet. H.M. also dismounted and went up to him and struck at him with his sword. As it was an Indian khānḍa,¹ it did not kill² him, and when the royal clemency saw him fallen on the ground (khāk) of disgrace it spared him. In truth this wrath was such as became the royal disposition, so that everyone might know his place, and speak in accordance therewith. For it is a wise maxim that it does not become every servant to serve in the Presence. Nor is everyone who is a personal servant fitted for the carpet of honour. Nor is everyone who is worthy of that carpet entitled to sit there. Nor is everyone who has the honour of companionship permission to speak. Still less is this so when he who is addressed is the Khedive of the universe. And when permission to speak has been granted, it is not becoming to oppose the royal desires. In fine, the hardihood of opposing the weighty designs of kings, and of going against their opinions, is discommended by wisdom, and disapproved of by the wise. But when those majestic ones have of their own accord conceded to one of the farsighted courtiers of honour's carpet, lofty rank, and have selected him for special service, then if he, under the guise of humility, represent the truth, assuredly he shall have performed his duty.

In fine, H.M. the Shāhinshāh moved the standards of fortune, which are the embroidery of victory, and cast the shadow of prestige over the sincere combatants. He came in person to the field of battle and arrived at a place where the hostile arrows flew over his head. The Divine protection delivered him from the darts of misfortune. On H.M.'s right was Mun'im Khān, and on his left Ī'tīmād Khān. At this time, when the flames of contest were kindled, a secret inspiration made him order the drums of victory to be beaten. He addressed the Khān-Khānān and said, “There is no need for further delay: we must attack the enemy.” Saying this he was about to give the reins to his horse. The Khān-Khānān in a despairing voice, humbly said, “Your Majesty's idea is a good one, but it is not the time to spur on alone. See, there are a number of devoted men: let us all charge together.” H.M. got angry and was about to charge. I'timād Khān in his fidelity seized his rein. H.M. rebuked him and advanced. Just then the enemy became conscious of the royal glory and the kingly onset, which was such as not to be withstood by a mountain. Their feet and their hearts gave way. The Divine halo which accompanied that royal rider, dispersed those ill-fated wretches and overwhelmed them. Some of 'Abdullah Khān's leading men were killed, and many were made prisoners. A victory, such as was a masterpiece of epochs, was won merely by the royal fortune's being set in motion. On that day of victory the number of the imperial servants who were with H.M.'s cavalcade was not more than 300. For instance there were M'unim Khān Khān-Khānān, M. 'Azīz Kokaltāsh, Saif Khān Kokaltāsh, Muqīm Khān, Muḥd. Qāsim Khān of Nīshāpūr, Mīr M'uizz-al-mulk, Mīr 'Alī Akbar, Shāh Fakhru-d-dīn, Ashraf Khān, 'Itimād Khān, the Khān 'Aālm, Āṣaf Khān, Lashkar Khān, Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, Dastam Khān, M'aṣūm Khān Farankhūdī, Qilīj Khān, Raḥmān Qulī Khān Qūshbegī, Kharram Khān, Qutluq Qadam Khān, Khwājah 'Abdullah, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī, 'Aādil son of Shāh Muḥammad of Qandahār, Muṭṭalib Khān, Caghatāi Khān, Rajah Todar Mal, Rai Patr Dās, Khāksār, Wazīr Jamīl, Murād Beg. Though the victorious army was few in numbers and had made such a long march, and the enemy were there with all preparation and were more than a thousand horse, the Divine aid gave it the victory. Where prestige comes in, smallness of numbers does not count, and where the stewards of destiny are present, how can earth-born ones stand up against them!

In short, after that rout, and after the standards of victory had been upreared, H.M. halted there for the night and despatched some devoted officers under the command of Qāsim Khān of Nīshāpūr to pursue the rebel. As it rained heavily during the night, those who were appointed for this service could not advance more than four or five kos. In the morning H.M. himself marched and sent on men to the advanced party with directions that by every possible ṃeans they might come to an engagement. The devoted soldiers pressed forward, and on the morning of the day of Ashtād 26 Amardād corresponding to Monday 28 Zī-al-ḥajja, 7 August 1564, the royal standards reached Ālī¹ in the beginning of the third watch. Ḥakīm 'Ain-al-mulk, who was acquainted with the Rajah of Ālī, went and brought him to do homage. He joined the troops and went on with them. On this day, which was the time of testing ability and courage, Timur Īkka² showed cowardice. H.M. got him a special horse and appointed him to go forward as scout. The worthless fellow's courage failed him, and he made the false excuse of illness. A watch of the night remained when H.M. mounted his horse, and as the air was hot he rested for a time under the trees, and sent Khūsh Khabar Khān to go on quickly and get information about the men, who had been sent in advance. He was there when Khūsh Khabar Khān came and brought the news of their victory.

The particulars of this were that the landholders of that neighbourhood had from loyalty joined the army, and set their hearts upon doing service. The brave men of the victorious army raised the war-cry (sūran¹), and fell upon the camp of 'Abdullah Khān near a defile, from which Cāmpānīr is visible. That infamous one, who had no sense of honour, fell into confusion and left his women in the wilderness, and went off, taking his son with him. The great officers surrounded all his property, especially his women and his elephants, and halted at that stage. Mīr M'uizz-al-mulk and a number of officers followed the wretches for five kos, and by their rapid movement succeeded in coming up with them. They dispersed many of them, and Mīr M'uizz-al-mulk and some others were decorated (lit. made red-faced) by being wounded. The villain escaped from that place of danger, with frustration and loss, and only half-alive. As he had still some breaths remaining, he reached the boundaries of Gujrat. As no world-obeyed order had been issued for making that country the arena of fighting, the victorious troops stopped there. When the good news reached the royal ears, H.M. went forward and arrived at that place, and returned thanks to God. Theloyal officers were exalted by an audience. An abundant booty, consisting of women, elephants, horses, as well as money and other goods, were shown to him. Among them the elephants Āprūp,² Gajgajhan, and Saman were received with special attention, and indeed each of them was creation's masterpiece.

After returning thanks to God, H.M. the Shāhinshāh beat high the drums of retreat towards Māndū. He completed the distance in three marches, and on the day of Mārasfand, 29, Amardād, Divine month, corresponding to Thursday, 2nd Moḥarram 972, 10th August, 1564, alighted at the pleasant quarters of the fort of Māndū. From thence he sent bulletins of victory to the imperial dominions, and especially to Agra where Khwāja Jahān and Moẓaffar Khān were managing the State-affairs; he remained nearly a month in that auspicious city, and made regulations for the management of the country. He also promoted the officers in accordance with their services and abilities. Among them was Mūqīm³ Khān, who had distinguished himself during this campaign, and who was glorified by a khilat and the title of Shujā'at Khān. As the noise of the setting up of the standards of victory had been diffused over Mālwa, and the sound of the drums of fortune had penetrated to the ears of everyone, all the leaders and chiefs of that country came and did homage, and the landholders put the diadem of fortune on their heads by kissing the ground. During that glorious residence, it was reported to H.M., that 'Abdullah Khān had gone to Cingīz Khān, who was then powerful in Gujrat. H.M. ordered that one of his able officers should be sent to Cingīz Khān to request him to send the wretch bound to the Presence, or to expel him from the country. Accordingly Ḥakīm 'Aīn-ul-mulk was sent with the rescript. Cingīz went nearly to Campanir to receive the rescript, and displayed great adulation, and sent several of his confidential servants to Court with suitable presents and a humble petition. Its purport was that he was the king's slave and must obey orders. Inasmuch as H.M. was a forgiver of faults, and a distributor of favours, it would be in accordance with the cherishing of his slaves if he would, on this occasion, forgive his ('Abdullah's) offence and let him (Cingīz) send him to court. If this request did not obtain acceptance, he would of course thereafter expel the inauspicious one. Ḥakīm-'Ain-ul-mulk arrived at Agra with Cingīz Khān's presents one day after the standards of fortune had reached there.

Among the occurrences was that Khān Qulī, who was one of the brave servants of 'Abdullah Khān, and had been left by him in charge of Handīa, made a petition to the effect that he was still there in the whirlpool of mingled hope and fear. If he should be favoured by the news of personal safety, he would become one of the slaves of the court. Accordingly a comforting order was issued to him, and he received that as an amulet and came to court with a number of his followers. There he obtained auspiciousness.

Another occurrence was that Muqarrib Khān, who was one of the officers of the Deccan, came by way of Berār and did homage. He was received with kindness and obtained Sarkār Handīa as his jāgīr.

Another occurrence was, that Mīrān Mubārik Shāh, the ruler of Khāndīs, whose ancestors had held that territory for many generations, sent ambassadors and splendid presents to court. He represented through H.M.'s intimates that his great wish was that his daughter might be included among the ladies of H.M.'s seraglio. As H.M. the Shāhinshāh is a granter of desires, Mīrān's request was acceded to, and a favourable order was issued. 'Itimād Khān, the eunuch, who was one of the confidential servants of the court, was sent with Mīrān's ambassadors upon this service, together with noble gifts. When 'Itimād Khān came near the fort of Āsīr, which was Mīrān's residence, Mīrān hastened to welcome the glorious rescript, and brought 'Itimād Khān with honour inside the fort. Knowing that H.M.'s favour was the document of his own eternal bliss, he despatched his chaste daughter in proper form. A number of nobles accompanied her. 'Itimād Khān arrived, when H.M. had departed one stage beyond Māndū, and conveyed the daughter to the harem. He recounted the respectful behaviour of Mīrān, whose good qualities and sincere devotion were approved of at court.

One of the occurrences was that as H.M. the Shāhinshāh is innately disposed to forgive offences, and to cherish the poor, Ḥasan Khān Khazāncī, Pāyinda Muḥammad Panc Bhīya, and Khudā Bardī Yatīm were sent with a rescript of favour to the confines of Dūngarpūr to soothe Bāz Bahādūr, the former governor of Mālwa, who was wandering about in exile in those parts, and to bring him to Court. As the envoys brought the news of the royal favour, Bāz Bahādūr recognised his good fortune in this and showed a desire to return to service, and prepared to set out. At this time, a foolish eunuch of his came from Agra, and by making improper observations, as is the way of wretched praters, withheld him from the highway of fortune. As the black pall of wretchedness had not yet been removed from his fortune, Bāz Bahādur involuntarily made some idle excuses and remained excluded from the bliss of doing homage. He put off the period of this great success to another time. He sent back the envoys with petitions full of his shame and offences.

