MARCH OF H.M. THE SHĀHINSHĀH'S ARMY FROM DELHI TOWARDS THE
PUNJAB TO PUT DOWN THE SEDITION OF SIKANDAR, THE PURSUIT OF HIM,
AND THE SIEGE OF THE FORT OF MĀNKOT.
When it became known that Sikandar had assembled an army, and that the knot of this affair would not be unloosed until the fortune of the Shāhinshāh turned her reins in that direction, the expedition to the eastern provinces was postponed, and a march to the Panjab was determined on. One of the wonderful omens was that a number of the courtiers took an augury from the diwān of the tongue of mystery (Ḥāfiẓ) and by chance this verse came up.
No water was vouchsafed to Sikandar,
It does not come by might and money.
The hearts of the far-seeing loyalists received fresh support, and the minds of the superficial acquired stability. When the world-adorning God is the fortune-increaser of this eternal dominion, the far-seeing ones of the company of reality look to the beauty and glory of the Chosen One of God, and are not concerned about the ordinary course of the world. Those who have not the blessing of lofty views are, at such times of anxiety, comforted in their hearts by enquiries of this kind. A world-obeyed order was issued that the great officers and leaders should make preparations for the expedition and attend on the sublime stirrup.
the preparations had been completed, the discriminating mind (of Akbar) rested from all the cares of state, and though the army of cold was in full force, the march to the Panjab was commenced on 23 Āzar, Divine month, corresponding to Monday 4 Ṣafar, 7 December 1556, Mahdī Qāsim Khān being left in charge of Delhi. The march was made leisurely stage by stage, and there was hunting by the way. There was both munificence and pleasure. Turks and Tājiks came in crowds, attracted by the fame of benevolence and the lights or justice; especially there was not a day when large numbers did not come from Kabul, Badakhshān, and Qandahār, and do homage. On the way the news was brought from Lahore that in the house of Bairām Khān Khān-Khānān, his wife, who was of the family of the Khāns of Mewat, had borne on 6 Dai, Divine month, corresponding to Thursday 14 Ṣafar (17 December 1556), a son to whom they had given the name of 'Abdu-r-raḥīm. circumstance is that when H.M. Jahānbānī was at Delhi, he, in order to soothe the minds of the Zamindars, entered into matrimonial relations with them. Among these, Jamāl Khān, the cousin of Ḥasan Khān of Mewat, who was one of the great zamindars of India, came and did homage. He had two beautiful daughters. H.M. himself married the elder sister, and gave the younger in marriage to Bairām Khān Khān-Khānān. At the time that the standards of the Shāhinshāh were directed towards the suppression of Hemū, the Khān-Khānān had sent his household to Lahore. The news came when the lofty genius was proceeding towards countless victories, and it was taken as a good omen. Bairām Khān prepared a grand feast. Astronomers read his greatness and excellence in his horoscope and declared that he would be exalted by the tuition of the Shāhinshāh and perform noble services by virtue of his loyalty, and would arrive at high dignities. The readers of the page of the forehead read the lines of devotion on his temples and rejoiced loyal hearts thereby. And in truth so it happened, in consequence of the attention of H.M. the Shāhinshāh who is the elixir of skill, and the alchemist of the jewel of auspiciousness. Accordingly, day by day were the lights of rectitude and the notes of loyalty read in his forehead. A1 brief account thereof will be given in each place as the occasion arises. station of the sublime camp, Iskandar, who upreared in that province the standards of strife and sedition, withdrew to the hill-country of the Siwāliks, which was his appointed asylum and permanent residence, in order that he might stay there for a while and wait upon events. The victorious army, in the hope of a final good, and of extirpating once for all his sedition, applied itself to putting him down. Without regard to the difficulties of the march and the intricacies of the country, it followed Sikandar into the hill-country of the Siwāliks, which is a world apart, and the refuge of the disaffected and headstrong spirits of India, and encamped at the town of Dēsūhah1. From there the army proceeded to the pleasant town of Dahmirī and made it a rose-garden of dominion and a springtide of fortune.BEGINNING OF THE SECOND YEAR ILĀHĪ FROM THE DATE OF THE ACCESSION,
viz., THE YEAR ARDIBIHISHT OF THE FIRST CYCLE.
In that station of abundance (Dahmirī), the reservoir of brilliancy for the terrene and terrestrials, and the adornment of time and time's offspring, to wit, the sun, the benefactor of the universe, arrived at his house of exaltation, and gladdened and refreshed the earth with the breath of spring. It would seem that Aries is called the house of exaltation because at that time the beings of earth are given exaltation and fresh life. Otherwise the dignity of that bestower of exaltation on heavenly and terrestrial bodies is too high for any place to receive the title of the house of exaltation of that giver of light to all existence. In fine, this world-adorning light came from the fountain of Pisces to the abode of joy,1 in the night known as Thursday, after ten hours, and forty minutes of the astronomical night of Wednesday the 27th Rabī-aṯ-ṯānī of the lunar year 964, and the world-illuminating new year's day came to pass, and the second year of the Divine Era began.
The nightingale, like a reasoning man
Gave merited thanks with the tongue of spring,
The breeze of morning distilled ambergris,
The earth-pores made the air redolent,
The fields were full of sheets without pillowsThe gardens full of brides without dowers
The villas full of scarlet-draped platforms
The gardens full of variegated carpets
The birds warbled o'er flowers and rose bushes,
Drunk without musicians, or cups, or wine.
Evidently the occurrence of such joy previous to the lofty enterprise was a proof that the enterprise would be successful, and a clear indication that the work taken in hand would have a prosperous issue. Accordingly it communicated to the clear-sighted the retreat of Sikandar who speedily fled and came to the fort of Mānkot1 and the siege and capture of the fort by H.M. the Shāhinshāh. The brief details of this are as follows:—
army, fled to the hill-country of the Siwāliks, and Dahmīrī became the imperial camping-ground, news was continually being brought that the intention of that ill-conditioned runagate was to draw the army of fortune into the defiles and then give battle (lit., in these central ravines strenuously bind the waist of effort). H.M. the Shāhinshāh did not give ear to these words and advanced according to proper rules. Nāṣir-al-Mulk and a large body of brave and experienced men were sent to harry and ravage the zamindars of the hills. These heroes soon, with God's help, chastised many of the Rajahs of the hills and got much booty. The evil-constituted hillmen, who with evil thoughts had joined with Sikandar, separated from him, and a stone of dissension fell among that ill-conditioned assemblage, and they fled without fighting. An order was given for pursuing them and for, by vigorous action, getting possession of the leader of the fugitives. A number of brave men made a rapid march and reached a portion of his camp. Iskandar, when he heard of this pursuit, fell into confusion and distress, and threw himself into the fort of Mānkot which he had formerly prepared in case an evil day should come upon him. The alert and victorious soldiers plundered his camp, and reported to the Court about his having retired to his fortress.2The fortress of Mānkot is composed of four strong forts which Selīm Khān had constructed on adjoining hills at the time when he had marched out to extirpate the Gakkar tribe, and had returned frustrated. On each hill he built a fort composed of stone and mortar, and to the eye of a spectator the whole fortification looked like one fort. The site was very strong, and difficult of access by troops, and if access were attained it was very difficult to lay hands on the garrison. It had an abundant supply of good water, and as much provisions1 as were wanted. To sum up, in a place which might be described as a fortress of the Creator, impregnable forts had been founded. Selīm Khān's real object in building these great forts was that when the standards of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī should be directed towards India, there might be a place of refuge for the army of the Panjab. It passed into his evil mind that he would lay waste Lahore, and develop this place, and that he would collect a large army there so that he might with security defend this part of the country. The reason for laying waste Lahore was that as this is a very large city, and the residence of various traders and craftsmen who could easily supply a large army, and furnish them with arms, perhaps the victorious army of the family conjoined with eternity might come there and gather abundant reinforcements, and thus things might become irremediable. Before he could carry out these plans, he passed forth from the defiles of existence.
Sikandar's flight and of his having taken refuge in the fortress, inasmuch as the imperial intentions followed2 the orders of God, H.M. the Shāhinshāh did not, in his right-thinking mind regard his own discomfort, but looked upon the ease of all mankind as the motive for exertion, and proceeded to besiege the fort, in order that he might remove the mischief-making of that sedition-monger from the heads of all, and that dominion might be established. An order was issued that the Bakhshīs of the army should distribute the redoubts, and the army drew lines of circumvallation round the fort. Everything was managed according to the rules of sieges, and with courage and self-devotion. Adham Khān, whose star of lofty fortune placed him near the Shāhinshāh, proceeded on the first day to the foot of the fort and displayed great valour. The brief account of this is that when the victorious forces arrived at the foot of the fortress, a large number of distinguished and courageous Afghans, who used to unfurl the flags of valour on the battlement of Mars, placed the arch1 of assertion on the portico of pride and came out of the fort. They held up their blood-dropping scimitars as standards in the place by the gate and moved about with arrogant steps. Adham Khān2 showed singular intrepidity and with lion-hearted courage entered alone among that band. By strength of arm he cast down several men of war and rolled them in dust and blood. Thereupon he returned with rapidity, and was exalted by shouts of Bravo. By this means the war-loving powerful men came out every day from their entrenchment and displayed their superiority. The adversary guarded the fort, and with their guns and muskets allowed no one to come close to the fort. This evil handful did all that was possible, but what avails striving against the masters of fortune?, or malignity against those possessed of a glorious horoscope?We come as naked swords wielded by Fate,
Who checks at us to death is dight.
Among the occurrences which occurred in the beginning of the siege was that Bahādur Khān, brother of Khān Zamān, who had stirred up sedition and strife in Zamīndāwar and had heaped the dust of confusion and tumult on his own head, came from Zamīn-dāwar ashamed and downcast and was exhalted by doing homage. By the influence of Bairām Khān Khān-Khānān he did not receive the punishment of his evil deeds. Though the Khān-Khānān intended to do him a kindness, yet in reality he arranged for him the materials of haughtiness and wickedness. Real kindness consists in punishing the evildoer, and so giving him a lesson that he may not again tread the border-land of wickedness.
of this matter is that, when the conquering standards of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī marched against India, Qandahār, which was Bairām Khān's jāgīr, was adorned by the management of Shāh1 Muḥammad Qandahārī, who was a seat of confidence for his prudence and loyalty. Zamīndāwar was under the administration (dīwānī) of Bahādur Khān. When India became an abode of peace and tranquillity, and the throne of the Caliphate was established, Bahādur Khān's evil nature boiled over, and the thought of seizing Qandahār occurred to him. He at first wished to practise ingratitude by trick and stratagem, and so get possession of Qandahār. But as disloyalty brings with it spiritual and temporal damage, his evil ideas were not successful. This history of this event is that Bahādur Khān communicated his secret to Farrukh2 Ḥusain, son of Khwāja Qāsim Hazāra, who was a companion of his. By degrees he hid some mad, empty-brained ones in his house, and arranged that on the appointed day those men should come out and overcome the keepers of the gate; and that Bahādur Khān in person should come in by the Māshūr gate, and by making a joint attack should get hold of Shāh Muḥammad, and take possession of Qandahār. On the appointed day when the men in ambush were putting on their armour, some spies came to know of this mutiny, and informed the custodian of the fort. Immediately men were appointed to seize them. Before they could meet them, the party of evil-disposed persons heard of their coming and hastened in confusion to the Mashūr gate. The gate was locked, and as their hearts had given way they could not break the bolt.3 They made the struggles of slaughtered animals and descended into the ditch of annihilation. A few flung themselves off the gate and brought themselves to an end by their own feet. A large number remained and hid themselves in houses in the city, where they took protection from evil-disposed, double-faced ones. In a short time Shāh Muḥammad pursued them and punished them all capitally. Bahādur Khān, when his stratagem did not succeed, came to Zamīndāwar and prepared an army. Vagabonds and villains collected around him, and he a second time made preparations for seizing Qandahār. Shāh Muḥammad considered that help from India was a remote contingency, he strengthened the fort and addressed himself to the ruler of Persia. He wrote to him that H.M. Jahānbāni had given an agreement that after the conquest of India, Qandahār should belong to the king of Persia's servants. It was now proper that he should send a large force in order that the rebellion of this ingrate might be put down and also that Qandahār might be made over to him. The ruler of Persia sent 3,000 Turkomans from the jāgirdars of Sīstān, Farah and the garmsīr under the command of 'Alī Yār Beg Afshār. Bahādur Khān knew nothing of this force which suddenly fell upon him. A hot engagement took place. Twice his horse fell under him, and at length he failed and had to fly. Nor could he maintain himself in Zamīndāwar. Shāh Muḥammad treated his auxiliaries with all deference, but made excuses for not surrendering Qandahār, and sent them back empty-handed.1 Bahādur Khān, having suffered loss, was obliged to come with an ashamed face to the world-protecting Court, and as this is the shadow of the great threshold, and is little-receiving, much-giving, and as in it there is a brisk daily mart of pardon, his so great crimes were forgiven him and Multan given to him as jagir. The former jāgīrdar of Multan, Muḥammad Qulī Khān Birlās received Nāgor and its territory. With royal kindness Bahādur Khān was given the command of one of the batteries. He did great deeds when supported by the sublime family. In short, though the garrison did all they could to guard the fort, the victorious heroes pressed them more and more, and showed great management in making redoubts and covered ways. At this time news came of the blessed advent of the chaste ladies from the delightful city of Kabul, and of their having reached Lahore, and of their waiting there for instructions.ARRIVAL OF H.M. MIRIAM-MAKĀNĪ AND THE OTHER CHASTE LADIES, AND
H.M. THE SHĀHINSHĀH'S MARCH TO MEET THEM.
Before the arrival of the news of the disaffection of M. Sulaimān and of his designs upon Kabul, H.M. the Shāhinshāh had directed that the veil of chastity Miriam-Makānī, and the other secluded ladies of the holy Harem should come to India, and a reference to this order has already been made. But on account of the Mīrzā's disturbance the coming of the ladies was suspended. A cautious order was sent to Mun'im K., that when M. Sulaimān's sedition had been suppressed, the ladies should set out for the capital. After the disturbance caused by the Mīrzā had, by God's help, been put down, and the minds of the imperial servants were at ease on that score, as has already been narrated, the chaste ladies proceeded to arrange for moving to India, partly to fulfil their vows,1 and partly to carry out the directions of H.M. the Shāhinshāh. The families of many of the soldiers who were serving in the army also joined the cortège. But as the disturbance of Hemū was known to the evil-disposed in those regions, the sacred journey did not come into effect. But when the news of victory placed a stain on the darkened brows of the disaffected, and the head of Hemū was brought and hung up on the iron gate of Kabul, the drums of joy beat high, and after thanksgiving and rejoicing, the expedition set out in a propitious hour. Mun'im Khān, who was in charge of Kabul, also accompanied the ladies in order that he might be their guide, and also might do good work in India, and thereby make himself illustrious. Kabul was made over to Muḥammad Qulī Khān Birlās, who had come from the Court as an auxiliary, and in accordance with the instructions of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, Muḥammad Ḥakīm and his mother and sisters remained in Kabul. Ghaznīn was made over to Khwāja Jalālu-d-dīn Maḥmūd Bujūq (cut-nose). When the caravan reached Jalālābād it stopped there for some days on account of supplies, etc. While there, the news of the supremacy of Bairām Khān, and of the putting to death of Tardī Beg Khān arrived from the Court-reporters, and on this account Mun'im Khān saw it proper to give up his intention of proceeding to India. He conducted the ladies as far as Kotal Sitāra and there took leave and came back to Kabul. Shamsu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān Atka and his brethren, Khwāja 'Ambar Nāẓir and Mullā Maqṣūd Bangālī, and a number of other servants were in charge of the ladies. When Mun'im Khān came to Kabul, he gave Muḥammad Qulī Khān leave to go to India, and after that, the officers and the rest of the devoted servants of the Court proceeded with the cortége of H.M. Miriam-Makānī and others to the capital. Among the occurrences that happened on this journey were the deaths of two full sisters of H.M. the Shāhinshāh. One died in Jalālābād, and the other at Kotal Sitāra near the Indus. H.M. Miriam Makānī and the other ladies spent some days in grief for the departure of these heart-delights, and then resigned themselves to the Divine will. The joy of seeing the Shāhinshāh overcame all sorrow, and after the last rites had been paid, the expedition proceeded on. When the news of the chaste ladies reached the royal ears, H.M. the Shāhinshāh was delighted and sent that cupola of chastity, Māham Anaga, the mother of Adham Khān, who, on account of her abundant sense and loyalty, held a high place in the esteem of the Shāhinshāh, and who had been in his service from the time of the cradle till his adornment of the throne, and who trod the path of good service with the acme of affection, to welcome the cortége of H.M. Miriam-Makānī and the other chaste ladies. That cupola of chastity entered on the auspicious service of the ladies in Lahore, and after informing them of H.M. the Shāhinshāh's eagerness to see them, proceeded with them towards the camp of fortune. H.M. the Shāhinshāh made over the charge of the siege to the Khān-Khānān and went forward to meet them. The auspicious conjunction took place at one stage from the Fort (Mānkot), and H.M. Miriam-Makānī's wishful eyes were gratified by the world-adorning beauty of H.M. the Shāhinshāh. There were mutual rejoicings, and next morning H.H. M. Makānī, Ḥājī Begum, Gulbadan Begum, Gulcahra Begum, Salīma Sulṭān Begum and a number more of the relations and connections of the noble family, and of the soldiery, arrived at the camp. The army which had become straitened by the long siege were greatly rejoiced at the arrival of their highnesses, and of many loyal soldiers, and recognising their arrival as a means of victory they increased their efforts.