In fine, Māndū remained the residence of H.M. for nearly a month, and when he had made administrative regulations, he in a happy hour, viz., in the middle of Shahriyūr, Divine month, corresponding to the end of Moḥarram, turned his reins towards Agra. While he was encamped at Nālca, he appointed Qarā Bahādūr Khān and other officers to the government of Māndū, and issued an order that the retribution for everyone, who in this expedition had withheld himself from accompanying the royal cavalcade, and had chosen the dust of delinquency as a stain on the face of his service was, that he should remain in Mandū with Qarā Bahādūr Khān and be excluded for a while from the Presence. He remained the following day to arrange affairs, and on the third day, he started in the height of the rainy season for Agra. The march was made through floods, and on the way H.M. frequently rode on mast¹ elephants. One day he mounted on the elephant Khāndī Rai, which had no equal for ferocity and obstinacy, and proceeded towards the next station. That sky-high elephant was such that powerful drivers could not keep their seat on him in the time of his violence. By a sublime device of H.M., one goad had its point buried in the elephant's head while the handle was securely fastened on the beast's back, while he held another in his hand and struck the elephant's head with it whenever he was obstreperous. By means of these two instruments he restrained him from outbreaks of ferocity and made him obedient. In this majestic manner he arrived at the end of the stage. His attendants who beheld his wondrous power, were amazed and regarded the performance as the effect of Divine aid, and opened their lips in prayer for his long life and dominion. After encountering storms and traversing mountains which poured down floods, the army reached Ujain, and then making four marches from there arrived at Sārangpūr. He stayed one week there in ejoyment, and then went on to Khīrār. For two stages he travelled through that wonderful country of hill and forest. For two days this lion of the forest of sport hunted elephants and brought several females within the noose of desire. From there he went on march after march till he came to Sīprī. At that stage the news was given by the scouts that there was an extensive forest in the vicinity, and that there was a herd of elephants in it. H.M., the Shāhinshāh, from his delight in hunting went thither as soon as the Prince of the East and West (the sun) had wrapped himself in the brightness of the dawn. When he came near the forest, seventy elephants came in view. Among them there was one magnificent animal. Bold men made the whole forest an enclosed park and proceeded, according to signal, to drive the herd towards the camp. They had driven it some distance when a female elephant came out of the herd and rushed at the horsemen. She came to Shāh Fakhru-d-dīn,¹ and threw him from his horse. Then she went for the horse, leaving the Mīr fallen. Meanwhile the gallant men displayed alacrity. The Mīr, in his confusion, lost his head and put his finger on his mouth as a sign to them to be silent. This action of the Mīr's was, for a long time, a source of amusement (to Akbar). That day the herd went off. All H.M's efforts were directed to the capture of the elephant above mentioned, and at last they brought it within the noose. At the same moment H.M. mounted upon him, without regard to his power or to his having been newly caught. Abu-l-fazl, the narrator of this masterpiece of Divine power, has heard from the pearl-dropping tongue that this was not a wild elephant, but one that had escaped from the rulers of the country. H.M. gave it the name of Kherī Sang. Next day he halted in the same place and went after the herd. Suddenly five female elephants appeared, and he set off to hunt them. By H.M.'s exertions three females were caught. While the camp was stationed at Sīprī, an order was issued that the scouts should exert themselves to produce the herd of elephants.

It was the end of the day when one of the savage denizens of those wilds, who are in their language called Bhīls, came to the camp and gave an indication of where the herd was. This man was a servant of Rājāh Jagman of Dhandhera. As the world-traversing cavalcade had not happened to pass through his territory, he had driven it away from there, and he had also arranged that, if by chance the camp should be in the neighbourhood, information should be given that Jagman had out of loyalty left huntsmen for the purpose of the sport. When the joyful news arrived, H.M. the Shāhīnshāh at once mounted and went off to that place. Nearly seventy elephants were seen in motion. Among them one mast elephant was remarkable for the beauty of his movements. Brave men proceeded to drive the animals from all sides. That elephant in his pride and mast condition paid no attention to them. The female elephants got separated from the herd and went to attack the beaters. Just then a female elephant ran and threw Muḥammad Ṭālib, the elder brother of S'aīd Badakhshī from his horse. Then it proceeded to trample him. The spectators felt certain that his bones would be reduced to powder. Meanwhile, the elephant saw that the horsemen were approaching, and taking the man in her mouth and trunk ran off. When the horsemen got nearer to her she flung him off and ran away still faster. As soon as he was flung down he got up and ran, to the astonishment of those who saw it. But when we consider the marvels of Divine power, there is no room for astonishment. In short, H.M.'s sublime genius engaged itself in capturing the aforesaid elephant. He gave an order that a war elephant should be brought from among the special elephants and made to fight with him. The elephant Bhirūn, which was equal to that elephant, was brought and set to fight with the other. A great contest ensued. After Bhīrūn had made great exertions he turned tail, and they had great difficulty in keeping the wild elephant off him. At this time an excellent idea occurred to the inspired mind whereby the hunting of elephants might be easily accomplished. This¹ was, that whenever the herd of elephants showed themselves, active horsemen should surround them at a distance, so that the elephants should not see them. By beating of drums they gave (the elephants) to understand that there were a number of people behind them (the elephants?). Two elephants were associated together and were ridden in such a way that the riders should not be seen. They were taken to a place that had been selected and there bound. Meanwhile the wild elephants were driven very slowly forward till at length on account of the imitativeness which is part of beasts' nature, the herd went towards the two elephants. They came there of themselves and were then tied up. It was a source of great joy when this excellent plan, which, till now, had never entered the head of any prince, was imagined by the holy mind. An order was issued that the troops should advance on all sides, and that having taken the wild elephant already mentioned along with the rest of the herd, they should proceed towards the camp. The officers obeyed the order and tucked up the skirt of service. When they arrived at the fort of Sīprī they drove the herd inside. When the whole herd together with the great elephant had entered the fort, the latter again showed violence. H.M., in order to chastise him, had the elephant Khāndī Rai, which was a match for him, brought up and put face to face with the wild elephant. These two moving mountains had a great fight, and contended together for one watch of the day. Khāndī Rai nearly broke the pride of the wild elephant, but on a sign from H.M. to the attendants, Khāndī Rai was withdrawn. The wild elephant, by mighty blows, broke the stone wall of the fort and went off into the wilds. H.M. sent Yūsuf Khān, the elder brother of M. 'Azīz Koka with a number of men to capture the elephant, which was now wearied. Meanwhile, he personally attended to the fastening-up of the herd. Strong elephant-drivers brought in the wild elephants on every side. An order was given that the elephant Ran¹ Bhīrūn, who was a powerful animal, and distinguished among the special elephants, should be brought and made to head the elephant aforesaid. Again these two mountain-forms contended together. As the wild elephant had fought a great deal, he was nearly being overcome. The drivers brought him to the foot of a large tree, and bound him with strong ropes. Slowly he grew tame, and was gradually included among the special elephants. He received the name of Gajpatī. When H.M. had sufficiently gratified himself with hunting, he went on all the faster towards the capital. The route taken was by Narwar and Gwālīār. And when the grandees of Agra heard the sound of the approach of the army, which is the voice of the organ of joy, they all came to welcome it, and did homage. They attained temporal and spiritual felicity by the favouring glances of H.M. the Shāhinshāh. H.M. arrived at the capital on the day of Zamīyād 28 Mihr, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday, 3 Rabi-al-awwal, 9th October, 1564.

One of the occurrences, which occurred during this happy time, was the birth of twins. Two priceless jewels appeared from one matrix, two world-lighting stars emerged by one ascension, two (pairs of) glorious eyes received brightness, two (sets of) earrings were exalted, two precious necklaces shone, two powerful arms came into being, two wrists of success appeared, two beauteous eyebrows came into being, two ears of joy were opened. That is, two twin-princes were born. The worlds expanded with joy, and the parterres of flowers smiled. The carpet of joy was spread from shore to shore and happiness was proclaimed to mankind. The sound of the drum of rejoicing was heard throughout the nine heavens, and the strains of the organ of felicity resounded over the six sides of the world.

There was such a round of bumpers
That patience deserted patience, and sense left sense.

H.M. took the blooming of these two rose-bushes as an omen of the auspiciousness of two worlds. He returned thanks to God, and named one of the twins Mīrzā Ḥasan, the other Mirza Ḥusain. Qāsim Arslān made this chronogram about the birth of those two royal pearls.

The unique king had two sons as successors
Two jewels came into the hands from the casket of success.
Time searching for the date wrote thus:
Two¹ moons appeared from the zenith.

These two unique pearls of the ocean of holiness, returned to the ample domain of the other world after one month. They flung down the coin of their lives for their father. H.M. felt grieved at the departure of those two early fruits, but trod the pleasant path of acquiescence and resignation, for to the farseeing there is no remedy save submission and resignation against the inevitable Divine decrees.

Among the occurrences were the laying the foundations of Nagarcain,² and the playing of polo. The Architect of the workshop of wonders and the Geometrician of marvels hath willed that the holy personality of H.M. the Shāhīnshāh shall be such an aggregate of perfections that he display celestial glories in everything; and that in every place he shall devise thoughts of beauty and be the adorner of kingdoms. Accordingly H.M. turned his attentions towards the improving and beautifying of the noble village of Kakrālī. That land of flowers was distinguished among pleasant places for its climate, etc., and was one league (farsang) distant from Agra, and H.M. frequently halted there when he left the city for recreation or hunting. There he enjoyed the sport of hunting, and soothed his mind by the capture of beasts and birds (i.e., hawking) in those meadows. When he returned from Mandū to the capital, he decreed that pleasant dwellings and life-cherishing gardens should be made there. Accordingly engineers laid the foundations of delightful houses in an auspicious hour and in the time of a fixed constellation which is suitable for the foundation of delight. In a short time clever builders finished the work. Similarly the officers and other servants created dwellings and laid out gardens suitable to their conditions. It soon became so civilized that it was like the cheek-mole of cities. H.M. gave to that holy spot and first-fruits of mystery the name of Nagarcaīn, viz., the city of repose. He often played polo there, and enjoyed hunting there.

In this year, the ambassador of Shāh Ṭahmāsp, the ruler of Persia, arrived and brought the rarities of that country as a present. Sulṭan Maḥmūd of Bakar begged that he might attain the office of Khānlār-khānī, i.e., of Khān-Khānān; but as there were officers greater than he, who, from knowing their position and from perceiving the nature of their predecessors, had not asked for this appointment, he did not succeed in his request. He sent much gold as a present to the Shāh, who is now defunct, with the idea that perhaps by his recommendation he might obtain this good fortune. The Shāh had accepted his request and had referred to the matter in his letter. But as the Khedive of the world was seated on the masnad of appreciation of merit and of justice, the currency required was merit, not recommendation. Especially when one like Mun'im Khān held this high office. Accordingly the request of the Shāh was declined, and the ambassador was dismissed according to the rules of princes.

It has already been narrated how M. Sulaimān disposed of the wicked and ill-fated Abūl-m'aalī, and how he left Badakhshīs in Kabul. He did not appreciate the rights of the sublime family, and did the work of an enemy under the garb of a friend. He was continually trying to get possession of Kabul, and to keep M. Ḥakīm in one of the districts of Badakhshān. Though the loyal Kabulis understood in some measure M. Sulaimān's designs yet, as the proceeding was a strange one, they did not feel quite certain about the matter. At last he was not contented with the number of men he had already sent and took to sending more. One time, he sent 'Abdu-r-raḥman Beg, the son of Mīr Tolak Qadīmī with a force, and on another occasion he sent Tangri Bardī Qūshbegī with troops. The suspicions of the Kabulis were confirmed, and they took measures to remedy affairs. Those who took the chief part in this were Khwāja Ḥasan Naqshbandī, Bāqī Qāqshāl, Siyūndak, 'Alī Muḥammad Asp, Banda 'Alī Maidānī with other Maidānīans and Khwāja Khiẓrīyāns, Yār Muḥammad Ākhūnd, Fīrūz and Khalīfa 'Abdullah. They sent information of the facts to M. Ḥakīm, who had arrived at years of discretion, and he, who had been put into straits by the parsimony and bad behaviour of the Badakhshīs, approved of their solicitude, and set about expelling the Badakhshis. He took away the territory of Ghaznīn from Qarā Yatīm and the son of Ḥusain Kabulī, to whom it had been given by M. Sulaimān, and bestowed it on Qāsim Beg Parwancī. Bangash he took from Murād Khwāja and gave it to his own followers. Jalālābād and its territory up to the Indus, which M. Sulaimān had given to Qāẓī Khān, S'aīd K. Mubāriz K. and Bahāū-d-dīn K. he made his own exchequer-lands. By degrees he loosed the noose of oppression which the Badakhshīs had cast over Kabul, and expelled all of them from the country. The Badakhshīs were put down and went off to M. Sulaimān. Ghāzī K. met in the passes of the Hindū Koh M. Sulaiman, who was marching to Kabul to set matters right, and he told him all that had occurred. Thereupon he hastened towards Kabul. When M. Ḥakīm received the news of his approach, he made over the citadel to Bāqī Qāqshāl and a number of other trusty men and went off himself with a body of loyal followers towards Jalālābād and Peshawar. When M. Sulaimān came to the river Bārān, he halted there for some days in order to rest his men. As he knew that the Mīrzā was going towards Jalālābād, he put off the capture of Kabul to another season, and moved on to Jalālābād from Deh-Minār with the intention of making M. Ḥakīm a prisoner. When the latter arrived at Daka¹ an erroneous report was received that M. Sulaiman was not following him, and so M. Ḥakīm turned round and proceeded to Koh-i-Barān.²

The daughter of M. Sulaiman, who from want of sense had remained in Jalālābad, now repented and joined M. Ḥakīm (her husband) in the borders of Basāwal,³ and apologised for her offence. At this same stage it became certain that M. Sulaimān was marching in that direction, and that the former report was wrong. The Mirza proceeded with all haste to Gharībkhāna,⁴ and from there to 'Alī Masjid, and from there to Peshawar, where he halted near Qabīla-i-Ḥabīb.⁵ On the same day M. Sulaimān's envoy arrived there with the idea that he might succeed in laying a snare for him. The Mīrzā after a brief interview(?) (sir-i-su wāri) dismissed him, and sent Khwāja Ḥasan to M. Sulaimān, while he himself proceeded towards the Indus. Just then Khāki Gallabān (shepherd), who had remained behind to get correct information, came and reported that M. Sulaimān had arrived at Jalālābad, and that he had left Ḥaram Begam there with a body of troops and was coming on. M. Ḥakīm quickly crossed the Indus, and sent Ghālib Beg and Ṭūfān Aujī with a humble petition to the Shāhinshāh's world-protecting court. He described his wretched circumstances, and begged for assistance.

He himself halted on the bank of the Sind Sāgar.¹ As at that time the government of the province of the Panjab was in the hands of Mīr Muḥammad Khān, the elder brother of the Ataga K., the Mīrzā sent his Diwān Khwāja Beg Maḥmūd, and Maqṣūd Jauharī to him and begged for help. Mīr Muḥammad K. sent Qāẓī 'Imād with presents and an encouraging message. The Panjab officers also sent presents suitable to their rank. When M. Sulaimān heard that M. Muḥammad Hakīm had crossed the Indus, he became hopeless and returned from Peshawar. He proceeded towards Jalālābād by the Karappah² route, and on the way had fights with the Shinwāri Afghans. Many of the Badakhshīs were killed, and some goods belonging to the camp-market were plundered. Hārūn Shinwāri, who was the head of the tribe, was killed here. M. Sulaimān left Qambai and a body of troops in Jalālābād, and proceeded to Kabul which he set himself to besiege. The garrison were on the alert and took measures to strengthen the fort. At the time when Nagarcain was by the advent of H.M. the Shāhinshāh made the cynosure of the seven climes, M. Ḥakīm's ambassadors arrived and were through the instrumentality of the courtiers exalted by doing homage. They conveyed the petition of the Mīrzā to the royal hearing. This was favourably received, and as the cause of the Mīrzā's trouble was his not having a prudent and well-wishing guardian, H.M. the Shāhinshāh in his abundant wisdom took thought about a guardian and chose for this high post Quṭbu-d dīn Khān, who was distinguished for his prudence, ability and trustworthiness. An order was also issued that the cream of the Panjab troops should, under the generalship of Mir Muḥammad Khān, join the Mīrzā and convey him to Kabul and seat him firmly on the masnad there. After doing so, Quṭbu-d-dīn K. was to remain in Kabul while the officers should return to their fiefs. An order was issued to Mir Muḥammad K., and to the great officers such as Muḥammad K. and Qulī K. Birlās, the Governor of Multan, Quṭbu-d-din K., Mahdī Qāsim K., Ḥasan Ṣūfī Sulṭān, Jān Muḥammad Bahsūdī, Kamāl K. Gakhar, Fāẓil Muḥammad, Qulī K., and to the headmen of the country that they should march quickly and join the Mīrzā on the bank of the Indus, and proceed with him against M. Sulaimān and put a stop to his molestation of Kabul. H.M. also sent a large sum of money from the royal treasury, together with comforts and luxuries along with the ambassadors.

When the orders reached the officers, they bound the girdles of obedience on the waists of loyalty and went off with the army to serve the Mīrzā. Quṭbu-d-dīn, Kamāl K., Fāẓil Muḥammad Qulī K., and a body of troops joined the Mīrzā before the others. By the reception of the royal favours and by the royal graciousness, the Mirza's position acquired fresh glory. They crossed at the ferry of Atak-Benares¹ and proceeded towards Kabul. Mir Muḥammad K. and the other officers joined the Mīrzā with proper equipments near Peshawar. Each officer offered presents suitable to his rank. By the lights of the royal favour which shone upon the cheek of the Mīrza's circumstances, his officers assumed a splendour such as he had never imagined or dreamed of, and he marched on to Kabul with high hopes and right intentions. They did not draw rein till they reached Jalālābād.

As M. Sulaimān had made over Jalālābād to one of his men named Qambar, Mir Muḥammad K. began by sending Sāqī Tarnābī and 'Aārif Beg to advise him. He from ill-fatedness withdrew his neck from the collar of obedience. As that moribund was in his ignorance not merciful to his own life, the army set about capturing the fort. The fortress-taking heroes girded up their loins for the capture, and by the strength of their arms easily untied the difficult knot. They mounted with the foot of courage the steps of fortress-capture, and set up lofty scaling-ladders. They planted them against the wall of the fort, and essayed to enter. Though the Badakhshīs opposed them to the utmost of their power, and neglected no point of defence, and assailed the attacking party with arrows and bullets, etc., and threw the dust and ashes of opposition on the heads of the climbers to victory's summit, yet no dust remained on the mirror-hearts of these gallant men. And if occasionally some climber were wounded and thrown down, they had not¹ so little a desire to capture the fort as that they should become apprehensive on seeing him, and should refrain from going on. On the contrary their courage increased, and they put their feet on his head and ran upwards. By the good fortune of the Shāhinshāh they took the fort in the space of an astronomical hour and put to the sword Qambar Ali and his 300 comrades. They let go two of them in order that they might impress upon M. Sulaimān what they had seen of the fate of Qambar and all his comrades.

The head of Qambar was sent as a present to the battlements of Kabul, and encouraging letters were sent to Bāqī Qāqshāl and the men of Kabul to inform them of the arrival of the army of fortune. When the news of the favour and of the helping-hand of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and of the capture of Jalālābād reached Kabul, the sound of joy rose high, and the head of Qambar was made an ornament to the battlements. Though M. Sulaimān was disconcerted by the capture of Jalālābād and the noise of the approaching army, yet he comforted his panic-stricken men by declaring the news to be false. He said it was a clamour of the Kabulis, till at last the two Badakhshīs came and confirmed the tidings of the victory. Thereon, the thread of patience fell from the hands of M. Sulaimān and Ḥaram Begam, and the cord of coherence became unloosed. Disheartened, and in evil case, they debated as to whether they should fight the victorious army or return to Badakhshān. After argument they decided upon flight.

Next day M. Sulaimān retired from the siege of Kabul and turned back his horses (lit. shod them backwards). He went in the direction of Jalālābād and arrived at Khwāja Riwāj. He gave out that he was going to fight the Mīrzā. At nightfall he became perturbed and went towards Badakhshān. As he was crossing the river Parwān a great flood came down, and carried away much of the Badakhshīs' baggage. With a thousand difficulties, and with precautions that no one should see him, he reached Badakhshān. The victorious army had arrived at Jagdalak when the news came to Kabul of the flight of M. Sulaimān. M. Ḥakīm and the officers came to Kabul. The inhabitants being released from the troubles of defending the fort raised shouts of joy to heaven. The whole population rejoiced, and offered up prayers for the long establishment of those royal standards which cast the shade of justice far and near. After some days Quṭbu-d-dīn K. went to visit Ghaznīn, which was the home of his family, and took Kamāl K. with him. He spent days in pleasure in that place where he had been born and brought up. He showed kindness to all his clan, and to all his friends, near or remote. He returned after laying the foundations of stations, gardens and buildings, which are marks of auspiciousness, and produce pleasant memories. After arranging the affairs of Kabul, the Khān Kilān foolishly resolved to take upon himself the office of the Mīrzā's vakil and stayed in Kabul. He bade adieu to the officers, and they returned to India. Sakīna Bānū Begam, the younger sister of M. Ḥakīm, went to India in order to thank the Shāhinshāh for his kindness and from a wish to enter¹ the holy service. She proceeded under the guidance of Quṭbu-d-dīn Muḥammad K., and obtained fortune by kissing the threshold.

As there was no inborn goodness in M. Muhammad Ḥakīm's disposition, nor any development of sound reason, and no honest and loyal servants, disturbances arose at this time when by the Shāhinshāh's influence the affairs of Kabul had been arranged, and the Khān Kilān was established as administrator. The sedition-mongers of Kabul stirred up strife and Muḥammad Ḥakīm Mīrzā on account of his youth was always giving ear to falsehoods. And Mīr Muḥammad K., who was noted for his impetuosity and roughness, did not adopt conciliatory ways and was put out by petty matters. He conducted things with severity, and so things did not proceed harmoniously between him and the Mīrzā and the Kabulis. Though the Mīrzā used expressions of obedience, yet he transacted many important matters without consulting the Khān Kilān. One of them was that Khwāja Ḥasan Naqsh bandī was passing his days in Kabul, and that the Mirza without consulting H.M. the Shāhinshāh, or reference to the Khān Kilān, gave his sister, whom his mother had formerly married to Shāh Abu-l-m'aāli, in marriage to the Khwāja. When the latter had the glory of such an alliance, he took to managing the affairs of the Mirza's household, and used to do things which he ought not to have done. Also many men of the Mirza's household used to say things which were not agreeable to the Khān Kilān's disposition. Mir Muḥammad Khān, in spite of the hastiness of his character, could read men, and was acute and far-seeing. He could see in the diary¹ of to-day the catalogue of the events of the morrow, and in his ill-fatedness he thought it proper to consult his own repose though he should act contrary to the Shāhinshāh's order. He perceived that evil days were coming upon him, and as he saw that the outcome would not be good he proceeded to look ahead. In a night² of nights he, without anyone's knowledge, marched from Kabul, and took the highroad to India.