One of the occurrences that happened during the siege owing to the abundance of good fortune was that Khān Zamān, who had gone to Sambhal, obtained great victories although he did not possess real truthfulness and loyalty. Alas! Alas! loyalty was a thousand leagues away from him. He did not know the meaning of service and mastership. Nay, he had not even come to know the ways of worldly tradesmen which every ignorant one requires to be acquainted with. Accordingly a brief account of his disastrous end will be given in its proper place in this noble volume. One of the good services which were performed by him at this time owing to his outward connection with bliss was the battle with Rukn Khān, Lohānī1 who was a great officer of Mubāriz Khān. Khān Zamān defeated him and subdued many rebels of Sambhal, etc., as2 far as Lucknow. Another of his famous deeds of this time was the defeating Ḥasan Khān Backotī.
The brief account of this wonderful occurrence is that the said Ḥasan Khān was one of the famous landholders of India, and distinguished for the number of his brethren and other relations and of his servants. When the Shāhinshāh's army was engaged in besieging Mānkot, this short-sighted, arrogant one thought he had an opportunity and collected a large army and proceeded to ravage the Sarkār of Sambhal. He took with him Jalāl Khān Sūr, who was one of the great Afghan leaders. When his evil designs became known to the Khān Zamān, he joined with the royal officers who were there and advanced to join battle near Lucknow. The heroes distinguished themselves and gained a victory. The hostile army consisted of more than 20,000 cavalry while the army of fortune was not more than 4,000 strong. By the aid of God-given fortune and in spite of the character of the leader, to which a brief reference has been made, his connection with eternal fortune gave him the victory. An incalculable amount of booty fell into his hands; also many elephants. Of the noted elephants there were two called Sabdilīa, and Dilsankār which were of supreme excellence. They were approved of by the fastidious glance (of Akbar), and included among the special elephants of the Shāhinshāh. As the Khān Zamān's career ended in destruction and disgrace, and his essential baseness came out, and he became a ringleader among the disloyal, the loyal heart does not permit of his deeds being detailed at length. It is best to turn the reins of the courser of the pen from this plain.1 happened during the siege of Mānkot was the victory of Qīyā Khān. The brief account of this joyful event is this: The fort of Gwālīār which is one of the famous fortresses of India, and has few like it for strength, was in the possession of Mubāriz Khān 'Adalī. It was governed on his behalf by2 Bhīl Khān who was one of the slaves of Selīm Khān the son of Sher Khān. Rajah Rām Sāh, whose ancestors had been the masters of the fort, besieged it with a host of Rajputs and had brought the garrison into straits. Qīyā Khān marched from Agra to Gwālīār, and Rām Sāh left the fort and came to give him battle. He fought bravely, but Qīyā Khān stood firm, and as he sought victory from the world-conquering genius of the Shāhinshāh, he defeated the enemy and sent many to the world of annihilation. Thereafter he undertook the siege of Gwālīār.3 excellent events which occurred during the siege of Mānkot was that the fortunate-starred daughter of M. 'Abdullah Khān Moghul who was distinguished for his lineage, entered into the bond of matrimony with the unique jewel of the Caliphate. Bairām Khān did not approve of this connection, for 'Abdullah Moghul's sister was married to M. Kāmrān, and so he regarded 'Abdullah as a partizan of Kāmrān (az kāmrānī). So he opposed the match until Nāṣir-al-Mulk gave him to understand that opposition in such matters was very unacceptable, and by taking charge of the affair brought this happy event by his prudence to a termination. An order was issued to him (Nāṣir-al-Mulk) for arranging an assemblage of pleasure and banquet of joy, and a royal feast was provided. Leaving this matter I return to my narrative and proceed to detail the subsequent adventures of the besieged in Mānkot.CAPTURE OF THE FORT OF MĀNKOT, AND RETURN OF THE SHĀHINSHĀH'S
ARMY TO LAHORE, AND OTHER FORTUNATE OCCURRENCES.
By the Divine aid and by the auspicious care of the Shāhinshāh, who is the key of all locks, visible and invisible, an opening took place. As the world-adorning Deity watches over the affairs of this spiritual and temporal lord, it is proper to inquire in regard to every matter which has relation to him what are the arrangements of the superintendents of destiny. The conquest of this fort, which equalled the rampart of Alexander1 is a proof of this remark. The manner in which it was taken did not enter into the minds of the wise. Arrangements for the siege, such as no one could imagine, were excellently carried out, and the entrenchments were pushed forward on all sides. In some places the batteries closely touched the fort, and among them was an entrenchment which was under the care of the Nāṣir-al-Mulk and in advance of all the others. The egress and ingress of the prisoners of the fort were closed. Though Sikandar relied on the strength of the fort, yet he was disheartened by the appearance of affairs. But in spite of this discouragement, as scoundrels were calculating on the sedition of Mubāriz Khān 'Adalī, of whom a short account has already been given (and hoping), that perhaps he would be able to lift up his head from the eastern provinces of India and march against Delhi, and so the siege of the fort (Mānkot) would not be completed, and that so he (Sikandar) would have an opportunity for commotion in the tranquillised districts, he did not give up defending the fort. But as the doings of the opponents of God-given dominion do not succeed, Mubāriz Khān's measure of life became full. The account of this affair is as follows: The son of Muḥammad Khān who was ruler of Bengal and was called Ṣadr2 Khān, took to himself the title of Jalālu-d-dīn, and made great pretensions. He advanced to give battle to revenge his father whom Mubāriz Khān had slain in battle. A great fight ensued and Mubāriz Khān 'Adilī was killed. He had reigned four years and odd. I admire the wondrous fortune which occurred to the empire from the mutual contentions of its enemies. They made enterprises against one another, and showed themselves as auxiliaries of the eternal dominion.
this news came to the garrison they at once became disheartened. When Sikandar both witnessed and learnt the uprearing of the standards of daily increasing fortune, and his own defeats upon defeats, despair upon despair fell upon him. Of necessity he entered the lists of suppliants and sent his confidants to implore that H.M. the Shāhinshāh would send to the fort one of his trusty servants to comfort his distracted soul and make him a member of the victorious army. H.M. who was a mine of benevolence, out of compassion sent the Atka Khān, who was distinguished for his wisdom and reliability. Sikandar declared with an ashamed face that he did not possess the wisdom which looks to the end, and that he had adopted short-sighted views. He was not in a condition to do homage and so whiten his face. His case would be properly dealt with if H.M. the Shāhinshāh would be so gracious as to excuse him for a time from service. He now sent his son as a slave and hoped that a place would be assigned to himself where he might stay for a while and prepare himself for the blessing of kissing the threshold. He vowed, by God the Creator of the world, that as long as he lived, he would never remove the neck of submission from the line of obedience, and that he would place the necklace of this favour round the neck of his life and make it the jewel of his good fortune. He won over the heart of the ambassador by deceitful blandishments and submissions, and also sent presents in money and goods to the Nāṣir-al-Mulk who was the Khān-Khānān's vakil, or rather was the vakīl of the Sultanate, and he, as if1 from fidelity, interested himself in Sikandar, and conveyed the purport of his requests to the Shāhinshāh through the instrumentality of the Khān-Khānān. regarded the sweets of forgiveness as greater than those of revenge, accepted the representations of the Khān-Khānān, and assigned to Sikandar Kharīd and Bihār as jagirs. The latter sent his son 'Abdu-r-Raḥmān along with Ghāzī1 Khān Tannūrī, who was one of his confidential officers to the Court, the protection of princes, in order that their good services might be the cause of greater favour on the part of the Shāhinshāh to himself. The agreement was carried out according to the kingly desires. Valuable presents including some choice elephants, such as might be fit for the Court, were sent, and on 11 Murdād, Divine month, corresponding to Saturday, 27th Ramẓān, 24 May, 1557, the keys of the fort were surrendered to the imperial servants. H.M. the Shāhinshāh drew the writing of forgiveness over the schedule of his offences, and shutting his eyes to the record of his deeds, gave him leave to depart. He came out of the prison of the fort, and, after a thousand apprehensions and fears, reached Kharīd and Bihār. After two years he went to the abode of annihilation. been thus completed and Sulṭān Sikandar had by becoming a suppliant of the Sultanate conveyed himself into safety, the charge of the fort was made over to Abu-l-Qāsim, the brother of Muḥammad Qāsim Khān Maujī. On 16 Murdād, Divine month, corresponding to 2 Shawwāl, 31 July, 1557, the army, after a stay of six months odd, left the slopes of the Siwāliks for Lahore, in order that it might proceed to Agra after having arranged the affairs of the Panjab. On the way Bairām Khān's mind became troubled on account of misunderstanding, and of his not appreciating the favour shown to him. The account of this affairs is as follows. During the last days of the siege of Mānkot the Khān-Khānān fell ill. Some boils formed which prevented him from mounting a horse. During that time H.M. the Shāhinshāh turned his attention, as a means of diversion, to elephant-fights. Many times did he apply himself to this sport, which has hundreds of nice points involved in it. One day there was a prolonged contest between two of the royal elephants called Fatūḥā and Lagna. By chance these two during their fight came near the Khān-Khānān's tent. The crowd of people and the general uproar caused apprehension and annoyance to the Khān-Khānān, and he came to suspect that perhaps the thing had occurred at the sublime suggestion (of Akbar). He was confirmed in this suspicion by some strife-mongers. He sent one of his confidential servants to Māham Anaga with this message. “I am not conscious of having committed any offence in this sphere-circled threshold, and I have not displayed anything except well-wishing respect. Why then have mischief-makers imputed some offence to me, and caused such unkindness as that furious elephants should have been let loose against my tent?” Māham Anaga by soothing expressions quieted his disturbed mind. happened in relation to the Lord of the Earth, who was keeping himself in the disguise of an incognito, and was giving attention to the concealment of his idiosyncrasy—a mystery which has already been conveyed, as far as my capacity would allow, from the heart to paper. The event, of which the following is an account, was the cause of some well-instructed minds coming to a knowledge of truth. One day the world-adorning Shāhinshāh felt constrained by the presence of short-sighted men, and began to chafe. The power of indignation which in a disposition innately equable is an ingredient deposited by the Lord of power broke out into anger. He became averse to the servants of fortune's threshold who always attended on his stirrup and separated from them, and issued an order that no one of his retinue should be in attendance on him. He even sent away his grooms and such like persons that the solitude of his retirement might not be contaminated by the crowd of this class of men and went out unattended and alone from the camp of fortune. In reality he was engaged in prayerful communion with his God, ostensibly he was angered with men. Among his special horses there was a noble 'Irāqī horse called Ḥairān which Khiẓr Khwāja Khān had presented to him. It had not its like for spirit and swiftness, and was also unequalled for viciousness. When he was left loose no one could come near him, and it was with difficulty that he could be re-caught. The divine hero of the world, owing to his strength and courage, rode him constantly. In this period of solitude he mounted upon this auspicious steed, and set off rapidly, leaving society aside and increasing his glory by the presence of God. When he had gone some distance he dismounted for some purpose, and, becoming heedless of the nature of his steed, assumed the posture of communing with his God. That swift and fiery horse acted according to its custom and rushed off rapidly so that it disappeared from the far-searching gaze of His Majesty. When his holy heart was again disposed to mount, there was no-one in attendance, and no horse at his service. For a little while he was perplexed what to do, when suddenly he saw that this very horse was coming from a distance and galloping towards him. It ran on till it came back to him and stood quietly waiting for him. His Majesty was astonished and again mounted the noble animal. It must be considered as one of the strange faculties of this throne-adorning dominion that a horse, whose habit was not to allow himself to be readily mounted, and who, when he ran off, could with difficulty be re-caught, and who had gone off and disappeared in such a plain, should, merely on the attention of the Shāhinshāh being directed towards him come back of his own accord and quietly submit to be re-mounted. Bravo! what apprehension can there be from solitude to him whom the incomparable Deity favours, and of whom he takes charge? And what improbability is there in such things happening to him? Although it may seem as if the wisdom-erecting Deity makes the world-adorning beauty of this spiritual and temporal visible to him alone, yet in reality it is the setting forth of sundry lamps in the highway of guidance for the direction of the short-sighted and superficial, in that they who know in him a visible lord and king may, what is more and better, know him as a spiritual ruler, and recognising that the pleasing of him is the pleasing of God may arrive at the rose-rendezvous of eternal happiness. who attains to this knowledge, and joy to the fortunate one who receives such instruction! And what a blind atheist is he who in the presence of such lights of intelligence remains under the veil of irrecognition, and descends into the mire of ignorance! And what a futile wretch is he who in spite of having found this glorious station enters on the no-thoroughfare of hypocrisy and opposition and contends with God the Creator of the world! Let us be brief, for to noble discourse of this kind there is no limit! The Khedive of the earth recognised this mysterious intimation (the return of the horse) as a Divine inspiration and, renouncing his intention of solitude, addressed himself again to the cordial greeting of those loyal officers who were in the camp, and cast the shadow of kindness over these regions. Mankind rejoiced, and H.M. with his retinue reached Lahore on 25 Murdād, Divine month, corresponding to H. 11 Shawwāl (7 August, 1557), before the camp had arrived there. He immediately occupied himself in hunting. After a few days the whole camp arrived. The Khān-Khānān under the influence of the Sulṭān of imaginings again returned to the old story and began to suspect Shamsu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān Atka. He said to him: “Although the countenance of my loyalty and devotion to the sublime family be free from the stain of deceit or dissimulation (revu in rīyā) and know that H.M.'s glance of grace and kindness to myself is without flaw and so I have no fear of any breach in the pillars thereof, yet as H.M. occasionally treats me with disfavour I believe this must come from your contrivances and calumnies (s'aī s'aāyīt). What have I done that you should gird up the loins of hostility against me and that in thirsting for my blood you should turn the sacred mind against me? And should even go so far as to attempt my life?” Shāmsū-d-dīn was troubled by this attack, and having collected all his relatives and dependants he went before the Khān-Khānān and made protestations, accompanied with solemn oaths, that he had never opened his mouth to speak ill of him, and that he never would do so. At last the Khān-Khānān came to his senses, and his anxiety abated somewhat. time was Bahādur Khān's being sent to Multan to put his jāgīr in order. As has already been intimated, this had been recently conferred on him. He was also ordered to give a lesson to the Bilūcīs of that neighbourhood, who had raised the head of refractoriness. Bahādur Khān, after arriving in that pleasant country behaved with bravery. A large number of foot and cavalry came to oppose him, and displayed great obstinacy. The fighting lasted for a month, but as the shadow of the fortunes of the lord of the earth had been cast over him, he became victorious by the Divine aid.As the world-arranging God was about to reveal the majesty of the Shāhinshāh that it might come forth from the veil of acquiescence and personally regulate the distractions of the world, the screen over Bairām Khān's actions, who was always boasting of his loyalty, began to lift, and he became a traveller on a roadless tract. One of the vagaries which most sensible men observed in him was that with and without leave he distributed the royal elephants among his confidential officers (ūmarā). He even seized some of the reserved royal elephants, which were a screen for H.M.'s glory, on the pretence that he would make them over to (fitting)1 men. The Khedive of the earth did not wish to submit to this tyranny but as actions have their final time, and that time had not yet arrived, he winked at the procedure and acquiesced in fate. Good God! What width of capacity! And what gentleness! And that too in early youth which is the time for violence, and is the beginning of the boiling over of the powers of rage. But what is marvellous in a great man whom the Creator takes under his protection?
the term that Lahore was made illustrious by the advent of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, Sulṭān Adam Gakkar came and did homage and was received with favour. As he had not come forward when the standards of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī, had first come for the conquest of India, he had an apprehension in his heart. But as he had performed an acceptable service, namely, the seizing and making over of M. Kāmrān, who was the source of so much strife and trouble, he was regarded with favour, and his petitions were continually coming to the sublime Court. At this time, when the earth obtained celestial splendour by the light (far) of H.M. the Shāhinshāh's throne, and Fortune was performing its vocation, viz., to drag every chief and leader by the hair to do homage to the sublime Court, and to exalt them by eternal auspiciousness, a desire to kiss the threshold seized the collar of this fortunate one. But from his natural savagery he begged that when he should be exalted by service, he should not be taken to India along with the sublime cortège, and that he should not by marks of favour, be made an exile from his own country. He also begged that one of the confidential servants should seize him and carry him off to the sublime Court. The Shāhinshāh's graciousness ordered that his good services should be requited, and granted to the full all his requests. Taimūr2 Khān Jalāīr was chosen for this service and directed to conciliate him and to bring him to do homage. And he received more favours than had entered into the mind of his wishes. Lahore, for the warning of strife-mongers there was the bringing to capital punishment of Takht Mal the Zamindar of Mau.1 The brief account of this is as follows. This Zamindar in his evil-fatedness became a companion of Sultan Sikandar and was a cause of his errors. As the general custom of Indian Zamindars is to leave the path of single-mindedness and to have an eye to every side, and to join anyone who is victorious or who is making increasing stir, when there was confusion upon the unavoidable event (the death) of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Âshiyānī becoming known in India, and Sikandar Sūr uplifted the head of strife, that strayed one joined him and backed him up. When the standards of victory besieged Mānkot, and the garrison had got into difficulties he, according to Zamindari tricks, joined the army. When Bairām Khān became apprised of his intrigues he had him executed, and appointed in his room his brother, Bakht Mal, who was prominent for prudence and loyalty. As it is a principle of the Shāhinshāh's lofty spirit that those who come in voluntarily, even if they do so out of necessity, should be protected from vengeance, and his noble nature, which partakes of thousands of kindnesses and generosities does not take into account the wrong-doings of such men, he did not approve of this execution. But as the veil over his world-adorning beauty had not been lifted, he did not give any outward sign (of his displeasure). affairs of the Panjab he spent the four months and fourteen days, during which Lahore was an object of envy to heaven from the splendour of the victorious army, in repose and pleasure: outwardly he wore the guise of one who did not attend to affairs, in reality he was deeply interested, and was testing the loyal. When the officers of the Caliphate had settled matters, the government of Lahore was entrusted to Ḥusain Khān1, sister's son of Mahdī Qāsim Khān, and the victorious standards advanced in an auspicious hour, on 25 Áẕar, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday 15 Ṣafar 965, (7 December 1557) towards the capital of Delhi. encamped at Jālandhar was the marriage of the Khān-Khānān Bairām Khān with the cupola of chastity Salīmā Sulṭān Begum. The account of this is as follows. H.M. Jahãnbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī had during the time of his rule betrothed that veil of chastity, who was his sister's son, and daughter of M. Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad, to Bairām Khān, the arrangement being that he would make over the unique pearl, who was distinguished for illustrious lineage and noble qualities (nasab u ḥasab) among the chaste ladies of the court, to Bairām Khān, after the conquest of India. This promise remained as a pledge till a fitting opportunity. When Jālandhar became a seat of enlightenment owing to the arrival of the sublime camp, the Khān-Khānān applied his mind to the fulfilment of his claim, and begged the grant thereof from H.M. the Shāhinshāh. H.M., as under the guise of indifference he was treading the path of conciliation, signified his assent to the request, and promoted the marriage. All the Court ladies and specially Bīka2 Maham Anaga showed great alacrity in furthering the marriage, and accordingly the marriage and the bridal procession (zifāf) took place within one week. M. Nūru-d-dīn was son of M. 'Alāūddīn Muḥammad, who was son of Khwāja Ḥasan, commonly known as Khwājazāda Caghānīān. This Khwājazāda was grandson of K. Ḥasan 'Aṭṭar, who again was the direct descendant of K. Alāūddīn who was the first Khalīfa of Khwāja Naqshaband.3 Let it not be concealed that the Khwājazāda Caghānīān was son-in-law of Sulṭān Maḥmūd, son of Sultan Abū Saīd Mīrzā. Pasha the daughter of 'Alī Shukr Beg the third ancestor4 of Bairām Khān, and who was married to S. Maḥmūd, gave a daughter whom she had by the Mīrzā to the Khwājazāda. H.M. Getī Sitānī Firdūs Makānī on considering these relationships showed favour to M. Nūru-d-dīn Muḥmud, in whom he saw marks of sincerity and loyalty, and gave in marriage to him his daughter Gulbarg Begum. Salīma, who was distinguished for good qualities, purity and nobility of disposition, was born of that holy one (Gulbarg B.). H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī had thought of this connection (the marriage with Bairām) on account of those relationships. Good God! What an imitative world it is! Because S. Mahmūd made a mistake about Khwājazāda Caghāniān, in that he made an alliance with a strange family, why was it that H.M. Firdūs Makānī followed this up by making an alliance with M. Nūru-d-dīn Muḥd.1, and for what reason did this alliance take place now in pursuance of what had gone before?BEGINNING OF THE THIRD DIVINE YEAR FROM THE DATE OF THE ACCESSION OF
H.M. THE SHĀHINSHĀH TO WIT THE YEAR KHURDĀD OF THE FIRST CYCLE.
God be praised! The talisman of the second year of the Divine Era which was decked with the jewels of joy and pleasantness became a pendant on Time's ear, and an adornment of the necks of years and months, whilst the vernal star of the third Divine year took with greatness the fields of dominion and fortune. After four hours, twenty-eight minutes of Friday, the 20th Jamāda-al-awwal 965 (10 March, 1558), the enthroned one of the fourth heaven (the sun) burnished the gloom of the seven spheres and entered the sign of Aries. He gave fresh vigour to the outer and the inner world. Indescribable cosmos was bestowed on the faded earth and the aged sky. Hearts closed against joy received pleasure upon the apparition of the auspicious lights of this year, and the longers after happiness drew in peace and hope from the New Year gale.
By the vernal fragrance, the world's brain
Made1 the air the aloes of Qimār,
From the musk-scattering of the joyous breeze
The earth's navel grew full of perfume,
Musk was strewn on the earth in tons2
The air was like a shell strewn with civet
From faintness the moon did not shed her light,
Blood dripped from the tulip, and tears from the jasmine
The violet, to baffle the evil eye, swiftly
Marked with blue1 the ear-lobe of the parterre.
After the New Year rejoicings, and the outspreading of victory and conquest, the auspicious fruit-trees of the Divine Gardens, to wit the victory-marked standards of the Shāhinshāh advanced from Jālandhar towards Delhi, hunting and destroying wild beasts on the way.
the Satlaj, upon the banks of which the town of Lūdhiāna is situated, swift messengers brought the news that Ḥājī Khān, of whom a short account has already been given, was opposing strenuously and on equal terms the force which had been sent to quell him. It was therefore resolved that the army of fortune should proceed to Ḥiṣār and ascertain the condition of the force which had gone forth. If it was necessary to despatch a second body of troops, this army was to proceed to the scene of action and put H.M.'s mind at care about that country. In accordance with this excellent plan the whole of the sublime camp was sent to Ḥiṣār under the charge of Nāṣir-al-mulk rapidly, while H.M. the Shāhinshāh went to Sirhind in order to pay the respects of devotion, and that he might rejoin the army after having visited the shrine of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Ashiyāni. May his proofs be illuminated! For when the officers were defeated, and Hemū was predominant, Khanjar2 Beg and a number of the servants of the Court had brought that monarch's holy corpse to Sihrind and the coffin was now lying there, shrouded in curtains. In a short space of time he had paid his devotions, and gone on to Ḥiṣār and illuminated the camp there by his presence. Bāirām Khān-Khānān was at his own request, permitted to accompany H.M. in the expedition (to Sihrind). While the standards were in Ḥiṣār a quarrel arose between Nāṣir-al-mulk and Shaikh Gadai. As Bāirām Khan was much inclined to the Shaikh he took his part, and Nāṣir-al-mulk was grieved of heart for some days and did not come to court. In a short time a number of good men interposed and produced a reconciliation. reached Ḥājī Khān and his men, they separated without fighting and every one went to his own place. Ḥājī Khān hastened to Gujrāt and M. Qāsim Khān of Nīshāpur, marched to Ajmīr and took charge of that quarter. Khān Maḥram and a numbers of others were sent to take Jitāran (a fort in Jodhpur, Jarrett II. 276, and Blochmann, 389 n.) The victorious heroes by the strength of their swords and the might of their courage conducted many of the stiff-necked Rajputs to the abyss of annihilation and took possession of the fort. The surface of that country was cleared from the rubbish of stubborn rebels.MARCH OF THE WORLD-CONQUERING ARMY OF THE SHĀHINSHĀH TO
DELHI AND ITS ARRIVAL AT THAT WONDROUS CITY.
When the world-subduing mind was at ease with regard to those regions, the sublime army proceeded towards Delhi via Samāna. Stage after stage was marked by the distribution of justice and the bestowal of joy, and on 5 Ardībihisht, Divine month, equal to 25 Jamāda-al-akhirī, the world-adorning standards cast light and shade on the plains of the capital. The grandees of the city hastened to go forth to welcome them and made the dust of the world-traversing army the ornament of the forehead of their own good fortune. The lights of equity and justice, and the radiances of the Shāhinshāh's kindness and favour were shed on high and low. By the aid of the Director of Fortune, affairs military and civil were put anew into proper order. At this time the Khān-Khānān and all the officers and pillars of the empire held a great assemblage in the Shāhinshāh's Diwānkhāna twice a week; whatever was fixed upon there with regard to political and financial matters was humbly represented to the Shāhinshāh, and whatever his world-obeyed command directed, received the royal signature.
heavens brought forth from behind the screen of extraordinary events there was the story1 of the loves of 'Alī Qulī Khān Zamān and a camel-driver's son. In consequence of this his intrinsic baseness was revealed, and he became an object of scorn to mankind. The brief account of this is as follows: In the reign of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshyānī, Shāham Beg, the son of a camel-driver, and who was conspicuous for external beauty was one of the special body-guard. From innate depravity, the Khān Zamān fixed his lustful gaze on this camel-driver's son and spent his days in giving to this outburst of concupiscence, and ebullition of bestial desire the name of Love. After the inevitable event of H.M. Jahānbānī, Shāham Beg and Khūshhāl Beg2 who also belonged to the body-guard, were honoured by doing homage to H. M. the Shāhinshāh at Jālandhar and were enrolled in the body-guard. At this time Khān Zamān in his folly and wretchedness sent men to entice him, and he being without intrinsic goodness, and proud of his fleeting, unsubstantial beauty took this opportunity to be the making of his fortune and deserted. For in a Court where real beauty was prized and where this is a place also for outward agreeableness when associated with substantive loveliness, what demand was there for this man of outward comeliness, and how could such an one meet with the Shāhinshā's glance of approbation? In fine, that unfortunate fled in foolishness from fortune's house and presented himself before the Khān Zamān. He made beauty's bazar brisk, and that ingrate (the Khān Zamān) whose evil disposition was supplemented by the intoxication of courage and success, took to disgraceful courses; and as the wicked spirits of Transoxiana in the darkness of their heart have no respect to glory and majesty, and apply a sublime name to impure, tainted wretches, saying, “My Pādshāh, my Pādshāh,” so did this depraved one used to address Shāham Beg, and bow down before him and perform the kornish.1 In the superfluity of his naughtiness, of which only a little may be said, he left the way of auspiciousness and trod the path of destruction. A greater evil was the coming to him of flatterers, whose crooked glances regarded nothing but their own interest. For this reason they continually gave a good complexion to his wickednesses, and worked for their own preferment. Whenever a man of evil nature is in high position, and gives way to intoxication, and a crowd of flatterers beset him, the spiritual and temporal condition of such a man deteriorates, and he ends in the ruin of his health and wealth. The evil ending career of 'Alī Qulī Khān is an illustration of this. irreverence and shamelessness of those ill-fated ones came to the knowledge of H.M., admonitory letters were sent and wise exhortations and commands were issued. The lofty order was: “Our Court is a sea of pardon and beneficence. The man who by submitting himself to desire and the society of wicked flatterers is overpowered by the lord of lust and passion becomes the mark of various disgraces. Let nothing be said now of virility, truth, loyalty, devotion and sincerity, but take hold of the thread of prudence—the safeguard of the generality of mankind—and repent of your deeds and amend your evil-doings by good service; send that camel-driver's son to Court, so that we may regard your deeds as not done, and exalt you by royal favours. If through folly and immodesty you obey not the royal commands, your punishment will be cast into your bosom, that it may be a warning to other short-sighted and intoxicated ones.” Meanwhile, as the intoxication and evil nature of 'Alī Qulī Khān became more and more manifest, the world-adorning mind determined that a number of brave men should be settled in his neighbourhood, so that he might be removed from his unique position and absolute power, and yet not have the veil of his honour rent. For this reason the town of Sandīla (in Oudh) was given in fief to Sulṭān Ḥusain Khān Jalāīr. That wicked one (Khān Zamān) had of his own authority given this town to Ism'āīl Khān the son of Ibrāhīm Khan, Uzbeg and a near relation of his own. Whenever the head of a party engages in evil and disloyalty, his followers necessarily become void of auspiciousness. Consequently Ism'aīl Khān did not give up the pargana but proceeded to resist. Sulṭān Ḥusain Khān, being backed by such a lord of fortune took it from him by force, and the latter took refuge with 'Alī Qulī Khān, and came against him with a large army. Sulṭān Ḥusain Khān, marched out with his men to put him down, and as he was one of those associated with eternal fortune he was victorious in spite of the numbers of the enemy. A large number of the worst of the evil-doers who had set their lives on disloyalty were levelled with the dust of annihilation. Shāh Budāgh Bulāqī1 who was nearly related to 'Alī Qulī Khān, and was one of the distinguished of the age for bravery, hastened to the hell of extinction. 'Alī Qulī Khān on account of his innate wickedness wanted to go and encounter Sulṭān Ḥusain Khān, and to quit once for all the screen of respect, and to blacken his face for ever and ever. A number of wise and far-seeing men withheld him from this improper purpose and engaged him in correcting his evil deeds. He too took the advice and exerted himself to amend. But as he did not possess a happy constitution, he did not separate that camel-driver's son from himself, nor withdraw his hand from other evil deeds. Secretly he plotted wickedness, outwardly he showed improvement. Nāṣir-ul-Mulk continually vituperated his bad behaviour and strove for sending an army against him and for chastising him, while Bairām Khān took the part of 'Alī Qulī Khān and from his magnanimous nature regarded his lawless acts as unacted. His friends at court gave him weighty admonitions, and as that evil-doer could not turn back from his deeds he had recourse to tricks and stratagems. He sent a confidential servant named Burj 'Ali to Court in the hope that he might perhaps put his affairs straight, and find a remedy for the agitations at Court. In those days Nāṣir-ul-mulk was all powerful, and political and financial affairs were committed to his weighty judgment. He followed loyalty from the bottom of his heart and did not regard the partiality of Bairām Khān. One day Burj 'Alī, who belonged to the turbulent set of 'Alī Qulī Khān's society, went to Nāṣīr-ul-mulk, and uttered words which were out of all bounds. Accordingly the truth-recognising soul of Nāṣir-ul-mulk became indignant, and he ordered Burj 'Alī to be stretched out and beaten with rods, and that he should be thrown from the tower of Delhi fort and flung into the moat of annihilation. Then he said, “This fellow is now an illustration1 of his own name (Burj, a tower).” Baīrām Khān was much vexed at this. He cherished revenge for it in his heart, and put off the punishment to another time. to pass in Delhi at this time was the bringing to capital punishment of Muṣāḥib Beg the son of Khwāja Kilān Beg. This was effected by the loyal exertions of Nāṣir-ul-mulk, and it relieved mankind from his (Muṣāḥib's) seditiousness. The brief account of this is that his futile soul was ever crammed with hypocrisy and his disposition compact of wickedness. Both in the time of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī and at the emergence of the world-adorning sun of H.M. the Shāhinshah improper actions of his came to light. H.M. Jinnat Ashiyānī used to call him Muṣāhib-i-Munāfiq (the hypocritical companion), as has already been mentioned. he spent part of his worthless days in the society of Abu-al-M'aālī, and in evil plottings, and another part in the Eastern Districts as one of the evil companious of 'Alī-Qulī Khān. He made his son 'Alī Qulī's muhrdār (Sealer), and as the measure of his life was nearly full he came with evil intentions from there to Delhi. Bairām Khan imprisoned him and then sent him off to Mecca in company of trustworthy men. He had come out of his lodging (qadmgāh),1 and was proceeding on his way, when his business was settled and his foot (qadm) went down to extinction. Naṯir-ul-Mulk was the cause of this. By skilful management he brought Bairām Khān to have two pieces of paper, on one of which was written “Death” and on the other “Release” These were to be spread2 out, and whichever of them should come out and fall face upwards should be regarded as the Divine Command, and acted upon accordingly. Fate favoured his design, and immediately persons were sent and he was brought to punishment. this year was the slaying of Khwāja Jalālu-d-dīn3 Bujuq. The brief account of this is that he was Pādshāh Qulī, i.e., he was the king's slave and did not go out of his way to pay homage to other men. Now the great men of the world look to the establishment of their own position, and like everyone to court and flatter them. Consequently many grandees of the empire did not like him. Moreover he had the fault of levity and of making jokes, which perhaps is the worst of offences in the eyes of the great. He uttered pleasantries about the leaders of the age, and under the guise of witticisms—which the ignorant call agreeable facetiousness—he said things which were far from being proper, so that there was no one who did not carry in his side a wound from the thornbrake of his jesting. At this time when Ghaznīn had been entrusted to him on the recommendation of Muḥammed Qulī Khān Barlās, designing persons got their opportunity and both embittered Mun'im Khān's mind, and revived his old desire of being revenged upon him. In India too they stirred up Bairām Khān to kill him, and so were the cause of still further troubling Bairām's mind. Where is that far-seeing and good man who regards his master's welfare and does not for his private ends make useful servants the target for the arrows of revenge, and who casts out of view his own loss or gain and exerts himself in bringing forward men of ability? When the Khwāja heard that Mun'im Khān had given up his intention of going to India and that he was meditating revenge, he fell into great perplexity. He could not go to India for the Lord of the Age was behind the screen of insouciance, and Bairām Khān was very powerful. Considering that in the time of H. M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Ashiyānī on account of some improper expression which had been conveyed to Bairām Khan the latter had taken the opportunity of finding Jalālu-d-din alone in the bath and had treated him with great ignominy, and in his anger had not had respect to H. M. Jahānbānī; now that his status was so high, and that the Lord of the Age was under the veil of inattention, how could he go before him? And what accusations the evil-hearted and oppressive would produce! Nor could he prevail upon himself to go to Kabul and see Mun'im Khān who affected to be well-disposed towards him. Disloyalty too was in Jelālu-d-din's estimation the worst of faults, and so he could not endure to turn away from the dominion conjoined with eternity to another country. Munīm Khān sent a number of people to give him confidence, and after having induced him to come by promises and agreement he put him in prison. After that they at his instigation lanced his eyes several times, but as his fate had not arrived, the brightness of his honest eyes was not dimmed. After some time when he was let go on the supposition that he was blind, he proceeded to Bangash and under the guidance of a Bangashī was on his way to India, so that he might by whatever means were possible, convey himself to the threshold of dominion; and that whatever unavoidable order might issue from his enemies (Bairām and others) he might at least be under the foot of his master. When Mun'im Khan heard of this he sent off some swift inquisitors. They caught him and his younger brother Jalālu-d-dīn Mas'aūd, and Mun'im Khān bound and imprisoned them. He was thinking how to get rid of them. At last he one night sent people to them and spilt the blood of these loyalists for his own shameful private ends! Bairām Khān too had drawn up and sent an order for putting them to death. H.M. the Shāhinshāh who in order to test the powerful, and for other reasons, was under the veil of inattention, was inwardly indignant on hearing of this proceeding, but left the retribution for it, as well as for other matters, to God the Creator and Adorner of the world, and in his wisdom said nothing. May Almighty God long preserve this exhibition of endurance in order that he may govern spiritually and temporally.H.M. THE SHĀHINSHĀH'S INCLINATION FOR ELEPHANTS, AND THE FIGHTING
OF RAGING ELEPHANTS.