He also sent a report to the sublime court, detailing the intrigues of the Mīrzā's palace, and the commissions and omissions which were taking place in Kabul. If the Khān Kilān for his own satisfaction took such a bootless course, he should have from his knowledge of the world, etc., sent Khwāja Ḥasan, Yār Muḥammad Ākhūnd, Fīrūz and some others along with the officers to India, so that the Mīrzā's affairs should not go the length of becoming sedition and also he should not have returned in such fashion. But when there is a Divine design for some act, the wise and farsighted are previously made foolish, and then the hidden purposes are revealed. And, in fact, in such matters there is nothing left for the acute and intelligent, but to be spectators and to become acquainted with the Divine decrees.

One of the occurrences was the sending of Qulīj K. to Rohtās in order to conciliate Fatḥ K. The short account of this is that there is in Bihar a fortress named Rohtās which is one of the greatest in India, and which is a marvellous work of the Creator. It stands on a very high hill and is guarded from the thought of disturbance. Its length and breadth are more than five kos. The ascent from the plains to the terrace of the fort may be more³ than a kos. A wonderful thing is that though the fort is situated so high, good water is found whenever the soil is dug to the depth of two yards. From the time it was built, no ruler had ever got possession of it, except Sher Khān, and he took it by fraud by introducing troops dressed as women, as has already been briefly related.

After that it fell into the hands of Fatḥ Khān Patni,¹ who was one of the great sirdars of Sher Khān and Selīm Khān. Supported by this fortress he used to contend hotly with Sulaimān who had acquired the government of Bengal. From far-sightedness he was always making representations to the well-wishers of the empire. At this time, when the notes of the disloyalty of 'Alī Qulī K. Zamān were visible far and near, H.M. sent Qulīj Khān to Fatḥ Khān, who was always sending representations of his submissiveness, to ascertain his disposition and to confirm him in the path of service and obedience. He was to arrange that when the standards of fortune reached the borders of Jaunpur, he (Fatḥ Khān²) should attain the reward of performing service and should bring the coin of his fidelity to be tested by H.M., and should prove to all and sundry the genuineness (saragī) of its quality. Qulīj Khān reached Rohtās with all possible speed, and confirmed him in the straight path of service. And he brought his younger brother Ḥasan K. Patnī into service in order that he might obtain princely favours by being admitted to the Presence. At the time when the glorious cavalcade returned from elephant-hunting in Karhara and Narwār, of which an account will shortly be given, to the capital, they were exalted by kissing the ground. Ḥasan Khān was encompassed by the Shāhinshāh's favours.

In the beginning of this year the cupola of chastity, Ḥājī Begam, who was one of the pure wives of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Ashiyānī³ and the daughter of his mother's maternal uncle, and mother of Alāmān Mīrzā, was permitted to go on a pilgrimage to the holy places. H.M. arranged this pilgrimage to the holy places in an excellent manner and provided all things necessary, and bade her goodbye. Though his holy heart did not wish to be separated from her, yet he preferred her wish and granted her request. A large number of persons obtained the same favour by this opportunity.

The Khedive of the world always employed himself in various kinds of hunting and other diversions so that a spectator might suppose that nothing but these amusements touched the hem of his heart. H.M. always conducts himself outwardly with reference to the creature, and inwardly with reference to God, and so superintends the order of things external and internal. He always adorns externals as if he were one of the external and superficial, and internals, like the wise esoterics of the true qibla. At this time he devised elephant-hunting as his veil, and in Isfandarmaẕ, Divine month, corresponding to Rajab,¹ he proceeded to Narwar and Karhara.² The attraction of pleasure took him to Dholpūr. As its climate was equable he crossed the Cambal on an elephant, and passed by way of Gwālīār. When he reached the borders of Narwar the huntsmen brought the good news that several herds of elephants were roaming in the forest of Narwar. An order was issued that the camp should halt in that pleasant spot while H.M. entered that forest with a few attendants. He wandered for two days in that endless forest and then came upon a herd of elephants. He made an enclosure according to the old method, and after catching the wild elephants in it returned to the camp. One of the successes of the hunt was that one day while he was engaged in the chase in the wilds of Narwar his eye fell upon a serpent which was nearly seven Akbarshāhī³ yards in length and which had consumed several cītal¹ (spotted deer-) which are a kind of deer, and was about to destroy more. H.M. ordered the noxious animal to be destroyed so that it received retribution for its actions. He stayed there for two days disposing of the world's affairs, and sent Lashkar Khān Mīr Bakhshī to Asaf Khān in Garha in order that he should send to court such of the war-elephants and other goods, which had fallen into his hands during the campaign with the Rānī by virtue of the royal good fortune as were fit for presentation. An order was issued that Khwāja Ghīāṯṯu-d-dīn² 'Alī of Qazwīn should act for Lashkar Khān during his absence. H.M. devoted himself to hunting, and adorned the hunting-quarters with his presence.

In this season of expansion and on this auspicious soil, when the airs of joy were circulating in the brain of fortune, a vernal happiness possessed the soul of the Age. The advent of the world-enkindling new year diffused abundance over the terrene and terrestrials. The hundred-petalled rose bloomed forth.

The rose sought to unfold her petal-wings
That she might fly in company with the nightingale.
The early buds half-opened on the ends of their stalks
To bear away the hearts of the claw-sporting birds;
The spectacle of flower and leaf reveals
That at each step the road of love rises and falls.
May I imitate the nature of this garden's buds
With a hundred tongues in their lips they are silent
'Tis for the Shāhinshāh's advent they've spread
Carpets of roses and brocades of jasmine.

After nine hours and twenty-one minutes had passed of the night of Sunday, 8th Shābān 972, of the lunar year, 11 March 1565, the sun entered his mansion of exaltation, and the tenth year of the reign began, viz., the year Dai of the first cycle, and another spring was added to the equable spring of the Shāhinshāh's character. H.M. was in the same delightful meadow which the artists of springtide had decorated, when on the next day the desert-traversing huntsmen announced that in a certain quarter there was a forest full of elephants. H.M. the Shāhinshāh was delighted at this news and hastened off to the chase. He captured the elephants and sent them to the camp. He spent the night in the forest, and next day came to the camp. On the way the huntsmen announced that at the distance of eight kos from the halting-place there were more than 250 elephants wandering at their free will in a forest. H.M. was delighted and at once went off to the spot. At the end of the day he arrived at the grazing-ground of those mighty forms. In accordance with his orders the servants surrounded the elephants and drove them towards Bayānwān.¹ Half the night had passed when they had driven them into the fort. By H.M.'s orders a pond was dug by the camp attendants, large enough to charge with moisture those cloud-like animals, and it was filled up with pure water so that these heated river-quaffers enjoyed the springs of that bounty which guarantees the satisfaction of all from the elephant to the gnat.

After those wild creatures had been caught and fastened with ropes, some were sent to Narwar, some to Gwalīyār, and the most of them to the camp. In connection with this affair H.M. spent two days in the neighbourhood of the fort of Bayānwān. Certainly, on the occasion of this delightful occurrence—the like of which was not to be witnessed anywhere else in the pleasant lands of India—the spectators enjoyed a wondrous spectacle and had cause for admiration. What sublime contrivance! What lofty conceptions! How the Lord of the Age brought into captivity such a number of savage, mountain-like heaven-ascending animals! From thence he turned towards the camp which was in the vicinity of Karhara, and stayed there about twenty days. As it was the time of the mingling of two seasons, and the air was becoming heated, and as the climate of that warm, elephant-haunted country was not conformable to the human constitution, many of the camp-party fell ill. H.M. had compassion on humanity and bade the beating of the drums of return. He left some of the followers to capture the remaining elephants, and went on stage by stage, and hunting by the way to Gwalīyār. There H.M.'s constitution became somewhat affected by the climate and long marches. In a short time, however, he was restored to health, and sickness was changed into soundness.

Five or six days after his recovery he proceeded towards Agra, and in a fortunate hour, which was a chosen one of stars and horizons, he cast his light and his shadow on that fortunate city.

Among the principal events of the year was the founding of the fort of Agra. It is not concealed from the minds of the mathematical and the acquainted with the mechanism of the spheres that since the world-adorning creator hath decked Time and the Terrene with the existence of the Shāhinshāh in order that the series of creations might be perfected, that wise-hearted one has exercised himself in bringing each individual life from the secrecy of potentiality to the theatre of performance. At one time he has prepared the constituents of rule by perfecting the earth for animated nature by improving agriculture by irrigation and the sowing of seeds. At another time he stablishes spiritual and temporal dominion by building fortresses for the protection of products and the guarding of honour and prestige. Accordingly, he at this time gave directions for the building in Agra— which by position is the centre of Hindustan—of a grand fortress such as might be worthy thereof, and correspond to the dignity of his dominions. An order was then issued that the old fort which was built on the east bank of the Jamna, and whose pillars had been shaken by the revolutions of time and the shocks of fortune, should be removed, and that an impregnable fort should be built of hewn stone. It was to be stable like the foundation of the dominion of the sublime family and permanent like the pillars of its fortunes. Accordingly, lofty-minded mathematicians and able architects laid the foundations of this great building in an hour which was supreme for establishing a fortress. The excavations were made through seven strata of earth. The breadth of the wall was three bādshāhī¹ yards and its height sixty yards. It was provided with four gates whereby the doors of the dominion were opened towards the four quarters of the world. Every day 3 to 4,000 active builders and strong-armed labourers carried on the work. From the foundations to the battlements, the fortress was composed of hewn stone, each of which was polished like the world-revealing mirror, and was ruddy as the cheek of fortune. And they were so joined together that the end of a hair could not find place between them. This sublime fortress, the like of which had never been seen by a fabulous geometrician, was completed with its battlements, breastwork, and its loop-holes (sang-andāz) in the space of eight years under the faithful superintendence of Qāsim Khān Mīr Barr u Baḥr.

In this year H.M. determined that a person should be appointed to the lofty office of Ṣadr, who should be distinguished for wisdom and probity, etc., in order that ascetics and devout persons might approach the sublime threshold and receive pensions and support in accordance with their condition. In this way they would be comforted and be able to give themselves up to their devotions without anxiety. Though this tribe of men is to be found in every country, and there is no clime without them, yet they are most numerous in the districts of India. It was indispensable that there should be at the head of such an affair someone who should be firstly single¹-eyed, so that this high office should not be a scene of grasping and contention, and that he should not covet the goods of the poor, for to cast eyes of desire on everyone's property is to make oneself a public and private plunderer. It would be most wretched if he should in this way seek to satisfy the maw of his desires! Secondly, he must be capable and a discerner of mankind so that he be not unduly swayed by the recommendations of oppressors, the blandishments of flatterers, and his own ignorance. He must be able to appraise every man according to his merit, and so further their work. Thirdly, he must not have a patrician nature (mīrzā ṭabī'yat) and so spend his time in sloth and pleasure, and delay the business of the poor. On the contrary he must be strenuous, and one who distinguishes not between night and day so that he may carry matters through and show the most exquisite devotion towards the needy.

When this right and proper idea took possession of H.M. and he was in search of one who was adorned with the qualities above described, or who was resolved to acquire them, and was eager in the pursuit of them, Muẓaffar Khān, who had the control of affairs, appointed Shaikh 'Abdu-n-nabī to this high office at the instance of misjudging panegyrists and prattlers, and then reported the matter to H.M. and recommended his being confirmed therein. The Lord of the Age, out of that excellent disposition which thinks nothing but good of men, relied upon Muẓaffar Khān's knowledge and made the appointment. He ('Abdū-n-nabī) decked out his shop with hypocrisy and fair-seeming, and the Lord of the Age, who abode in the peaceful abode of thinking well of men, was pleased with him. In a short space of time he, by means of a crowd of flatterers and interested persons, and by the ascendancy of the short-sighted and ignorant, sold his studentship at the rate of teachership, and his superficial learning became converted into substantial wisdom. He was the grandson¹ of Shāīkh 'Abdul Qaddūs whom the people of India regarded as a saint. But as God hath made H.M. the Shāhinshāh the touchstone of men's merit, this man was also tested, and the veil was withdrawn from his actions, as will be related in its proper place.