The far-seeing, screen-choosing mind of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, which was constantly weaving the disguise of insouciance, and left political and financial matters to the lovers thereof, and daily drew a fresh veil over the face of his dominion conjoined with eternity, and thereby tested the boastful lovers of the world, gave its attention to camel-riding and to camel-fights at the time that he was adorning the veil in Kabul. For in that country there were no animals larger then they. Sometimes he, for the sharpening of his mind practised horse-riding, and the hunting with dogs. When India was made illustrious by his blessed advent he gave special attention to elephants, which are wonderful animals both in form and in ways. If in respect of size I liken them to a mountain in order to describe them to those who have not seen them, I do not succeed in my attempt, for where is account taken of their beauty of form, and where is their swiftness? Or if I liken their speed and fury to the wind, how is their wrath depicted at the time of their o'erthrowing the firm-footed on the field of battle? If I compare them for foresight, intelligence, and sagacity to the horse, the real thing is not said. A separate volume would be required to describe their ferocity, their revenge, and their wondrous deeds. Such a work might be written by a sage without the adornments of fine writing. Eloquence and fluency alone are not sufficient for such a great subject being treated of in its entirety. In addition to true wisdom there must be a long life spent in the company of experienced men who have learnt the ways of this wondrous-looking, mighty-formed, highly intelligent, mountain-demolishing, horseman-throwing, army-confounding (animal), and thereby acquiring knowledge of the marvellous, awe-inspiring, astonishment-producing creature. And with all this, there must also be the beholding of his wrath and his gentleness, and of witnessing his wondrous actions. Then perhaps a little out of much can be written about him, so that the brevity of the account may not cause regret in the heart. Why should I, who have not these opportunities, make a long discourse and indulge in word-ornamentation? Why should I turn back from the purpose which I have in this noble volume? Assuredly it is better to be contented with what I have said of those wondrous creatures and that I increase the splendour of my own subject!1
When the sacred glance of H.M. the Shāhinshāh fell upon this wondrous animal, he recognised it as worthy of his attention and prepared a fresh screen for himself. In fact the world-adorning Deity decreed the commencement2 of the beautifying of this unique one of the threshold of greatness (i.e. Akbar), and converted the subject-matter of the fear and terror of the superficial creature-worshippers into current coin, so that they might not break the chain binding them to this spiritual and temporal Khedive, and that they might not indulge in vain thoughts and might not proceed beyond their measure. For the adepts in this art and the teachers thereof were unable to tame the ferocity (of the elephant), while this Divine athlete subdued it by his courage. Evidently3 it was proper to take notice of him! This also was for the wise and the pious the beginning of the perceiving and understanding of the works of this chosen one of God. For deeds which could not come within the mould of speech, and which could not be weighed in the balance of reason were displayed by this enthroned one. Ridings upon mast, men-killing, driver-throwing elephants, the sight of whom melted the gall-bladder of the iron-livered ones of this art were exhibited by this holy personality. When a mast and vicious elephant had killed its driver, and committed several other murders, so that it was a terror to the city, this assisted of heaven and protected by God came, as he was walking between the garden and the courtyard, placed his foot on the elephant's tusk and smilingly took his seat and set the elephant to fight with mast and quarrelsome elephants. In the very thick of the fighting when he saw that the driver of the other elephant had lost control of the animal, that Lion of God leapt from his own elephant to the other. Then did the pious receive the collyrium of illumination! For it was impossible to approach this animal without God's protection, much less, to ride it, and again to control it with severity, and to engage it in fight with another elephant like itself! On beholding these wonders both the exoteric and the esoteric became submissive (lit. came into the condition of having the ring in their ears). It did not occur to anyone that he would saddle the elephant, and that he would arrange other tools and things in order that he might ride. He put a rope round the elephant's neck, as an ornament to him, and sitting near his neck twisted his foot into that rope. What shall I say?—the same thing as I said at first. I can't describe the affair. If the superficial reader thinks that in my description I have turned aside from the long highway of purpose into space, the intelligent and judicious will perceive that I have not deviated one foot from the way, and that I am hastening forward. But of the aggregate of instances of the Divine protection which aroused the spiritual and the worldly from the slumber of negligence and produced wonder in some and regret in others for their want of comprehension in past times, while they increased the understanding of another section and made it praise its own insight, there was this which occurred at Delhi when the holy mind was diverting itself with elephant-riding. One day he mounted the elephant called Lakhna, which was an exhibitor of terrific rage, at a time when it was at the height of its ferocity, evil nature and man-killing, and made it engage with an elephant like itself, so that the proudest were surprised. The elephant Lakhna, on which H.M. was riding, was victorious and was madly pursuing the other when suddenly its foot, which resembled a great pillar, fell into a deep ditch, and in its furious condition, and when the fumes of wrath were circulating in its brain, it made great struggles and movements. At this time an athlete who was riding on the elephant's rump, for the rule is that a lion-hearted, skilful man rides crupper on these mountain forms, and such a one is called in Hindi Bhoi,1 could not sit the sky-high rearings of the elephant, and fell to the ground. Then, when cries awoke on every side, and the hearts of the loyal melted within them, the holy personality was also moved from its place, and his sky-brushing foot became fixed in the rope of the elephant's neck, which in Hindi is called Kalāwa.2 H.M. with a heart which can throw the noose of courage on the heavens, and a palm which had God's help in its fingers, firmly seized the the rope, and having hold of the strong cable of this Divine protection remained strong of heart and serene in soul. In that tumult and uproar which produce an earthquake in the terrene, and a riot in time, and while the elephant with his great strength was extricating his feet from the abyss, and was making marvellous struggles and inclining from side to side to the ground, and while on one hand there were the cries of the people, and on the other the efforts of the elephant for getting rid of H.M's sacred personality, a number of intrepid, loyal and alert men came and released H.M. from the elephant. The disturbed heart of the world was appeased, and the commoved life of the age became stationary again. I do not know if this beauty under the aspect of terror displayed itself without the intention of this chosen one, in order that the far-reaching thoughts of the wicked might be shortened by seeing such (Divine) guardianship, or whether that spiritual and temporal Khedive, that king of the visible and invisible, knowingly and designedly exhibited such glory, so that by one splendid act might be manifested the blindness of weak-sighted malevolents, and the illumination of the loyal. In a short time, when H.M. had put himself in order, the elephant by his own efforts brought out his foot from the hole and began to be riotous. H.M. with the same open view, and serene soul again mounted the elephant and proceeded, encompassed by the Divine protection, to his fixed abode. Bairām Khān Khān Khānān on hearing of the circumstances, which threw into agitation the tranquil souls of devotees, came to prostrate himself at the throne, and in gratitude for the safety of the royal person, and to avert the evil eye, distributed great largesses to the world. The cherubim of the Court of heaven and the members of the holy assembly raised the hands of supplication and implored from a bounteous God enduring dominion and the perfecting of humanity by the fostering care of this great lord of horizons!
concealed from inquirers that the first elephant which H.M. the Shāhinshāh rode was called Dilsankār. It was sent along with other elephants by Bairām Khān Khān Khānān to H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī as part of the plunder of Mācīwāra. H.M. Jinnat Āshiyānī presented that elephant in Lahore to H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and as his elephant-riding had not advanced so far as that he could ride alone on grand elephants, he used to ride this one, which was perfectly quiet. And there was an elephant called Faujbidār (scattering the army?) which at the very first time he rode alone without the help of a driver. This too was an elephant which H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī had presented to him. One day when H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī was coming from Māciwāra to Sihrind, H.M. the Shāhinshāh rode on that elephant as far as Sihrind. The first mast elephant that H.M. the Shāhinshāh rode was called Damūdar, which H.M. had presented to Bairām Khãn. When H.M. the Shāhinshah was going from Delhi to Salīmgarha, which was on the bank of the Jumna, that elephant was tied under a tree by the roadside. As it possessed the virtue of steadiness the driver was, even in the height of its mast condition, taking cooked rice in his hand and putting it into the elephant's mouth. H.M. was pleased with the good behaviour of the elephant, and went up to it, and getting upon a female elephant which they had tied by its side, mounted upon the neck of Damūdar. The first mast elephant which H.M. the Shāhinshāh mounted upon, and engaged in battle with another mast elephant, was called Jhalpa. This was during the siege of Mānkot. After battle had been waged between these two monsters for a long time the contest ended, like a game of chess,1 in a draw, and they were separated. At that auspicious time H.M's age had reached fourteen years. After this, the power of H.M. in riding mast elephants rose to such a pitch that that victory-supported one would unhesitatingly mount on a mast elephant which experienced drivers despairingly declined to ride (lit. placed the back of the hand on the ground of helplessness). And he would lead it against mast elephants, and without exaggeration he rode more than a hundred times on mast elephants which had killed their drivers and were men-slayers, and were capable of smiting a city or perturbing an army, and engaged them in fighting. May Almighty God preserve this eternally-aided one for cycles and epochs on the throne of success and of fulfilment of the desires of mortals! dominion-increasing events of this time there was this, that Khwāja 'Abdulla, son of Khwāja Muḥammad Zakarīāh the son of Khwāja Dost Khawand, on whose forehead was the jewel of orthodoxy, along with other high-minded Khwajas, who had their jāgīr in the town of Talūndī1 and Mīrza Hasan of Tirmiẕ, and Qarā Bahādur of Kashghar, were appointed to proceed against Rājah Kapūr Cand, who had shut himself up in the fort of Jamū.2 These good servants marched according to proper regulations and displayed full zeal and loyalty. By the help of victorious dominion they fought a great battle and won a great victory. They obtained much plunder, and the jewel of their good service and right action was tosted.H.M. THE SHĀHINSHĀH'S PROGRESS TO AGRA, AND OTHER
OCCURRENCES.
When the pleasant region of Delhi had been for six months an abode of justice and peace owing to the stay there of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and its affairs had been arranged according to the instructions of inspiration, the world-adorning mind, which is a ray from the world-lighting splendour of the sun, and a light derived from the fountains of eternal light, resolved that the sublime standards should proceed to Agra, which for air and water makes Bagdad ashamed of the Tigris, and Egypt of the Nile, and his ocean-scattering mind decided on travelling by boat and on the river Jumna. The fluviatile officers prepared vessels and boats, and outside and inside the planks were beautified by silks. On the day of Ishtād 26 Mihr, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 26 Zī-hajja, (9th October, 1558) that ocean-hearted Shāhinshāh and that ocean without a bound embarked, and imparted the dignity of the circumambient ocean to a petty piece of water. The great officers, the courtiers and others who had made preparations for the journey also embarked. It seemed as if the river was in fête; or as if the tulip and the rose had raised their heads from the water. With all kinds of joy and pleasure they set out towards Agra. On that pleasant journey they engaged in fishing and in water-fowling. And the sublime reunion, which was another river brimful of grand jewels, became by the effect of the movement of the boat-shaped flagons billowy with gifts and munificance, till at length on 17 Ābān, Divine month, corresponding to Sunday 17 Muḥarrum 966=30th October 1558, the crescent-moon of the standards of the Shāhinshāh emerged from the ascension point of the horizon of the city of Agra, and made that fortunate and auspicious city the centre of the circle of the throne and the ascension point of the light of fortune. H.M. the Shāhinshāh gave celestial rank to the citadel, which was known by the name of Bādalgarha, by his alighting there. Abodes were distributed to the grandees. Fortune took up her dwelling there, and auspiciousness laid her foundation in that rose-garden. In a short space of time this city became, by the blessing of the sublime advent, the rosy cheek of the seven climes. It is a city of temperate heat and cold, its climate harmonises with the constitution, for trees and fruits its soil is like Khurāsān and 'Irāq. The river Jumna, which has few like it for the lightness and digestibility of its water, flows through it. On either side the servants of fortune's threshold erected pleasant homes and made charming gardens which come not within the mould of description. With all grandeur and glory it became once more the abode of the Caliphate, and the centre of the Sultanate.
constellations regard with favourable aspects the fortunate horoscope of the Shāhinshāh, and results corresponding thereto must show themselves, predestined victories, and the unveiling of the brides of aspirations displayed themselves in their order. Every hope which promised to arise either by dint of struggle and labour, or without effort or striving, was fulfilled in divers ways. Among these was the happy augury which occurred after the coming to Agra, viz., the facile conquest of the fort of Gwālīar. It has already been briefly stated that Qīyā Khān and an army of gallant men had gone to beseige it. But as that strong fortress is for strength and solidity a masterpiece of the wise of former times, and a wondrous memorial of skilful ancients, so that to take it by force is impossible, and could only be thrown open by the daily-increasing prestige of such a master of Fortune, the enterprise had not advanced in spite of the endeavours of the world-conquering combatants. At this time, when Agra became the seat of the standards of victory, Ḥabīb 'Alī Khān and Maqṣūd 'Alī Sulṭan and a number of others were appointed to assist Qīyā Khān. Bahabal Khān did not neglect the smallest point in the maintaining of the fort. A number of guides to fortune who were his well-wishers gave him sound advice to the effect that though the fort was strong, and supplied with munitions, yet nothing could prevail against Divine help and celestial fortune, especially when no protector remained to back him up. As the remark was very just he accepted the counsel, and in Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Rabī'-al-Ākhir, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī went at the request of the garrison and composed his (Bahabil's) disturbed mind, and brought him to serve H.M. the Shāhinshāh. That auspicious one recognised that to make over the keys of the fort to the imperial servants was to open the gates of his own wishes. That strong fort come into the possession of the heroes of fortune. H.M. treated him with great kindness and gave him presents, robe of honour and a fief. In fact it was by payment of promises of kindness that so many great works were accomplished. A new article of faith was added, viz., belief in the truth and rectitude of that mine of the greatness of collective humanity. A fresh support was given to those wandering in the desert of astonishment. All were convinced that whatever was determined in this world-protecting court would be fulfilled without fail. Nor would any room he given for evil-doing by any shortsighted and narrow-minded person. The wild denizens of the wilderness of unsociability obtained confidence and found direction to the pleasant abode of society, for this is a court where, as regards advancement and selection, no heed is taken of identity, or difference of race. Whoever has a clear conscience, and a sincere heart, and a grateful soul, and ability, and knows the value of instruction, escapes from the furnace of punishment and receives princely favours. during this fortunate year was the engaging in battle of Kámāl Khān Ghakar, and his victory. The facts of this beautiful story are that at the time when Agra became the abode of sovereignty it came to the royal ears that an Afghan tribe called the Mīyāna was stirring up strife in Saranj1 which is in the province of Mālwa. H.M. sent Kāmāl Khān Ghakar against them as he showed marks of courage, and was fit for this employ. He went off with a body of troops and fought a battle. He was victorious and returned to kiss the threshold. He was rewarded by a robe of honour and received the towns of Karah, Fatḥpur,2 Hanswah,3 and other places in fief. the sending of Adham Khān with a body of troops against Hatkānt. The brief account of this is that Hatkānt, than which there is no stronger place, is near Agra, and the landholders are of the Bhadauriyah1 tribe, etc., and are distinguished for sense2 and courage. They always were in revolt against the Sultans of India. As Bairām Khān was always suspicious of Adham Khān, he thought to give him this territory in jāgīr, so that in this way he might be removed from Court, while at the same time the rebels of that quarter would receive punishment, and thus two good objects be carried out at once. Accordingly he was appointed to this jāgīr and despatched. Bahādur Khān, Khān Jahān, Saiyid Maḥmūd Bārha, Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, Ṣādiq Khān, Ism'aīl Qulī Khān, Kharram Khān, Amīr Khān and a number of heroes were inscribed in this army. By God's help they subdued the country, and the seditious received fitting punishment. Court of Shāh Muḥammad Qilātī, to whom the governorship of Qandahār had been entrusted by Bairām Khān. It has already been recorded that when Shāh Muḥammad Qilātī had worsted Bahādūr Khān, the brother of the Khān Zamān, by entering into engagements with the ruler of Persia, and by bringing an army from there, he had not stood by his promises. Consequently the ruler of Persia appointed his brother's son, Sulṭān Ḥusain M., the son of Bahrām M. and his nephew's guardian, Ḥusain Beg Īcak Ughlī Istajlū, and Wali Khalīfa Shāmlū to take Qandahār. Shāh Maḥd., relying on the buttress of the Shāhinshāh's fortune, exerted himself to hold the fort, and the siege was protracted.At length some Rustum-like heroes sallied out one night from the New Gate and attacked the batteries of Walī Khalīfa Shāmlū. They wounded him, and killed many. After a long discussion Sulṭān Ḥusain M. retired from the foot of the fort without having accomplished his purpose. The ruler of Persia was vexed and sent the said Mīrzā, 'Alī Qulī Sulṭān the Governor of Shīrāz, and Walī Khalīfa Shāmlū with a large force to get possession of Qandahār by every means possible. 'Alī Qulī Sulṭān, who had boasted much about this affair, made great efforts to take the fort, but became by a musket-ball1 a traveller to the region of non-existence. A division arose in the army. Though no outward assistance came from the Khedive of the Age, the Divine aid helped from time to time, and confounded such large forces. Sulṭān Ḥusain M., who could neither venture to return, nor judge it right to remain, spent his days in a distracted manner and encamped round the fort. Meanwhile Shāh Muḥammad Qilātī sent a representation to Court, explaining the state of the case, and in reply a command was issued to him to the effect that H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī used to say that when he had conquered India he would give Qandahār to the Shāh. It was not right to fight with these men, and to carry matters so far. The fort should be delivered to the Shāh's servants, and he, (Shāh Muḥammad) should, after making apologies, repair to Court. I laud the gentleness and humanity which were here displayed in such a high degree; and the observance of right and the adherence to obligations which were so conspicuous! In accordance with the lofty order Shāh Muḥammad delivered over Qandahār to Sulṭān Ḥusain M., and proceeded to the Court, and this year had the bliss of service, and was the recipient of royal favours.