To those who have drunk¹ down to the lees of understanding it is no secret that² the “world is like wine in that it intensifies whatever exists already.” If a man is of happy fortune, the acquisition of worldly things increases his auspiciousness and improves his personality so as to produce a thousand advantages to him. If, however, a man's destiny be evil, and his disposition bad, worldly success is productive in him of a thousand mischiefs. His outward prosperity is a cause of affliction to mankind, and his darkened heart becomes day by day more and more dark. His erring feet stray more and more, and he neither recognises the favours he has received nor does his duty to his benefactor. According as he is situated, he sometimes practises deceit and hypocrisy, and sometimes he withdraws the veil from before his actions and becomes openly as well as secretly a sedition-monger. The evil-ending career of 'Alī Qulī Khān Zamān is an instance of this. From the commencement of the coming into India, and the polishing of that great country which resulted from the Light of the Shāhinshāh's fortune, he was always committing improprieties. The vessel of his nature was of small capacity, and so intoxication became apparent, and already some instances of this have been given.

H.M. the Shāhinshāh, from the breadth of his views, was continually washing the record of his faults and crimes from his own pure soul with the water of forgiveness. That black-fated one did not appreciate this clemency, but went on to accumulate wickednesses.

When it came to the royal hearing that the Iskandar Khān Uzbeg's¹ brainless head had been affected by seditiousness, H.M. winked at this, and at the time when he went towards Narwar for the purpose of elephant-hunting he sent Ashraf Khān to him together with conciliatory orders and invited him to come to court and to abandon evil thoughts and take the highway of auspiciousness. When Ashraf Khān came to Oude, which was Iskandar Khān's fief, the latter showed alacrity in going out to welcome the royal commands and treated Ashrāf Khān with respect. He brought him with honour to his abode. When he became acquainted with the contents of the royal missive he made his submission, and outwardly began preparations for attending the court. He spent a long time in making those pretences, but in reality he was acting hypocritically and was concocting another scheme. At last he said to Ashraf Khān: “Ibrāhīm Khān is our Greybeard (āq siqāl), and is in the neighbourhood. Let us go and see him and proceed with him to court.”

With this design they went from Oude to Sarharpūr, which was Ibrāhīm Khān's fief, and from there they hastened to 'Alī Qulī Khān. There the whole party determined upon opposition and emerged from the screen of ashamedness, and proclaimed rebellion. They said to one another: “At this time the royal cortège is far off and engaged in elephant-hunting; let us form two bands! Iskandar Khān and Ibrāhīm Khān will go to Qanauj by the route of Lucknow, and stir up strife there, and 'Alī Qūlī Khān and his brother Bahādur Khān will go by the route of Manikpūr against Majnūn Khān Qāqshāl who is jāgīrdār there and raise the flames of sedition. In this way, perhaps, we shall succeed.” When the evil schemes of those wretches had settled upon this course, they kept Ashraf Khān among them by criminal methods. Ibrāhīm Khān and Sikandar Khān went towards Lucknow and 'Alī Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khān went towards Karrah and Mānikpūr.

When the report of the rebellion reached the officers of that quarter, such as Shāham Khān Jalāīr, Shāh Budāgh Khān, Amīr Khān, Muḥammad Amīn Dīwāna, Sulṭān Qulī Khāldār, Calma Tawācī, Shāh Ṭāhir Badakhshī, and his brother Shāh Khalīl Ullāh, Gadā 'Alī Tūlakcī, Khān Qulī Sārbān, Yūsuf Taghāī, and others, they assembled together and faced the rebels. A hot engagement took place between them and Sikandar Khān and Ibrāhīm Khān near the town of Nīmkhār.¹ Muḥammad Amīn Diwāna attacked the rebels' centre, and levelled many with the dust. But during the attack his horse stumbled and he was thrown to the ground. The wretches crowded round him and made him prisoner. Though Shāham Khān and Shāh Budāgh Khān were somewhat disheartened by seeing the fate of Muḥammad Amīn yet they at length advanced in a devoted manner, and made many efforts. They contended manfully, and the brave on both sides fell on the field. As the faithless to their salt were superior in numbers, the imperial officers judged it right to retire to the fort of Nīmkhār, and they reported the circumstances to the sublime threshold. 'Alī Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khan turned their rein towards Mānikpūr and extended the head of oppression there by plunder and rapine. Majnūn Khān Qāqshāl, who was an experienced soldier, did not think it advisable to engage the rebels, and sheltered himself in the fort of Mānikpūr. He sent messengers to Āṣaf Khān, calling upon him to join him, and when the latter heard of the disturbance he left a part of his men to guard the Garha country and took a number of experienced troops with him and came to Karra. There he distributed among the soldiers the plunder which he had obtained in Cauragarha, and he also assisted Majnūn Khān with a large sum of money. When the latter was emboldened by Āsāf Khān's help he frequently sent out brave men from the fort to contend with Ālī Qulī Khān's forces. At this time, too, Majnūn Khān and Āṣaf Khān sent swift couriers and reported the state of affairs to court. The messages of the royalists came one after the other, when the royal cortège had returned from elephant-hunting and H.M. was engaged in administering the affairs of the empire. As the putting down of strife and sedition results in general tranquillity, and produces the comfort of the whole of mankind, H.M., conformably to the precepts of King Wisdom, who is the Viceroy of the capital of Divine power, always gave his attention to such matters and regarded them as more obligatory than all ordinances and more meritorious than all other good actions.

When the purport of the representations of the officials became known to H.M., he, who is a world-opening key, determined that the thorny tree of the seditious should be destroyed, root and branch, by the strong blast of severity before it raised its head to the sky and had become firmly planted. Accordingly an order was issued for the assembling of an army, and in order that there should be no delay, Mun'im Khān was dispatched as an advance-force with a body of gallant men. During these few days H.M. personally engaged himself, from early morning till the end of day, in preparing an equipment for the army. A force was soon made ready such as that the swift steed of imagination could not enumerate by careering in the arena of computation. When the troops upon troops of soldiers were gathered together under the shadow of the sphere-touching banners, H.M. directed that the military and other elephants should be brought into the field. Out of them 2,000 were chosen to accompany the army.

When H.M. had obtained leisure for necessary duties he made over the government of Agra to Tarsūn Khān, and on the day of Tīr the 13th Khardād, Divine month, corresponding to Thurday 23 Shawwāl (24th May, 1565) he put the foot of dominion in the stirrup of fortune and crossed the Jamna. As the season was excessively hot, the army marched at night time, and came, stage by stage, to Qanauj. Mun'īm Khān Khān Khānān, who had gone on in advance, there tendered his homage. Qīyā Khān, who from his evil star had come into the faction of the rebels, obtained through the intercession of the Khān-Khānan the privilege of kissing the foot of the throne. Inasmuch as the granting of life is part of H.M.'s nature, his numerous crimes were cast into the whirlpool of forgiveness and he was comforted by favours, and restored to his former position of confidence. From there H.M. proceeded to the bank of the Ganges, and ten days were occupied in crossing the army. At this time the imperial scouts brought the news that Iskandar Khān had on hearing the reverberation of the march of the royal army established himself in Lucknow. On hearing of this audacity, the wrath of the Shāhinshāh decided that he should march quickly there and personally chastise that wretch. Accordingly he left Khwāja Jahān, Muẓaffar Khān, M'uīn Khān and others of the officers in the camp, and at midnight went off on horseback. He spent one night and one day on the march, and at dawn on the second day the dust of the army rose up from the territory of Lucknow and became the collyrium of fortune's eye. An order was given that Yūsuf Muḥammad Khān Kokaltāsh, Shujā'at Khān and other heroes should proceed as the vanguard. Sikandar Khān, who from brainlessness and rashness had settled himself in Lucknow, became confused on hearing of the royal march, and strewing the dust of shame on his head took to flight. H.M. cast the shadow of fortune over Lucknow and reposed there. He appointed some gallant and capable men to continue¹ the chase, and those brave men followed up the fugitives, and wherever they fell in with them they with the glittering sword cast earth into the cup of their heads. Sikandar Khān escaped half-dead and joined 'Alī Qulī and Bahādur Khān. The prisoners had to stop on account of the exhaustion of their horses. 'Ali Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khān, who were facing Majnūn Khān and Āṣaf Khān became shaken on hearing of this event. They withdrew from the siege of Mānikpūr and went in confusion to Jaunpūr. They drove their families before them and crossed the Ganges at the ford of Narhan.² They took refuge on the other side in places³ difficult of access. H.M. tarried in Lucknow till he was joined by the camp. Thereafter he marched on slowly and continuously to Jaunpūr. When the stone was removed from the path, Āṣaf Khān and Majnūn Khān and the other officers who were confronting 'Alī Qulī Khān entered on the highway of loyalty and joined H.M.'s army two stages from Jaunpūr. They brought suitable gifts. Among these, the presents of Āṣaf Khān, which consisted of the rarities of the country (Garha) and included warlike elephants and Persian and Turkish horses, were approved of by H.M., and the splendour of his favour shone upon the field of his hopes. From the time when Āṣaf Khan had by the might of the Shāhinshāh's fortune conquered the territory of Garha, and obtained possession of the treasures of Cauragarha, he had drilled his troops so that they should be worthy of H.M.'s inspection. He now begged that he might now bring them before him, and as it is H.M.'s excellent habit to grant the petitions of the loyal, his request was granted and his hopes were gratified.

Next day, when the Prince of the East (the sun) had sat on the throne of the fourth heaven and shed light upon earth, and the soldiers of the night had been dispersed, Āṣaf Khān showed his army of nearly 5,000 horse in a plain which was broad as the palm of the genius of stoics, and open as the forehead of the generous. He was made the recipient of royal favours, and next day, which was the 3rd day of Tīr, Divine month, corresponding to Friday 14 Ẕi-l-hajja (13 July), the standards were unfurled in Jaunpūr. The quarters inside the fort were made auspicious by the royal advent, and H.M. addressed himself towards the improvement of that country which had been laid waste by the oppression of the rebels. As 'Alī Qulī Khān and the others had fled and crossed the Ganges, Āṣaf Khān and some officers of mark, such as Majnūn Khān and Shāh Muḥammad Khān Qandahāī were dispatched after them. For the sake of greater caution and in order to keep up the prestige of the sovereignty the royal insignia¹ were placed under the charge of Wazīr Jamīl and sent to assist the imperial forces so that the officers might be able to perform the kornish and pay their due respects, and be zealous in service. 'Alī Qulī Khān and the disaffected officers had gone to a rugged place (jāī-qalb)² near Hajīpūr and entrenched themselves. They applied for help to the black-fated Afghans such as Sulaimān Kararānī, who had obtained the government of Bengal, Fath Khān Batanī³(?) and his brother Hasan Khān who was governor of Rohtas. They were in the act of applying for such assistance when H.M. resolved to send one of his confidants to Sulaimān Kararāni to deter him from joining them. Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī, who was distinguished for address and eloquence, was sent upon this service. When he approached Rohtās a number of contumacious Afghans who were in league with the rebels forbade him to go to Bengal and took him before 'Alī Qulī Khān. As Ḥajī Muḥammad Khān had old relations with 'Ali Qulī Khan, and the latter was desirous of gaining him over, he treated him with respect. When he found that there was no hope of his being won over he put him under arrest. Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān did not let go the thread of loyalty and service, but continually gave him good advice. The first result of Ḥājī Muḥammad's Khān's detention among the rebels was that he deterred 'Alī Qulī from dangerous acts and induced him to enter the straight path of obedience. Accordingly in the end he brought him and his mother to the sublime threshold, as will be recorded hereafter.

One of the occurences was the dispatch of Ḥasan Khān Khazāncī (treasurer) to Orissa, which is a territory lying to the S.E. of India. From the time that India was conquered, none of the princes had raised his standard over Orissa. The rulers of that country had always been powerful, and the Rajah who was now ruling them was especially so. From the time when the Afghans had stretched their hand out over Bengal they had continually planted in the gardens of their aspirations the wishing tree of the conquest of Orissa, but it never bore fruit. For on the borders thereof there were dangerous passes and lofty mountains, and heights and declivities innumerable, and difficult forests so that grasping hands of princes could not reach it. It is difficult for armies to tread on that soil. Whenever any of the competitors for Bengal took refuge with the Rajah of Jagannāth, the ruler of Bengal could not lay hands on him. For example, Ibrāhīm Sūr, who has been already mentioned, took refuge with the Rajah of Jagannāth, and the latter assigned him a tract of Orissa for his subsistence. Though Sulaimān Kararānī exerted himself he could not put him down. On the contrary he was continually alarmed by him. At this time, when Jaunpūr was H.M.'s station, his sagacious mind, which¹ extracts the account of the morrow from the diary of to-day, determined to send one of his confidants to the Rajah in order to range him by gracious means in the lists of the obedient. Ḥasan Khān Khazāncī was chosen for this service, and Maḥāpāttar, who was unrivalled in the arts of Indian poetry, and of music, was sent along with him. The two went together to Orissa.² As soon as the Rajah heard of the Shāhinshāh's favours he sent out to welcome the visitors and had them brought with honour to his city. He treated them properly, and having bound the girdle of service on the waist of his soul he represented that if Sulaimān did not insert the ring of submission to the sublime court in his mental ear, he would collect an army and bring Ibrāhim, who was Sulaimān's competitor, against Bengal. He would do such things to Sulaimān that he would be a warning to all strife mongers. After the Rajah had entertained Ḥasan Khān and Mahāpāttar for three months, he selected elephants of note and other valuable presents and sent them to court. Ḥasan Khān, Mahāpāttar and the ambassador of Rajah Mukund Deo, who was called Rai Parmānand, had the honour of paying homage at Nagarcīn when the imperial cortège had come there from Jaunpūr.

One of the events which occurred when the camp was at Jaunpūr was the flight¹ of Khwāja 'Abdu-l-majād Āṣaf Khān. Good God! the worldly who are not right-thinking cast themselves into destruction by their own efforts, and give such proceedings the name of policy! One of the great misfortunes is that along with their presumption and ingratitude they shake like willows with regard to their own prosperity, and from some slight suspicion do to themselves in a moment a mischief that a thousand enemies could not accomplish. Thus Āṣaf Khān, out of haste and volatility, committed an act whose shamefulness could not be removed by the labours of all the writers in the world. Though the graciousness of the Shāhinshāh pardoned those faults and so cleansed the cheek of shame from the dust of crime, yet the mark of them remained. The point of this preamble is that Āṣaf Khān, who after having been appointed to high office had lately been honoured by the command of a victorious army, had, owing to the fact that fear attaches to the skirt of the perfidious, been carried away by the tale-bearings of strife-mongers, and had disregarded the preservation of his position, and from a vain terror fled to Garha. The brief account of this affair is that from the time when Āṣaf Khān conquered the territory of Garha and had taken possession of the treasures of Cauragarha and had basely and ungratefully concealed them from his king and benefactor, by whose favour he had been advanced from the pen to the standard az qalm-b-'ilm (“from pen to panoply”), and had thereby prepared the materials of his own downfall, he had continually been under apprehensions. Though he, from not understanding matters, had sent bribes to the royal clerks, yet this had no success as nothing but earth (i.e., death) will fill the greedy maw of such covetous ones. They were always uttering dark hints. At the time when he brought his excellent army before H.M., and was treated with royal favours, the grandees were moved to envy and framed fictions and falsehoods. Inexperienced and unintelligent friends and chattering strife-mongers made one into a thousand and caused Āṣaf Khān to lose heart. At last, on 3 Mihr Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 20 Safar 973 (16th September, 1565), he left his tents and goods and went off to Garha with his brother Wazīr Khān and some friends, and did not turn back until he reached there. In the morning the well-wishers who had been named as his comrades reported the circumstance to H.M. Their representation arrived at Jaunpūr at the time when H.M. was enjoying the pleasure of hunting. He appointed Mun'īm Khān Khān-Khānān to the charge of the army, and appointed Shujā'at Khān and some brave men to pursue Āṣaf Khān. Shujā'at Khān arrived at Manikpūr and searched for 'Aṣaf Khān. He learnt that he had reached Karra and was preparing to go to Garha. Shujā'at Khān secured boats and was meditating the crossing of the river. On the other side 'Āṣaf Khān got information of the coming of Shujā'at Khān and turned back with his army in order to stop Shujā'at Khān on the riverbank. The boats had nearly reached the shore when Āṣaf Khān proceeded to oppose them. A hot engagement took place between him and the troops who were in the boats. On that day the interview was carried on up to evening by means of arrows and bullets. When night threw her dark veil over mortals, Āṣaf Khān thought flight his best resource and went off during the night. When at dawn Shujā'at Khān heard of the flight of 'Āṣaf Khān, he got quickly into boats and crossed the river and went off in pursuit. He came up with a party who had been left behind by Āṣaf Khān and learnt that it would be exceedingly difficult to reach him. So he turned his reins and came and did homage. He was exalted by kissing the threshold at Jaunpūr.

One of the occurrences was the sending of Qulīj Khān a second time to Rohtās. It has already been related that H.M. had sent Qulīj Khān to conciliate Fatḥ Khān and to confirm him in his allegiance. He arranged that when the imperial forces reached Jaunpūr, Fatḥ Khān should come to do homage and should bring with him the elephant Bakht Buland, at the time when H.M. was sent again for this purpose. A fresh reason for this was that, before the imperial troops had left the capital, Sulaimān had sent an army to Rohtās in order that he might get possession of it with the help of 'Alī Qulī Khān. Sulaimān's army had, with the assistance of 'Alī Qulī Khān, reduced Fatḥ Khān to straits when the news arrived of the approach of the imperial army. Thereupon Sulaimān's army withdrew from the siege, and Fatḥ Khān, who was nothing if not two-faced, when the neighbourhood of the fort was free from the molestation of Sulaiman's army engaged in collecting munitions and stores. He also sent secretly a message to his brother Ḥasan Khān, who had entered into service along with Qulij Khān, to the effect that he was now at ease about provisions and that Ḥasan Khān should by every possible means come to Rohtās. As it was difficult for Ḥasan Khān to come openly, he had recourse to stratagem, and represented that some high official should be sent along with him so that they might go to Rohtās and might bring his brother to the king with the keys of the fort. Accordingly Qulīj Khān was chosen for this service. He set about carrying out the commands and arrived at Rohtas. Though Fatḥ Khān made hypocritical representations yet they were false. Qulīj Khān perceived their worthlessness and returned. As the taking of that fortress and the conquest of the whole of the Eastern provinces belong to another time I shall not treat of them at present.

When 'Alī Qulī Khān had for a long time sat down in front of the victorious army and done nothing but strew on his head the dust of disappointment, he employed the time, which was one for shame and repentance, in developing still further his rebellion and disaffection. He sent Sikandar Khān, Bahādur Khān and a body of troops to the territory of Sarwar in order that they might then ravage and plunder. When H.M. heard of this he appointed Shah Budāgh Khān, 'Sāīd Khān, Qīyā Khān, Ḥusain Khān (i.e. H. K. Tukrīya), Bāqi Khān, Maṭlab Khān, M'āsūm Khān Farankhūdī, Calma Khān, Muḥammad Amīn Dīwāna, Beg Nūru-d-dīn, Selīm Khān, and Fattū Afghān under the leadership of Mīr M'uīzzu-l-mulk and directed that they should bar the path of the rebels and not suffer the dust of dissension to settle on that country. The imperial troops did not halt till they reached the pargana Khairābād. When H.M. the Shāhinshāh had administered such a remedy for the rebellious madness of 'Alī Qulī Khān, he proceeded to Allahabad. 'Ali Qulī Khān had thought that by sending his troops as above stated, he would cause a dispersion of the imperial army. When he was disappointed in this, he turned to deceit and hypocrisy and began by sending to Mun'im Khān Bībī¹ Sarv Qad, a woman who had been distinguished in the service of H.M. Firdūs Makānī (Bābar), and who reminded him of their old friendship. After that he sent experienced men to propose a reconciliation. Mun'im Khān in his simplicity, and on account of his being an old servant, witheld his hand from extirpating the disobedient. He put faith in 'Alī Qulī's deceitful words and made a representation to court, strongly recommending that the propositions should be accepted. H.H. the Shāhinshāh, though he was fully aware of 'Alī Qulī's evil nature, accepted, from his perfect kindness and liberality, the Khān-Khānan's representations and sent Khwāja Ghiyāṯu-d-dīn 'Alī of Qazwīn to impress his princely graciousness (on 'Alī Quli) and to ascertain and report about what transpired at the meeting (between Mun'im Khān and 'Alī Qulī).

When Mun'im Khān was distinguished by this great favour he wrote to 'Alī Qulī Khān to the effect that they two should have an interview without the intervention of messages or messengers, and lay the foundation of sincerity and service. As there was a report at that time that some of the devoted heroes such as 'Aādil Khān and Jamāl Khān Bilūc had resolved that they would lie in wait and finish off the scoundrel, 'Alī Qulī Khān was very cantious about coming to see Mun'im Khān, and wished that the subject of a reconciliation should be carried on by letters and messengers. Mun'im Khān did not agree to this, and at last it was arranged that they should meet in the middle of the river, attended by two or three persons. Accordingly 'Alī Qulī Khān left his family where they were, and came with his army and boats towards the ferry of Causā, and pitched his tents at Baksar opposite the camp¹ of the Khān-Khānan. Ḥasan Batanī, Sulaimān Mankalī, Kālā Pahār, officers of the Afghans, were with him. Messages and messengers passed between the parties, renewing the propositions of concord on both sides. Next day 'Alī Qulī Khān got into a boat, accompanied by three men, viz., Shahriyār Kal who was distinguished for courage, Sulṭān Muḥammad Mīrāb, and his qūrcī who had the name of Āhū-i-ḥaram² (the gazelle of the harem), and proceeded towards the Khān-Khānān's camp. From the other side the Khān-Khānan also got into a boat, accompanied by three persons, viz., Mīrzā Ghiyāṯu-d-dīn, 'Alī Bāyāzīd Beg, and Mīr Khān³ the ghulām of Sulṭān Muḥammad Qabaq,⁴ who was relied upon by Mun'im Khān, and went to meet 'Alī Qulī Khān.