strange occurrences was Shāh Quli Khān Maḥrams' becoming a jogi and hermit. There was a boy with him named Qabūl Khān who knew how to dance and whom he loved. As H.M. did not approve of this kind of conduct in any of his servants,2 for though it may be pure, yet there are improprieties mixed up with it which sensible men well know, he prohibited it. Shāh Qulī could not give up the practice, and so it was ordered that the boy should be taken from him and made over to guards. Shāh Qulī Khān owing to the burden of humanity gave way to anguish and set fire to his name and fame. He put on the dress of a jogi, and sought retirement. Bairām Khān recited an ode to comfort him and tried to amend him. He came back to his allegiance to the Shāhinshāh. and was ashamed of what he had done; and he was treated with endless favours.One of the wonderful felicities that befel the holy personality during this time was that the Khedive was engaged in hunting at Mandhākar, which is six kos from Agra, when a cīta pursued a fawn. He caught it in his mouth and was carrying it off when the mother, being moved by her affection, made a fierce attack on him. The cīta which was exulting in the prey it had taken, fell to the ground in disgrace; in appearance it was from the blow of the mother, in reality it was from the graciousness of the Shāhinshāh, and the gazelle escaped from the claws of death and scoured the plain along with its mother. Though the holy heart wished to remain veiled (lit. to adorn the curtain), yet the divine contrivance was revealing his world-adorning beauty. During this dominion-increasing time H.M. the Shāhinshāh always wore in Agra the garb of indifference, and was testing the men of the age. He was continually engaged in hunting deer with the cīta, andin elephant-fights, and such other external matters which the superficial man regards as matters of insouciance, while the wise recognise them as the veil of world-adorning beauty. The incomparble Deity day by day made the light of the sun of fortune of His own chosen one more and more resplendent, and what H.M. regarded as a veil of his beauty was converted by the Creator into exhibitions of his beauty, so that day by day the majesty of that Khedive of the age was exalted. The kingly might and majesty were continually unveiling themselves without any external insignia. The specialities and details of such actions cannot be committed to books and records. The dust-seated mote, Abul Faẓl, who has come in haste and is putting together an abridged account of the acts of this Khedive of the age, by questioning bit by bit those acquainted with them, is somewhat surprised at the eloquent and able men of this dominion-conjoined with eternity. For, if the lord of the world remained under a veil, and did not, for the instruction of mankind, dictate an account of his wondrous deeds, and glorious state, what negligence took possession of these able and connoisseurs, so that they have not collected the holy occurrences of this God-given dominion? Moreover where have I the ill-fated one, who have neither trunk nor leaf of outward growth and have to carry out royal orders, and who know that unstinted service is my reasonable devotion, and so spend my time in discordant occupations, the leisure to record things in detail? Yes, truly, if God grant me sufficient life in the service of His Majesty, I shall recite the wondrous tale of my spiritual and temporal king, and under this guise pay my devotions to God! In short, although the ruler of the age was spending his days under the veil of indifference, yet every day men of genius and talent, loyal combatants devoted heroes, sages, and other men of skill were coming from the quarters of the earth in troops and were gaining their desires. The court of the king became the shadow of the Divine Court, every section succeeded above its wishes and became part of the army of fortune; and the garden of human hearts blossomed out in various colours, and gladness and joy went on increasing.
BEGINNING OF THE FOURTH DIVINE YEAR FROM THE SACRED ACCESSION
OF THE SHĀHINSHĀH, TO WIT, THE YEAR TĪR
OF THE FIRST CYCLE.
Thanks be to unequalled bounty, and to unceasing excellence that the third year of the Divine Era has happily come to an end, and that time has come for the beginning of the fourth year. On Sunday1 2 Jumāda-al-akhirī 966 (12? March 1559) the light of Akbar2 and the great light shed their radiance on the house of exaltation. The visible and invisible world obtained splendour; the gates of joy were opened before mortals, the things of delight displayed brilliancy before the eyes of mankind, the orb (kaukava) of the Sulṭan of spring (the sun) inflamed the world and took possession thereof; the sound of the army of King Rose opened the ears of time and the terrene; the New Year-bounty of the spirit of vegetation breathed on the bodies and moulds of terrestrials; the liberality of spring bestowed brain-nourishing odours and perfumes on the horizons; the vernal breeze taught the nurslings of the garden the tripping gait3 of the partridge and the stately step of the pheasant, the atmosphere gave to earth's fixtures the ascension of fire, and the mobility of water. The brown covering of earth was changed into a satin and brocade4 carpet, without woof or warp, of verdure and roses; the throats of the birds of the garden threw discredit on the fine-breathing flute, the beak of the nightingale buffeted Pan's5 pipes, the tulip laughed at the bill of the parrot, and the verdure at the tail of the peacock, the violet touched the eyes of beholdors with the collyrium of vision, the narcissus remained in open-eyed1 admiration of Divine power, lilies2 and and hyacinths3 unveiled the mysteries of white and black, tulips and sweet-smelling flowers became skilled exponents of the truths of God and of existence.—
From Paradise came a cup4 to the tulip
From Riẓwān came a greeting to the rose
There was glory of the garden-beauties
Each cheek shone like a lamp,
Under each calyx there was a fragrant bud
Like a swart amulet on the arm of the beloved,
The lily put forth her silent tongue5
Every moment she sought a draught
The dew shed silver on the grasses's heads
The zephyr shook down a couch of flowers
At each fount the duck was inserting his bill.
Like golden shears in a piece of silk.
On every branch the birds were organists,
The rose-bush tossed her head at every note
The early-waking nightingale sang love-ditties
And quickened the ardour of the wine-bibbers,
The Shāhinshāh by adorning the world
Added another spring to spring.
In this fortunate year, which was the ornamental border of the book of fortune, the world-conquering genius ordained that a proper army should be appointed to the eastern districts to take Lucknow and the territories appertaining thereto from 'Alī Qulī Khān, and to awaken him from his neglectful sleep. “If he betook himself to ways of auspiciousness, and made loyalty his travelling-gear, and sent that camel-driver's son, who was the ground-work of his arrogance and negligence, to Court, or drove him away from his presence, and made obedience and submission to the lord of the world and of mortals the ground-work of his own fortune, he would certainly have been compassed with royal favours, and should march with the army of fortune of the sublime dynasty to Jaunpūr and chastise the Afghans, who still carried in their brains the vapours of sedition, and make a place for himself there, his former good service would be approved of and his present follies would be passed over and he would receive help and support.” An order was issued that the victorius troops should proceed to their fiefs and make their preparations and assist 'Ali Qulī Khān. Should that ill-fated and intoxicated man not recognise the amount of favour that was shown to him, then to punish him and to put him down would be regarded as the ground-work of the administration of the world, and the ornament of the worship of the Creator. On account of these considerations, Qiyā Khān Gung, Sulṭān Ḥusain Khān Jalāīr, Muḥammad Khān Jalāīr, Shāham Khān Jalāīr, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī, Calma Khān, Kamāl Khān Ghakkar, and a number of other loyal heroes were despatched. And a firmān was issued that he ('Alī Qulī) should make over Lucknow to the royal servants and proceed to Court. 'Abdullah Khān Uzbek, who had charge of Kālpī, was exalted by a royal command and directed to take part in this enterprise and to act with loyalty. As the veil over 'Ali Qulī Khān was not yet fully rent, and some days were wanting until the veil should be removed, he on hearing the command, made over Lucknow and its territories to the Jalāīrs and other officers, and bound the girdle of courage on himself for the conquest of Jaunpūr. Ibrāhīm1, who has already been mentioned, had at the time when Mubāraz Khān was killed, and Hīmū disappeared, made the convulsive movements of a slaughtered animal, and was now in Jaunpūr. 'Alī Quli took from him Jaunpūr without a battle,2 and a wide tract of country came into his possession by the good fortune of the Shāhinshāh. He displayed these acts of valour, and one deed which was ostensibly good was the sending away of Shāham. If this had been done from the bottom of his heart he would have sent him to Court. At last in some way or other he separated that groundwork of sedition from himself, and after giving demonstrations of loyalty sent representations and presents to the sublime Court.
One of the instructive occurrences which might be a guide to those astray in the wilderness of denial, and which occurred in this year was the killing of the camel-driver's son. As the Creator is surety for the administration of the sovereignty of this Khedive of the horizons, the superintendents of fate were at work, in spite of the enthroned one of the Caliphate's being under the veil of insouciance, and sent the opponents of dominion-conjoined with eternity to the abyss of destruction, and gave every one their appropriate punishment. At one time they bestowed power and victory on the imperial servants, as for instance in the victory over Hīmū and the capture of the Fort of Mānkot, etc. At another time they struck the enemies with shame and sent them to the wilderness of vagabondage, as in the ruin of M. Sulaimān. At another time they stirred up strife among the black-thoughted opponents, so that they attacked each other and reached the abode of annihilation, as in the catastrophe of this camel-driver's son. The details of his descent to nothingness, which was a great stroke of good fortune, are as follows: When 'Alī Quli Khān showed a semblance of submission and cheatingly put him away from himself for a time, that low wretch went on spending his days in that neighbourhood in arrogance, until one day he went to the town of Surharpūr1 which was in the fief of 'Abdu-r-raḥmān Beg, the son of Muyīd Beg Duldai, who had been a favourite courtier of H.M. Jahānbānī, Jinnat 'Ashiyāni. This camel-driver's son in the beginning of his infatuated career had held the relation of being the beloved of 'Abdu-r-raḥmān, and according to the wicked ways of Transoxiana, which are neither consuming nor melting, neither love nor friendship, they took the path of shamelessness and immodesty, and played the game of affection with one another. On account of this relation Shāham came to his house, and fell to remembering Ārām Jān, and asked that she might be returned to him.
The story of Ārām Jān is this. She was a prostitute, and 'Ali Qulī Khān, from love to her, which had its source in lust, surrendered his fūtile heart to that street-walker, who was the embraced of thousands, and married her. He put her in the rank of his wives, and had the shamelessness to bring that slut to the drinking-bouts which he had with Shāham Beg in order that she might recite and sing, and become the groundwork of strife. At last Shāham Beg by degrees fell in love with her, or rather came to lust after her, and, as 'Alī Quli Khan was overcome by sensuality, he acted as Shāham's servant, and made his lands into three portions, keeping one for himself, and giving two to that clown's son, and waiting upon him. One night that intoxicated wretch brought forward his wishes, and 'Ali Quli Khān was so wanting in self-respect as to make over to him his own wedded wife. Shāham Beg for a time enjoyed his lust, and then when his heart grew cold he in his folly made over that wanton whom he had adulterously carried off, to 'Abdu-r-raḥmān Beg in the same way that he had received her. 'Abdu-r-raḥmān made her his wife, and kept her secluded. When Shāham Beg was his guest, he remembered in his drunkenness and infatuation that Ārām Jān and showed restlessness (be-ārāmī). Judging of 'Abdu-r-raḥmān as of 'Alī Qulī Khān he expected that Ārām Jān would be returned to him. 'Abdu-r-raḥmān Beg had self-respect and refused to do this. Shāham Beg who was inflamed with wine, and was habituated to insolence and despotism, got angry. He at once forgot the claims of friendship. Such is the degree of stability of a connexion founded upon lust!
In fine, Shāham Beg proceeded to violence and bound 'Abdu-r-raḥman Beg and took the prostitute away from his house to a neighbouring garden and there celebrated a singing and drinking party. Meanwhile Mūyīd Beg, the brother of Abdu-r-raḥmān Beg, heard of this, and having armed himself went to the door of the garden where that low wretch was. The men tried to stop him and a fight took place. Suddenly, in the confusion, an arrow reached that miscreant and the bird of his soul was released from the narrow cage of his body. 'Abdu-r-raḥmān obtained deliverance from his bonds, and turning to flee he with all haste betook himself to the world-protecting Court. There he put1 up to sale this proper action, which in his case was but the result of 1 an accident, as the preamble of good service, and having attained the same price as if he had been the cause of the occurrence, he was made the recipient of favours and was ranked and welcomed among his peers.2
When 'Ali Qulī Khān heard of the occurrence he rent the collar of patience and cast the dust of sorrow upon his head. He pursued 'Abdu-r-raḥmān Beg and came as far as the Ganges. When it appeared that he had already crossed, he returned in despair, and conveyed the carcase of that camel-driver's son to Jaunpūr, and buried it on the edge of a tank, and erected a lofty building over it. Thus without the efforts of the loyalists all this disturbance subsided. Assuredly, whoever rebels against one who has been made great by God, and a ruler whom the inhabitants of the visible and invisible world hasten to obey, strikes with his own hand the dagger of death into his bosom, and his own action as sufficient for his suppression, so that the occurrence may be the groundwork of increased awakening of the enlightened and fortunate. Such instances are to be found in the career of the Khedive of the world, and a few of them will be mentioned in their proper places.
One of the happy occurrences of this year was the arranging of the marriage of Adham Khān. The succinct account of this is that the favour of the Shāhinshāh which was bestowed on the cupola of chastity, Māham Anaga and her children, directed itself towards the marriage of Adham Khān, who was Māham Anaga's younger son, and after inquiry and consideration the daughter of Bāqī3 Khān of Baqlān,4 who for a long time was M. Hindāl's secretary (parwānīc) was betrothed to him. In a short time preparations for a feast were made and the marriage took place. The lofty disposition of the Shāhinshāh made this feast the occasion of a thousand favours.
THE IMPRISONMENT OF THE NĀṢIR-UL-MULK PĪR MUḤAMMAD KHĀN BY
BAIRĀM KHĀN.
As the world caravanserai is a source of warning to the far-sighted spectator, whatever appears in it has thousands of designs and equities in deposit and is an expression of Divine power. It behoves the seer to see this. In the hall of justice of the True Judge which is in the market-place full of noise and evil (the world) no good fortune is destroyed and no one is brought from the heaven of honour to the earth of ignominy so long as he does not abandon rectitude and take the road of wrong. Accordingly, at this time, when the capre of Bairām Khān's fortune was nearly full, there came a rift into his disposition, so that by the agency of short-sighted strifemongers and ill-fated envious ones who are displeased with destiny and at war with God, and who from meanness of understanding are grieved at others' joy, and rejoiced at others' grief and trouble, Bairām Khān's heart became alienated from Mullā Pīr Muḥammad. The latter in the abundance of his loyalty and sincerity continued in his devotion and disposed of matters political and financial. He relied upon his rectitude and probity, and did his work without a wrinkle on the brow of his heart, or a knot in the eye-brow of his soul. As such a person is inevitably the mark of high and low, and is surrounded by crowds, this makes the hearts of the incompetent bleed with envy, and from their evil imaginations indulge in calumny and slander; while the minds of the great on account of press of business, and want of leisure for investigation, become confused by the buzzing of such fly-like creatures. Pīr Muḥammad Khān was also the asylum and refuge of mankind, and enviers by profession felt their blood boil and girded themselves up to be tale-bearers and stirerrs-up of strife. Baīrām Khān's day was near its close, and he let fall from his hand the thread of deliberation, which is fitted to be the comptroller of men, and put himself into the hands of the envious, and grew suspicious of Pīr Maḥammad's lofty actions. Without the latter's having done anything which merited dismissal, he, at the instigation of enviers by profession, and on the statements of untrue and interested persons flung off an honest man who had put his trust in him.
Just at this time there was the incident of the Nāṣir-ul-mulk's falling ill for some days, and of the Khān-Khānān's paying him a visit. The Turkish slave, who was the doorkeeper, ignorantly said: “I'll announce (your arrival).” The Khan-Khānān was put out by this treatment, and when Mullā Pīr Muḥammad knew of it he came out and made a thousand apologies. At the same time only a few of the Khān-Khānān's suite were allowed to enter with him. The frowu which for some time had been behind his brow came out, and he meditated something against the Nāṣir-ul-mulk. The envious waiters upon events got their opportunity and made remarks, especially Shaikh Gadāī. After two or three days Khwāja Amīnu-d-dīn Maḥmūd, Mīr 'Abdulla Bakhshī, Khwāja Muḥammad Ḥusain Bakhshī and some servants were sent to Nāṣir-ul-mulk with the message: “You were wearing the dress of a poor scholar when you came to Qandahār. As you appeared simple and honest, and did good service you were raised to high office by me, and from being a Mullā you became a leader of armies. As your capacity was small you easily became intoxicated and got out of hand after one cup. We fear lest some great mischiefs may be committed by you which it will be difficult to remedy. It is better that for some time you should draw in your feet under the blanket of disappointment, and sit down in a corner. You will now make over your standard, drum and other insignia of distinction and of your exaltation, and betake yourself to the amending of your disposition, for this is good both for yourself, and for the world. Thereafter whatever we shall determine with regard to you, will be carried out.”
As soon as Pīr Muḥammad Khān heard this message he, being a man of independent mind, made over with an open brow the paraphernalia of office, and with a blithe heart accepted retirement. Some days afterwards, Bairām Khān, at the instigation of some evil-disposed persons, resolved upon imprisoning him in a fortress. With this idea he sent the Mullā along with a number of men to Bīāna. There, at the intercession of men who held a medium between well-wishing and enmity, he got permission to go to the Ḥijāz, and set off for Gujrāt. When he came to Rādhanpūr1 Fatḥ Khān Balūc watched over him for a time, and strove to do him honour. At that time letters came from M. Sharafu-din Ḥusain and Adham Khān bidding him stay at whatever place he had reached, and to await events. He returned from there and took up his abode at the valley of Jhāīn2 near Rantambhūr, and fortified that defile. When Bairām Khān heard of this he sent Shāh Qulī Maḥram, Kharam Khān and a body of troops to seize him. When this force approached, there was an engagement. When night came on, Pīr Muḥammad Khān evacuated the place and went off with a small following. His goods fell into the hands of those who had been sent on the expedition.
In short Bairām Khan, on account of his own carelessness and the instigation of envious, short-sighted men put aside this honest and able servant, and with his own hand struck with a hatchet the foot of his fortune. As H.M. the Shāhinshah had made over the whole business of sovereignty to Bairām Khān and was remaining behind a veil and testing the characters of men, he left to God the retribution of this evil deed which had its origin in wicked designs, and in the plenitude of his wisdom said nothing openly, and merely watched the spectacle of the world. Bairām Khan appointed, as vakīl in succession to Pīr Muḥammad Khān, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī, who was an old servant of his. But though Ḥājī Muḥammad was the nominal holder of the office, the real Vakīl was Shaikh Gadāī who was the Ṣadr. In all political and financial matters Bairām Khān did nothing without consulting him, and the latter being unhinged by the man-throwing wine of the world did not consider the poor and weak. Arrogance, which casts down old fortunes; what then must happen to newly-made ones?—was assumed by him and was the cause of his own fall and of that of his patron. The effects of this were soon seen, as will be related in its place.
One of the events of this year was the sending Ḥabīb 'Alī Khān3 to conquer Rantambhūr, which was a fortress famous for its height and solidity. In the time of the Afghan supremacy Salīm Khān had entrusted this fort to his slave Jajhār Khān. When the drum of the Shāhinshāh's fortune beat high, this ill-fated slave saw that the maintenance of the fort was beyond his powers and, with the evil intention of preventing its falling into the hands of the imperial servants, sold the fort to Rai Surjan, who was a servant of Rānā Udai Singh, and who was powerful in that neighbourhood. Surjan built houses in the fort, and established himself there. He also forcibly seized the villages round about. At this time the sacred mind turned its attention to the capture of the fort and despatched Habīb 'Ali Khān and other leaders. The force girded the loins of resolution for the capture, and beseiged the fort. The flame of battle rose high, and the courage of the foe became like water, but as the Almighty reserved the taking of the fort for the supervision of H.M., there happened just at this time the disruption of Bairām Khān, and prudent men thought other matters more necessary and so did not proceed with the siege.
Among the occurrences of this time is the Shāhinshāh's, the dweller under the veil, going to Gwaliār. As the lofty genius of H.M. the Shāhinshāh is innately devoted to the capture of kingdoms and the chase of hearts, he, during this interval of his career, was much inclined to hunting with the cīṭa. He made that the veil of his world-adorning beauty. At this time he directed his progress southwards for the sake of hunting and glorified the territory of Gwaliār by his presence. While he was hunting, some deer-keepers (āhubānān) and other huntsmen represented that the merchants accompanying Shaikh Muḥammad, who was one of the famous Shaikhs of India, had brought bullocks1 from Gujrāt which were unequalled and fit for the royal hunting equipage. Accordingly an order was issued to bring the bullocks after paying the merchants the price which was agreeable to them. Thereupon it was represented to H.M. that Shaikh Muḥammad and his relatives had better cattle than these, and that if he would pass by his location on his way back, the Shaikh would certainly for the sake of his own glorification present him with them. Accordingly, with the ostensible object of procuring those animals, but in reality in order to test the Shaikh's urbanity, he went to his abode. The Shaikh made the dust of the royal party the eye-salve of his glory and recognised in H.M.'s advent a protection1 against Bairām Khān's oppression, and presented all the cattle which belonged to his people, together with other gifts and curiosities of Gujrāt. He also tendered various sweet-meats and perfumes. At the end of the interview he asked H.M. the Shāhinshāh if he had become the disciple of anyone (lit. given the hand of fealty.) H.M. who had placed the hand of trust in God's hand and was a treasury of the treasuries of spiritual and temporal truths, and sought to conceal his status and spiritual rank, had withheld the hand of his genius from the empty-handed, and was a spectator of the varied spectacle of the universe, formally replied in the negative. The Shaikh put out his arm, and laid hold of the sacred hand of that divinely nurtured one, and said, “We have taken your hand.” H.M. the Shāhinshāh in the abundance of his courteousness and modesty took no notice,2 but smiled and departed. H.M. the Shāhinshāh often used to relate in his high assemblages that, “On that same night we returned to our tents and had a wine party and enjoyed ourselves, and laughed over the way to catch bullocks and the Shaikh's dodge of stretching out his arm.”
Under their variegated robes they have nooses,
See the long arms of those short-sleeved3 ones.
Good God! What was the rank of this boastful simpleton, and what was the degree of the just appreciation, urbanity and gentleness of H.M. the Shahinshah! For although it was reported universally to H.M. that this Shaikh in general conversation instead of feeling remorse for his misbehaviour gloried in it, he took no notice and did not try to correct him! This Shaikh was the younger brother of Shaikh Bahlūl who has already been mentioned as having been put to death by M. Hindāl. Though these two brothers were void of excellencies or learning, they at various times lived in mountain hermitages and practised incantations with the Divine Names. They made these the proofs of their renown and credibility, and obtaining, by the help of easily-deceived simpletons, the society of princes and amīrs, they put saintship to sale and acquired lands and villages by fraud. His elder brother was in the service of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshyiānī, and as the latter was inclined towards magic he held the Shaikh in reverence. The Shaikh (Bahlūl) also used privately and when in the company of simple ones to boast of his having relations with H.M. Jahānbānī of devotion and of teachership. At the time of the sedition of Sher Khān, as his elder brother had lost his life from his loyalty to H.M. Jahānbānī, and as people regarded his family as appertaining to the enduring dominion (of the imperial family) the Shaikh had, from fear of being ill-treated by the Afghans, gone to Gujrāt. When the vast country of India had been irradiated by the light of the Shahinshah's fortune and had become a periphery of peace and quiet, the Shaikh came with his sons and grandsons to Agra and presented himself at Court, and was received there with honour. Shaikh Gadāī, who had an old grudge against him, girded up anew the waist of enmity, and produced before the Khān Khānān a treatise which the Shaikh had composed in Gujrāt, and in which he ascribed exaltations to himself and made strange claims, and thereby attracted to himself the minds of the simple. This indisposed the Khān Khānān towards him, and the Shaikh having managed by the help of some men to escape from the Khān Khānān's ill-treatment, went off to Gwāliār and became a hermit. On 3 Ardībihisht, Divine month, of the 8th year corresponding to Monday, 17th Ramẓān 970, 10th May 1563,1 he went to the abode of annihilation.
Of the occurrences of this year there was the sending of Bahādur Khān, the brother of 'Alī Qulī Khān, with a large army for the conquest of Mālwa. Let it not be concealed that Mālwa, which is a country with a good climate, with many springs and full of cultivation was governed by Shujā'at Khān, who is generally known by the people of India as Sujāwal Khān. After him, his son Bāz Bahādur possessed the country. During the tyranny of Salīm Khān, Sujāwal Khān once visited his court. After some time he got suspicious and went off to Mālwa without taking leave. Salīm Khān went there with a large army in order to seize Sujāwal Khān, who took refuge with the Rajah of Dongarpūr. Salīm Khān sent men from Mālwa to reassure him, and by dint of promises got him to come to him. He then made over the whole Sirkār of Mālwa to men whom he trusted and gave them fiefs, and taking Sujāwal Khān along with him gave him some parganas out of the province. After that when Muḥammad Khān 'Adlī came to power he restored Mālwa to Sujāwal Khān, and he remained governor thereof till the end of his life. After that his son Bāz Bahādur become governor in his room. At this time when the world-conquering mind was engaged in knitting together the dispersions of the world, H.M. turned his attention to the administration of Mālwa. He determined in his mind that if Bāz Bahādur behaved properly he should have the honour of coming to court, which was the elixir for obtaining desires; otherwise it would be right to rescue such a fine country from unjust sonsualists. With these thoughts Bahādur Khān was sent with a number of distinguished officers in order that the auspicious design might be realised, and that the sympathy for and relief of the oppressed, which appertain to sovereignty, might be carried into effect. Bahādur Khān went off to conquer the province, but when the army was encamped at Sīrī,1 the confusion of Bairām Khān's affairs, of which details will be given, became known, and the latter for his own sake sent and recalled Bahādur Khān and his army. The conquest of the province therefore remained over till another time, as will be related in its proper place.
BEGINNING OF THE 5TH YEAR ILĀHĪ FROM THE SACRED ACCESSION OF THE
SHĀHINSHAH, viz., THE YEAR AMARDĀD OF
THE FIRST CYCLE.
Again the heart-expanding spring came with a thousand adornments of the world, and the fifth year Ilāhī, from the auspicious accession of the Shāhinshāh, which is the year Amardād, began with glory and splendour. In the night known1 as Monday, after four hours and nine minutes, on 13 Jumāda-al-akhirī 967, 12th March 1560, the world-warming sun cast its rays on the sign of Arie and reported to the feeders at the table of the elements the arrival of the new year. The flowers of fortune bloomed anew and from every leaf there came out afresh before the eyes of the gazers on the garden of sovereignty the diploma of dominion. The market-day of abundance was born for the new-comers to the garden of youth, and the apathetic melancholy of those in the valley of frenzy (of love) was stirred up to activity.
The earth was of flowers, and the grass-plot of rose-bushes,
The rose's lamp was brightened by the breeze,
The violet twisted2 her curl
And made a knot in the heart of the bud.
The rose and tulip oped their luminous veils
Regarding from afar the eye of the narcissus,
At the voice of the francolin and the dance of the pheasant
The cypress grew nimble and rose to his feet
The carpet of flowers was spread on the garden
Lovers came out into the fields.
HUNTING-EXPEDITION OF H.M. THE SHĀHINSHĀH AND THE REMOVAL OF
THE VEIL FROM THE ACTIONS OF BAIRĀM KHĀN.
In this fortunate year, which was the ornamental border of beauty and the beginning of the removal of the screen over this aggregate of the works of the embroiderers for eternity, the garden of Reason came into flower, and the bud of contrivance opened. For the expectant world this year was the beginning of the attainment of desires. This day gave the revolving sky the good news of the results of its motion and enabled it to obtain repose. It was the commencement of the locating of their aspirations in the bosom of the celestials. For terrestrials the flower of success came forth from the lap of hope and took root. Among these things was the circumstance that Bairām Khān, who regarded himself as the unique of the age in regard to courage, administrative abilities, devotion and sincerity, and who in consequence of a crowd of flatterers had got the belief that the affairs of India could not be managed without him, took, from the bad advice of shortsighted associates, the path of destruction, and did shameful deeds, such as should not have come from him.
It is an old rule that when the wonder-working Creator for reasons known to Him, or for considerations which may be partially followed by a sage, casts anyone into enduring affliction, He begins by making him the source of certain acts which do not bear the cachet of well-pleasingness to God. Accordingly, a man who in this material world makes himself illustrious does not regard Prudence, which is the greatest of Divine gifts, as of no account, but recognises in the following of it the means of pleasing God. And the first thing which it behoves men immersed in business to look to, is that they give little access to flatterers. It is difficult on account of the constitution of the world to be clear of them altogether; it is indispensable that they after using circumspection and insight select one or two servants and intimates who may in privacy tell them the truth, which may be very bitter, and is indigestible by most dispositions. For the numbers of flatterers are unlimited, and busy men have not the time to distinguish truth from falsehood and right from wrong. The wine of success robs the senses, and out of a hundred thousand successful men perhaps there may be one who from largeness of capacity preserves his mental stability. For instance, this great gift and perpetual table is the fortune of the Divinely nourished Khedive of our age, so that in proportion as his success and world-conquest increase, the degree of his perspicacity becomes greater, and his progress steadier. And though flatterers in this sublime court attain their desires, yet the wise prince holds firmly the thread of discrimination and prudently gives them the go-bye, so that neither is the veil of the reputation of these men rent nor has the flatterer any influence. Do you not know that in former times flatterers have, owing to the insouciance of rulers, ruined houses and families, and what other evils they have done? Doubtless it is in accordance with eternal decrees that there should be flatterers in the workshop of governments, but so also is it that there should be foreseeing wisdom. And this consists in not letting them interfere with root-questions, and not letting go altogether the Reason which unravels difficulties and is the Sulṭān of the material world.
There's both road and well, an eye to see, and the sun,
So that man may look in front of his feet,
He has so many lights and yet goes the wrong road!
Let him fall and see his own punishment
Enemies do not work to one another the ill
That folly and passion do to oneself.
Of the improper acts which were done by Bāirām Khān in consequence of bad company there was the putting to death of the Shāhinshāh's own elephant-driver. The succinct account of this warning-giving occurrence is as follows: The royal elephant became mast and beyond the control of the driver and attacked one of Bairām Khān's elephants. It struck the other elephant so severely that the entrails came out. Bairām Khān was so enraged that he put the driver to death. By such an act as this, which was beyond all bounds, and transgressed both loyalty and respect, he made himself an object of disgust to men of experience. More strange still was what happened when one day one of the Shāhinshāh's private elephants got mast and rushed into the Jamna. Bairām Khān was taking the air in a boat, and the elephant, which had got out of hand, proceeded towards his boat. The Khān Khānān was much alarmed; but at last the driver contrived to master the elephant, and Bairām Khān was saved from the animal's attack. When this affair was reported to H.M. the Shāhinshāh he, in order to soothe Bairām Khān, had the driver bound and sent to him, though he was innocent. The Khān, the time of whose fall was near at hand, put him to death and paid no heed to the fact that this driver belonged to the altar of his loyalty and allegiance, and that H.M. had out of politeness sent him bound to him. Apart from this he did not consider that nothing could be done with intoxication, especially when it was a brute that was intoxicated, and that too an enormous beast which was specially apt to become mast. H.M. the Shāhinshāh, who was a mine of gentleness and wisdom, passed over such improper actions as this, of which only a few out of many have been described, and abode under the veil of indifference. All his genius was turned to this consideration, that those men might take the reins of justice into their hands, even if they could not advance some steps on the road of loyalty, and might become travellers on the way of practical wisdom. This faction became intoxicated by power, and being unhelped by sound ideas, it daily became worse. But so long as the wickedness of those oppressors did not exceed all bounds, H.M's sacred soul was not affected by the mean nature of his allowances, for the kingdom of the Lord of the Age was withheld from him and distributed among his (Bairam Khān's) flatterers, and as H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat, Āshiyānī had given Baīrām Khān the name of Atālīq, and as H.M. (Akbar) often called him Khān Bābā, as it is the custom of young monarchs to call old men Bābā (father), he magnanimously observed the meaning of the phrase and overlooked his improper acts. He was eager about travelling and hunting, and kept the head of surrender on the ground of well-pleasing (to God), and worshipped the incomparable Deity, until, at last, things came beyond bounds, on account of ill-fated, maladaroit flatterers such as Walī Beg Ẕū-al-qadr1 and Shāikh Gadāī Kambū. He (Bairām) took ruinous ideas into his head, and his crude thoughts ripened. When the enlightened mind of H.M. the Shāhinshāh was aware of the frauds of this ungrateful crew, he, before they disclosed their evil intentions, laid his closely-hidden secret before the sincere, and united, such as Māham Anaga, who was a marvel for sense, resource and loyalty, Adham Khān, M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain, and a number of other courtiers, and intimated that he would throw off some of the veils of his world-adorning beauty and would assume sovereignty, and would inflict suitable punishment on Bairām Khān and his assemblage of flatterers, so that they should awake from their sleep of neglect and long mourn over their misconduct. Good God! How could such thoughts enter a human head in the face of the supremacy of Bairām Khān, the largeness of his army and the tyranny of the lords of opposition? But as the world-adorning Deity was desirous that this chosen one should throw off one or two of the hundreds and thousands of the veils of his beauty, and should put another veil over his world-illuminating countenance, and that he should take his seat on the throne of command, it was inevitable that at such a time thoughts and inspirations such as these should find their way into his truth-worshipping mind. On one occasion these considerations were adduced at Bīāna, whither he had gone for hunting, and the servants of fortune's threshold, partly on account of vexation at the life they led, for these servants of the king were on account of the tyranny of the Bairām Khān confederacy in indigent circumstances just as the king of the Age was, and partly from the glory of a little loyalty, and at this time of the typhoon and simūm of disloyalty, a little loyalty made a great show, engaged in proper schemes. Māham Anaga communicated this close secret to Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, who was governor of Delhi, and a favourite on account of his judgment, loyalty and truthfulness. On 8 Farwardīn, Divine month, corresponding to Monday 20th Jumāda-al-akhirī 967 (19th March, 1560) he left Agra with an intention which involved in it the administration of the world, and was a cause of peace and tranquillity. Ostensibly he went to hunt at Kūl (Alighar) and its vicinity, and so crossed the Jumna. As he had no residence he spent that night in the house of Ḥakīm Zanbīl1. As Bairām Khān always showed adherence and attention to Abul-Qāsim the son of M. Kāmrān, and as the evil thoughts of the faction always put him forward, he, in accordance with the dictates of reason, sent for him from that side of the Jumna and took him with him on this hunting-party in which the game of his design fell into his hands, so that he might not be the staff of the inwardly blind ones of the stage of enmity and rebellion, or a voucher for the wayfarers in the desert of sedition. Certainly the idea was a good one, and it was carried out in accordance with H.M's inspiration. Next morning he arrived, under the guidance of fortune, at the town of Jalesar,1 and from there he went to Sikandra.2 Muḥammed Bāqī Baqlānī father-in-law of Adham Khān was there. Māham Anaga had sent for him and confided the secret to him. That low-minded, inauspicious one sought exclusion from the bliss of meeting (Akbar), and not being content with this he sent news of the scheme to Bairām Khān; but as the time of the expiry of Bairām Khān's sway was near at hand, and the rulers of the Shāhinshāh's fortune had planned this divine contrivance, Bairām Khān regarded the report as old, idle tales and paid no heed to it. The sublime standards proceeded from there, hunting as they went, towards Kūl, and as His Highness Miriām Mahānī was in Delhi and was in somewhat weak health, he made this his motive and went there. He came to the town of Khurjah3 and alighted at the Serai of Bahankīl (?). At this stage Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān and his brothers and other relatives met him and had the bliss of welcoming him.