The banks of the river were lined by the two armies. When the boats nearly met in the middle of the stream,⁵ Ali Qulī Khān rose up and said “Kaifīyat⁶ Legh” and “Peace be upon you.” Then he sprang into Mun'im Khān's boat and they embraced one another and sate down. The time of meeting passed partly in hypocritical¹ weeping, and partly in 'Ali Qulī's describing how he had sold service (i.e., what work he had done for Akbar).

Some time, too, was spent in taking oaths and in making engagements. After that it was agreed that Mīrzā Ghiāṯṯu-d-din 'Alī should go to the Shāhinshāh and represent the state of matters, and request that H.M. should also send Khwāja Jahan² —by whose counsels the affairs of state were managed—in order that 'Alī Qulī Khān's mind might be fully set at rest, and that he might from the bottom of his heart make promises of loyalty. After these arrangements they separated, each going to his own camp. This affair took place in the beginning of Dai, Divine month, December 1565. M. Ghiāṯu-d-dīn 'Alī went to court and reported the circumstances, and H.M. sent Khwāja Jahān agreeably to Mun'im Khān's request. On the next day, after the interview with 'Alī Qulī Khān, Mun'im Khān crossed the river with a select party and proceeded to 'Alī Qulī Khān's quarters. Shāham Khān Jalāīr, the Mīr Munshi, Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khān Ākhta Begī, Kūcak 'Ali Khān, Taimur Ikka and a number of others were with him. 'Alī Qulī Khān gave a great entertainment, and was very hospitable. Afterwards Mun'im Khān returned to his own quarters. Subsequently Khwāja Jahān came, and Mun'im Khān wished to take him with him and to go a second time to 'Alī Qulī Khān. Khwāja Jahān remonstrated and plainly said that 'Alī Quli Khān was a man (jawān) without moderation, and was displeased with him. He did not think it advisable to go to his quarters. If Mun'im Khān was bent upon their going, he should take pledges for their security. Mun'im Khān asked for Ibrāhim Khān Uzbeg as a pledge from 'Alī Qulī Khān and obtained him. Next day Mun'im Khān and Khwāja Jahān went and had an interview with 'Alī Qulī Khān in his quarters, and next day they had another meeting in Ibrāhīm Khān's quarters. Majnūn Khān Qaqshāl, Bābā Khān Qāqshāl and Mīrzā Beg³ were present at this meeting, and a reconciliation took place between them and 'Alī Qulī Khān. Although much was said about 'Alī Qulī Khān's going to court, no effect was produced, and from his deceitfulness he would not consent to kiss the threshold. He said that when he had shown so much ingratitude, he had not the courage to go. He would now send his mother and Ibrāhīm Khān,¹ who was a grey-beard among them. When he had done good service, he would himself attend. After much discussion this arrangement was agreed to.

Next day 'Alī Qulī Khān sent his mother, and Ibrāhīm Khān and some noted elephants such as Bāl Sundar and Acapla (?)² and others by Mir Hādī Niẓām Āqā. He also sent Ḥājī Khān Sīstānī who was a sort of prisoner. The Khān-Khānān and Khwāja Jahān left the army on the river-bank, and, taking with them 'Alī Qulī's mother, Ibrāhīm Khān and the presents, proceeded to court.

The Khān Khānān had a sword and shroud hung round Ibrāhīm Khān's neck, and had his head and feet bared, and so brought him into the Presence. Through his intercession the pen of forgiveness was drawn over the varied offences of those ill-fated ones. The holy tongue dropped these words: “Though it is plain that these evil-starred ones will not adhere to their promises, yet as we love to please you, their offences have been forgiven. Their fiefs will be given to them as before, but so long as the imperial standards are in this neighbourhood for the purpose of hunting and recreation, 'Alī Qulī Khān must not cross the Ganges to this side. When the court is established at Agra, their agents will come and get the patents for their fiefs put in order. They will thereupon enjoy their fiefs in accordance with the orders that shall be passed.” The Khān-Khānān was exalted to the pinnacle of glory by the royal favour, and an order was issued that the sword and shroud should be removed from Ibrāhīm Khān's neck. The good news of pardon were³ conveyed to 'Alī Qulī Khān's mother, who was in the Shāhinshāh's harem and had cast her face into the dust of lamentation, and was waiting for the royal forgiveness. As the transactions of those unworthy wretches were hypocritical—as is not unknown to the acute and intelligent—the world-adorning Deity willed that the evil inner nature of these ingrates might be impressed on the simple-minded.

Some days after they had the bliss of doing homage, news came of the battle of Mīr M'uīzzu-l-mulk and the other great officers. The particulars of this occurrence are that when Bahādur Khān and Sikandar Khān had, at the instigation of 'Alī Qulī Khān, stirred up the dust of strife in Sarkār Sarwār,¹ a large force suddenly arrived from the imperial camp. On hearing of this they got confused and lost courage and had recourse to deceit and fraud. They sent a message to Mīr M'uīzzu-l-mulk and the other officers asking how it was reasonable to suppose that they were going to oppose the imperial forces and engage in battle. Their desire was that they (i.e., the imperial officers) should be the intermediaries for cleansing their offences, and they were sending to court noted elephants which had come into their possession by the king's good fortune, and were such as H.M. loved. And when it appeared that their faults had been washed by the limpid waters of forgiveness, which flowed from the sea of his graciousness, they too would come and ask for pardon. As Mīr M'uīzzu-l-mulk and the other officers knew the deceitfulness of the set, they rejected their overtures (lit. put the mark of rejection on the forehead of the wish of those wretches) and wrote in reply that the record of their crimes was not of a nature to be expunged from the register of time save by the bloody deluge (ṭūfān) of the shining sword. Bahādur Khān again sent a message to Mir M'uīzzu-l-mulk and requested that they should have an interview and discuss matters face to face. Mīr M'uīzzu-l-mulk agreed and came out of his camp with a few followers. Bahādur Khān also came out from his, attended by a few men, and embraced the Mīr. Proposals on both sides were submitted, but as deceit was patent on the foreheads of the contumacious, peace was not established, and the time passed in futile talk.

When the state of the matters was reported to H.M., he issued an order that Lashkar² Khan and Rāja Todar Mal should join the army with his men. If they considered that fighting was the proper course, they were to take part; if it seemed advisable to accept the petitions of the rebels, they were not to allow them to despair of the royal clemency. When these two loyal servants arrived with their troops, they at once sent a message to the rebels to the effect that if their protestations of devotion, etc., were genuine they should honestly proceed to court. Otherwise, it was not manly to waste time and to put their hands to deceit. As their hearts and their tongues were not in accord, they were not guided aright. They waxed still bolder in their contumacy near Khairābād,¹ and as the imperial army was not aware of the intreaties of 'Alī Qulī and of the graciousness announced by the Shāhinshāh, and also as the first body of troops had displayed indifference to fighting, the Rajah² and Lashkar Khān determined upon war and drew up their forces. The centre was officered by Mīr M'ūīzzu-l-mulk, Itmād Khān Khwājasarā (eunuch), Mīr 'Ali³ Akbar, Rājah Todar Mal, Lashkar Khān, Daulat Khān Faujdār and others; the right wing by Qīyā Khān, Ḥasan Ākhta, Sher Sultān, Rajah Mattar Sen, Karamsai⁴(?), Mihr 'Alī son of Ustād Yūsuf and others: the left wing by Bāqī Khān, Shāh Budāgh Khān, Maṭṭalib⁵ Khān, Fattū, Nāṣir Qulī Uzbeg and others. The vanguard was under Muḥammad Amīn Diwāna, M'āṣūm Khān Farankhūdī, Qatlaq Qadam Khān, Shāh Fanāī, Ṣad Raḥamat Uzbeg, Qalmāq Bahādur, and others. The reserve-vanguard (iltmish) was under Khān 'Aālam, Hindū Beg Moghal, Rai Sāl⁶ Darbāri, Rai Patr Dās, Dāūd Khān Faujdār, and others. On the other side the rebels were in three bodies: one under Bahādur Khān, one under Iskandar Khān, and one under Muḥammad Yār, brother's¹ son of Sikandar. This last was in the van. A hot engagement ensued. The enemy's vanguard had the advantage somewhat, when the reserve-vanguard showed courage and drove it off. Muḥammad Yār was killed and many others of the enemy perished. Sikandar, who was behind the vanguard with a chosen force, turned and fled, followed by the victors who slew whomever they reached, until they came to the bank of a black piece of water.

Sikandar, in fear of his life, cast himself into the black water and brought out his head from the black earth² (sīāh). Many of his best soldiers went down in that slough of darkness. The victorious troops, who had pursued Sikandar, dispersed in order to plunder the fugitives. Bahādur Khān was in ambush with a body of men and came upon the left wing at this time of seizing and snatching. A battle took place and Shāh Budagh Khān fell from his horse, and was made a prisoner. His son 'Abdu-l-matṭalib did not obtain the glory of good service, and Nāṣir Qulī and a number of ingrates strewed the dust of faithlessness on their heads and joined the enemy. Bahādur drove off the force and then proceeded against the centre. The centre, without fighting, let fall the thread of war from its hand and chose the disgrace of flight. Muḥammad Bāqī Khān³ withdrew himself under the pretext of guarding the baggage, and sundry persons from hypocrisy and treachery did not fight and turned their backs. Owing to their misconduct the army which had conquered was defeated. Rajah Todar Mal, Qīyā Khān, 'Itmād Khān and the men of the reserve-vanguard gathered together and stood their ground, but as the army was in confusion there was not a successful result. This was the consequence of presumption!

Those misunderstanding ones did not perceive with what perfect knowledge the Lord of the Age had directed a conciliatory course. Whoever acts in this way has himself to thank for the result.¹ Next day the dispersed soldiers reassembled and proceeded towards Qanauj. The leaders sent representations descriptive of what had occurred. H.M., who is a mine of clemency, passed over such grave offences, inasmuch as he had lately overlooked other offences, and sent for the officers. Those who appeared to have behaved with insincerity remained in disgrace and were debarred from the bliss of doing kornish, while the sincere were, in spite of the condition they were in, rewarded by special favours.

One of the occurrences of this time was that, when H.M. was in Jaunpūr, Sher Muḥammad Dīwāna² set to plundering Samāna³ and soon got the punishment due to his actions. This ill-omened wretch was one of the servants of Khwājah M'ūaẓẓam. Afterwards he entered into the service of Bairām Khān, who made him a favourite on account of his good looks. In the time of Bairām's power he held a confidential position, but when adversity came he took the path of ingratitude. Something of this has been already said in its proper place. As H.M. is a fountain of justice, though the desertion was advantageous to himself, yet he could not approve of it as such vile conduct is the worst of qualities in a man. So Sher Muḥammad did not become a persona grata. For some time he lived in the town of Sāmāna. When 'Alī Qulī Khān and a number of others rebelled, and H.M.'s forces marched to extinguish the flames of their sedition, this predestined wretch collected a crowd of vagabonds, and proceeded to make a disturbance. Mulla Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad Tarkhān, who was the faujdār of that part of the country, had left one Mīr Dost Muḥammad in Sāmāna to manage the affairs of the pargana. One day that scoundrel invited Dost Muḥammad to his house, and, in the very midst of the entertainment, was sharpening the arrow (for his destruction). Suddenly, while the feast was going on, he put the arrow into the notch (curve) of the bow and struck that innocent man in the breast and killed him. He then laid hold of all the goods and chattels which were in that pargana and rushed off to pargana Māler.¹ He killed likewise the Shiqdār of that pargana, which appertained to the exchequer-lands, and seized whatever property was there. Vagabonds flocked round him and he made incursions into the provinces, till at length Mullā Nūrū-d-dīn collected a number of men and set about putting him down. The madman was enjoying himself in the village of Dhanūrī²(?) which is on the borders of Samāna. On hearing of the arrival of Mullā Nūru-d-dīn he did not make much account of it and proceeded to attack the Mullā with a small force.

In the moment of the attack his horse struck against the trunk of a tree and fell. A number of men ran on foot and seized him. The Mullā put the ill-omened madman to death, and was rewarded by princely favours.³

One of the occurrences was that H.M. visited Chunar from Jaunpūr. As the Shāhinshāh's natural disposition is to forgive injuries, he, at the urgency and intercession of Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānan, drew the pen of pardon over the record of the crimes of 'Alī Qulī Khān and other rebellious lords, and then was struck by the idea of seeing Benares and the fortress of Chunar, which is one of the celebrated forts of India. With this intention he left Āshraf Khān in charge of Jaunpūr and marched off on the day of Dai-bamihr 15 Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Friday 3 Rajab, 24th January, 1566. In three marches he reached Benares and shed the lights of justice over all the inhabitants thereof. He ordered his camp to halt there, and went on with some chosen followers to Chunar. He surveyed the inside and outside of the fort and received inward and outward pleasure. Meanwhile the hunters brought the glad news of elephants being in the forests in the neighbourhood of the fort, and he proceeded with a number of special attendants to search in these forests. After exploring about two kos they came upon a herd of elephants. He directed that those mountain-like forms should be surrounded on all sides and then following out the rules of hunting, ten elephants were captured.

Their necks were bound by strong ropes, and they were brought along with the tame elephants to the fortress. From there he returned to his camp at Benares.

One of the occurrences was H.M. the Shāhinshāh's making a rapid expedition against the Khān Zamān. As he is a talisman of constant wakefulness he perceives every Divine and material truth even before they reveal themselves, and gives indications thereof by the tongue of fate. Accordingly at the time when Mun'im Khān opened the lips of supplication and interceded for 'Alī Qulī Khān, H.M. said: “We pardon him, but it will be surprising if he remain constant in the ways of obedience.” And so it turned out in a short space of time. For when in accordance with the Khān-Khānān's request 'Alī Qulī Khān and Bahādur Khān were granted their fiefs, this was conditional upon Khān Zamān's not crossing the river while H.M.'s camp was in the neighbourhood.¹ It was also stipulated that when the royal standards returned to the capital their agents should come there and have the patents (title-deeds) passed through the offices, and that thereupon possession of the fiefs was to be given. On the very day when H.M. was proceeding to Benares and Chunar, 'Ali Qulī Khān crossed the river and came to Muḥammadābād, and sent men to Ghāzīpūr and Jaunpūr. H.M. had returned from hunting and had halted at Benares when the news came that the wretch had broken his compact and crossed the Ganges. The world-melting wrath of the Shāhinshāh blazed forth, and the disloyalty of those blackfated ones, which he had winked at, became manifest. He spoke in an imperious manner to Mun'im Khān about their conduct. The Khān-Khānan was completely confused and hung down his head. His lips were closed and the thread of reply was broken. Khwāja Jahān, Moẓaffar Khān, Rajah Bhagwant Dās and a number of the faithful officers were left with the camp, to follow slowly and stage by stage, while H.M. himself set out on the night of Dai-bādīn 23 Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to the night of Saturday 11 Rajab, 2 Feb. 1566, in order to chastise 'Alī Qulī Khān. His courtiers and devoted followers gathered round and in front of the state umbrella, and vied with each other on their coursers and bore away the ball of swiftness from the north wind and the breeze of morn. Jáfar Khān Taklū and Qāsim Khān were sent against Ghāzīpūr. When they reached the gate of the fort, the ill-fated inmates became aware of their coming and cast themselves down into the river from a bastion which was near it, and went to Muḥammadābād, where they informed 'Alī Qulī Khān. He got confused and fled in consternation. When he came to the bank of the Sarwār¹ he and those who were with him got into some boats which were kept there for such an emergency, and carried themselves into safety. The royal cortège crossed, on the night they set out, the Jaunpūr river on elephants.

At the end of the night he halted for some time on his elephant and in the morning set off again. A portion of the day had passed when by marching rapidly they came up with 'Ali Qulī's camp. He had left his tents and baggage and taken the road of flight. They went on till the third pahar. 'Alī Qulī Khān's elephant Bakht Buland had become mast and fell into their hands. Thereafter Majnūn Khān Qāqshāl, M. Najāt Khān and a number more were sent on ahead. It was evening when the news came from them that 'Alī Qulī was in the act of crossing the Sarwār. As they had come a great way, and but little of the day remained, a halt was made. At dawn the march was resumed, and on that day Āwāz Khān, son of Islām Khān and brother of Farrakh Ḥusain Khān, left the enemy and joined the imperial forces. The advance-guard arrived at the bank of the river, and seized as the gifts of victory the boats which 'Alī Qulī Khān and his people had left, and which were full of goods. They ascertained from the boatmen the particulars of 'Alī Qulī Khān's adventures, and then the army marched along the bank of the Sarwār. The whole of the country high² and low (?) was searched, but no trace could be found of the vagabonds. It has been stated by trustworthy authorities that had 'Alī Qulī Khān been in Muḥammadābād on the night it arrived, the wretch would have been caught. Apparently Mun'im Khān played this trick, as he did not, for his own purposes, wish that 'Alī Qulī should be caught. In the first place, he did not permit a march against him that night, and, secondly, he sent him warning. It became known that 'Alī Qulī had gone to the fort of Cilūpāra¹ by forest-routes. H.M. wisely winked at Mun'im Khān's conduct and took no notice of it. Next day, as there were no boats, and the ford by which that swelling river (the Gogra?) could be crossed was not known, the army marched along the bank and encamped opposite Cilūpāra. Shots² were fired on both sides. When 'Alī Qulī knew that H.M. was present in person he left the place. Next day the army marched from there, and going along the river-bank came to Mau³ and encamped.

On this strange journey forests were traversed and various wild beasts, both land and aquatic, showed themselves. Active young men hunted them. Various kinds of animals came under H.M.'s eye. He bade the soldiers shoot them. As the imperial⁴ camp was passing along, river-animals, such as crocodiles, came out of the water and showed themselves on the banks, but when the dust of the army rose up on the distance they returned to the water. There were some animals such that arrows and bullets had no effect on them. In fine, the royal cortège was in the neighbourhood of that town when news came that Bahādur Khān had taken advantage of the opportunity to come to Jaunpūr and rescue his mother. He had also imprisoned Ashraf Khān and meditated an attack on the sublime camp. Accordingly the royal cortège turned back from the bank of the Sarwār and proceeded to the camp.

The particulars of this affair are as follows. When the reverberation of the expedition against 'Alī Qulī Khān reached Sikandar Khān and Bahādur Khān, and when they heard of 'Alī Qulī's mother's having been seized by Ashraf Khān in Jaunpūr, and were aware that he had not a large force with him, and that it would be a very easy matter to seize the fort of Jaunpūr, they marched rapidly thither. As Ashrāf Khān had not taken steps to strengthen the fort, they burnt the door and entered it. A party also put up ladders on the wall and came in. When Ashraf Khān heard of this, they had already entered. Bahādur Khān imprisoned him, and released his mother and took her off with him. Though Jaunpūr had been for a while in his and his brother's fief, and they had many connections with the citizens, he plundered and ill-used the city. After robbing many of the merchants he hastened off to Benares. There too he plundered and then went to Madan Benares, which was known as Zamānya. There news came that the royal standards had returned from following 'Alī Qulī. Sikandar and Bahādur went to the ferry of Narhan, which was their usual crossing, and passed over the Ganges.

When 'Alī Qulī went off at the pressure of the sublime army, and the turmoil caused by Sikandar and Bahādur was brought to the royal hearing, as has been reported, H.M. turned his rein on the bank of the Sarwār and proceeded towards his camp, lest, perchance, the agitated dust of the rebels should reach the hem thereof. But the wretches had fled on hearing of his approach, and tranquillity was restored to the people of the camp. From there he proceeded towards Jaunpūr. On the day when he reached the town of Niẓāmābād ¹ the ceremony of weighing H.M. took place, and there was a great feast. Mankind received delight from the Shāhinshāh's bounty and offered up prayers for his long life and reign. Thereafter he marched on and arrived at Jaunpūr. When this rich city was adorned by the advent of the Shāhinshāh, and there appeared a great remissness on the part of the imperial servants in uprooting the rebels, H.M. determined on fixing his residence there until the seditious should be destroyed, root and branch, and tranquillity restored. In accordance with the order the nobles and pillars of the empire laid the foundations of grand buildings, and it fell from the royal lips that until the dust of the existence of the oppressors was removed from the skirt of this province, this city would be the seat of empire. An order was issued to all the officers who had gone on leave and were spending their time comfortably on their estates, directing them to enrol themselves in the royal forces in the appointed¹ rendezvous. The army was ordered to pursue the rebels once more, and an order was given not to desist until 'Alī Qulī was captured.

When the facts were known to 'Alī Qulī he sent to court M. Mīrak Reẓavī, who was one of his special companions, and represented his grief and pain. He made excuses for all his faults and by a thousand subterfuges and smooth speeches he induced Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān to be once more his intercessor. The Khān-Khānān, who knew H.M.'s disposition, had not the courage for this office, and accordingly a number of honoured persons whom H.M. reverenced on account of his abundant sense of Divine worship, such as Mīr Murtaẓa Sharīfī, Mullā 'Abdullah Sulṭānpūrī, and Shaikh 'Abdu-n-nabī Ṣadr, were brought forward by him. They relying upon the Shāhīnshāh's graciousness opened the mouth of intercession at the foot of the throne, and recited anecdotes about forgiveness. That mine of mercy, though he knew that their (the rebels') hearts were not sincere, and that the real object of the rebels was to gain time, yet granted their request out of favour to those ignorant men (the intercessors), and once more pardoned the rebels' offences, on condition that they repented of their evil deeds, and should in future never conceive the idea of opposing the holy will, but should always remain constant in the path of loyalty and devotion. When they showed signs of this, their estates were to be restored to them as formerly. The Khān-Khānan and the other grandees returned thanks, and an order was given that Mir Murtaẓa, Maulānā 'Abdullah, and M'uīn Khān Farankhūdī should go to 'Alī Qulī Khān and confirm him in his repentance, and also give him the good news of pardon. H.M. thereupon renounced his intention of staying in Jaunpūr, and decided upon returning. On the day of Dīn 24 Isfandārmaz, Divine month, corresponding to Monday 11 Shábān, 3rd March 1566, the march from Jaunpūr to Agra began. In one week the camp reached Mānikpūr and encamped on the bank of the Ganges. The officers in accordance with H.M.'s orders made a bridge over so great a river in one day, such as that the camp could cross by. At the time when H.M. was returning to the capital, Junaid Kararānī, brother's son of Sulaimān and son of 'Imād, obtained the bliss of kissing the threshold, and was encompassed by princely favours.