They were made the objects of royal favours. From there he proceeded to Delhi and in a fortunate hour on 16 Farwardīn, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday, 28th Jumāda-al-ākhirī, 27th March 1560, that city received celestial glory by his advent. Mankind obtained their desires and raised shouts of joy to the skies. H.M. became by his God-given wisdom the guide of the sincere, and employed them in proper occupations. He issued orders to the special retainers of the threshold of fortune, and to the old members of the family, to the effect that as Bairām Khān owing to the pressure of wordly affairs had deviated from the straight path he had disregarded him and come to Delhi. Whoever was loyal to H.M., or was intelligent and wished for his own safety, and desired to attain his desires should, on receiving these commands, proceed to the Court—the protection of mankind—for everyone would be exalted to high office. This was the commencement of the emergence of his (our) dominion conjoined with eternity. Fortunate was he who should unite himself to this daily-increasing supremacy! Among these orders was one sent to Shamsu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān Atka, who was in Bhera,1 directing him on becoming acquainted with the firmān to come to Lahore and to make over that city to Mīr Muḥammad Khān Kalān,2 and to come himself rapidly to Court. He was also to bring Mahdī Qāsim Khān, for this was the way to fortune. Shamsu-d-dīn under the guidance of perfect fidelity acted according to the command and hastened to render service. Similarly orders were sent to Kabul to Missron Mun'im Khān. The imperial servants on every side donned the garb of pilgrimage towards this K'aaba of fortune.
When Shamsu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān Atka entered upon service he was received with princely favours and the rank of his elevation exceeded the degrees of hope. In conformity with his loyalty he attained to a lofty dignity which he had not even imagined. The standard, drum and tumān togh of Bairām Khān were presented to him, and he was entrusted with the government of the Panjab. Right-minded novices and devoted seniors, and experienced men came trooping in from all parts to the sublime Court. Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān from motives of vigilance and precaution engaged in strengthening the fort of Delhi and in repairing the bastions and walls, and took charge of political and financial affairs. In a short time the report of the alienaton of the sacred disposition from Bairām Khān was spread far and near. There was a rift in his sway and men began to separate from him. The first man to leave the Khān-Khānān and to proceed to the throne, and the forerunner on the path of rectitude, was Qīyū Khān Gang. He was an old and able officer. After him men came, one by one, and two by two, to the sublime threshold. Māham Anaga was joined with Shihābu-d-dīn Ahmad Khān, and being entrusted with the vakalat represented matters to H.M. Everyone who brought sincerity to the threshold was exalted by fitting offices and titles and fiefs.
AWAKENING OF BAIRĀM KHĀN FROM THE SLEEP OF NEGLECT, AND HIS
SEEKING TO RECTIFY HIS AFFAIRS, AND HIS GOING ASTRAY.
From the auspicious time when the sublime standards were upraised in Agra for the purpose of chasing fortune, until the glorious arrival at Delhi, Bairām Khān, in spite of all his wisdom and discernment, was unaware that the throw of the dice had been the reverse of his wish and that the scheme of the world had taken another form, and was unconcernedly beating the drum of power. In the complete intoxication of his pride, if any report of this came to his ears, he did not believe it, and if an honest friend cast a ray of the truth into his mind, it had no effect, as the wind of arrogance was in his brain, until the time when the comforting mandates reached the officers, and the report of the alienation of the sacred mind was bruited abroad, far and near. He became certain that the H.M. the Shāninshāh's hunting was this time of another sort, and he perceived that he had been dismissed, and that H.M. was going to undertake the direction of the Sultanate. He dropped the thread of counsel and became confused. He inquired after M. Abū-l-Qāsim.1 Nothing but sorrow and regret came into his hands. Of necessity he put his hand to deceit and sent Tarsūn Muḥammad Khān, Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī and Khwāja Amīnu-d-dīn Maḥmūd, who on account of his good service had received from the Shāhinshāh's court the title of Khwāja Jahān, to the threshold of fortune, and submitted a message of submission and supplication for various offences and of excuses in order that he might succeed by smoothness of tongue. He did not know that the Ruler of divulgation was concerned with this display of the Lord of the Age in order that he might emerge from the screen and show his beauty in the guise of administering the terrene and terrestrials, so that the expectants of heaven's court might witness the revelation of power and might arrange for increased adoration, and that terrestrials might hope for spiritual and temporal bliss. When such is the case what effect can fraud and deceit have or what fruit can they yield except material and spiritual loss?
In short, when the envoys arrived at court they heard the words of wisdom and became ashamed and downcast. Accordingly they saw that their own welfare was outside of the reply, (i.e., had nothing to do with the reply), and moreover they were not allowed to leave the court. When Bairām learnt the state of affairs from their letters, and from the dispersal of his dependants he became astonished, and the thread of counsel was snapped in his hand. At one time he thought that the general stampede had not yet occurred, and that he would quickly convey himself there, and put matters right. Again, when he reflected, the consideration of the words, sincerity and devotion, which he had often taken on his lips, came to stop him, and the idea of going under the guise of loyalty did not fit; and moreover he had no stomach for such a proceeding (?). At last he decided to throw the scarf of loyalty on his shoulder, and to go weeping and wailing, and burning and melting, to the entrance-porch1 of the Court of honour.
When prudent intelligencers reported the true state of the case to the royal hearing, a number gave it as their opinion that whatever form Bairām Khān's coming might take, there was danger and deceit involved in it. H.M. should go to Lahore before he arrived, and should not grant him an interview. They were not prepared for open war, and what would be the use of an interview at this stage? If Bairām Khān should come to Lahore, H.M. should go to Kabul. Another number were prepared for war, and did not think the departure of H.M. the Shāhinshāh would be proper. After much discussion, that tiger of the forest of dominion and fortune, and that lord of the material and spiritual universe put down the foot of determination and decided on war. He sent Tarsūn Muḥammad Khān and Mīr Ḥabīb-Ullah to forbid Bairām Khān to come, and not to permit him to approach under the guise of friendship, for H.M. would not see him under such circumstances. When Bairām Khān found this road, on which he had advanced, closed, he fell into a long meditation. For to go in fighting order was to act contrary to his repeated avowals. Though Walī Beg and Shaikh Gadāī, who were the ringleaders of disloyalty, exerted themselves in this direction, and held to the view that he should march quickly, and carry out his object before there should be a general rush, yet from the regard which he had for righteousness he could not decide upon levying war. In reality too he was restrained by the “Stand back” (dūr bāsh) emanating from the daily-increasing fortune of H.M. the Shāhinshāh. His arrogant mind too did not admit the idea that the administration of India could go on without him. Consequently it seemed better that he should act hostility under the guise of friendship, so that the writing of eternal infamy should not be inscribed in his record. He did not see the world-adorning, intrinsic beauty of H.M., nor was he aware of the guardian courtiers who were adorning the territories of India. For these reasons he did not throw off the veil from his actions. He saw from men's faces that they were going, and so proceeded to give them leave to depart. He had thoughts of a fine snare. Sometimes it occurred to him that as he had sent Bahādūr Khān to conquer Mālwah, and he had not yet arrived there, he would go with his followers and join Bahādūr Khān, conquer that country and there take his repose and get leisure for his designs. Sometimes he thought that he would leave Agra and join 'Alī Qulī Khān by way of Sambal and come into the country of the Afghans, and collect a force there. Sometimes he spoke of asceticism, and would say that a wish for abandonment and seclusion had seized him by the collar, in order that he might spend the remainder of his life in holy places. Now that H.M. was applying himself to the management of affairs, what better opportunity could he have for carrying into effect his long-cherished wish or for asking leave from the court? In this way perhaps all his desires would be fulfilled. At last having determined upon this plan he turned back Bahādūr Khān, who had gone towards Malwah, and gave him leave to kiss the threshold of the sublime Court. In giving men leave he took this into consideration, that if they were disposed to be loyal and of one opinion with himself, it was well that such men should be in the royal forces. And if they wanted to separate from him, his giving them leave, apart from the fact that to have such men with him would not help his affairs, would be a means of his acquiring a good name, and of convincing all that he had the intention of retirement. At last, after much talk and little intent, for he spoke of pilgrimage (ḥaj) but inwardly he thought of crookedness (kaj), he began by sending Iskandar1 Afghan's son to Ghāzī Khān Tanūr, in order that he might go and stir up strife in the imperial territories. He also sent secret letters to various quarters, and hastened towards Alwar in order that he might take his family and proceed to the Panjab. If things did not turn out according to his plan, he would of necessity make preparations for a rule suitable to the time of contest.
When this evil design became known to H.M., inasmuch as the disposition of this great one of the horizons is one of much kindness and gentleness, he did not approve of the disgrace of Bairām Khān and sent him a firmān full of kindness and graciousness. In that wisdom-increasing exhortation, an exact copy of which has been seen by me, there were the following among other expressions.
“You having taken counsel with a faction, which has been the source of this trouble, and being without consideration of final consequences, have at their instigation and misdirection come forth and been the cause of putting the provinces into disorder. You have given Iskandar's son and Ghāzī K.leave to depart so that they may make disturbances in the country. And you have sent a letter to Mahdī Qāsim Khān along with his diwān Mubārak, telling him that you are coming to Lahore, and bidding him guard the fort and not make it over to anyone else. You have also sent a message to Tātār Khān Panj Bhīya, and you have sent instructions in all directions for making commotions. You have also proceeded to Alwar with the design of going from there to Lahore. Though we are certain that, inasmuch as you are perfectly loyal, you never of your own accord assented to any of these acts nor were the author of them, and that a faction has been the cause of these errors and has brought matters so far, yet you yourself said that ‘it was impossible that after forty years’ service with all that loyalty and devotion, and after receiving such honours and favours, you should in this last stage of life convert a name, which by the favours of this glorious family had been famous throughout the earth for loyalty and fidelity, into that of a rebel, and not be ashamed before one's God. As you are still dear to us, in spite of these troubles and improper and unseemly actions, and we wish your welfare, it appears to us right that, seeing that our meeting is in the knot of delay, and if we bestow on you a province in these territories, whither you may go designing1 people will again say things to me which will cause us increased grief, you should adhere to the resolution of going to the sacred2 places, which you have intimated to us by a petition, and for which you have asked leave to depart. And send persons to convey the presents for these places which you have left in Sihrind and Lahore. After that, when you shall have, by the divine guidance and assistance, attained this blessing and have turned your face towards the pilgrimage of service, we shall under these circumstances grant you a favourable interview such as your heart may desire. And we shall be mindful of your former services and show you more and more favour. And as it is by the infamy of that gang that things have come to such a length, and that your good name has been made a bad one among the people, and as we do not wish that you should have a bad name, beware lest after you have set your foot on the road you turn aside from the right path at the words of designing men! And as by our prestige you have attained the height of earthly desires may you also by our directions become a partaker in final bliss.”
Bairām Khān who from foolishness and deficiency in practical wisdom had a boundless reliance on himself, and who had been deceived by the sense-robbing wine of success and of flatterers, did not find the road in consequence of this noble missive which was worthy of being the bracelet-amulet of the wise, and the charmed necklace of the fortunate. How shall I say that he went all the faster in the wrong path? Māham Anaga in her great loyalty and wisdom took charge of affairs and made Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān and Khwāja Jahān her tools, and exerted herself to soothe those who came, and to hearten every one.
Among the occurrences was this, that Māham Anaga for the sake of the welfare of the kingdom and for the better-ordering of the superficial and inexperienced, devised the appointing of Bahadūr Khān, the brother of 'Alī Qulī Khān, to the lofty office of Vakīl, and made a reference to this effect to the seat of royalty. H.M. paid regard to the necessity of the time and affected1 to clothe him with this glorious robe which does not suit every form. Though professionally wise and experienced men who did not get to the bottom of the affair said much about this, and in appearance they were in the right, for perfect capacity, complete experience, great integrity, ample understanding and extreme diligence are required for this great post; and in addition to these qualities there is need of complete independence, so that the holder put aside his own loss or gain and engage with all his strength in furthering his master's work. Should the putting to death of his own father be required for his benefactor's service he should not recede but exert himself to bring it about! And together with all this, which constitutes a great gift, he should be at peace with all men. For should the Vakīl of the Lord of the Age, whom the world-adorning Deity has brought out from among thousands of thousands of men, and has entrusted to him so many human beings, and has made over to him the education of so many different races and religious sects, not possess such notes (nishān), how shall the world be governed? And how shall opposing creeds, and diverse faiths, such as have sprung from the Divine wisdom, have repose? But in reality the words of those men arose from ignorance, for this appointment was an imaginary (must'aār) one, and made for the satisfaction of the superficial, and, apart from this, the intention was to put down commotion, for all the foolish Tūrks, such as Qīyā Khān Kang,2 Sulṭān Ḥusain Jalāīr, Muḥammad Amīn Diwāna, were in league with him (Bahādūr), and were attacking Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, Khwāja Jahān, and such like men. The world-adorning mind exalted him to the office of Vakīl, in order to extinguish the flames of those malcontents. Qīyā Khān on account of his old good services was given Bahraich and dismissed thither. Sulṭan Ḥusain Khān and a number of others were imprisoned for some days, and then released after punishment. Muḥammad Amīn Dīwāna fled and became a vagabond. When the stone of separation fell among this evil crew Bahādur Khān was given the fief of Etawah and dismissed. And in those days, though Bahādūr Khān had the name of Vakīl, yet in reality the business was transacted by Māham Anaga. O ye worshippers of forms, what do you behold? For this noble work, wisdom and courage were necessary, and in truth Māham Anaga possessed these two qualities in perfection.
Many a woman treads manfully wisdom's path.
MARCH OF THE SHAHINSHĀH'S ARMY OF FORTUNE FROM DELHI TO PUT
DOWN THE SEDITION OF BAIRĀM KHAN, AND OTHER
DOMINION-INCREASING EVENTS.
When the world-adorning Creator wills that the Khedive of the Age shall come forth from the veil of concealment and display his world-decking beauty, assuredly He darkens the judgment and the fortune of the wise of the age who engage in opposition to such a great one. Accordingly, the schemes of Bairām Khān and his crowd of wise men by profession came to nought. In a helpless condition he came out from Agra, the capital, on the day of Anīrān the 30th Farwardīn, Divine month, corresponding to Tuesday 12 Rajab (8th April 1560), and proceeded towards Alwar. When he came to the city of Bīāna he took off the chains of Shāh Abū-al-M'aāli and Muhammad Amīn Dīwāna, who had been confined in the fort of Bīāna in order to suppress their sedition-mongering, and set them at liberty. Though he professed to tell them to resort to the sublime court, yet his object in releasing such experienced troublers was nothing but to give them the opportunity for sedition. When the news of Bairām Khān's having left Agra reached the royal hearing, and it appeared that his intention was to proceed in his evil course towards the Punjab, the universe-adorning mind determined that the world-traversing standards should advance from Delhi and establish themselves at Nāgor, so that Bairām Khān might not be able to plant his foot in that region. The road would thus be blocked if he in his vain imagination thought of entering the Punjab. Accordingly on the day of Aẕar 9 Ardībahisht, Divine month, corresponding to Friday 22 Rajab (18th April), the world-conquering army marched from Delhi. As the vigilance and caution of the Shahinshāh were unwavering, he was not contented with giving such excellent admonitions as have been already described, but on the first stage out from that place he sent Mir Abdu-l-laṭīf of Qazwīn who was distinguished for knowledge and fidelity, that he might guide Bairām Khān by righteous exhortations. The gist of his words was as follows: “Your services and your fidelity to this great family are known to mankind. As owing to our tender age, we gave our attention to promenading and hunting, we did not cast our glance on political and financial affairs, and all the business of sovereignty was entrusted by us to your excellent capacity and knowledge. Now that we have applied our own mind to the affairs of government, and the adminstration of justice, it is right that this sage well-wisher (Bairām), who ever boasted of his sincerity and devotion, should recognise a Dīvine gift in this truth, and offer up endless thanks for it. He should for a time gather up his skirts from business and turn his attention to the bliss of pilgrimage of which he was always desirous, and with regard to which he was constantly, in public and in private, expressing his great longing to obtain such a boon. We shall grant him whatever place and whatever extent of land he may wish for in India, so that his servants may remit him the proceeds, harvest by harvest and year by year.” On 13 Ardībihisht, Divine month of the above-mentioned year (22nd April) corresponding to Tuesday 26 Rajab, the standards of glory were planted at the town of Jhajhar.1
In the meanwhile Shāh Abū-al-M'aālī, who was a repository of strife and sedition, arrived with his evil ideas at the sublime court, in order that, as he could not do anything outside, he might effect something under the disguise of service. But whoever cherishes evil thoughts against God's chosen one, is his own ill-wisher, and his affairs worsen daily. In order to refresh my narrative I shall here give a short account of Abu-al-M'aālī from the time of his escape from Pahlwān Gulgaz kotwāl's custody in Lahore, already described, till now.
When Shāh Abū-al-M'aālī escaped from Lahore in the first year of the Divine Era by his own craft, and the carelessness, or avarice and treachery of his custodians, he, by the contrivance2 of Yūsuf Kashmīrī, who served him, conveyed himself to the country of the Ghakars. There he was imprisoned by the landowner Kamāl Khān. By his trickery he managed to escape and arrived at Naushahra, which is a town between Bhimbhar and Rājaurī.1 The Kashmīrīs who had seceded from Ghāzī 2 Khān, the ruler of Kashmīr, came there, and about 300 Moghals, who are always opportunists and ingrates, joined them. The Kashmīris also to the number of about 700 or 800 men joined him, and this filled Abū-al-M'aālī with pride and arrogance. Shams-l-mulk Cārdara, and Khwāja Ḥājī,3 who had formerly been in the service of H. M. Jahān-al-bānī Jinnat-Ashīyānī came and infused spirit into them. Daulāt Cak, the ruler of Kashmīr, who had been blinded4 by Ghāzī Khān, assembled there along with a number of Kashmīr Sirdārs such as Fatḥ Cak, Hasūbat and Mūsūbat, the nephews (brothers' sons) of Daulat Cak, Lohar5 Ẕẖānkar, the sister's son of Daulat Cak, Yūsuf Cak, who also had been blinded by Ghāzī Khān, but without effect, owing to the contrivance of the Kashmīris, and Muḥammad Khān Mākrī, the father of 'Ali Sher, who is at present in service; they proceeded via Punc and Khāwara6 by secret passes, called in the Kashmīrī language Ākūdeo,7 and arrived at Bārahmūla. From there they hastened to Nūrpūr, and having passed it they fought a battle above the village of Pattan with Ghāzī Khān. As he (Abū-al-M'aālī) had turned his back on the altar of fortune, he was defeated, and returned without having effected his object and in a wretched condition by the same route as he had set out, and came to India. He nearly fell into the hands of the Kashmīrīs; but one of the Caghatai1 heroes who was with him got off his horse and occupied a narrow place and shot arrows. He continued doing so till his quiver was empty, and then the Kashmīrīs came and finished him off, while Abu-al-M'aāli took advantage of the opportunity and escaped. He came by the Dāmān-ī-koh and arrived at Sīālkot. Troubled and in distress he wandered about in disguise from village to village, and was in quest of a disturbance. At last he came to Dīpālpūr which was then the fief of Bahādūr Khān, brother of A'lī Qulī Khān, and obtained shelter with one Tūlak, a servant of Bahādur Khan and whom he formerly knew. He was long concealed in his house, and was preparing the methods of a disturbance when Tūlak's wife, on account of a disgust which she had conceived for her husband, went to Bahādūr Khān and told him that her huband was keeping Abū-al-M'aālī concealed in his house, and that they meditated killing him (Bahādūr). Bahādūr Khān immediately mounted his horse and came to the house. He had it surrounded and he captured Abū-al-M'aālī, and put Tūlak to death there and then. He confined Shāh Abū-al-M'aālī and sent him to Bairām Khān who made him over to Walī Beg in order that he might send him to Gujrāt via Bakar. Walī Beg sent him by that route to Gujrat in order that he might go from there to the Ḥijāz. When Shāh Abu-al-M'aālī reached Gujrat he in unruliness and madness did improper actions and committed a murder. Then he fled from there and came to the eastern provinces, and joined 'Ali Quli Khān, thinking that he might by his help stir up a commotion As that disloyalist was himself meditating on sway and sovereignty, he did not give any room to Shah Abu-al-M'aālī, and sent him to Bairām Khān. He arrived at the town when Bairām Khan's affairs were in convulsion. For the sake of apparent loyalty he confined him and sent him to Bīāna. At last, at the time when, under malign influences, he was going to Alwar, he released him from Bīāna Fort and turned him loose on the world, as has been stated. The Shahinshah's victorious standards had reached Jhajhar, when that headstrong and disrespectful one came in his folly and offered the kornish1 from horseback. H.M. ordered the mad man to be put in chains and to be made over to Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān in order that he might be sent off to the Ḥijāz. On this occasion, too, the spiritual and temporal Khedive, acting on the advice of old servants, and out of consideration of the times, ordered the release of such a sedition-monger. They should have released his futile soul from the prison of the bodily elements. Alas, alas! that they should not2 have freed that essentially and innately wicked one from the burden on his neck (his head). Because his evil soul long remained connected with his body, many wicked deeds of his came to pass. He thus became still more the subject of eternal punishment. I now leave this subject and return to my task.
It is not unknown to the wise and instructed that as Bairām Khān worsened so did fortune turn away her face from him. Though he ostensibly accepted the admonitions, in his heart he retrograded, and on the day when the imperial camp was established at Jhajhar, the Nāṣir-al-mulk Pīr Muḥammad Khān Shīrwānī arrived and made the dust of the threshold of fortune the collyrium of his lessoned eyes. The above-mentioned had not yet reached Gujrat when he heard of the overthrow of Baīrām Khān's fortune. As he was a well-wisher of the Court he hastily came and did homage. H.M. distinguished him by royal favours and exalted him by the title of Khān and the communication of a standard, and a drum. In consequence of his excellent character, which was innate in him, he was successful both temporally and spiritually.
Ḥāfiẓ ed. Brockhaus, p. 205, ode 282 verse 7.
↩The Maaṯir Raḥīmī A.S.B., MS., p. 304 b., gives the chronogram composed by Maulānā Farīdu-d-dīn of Delhi. Dar-i-darīyāī Sāādat (pearl of the auspicious ocean) 964.
↩In Sarkār Bet Jālandhar Dūāb. “Has a brick-fort.” J. II. 316.
↩There is evidently a mistake here, either of Abūl Faẓl or his copyists. The Ilāhī year being solar, must have been longer than the lunar year, and the 1st and 2nd years of the Era cannot have begun on the same day of the same month of the Muḥammadan year. The Ṭabaqāt Akbari, Elliot V. 254 gives 9 Jamāda-al-awwal for the beginning of the 2nd year—and Mut'amid Khān in the Iqbālnama, who generally copies Abūl Faẓl, also puts the beginning of the year in Jamāda-al-awwal.
↩This is the Māngaṛh mentioned in Badaūnī, Ranking, p. 527 and described there as being 5 or 6 kos from Bin (Ban). Mānkot is entered in the Āīn, Jarrett II. 321 as in the Rechnau Dūāb.
↩Five according to the T.-i-Daudī, Elliot IV. 494. Each had a separate name. See also Badaūnī, Ranking, 498, last line. But in Āīn II. 321, A.F. speaks of four forts, as here.
↩The Iqbālnāma makes this remark more intelligible by saying that whatever provisions were wanted could speedily be collected.
↩Tilw-i-aḥkām, tilw- is a term applied to a young camel or other animal following its dam.
↩Kamān-i bar peshṭāq-i-istikbār nihāda. An idiomatic phrase for which see the Bahār-i-'ajam and which Vullers s.v. Kamān renders omnibus viribus contendere. Kamān also means a bow, but here it seems to mean an arch, the meaning being to put arch upon arch.
↩See biography in M'aaṯir-al-umrā II. 542. He is perhaps the Shāh Sālū or Shāpūr mentioned in Badaūnī, Ranking, 619, and if so his daughter was in Humāyūn's harem.
↩I regard this as evidence that Adham Khān was several years older than Akbar. He could hardly have knocked over warriors unless he was at least 18 years of age.
↩Blochmann, Nos. 127 and 316? Apparently not the Farrukh Ḥusain named at II. 266 of text. A variant has Faraḥ Ḥusain and it is so written in the Iqbālnāma of Muta'mid Khān.
↩ Dilhā-bāī. I do not know these
words and perhaps the passage is
corrupt, but the Lucknow editor explains
that they mean posts or logs
which are put between the leaves of
gates instead of chains. The B.M.
MS. Add. 26, 203, has dilhā pai dāda
būdand, their hearts had given way,
being a phrase for becoming disheartened,
and I think this is almost
certainly the true reading. However,
the phrase dar bāī dāda occurs in the
Āīn text II. 153 and Jarrett III. 271,
n. 4. The passage there is corrupt
and the meaning is not clear. I suspect
that the passage refers to the
fair winner and not to the user of
cogged dice. The winner, whoever he
be, pays 10 per cent. to the king, and
the loser 5 per cent; dar bāī dād then
probably means one who has lost.
For the conclusion of this episode see text infra, pp. 78, 79.
↩Naẕr means both vows and presents, and perhaps there is an allusion to Miriam-Makānī's wish to present his sisters to Akbar.
↩The text has Nūḥānī, but I adopt the variant. See Jarrett II. 403.
↩Īl gardānīdand. It is a Turki word meaning obedient.
↩Badāūnī gives details of the victory. Lowe, 18.
↩So spelt by Blochmann, 343. The text has Bahabal. Ferishta calls him Suhail. See Elliot V. 167 and note.
↩It was not taken till 966 A.H. See text, p. 77, and Badāūnī, Lowe, 25.
↩Also called the rampart of Gog and Magog. See D'Herbelot.
↩Also called Khiẓr Khān, Elliot V. 66. The battle took place near Cunār. (Monghyr according to Stewart). Both Ferishta and Niẓāmu-d-dīn call him Khiẓr Khān. Niẓāmu-d-dīn has a separate chapter on 'Adalī which is not translated in Elliot. He says 'Adalī killed Muḥammad Khān Gauri (Khiẓr's father) at Carkatta (Chappirghatta) 15 kos fom Kālpī.
↩Az rūi daulatkhwāhī. I presume that there is something ironical here. However the phrase Mashār ilaihi “the above-mentioned” may refer to the Atka Khān and not to the Nāṣir-al-Mulk.
↩Tanūr in text. Ghāzī Khān afterwards rebelled, Blochmann, 367. Badāūnī, Lowe, 11, calls him Sūr.
↩This sentence is explained in the Iqbālnāma where we are told that Bairām took away the elephants saying that he would put them in charge of men who would train them for Akbar, and keep them under control, and that they would be given up whenever they were wanted for war or for riding.
↩Perhaps the Taimūr Khān Jalāīr of subsequent entries. See Blochmann, 476. Badaūnī, Lowe, 13, mentions Makhdūm-al-Mulk as the intermediary. Perhaps A.F. suppressed his name on account of pique.
↩This is Mau or Pathānkot in Gūrdāspūr, Punjab. See the accounts of Rajah Bāsū in the M. al-Umrā II. 158, and Jarrett II. 319. It is not far from Kāngra. See Beames, J.A.S.B., for 1875, p. 193.
↩This is Ḥusain Khān Tukriyah. Calcutta Review for January, 1894.
↩As a note to the text states, most MSS. have the word Bīka or Bega before Māham Anaga's name. No doubt it should be inserted.
↩Shukr. This I think must refer to Pasha and not to 'Alī Shahr, though jadd is properly masculine. She was the mother of Bairām's great-aunt, i.e. she was sister of Bairam's great-grandfather Pīr 'Alī.
↩Bäyāzīd 250b calls Nuru-d-dīn the grandson of Sulṭān Ḥusain Baiqra.
↩Khwāja Bahāūddīn.
This is the Pasha Begam of Bābar's Memoirs, Erskine, p. 30. She was the daughter of 'Alī Shukr, Erskine's 'Alī Shīr, of the Black Sheep. She was first married to Muḥammadī Mīrzā, the son of Jahān Shāh, and afterwards to S. Maḥmūd Mīrzā, one of Bābar's paternal uncles. By him she had one son and three daughters. Bābar tells us what became of one daughter, but curiously enough, says nothing about the other two and proceeds immediately to give details about five other daughters of his uncle by another wife (Pāpa Agāca). Is it possible that Bābar married them both, and did not say anything about them, agreeably to his usual reticence about his own wives? He certainly married one of the two, viz., Ṣaliḥa Sulṭān, for the M. Raḥīmī, A.S.B. MS., p. 281b tells us so. She is, I believe, the Dildār B. of Bābar and Gulbadan B.'s Memoirs, for according to the MS. just cited she was the mother of Gulrang. The same MS. tells us that Gulrang married Nūr Muḥd. and was the mother of Bairām K.'s wife Salīma Sulṭān. Other authorities call Salīma the daughter of Gulrukh or Gulbarg. Perhaps, as suggested by Blochmann and Beale, Gulrang, Gulrukh, and Gulbarg are all names for the same lady. But it must be confessed that there is some confusion, inexplicable as yet, about Salīma's parentage and about Gulrang or Gulbarg. Abūl Faẓl tells us in his second volume, p. 65, that Bābar gave his daughter Gulbarg in marriage to Nūruddīn Muḥd., who was a Naqshbandī, and that she was mother of Salīma. Elsewhere, Vol. I., p. 149, he says that Nūruddīn M. was married to Gulrang B. and that he was the father of Salīma. These two statements are not contradictory, for he does not say that Gulrang was the mother of Salīma, and it may be that there were two daughters of Bābar, one Gulbarg or Gulrukh, and the other Gulrang, and that Nūruddīn married them both, one after the other. But against this there is the fact that Gulbadan does not name any daughter of her father's called Gulrukh or Gulbarg. There is the further difficulty that Abūl Faẓl tells us that Bābar gave his daughter in marriage to Nūruddīn, whereas Gulbadan tells us that he gave his daughter Gulrang in marriage to Ishān Taimūr. This was very shortly before Bābar's death, and we find Ishān Taimūr living and serving Humāyūn in Scinde. Either then, the marriage with Ishān never was completed, or A.F. is wrong in saying that Nūruddīn was married to Gulbarg in Bābar's lifetime, or Gulrang and Gulbarg are two different persons. If we knew when Salīma was born, matters would be cleared up a little. But Jahāngīr speaks of her as dying in 1021, at the age of 60. If so she can only have been 4 or 5 when Bairām married her, and only 2 or 3 when Humāyūn promised her to him. This is very unlikely, and I suspect, in spite of the MSS. that Jahāngīr, wrote 80 instead of 60. Then, too, is it possible that there were two Nūruddīns, and that the one to whom Bāiram gave his daughter was the Shaikh Nūru-d-dīn mentioned in the Ḥabīb-as-siyār, Bombay lithograph II. 347, who was a brother of Shaikh Zain, and who died in Bābar's service in 928 A.H.?
On the whole I incline to the opinion that Bābar had a daughter named Gulbarg, or Gulrukh, and as well as one named Gulrang, and that Nūrud-dīn was married by Bābar to Gulbarg, that she was the mother of Salīma, and that, after her death perhaps, he married her half-sister Gulrang. It may be worth noting that though Gulbadan B. does not mention any Gulrukh or Gulbarg among her father's daughters she mentions a Gul'azār who was a daughter of Gulrukh and a full sister of Kāmrān and 'Askarī. She does not tell us what became of Gul'azār, and as the name has the same meaning as Gulrukh it is possible that she is the lady whom Bābar gave in marriage to Nūruddīn. Against this there is the almost certainty that Salīma was descended from Pasha Begam who was also an ancestress of Bairām, for in all probability this common descent was one reason for the marriage. But Salīma could not have been descended from Pasha if Gul-'azār was her mother.
Nūruddīn belonged to the Naqshbandī (see Jarrett III. 358) order as has been said. There is a biography of his great-great-grandfather K. Ḥasan Aṭṭār in the Khazīna-al-aṣfīya. I., p. 562. It is stated there that K. Ḥasan died in 826 and that he is buried in Caghānīān (qu. Ḥiṣār Shādmān?). See also Safīna-al-auliya, p. 80, notice of K. Ḥasan Aṭṭār's father Alāūddīn Aṭṭār. K. Ḥasan 'Aṭṭār was son-in-law of Khwāja Buzurg, i.e., apparently K. Bahāūddīn. A.F.'s remarks about the imitativeness of Humāyūn seem misplaced. Humāyūn probably gave Salīma in marriage to Bairām because they were related through 'Alī Shukr, and not because of the marriages made by S. Mahmūd and Bābar. It appears also from the M. Raḥīmī that Bairām's mother Nagīna Khānim belonged to the Naqshbandī K. family. See marginal note to p. 176 of A.S.B. MS.
Apparently the Naqshbandī family were always considered as connected with the royal family; for M. Muḥd. Ḥakīm gave his sister, Humāyūn's daughter, Fakhru-nisā, to Khwāja Naqshbandī after the death of her first husband Abū-l-m'aālī, and Akbar married his son Daniel to a daughter of Sulṭān Khwājah.
↩Some MSS. read sokhta instead of sākhta, and this is probably preferable. The meaning then would be that the air became odoriferous like burning aloes. Qimār is said to be Cape Comorin or at least some place in India which yields aloes. See Vullers s.v.
↩Kharwār lit. by ass-loads.
↩That is, it gave a tinge of mourning to avert the evil eye.
↩He was related to Tardī Beg, and was a poet. He joined the rebellion of 'Alī Qulī Khān Zamān, and for this reason perhaps he is not mentioned in the Āīn. Badaūnī gives a long extract from his poems III. 223. He also praises him for his musical talents. See also Blochmann, 533. He is the Khanjarī Turk whom Badaūnī mentions, Lowe 387, as having died of emerods in 999 (1591).
↩See Badāūni, Lowe 13, for a full account, and for the description of the fate of Shāham.
↩He is mentioned by Sidi 'Alī, p. 50, and described as a superb youth. He too joined Khān Zamān and was captured and put to death. Elliot V. 322, and Lowe, 101.
↩It is stated in the Rauẓātu-t Ṭāhirīn of Ṭāhir Muḥammad that the Khan Zamān put upon Shāhim Beg the robe of honour which Akbar had sent to himself.
↩There is the variant Bidāqī and this is the form given by M'atamid Khān.
↩There is little point in this cruel jest, and Badāūnī justly characterises it as an instance of Pīr Muḥammad's hardness of heart. Perhaps such point as there was lay in the contrast between the lofty tower, and the little man (mardak) lying at the foot and broken into small pieces (the khūrdgasht of Badāūnī).
↩Qadmgāh. I think this merely means his lodging, lit., the place of his feet; but the word also means a privy. It is likewise possible that it means the place in Delhi where there was a footprint of the prophet. Such a Qadm Sharīf is described in Syed Aḥmad's Aṯār Sanādīd, p. 92, No. 91. It was built in Fīrūz Shāh's time 709 A.H. or 1310 and is, or was, opposite to the Purāna Qil'a. See also Harcourt's Guide to Delhi, p. 140.
↩The Lucknow editor says they were made into a ball and then opened out. M'utamid Khān says they were put under a takhyahnamad and that the one first drawn out was acted upon. (The takhyanamad was perhaps a pillow or cushion, but Blochmann, 55, translates it as “wooden coverlet.”
↩See translation, p. 142, para. 2. The name “Pādshāh Qulī” was one assumed by Jalālu-d-dīn to show that he was wholly devoted to Humāyūn.
↩There is a great deal about elephants in the Āīn Blochmann, 117 et seq.
↩A.F. means that God made Akbar's control over elephants a means of showing to the vulgar Akbar's real power, and thus preventing them from presuming too much on his insouciance and breaking their allegiance.
↩This is sarcasm. The ducks now saw there was something in the ugly duckling.
↩Blochmann 125.
↩Blochmann 127 note. Apparently the word is really Porsian.
↩Fīl, elephant used to be the name of the rook at chess, and is now that of the bishop.
↩Jarrett II. 320. See T.A. 393, where Camīārī, which is not far off, is described as a Khwājah fief.
↩In Kashmir, but held at that town by a Rajput family whose domains extended into Sialkot. Talūndī was not far from Jammū, for which see Jarrett II. 320 and note.
↩Blochmann 456.
↩Jarrett II. 202. It was in Sarkār Cānderī.
↩Jarrett II. 167, 168; and Blochmann 390 and 320. Karah, it seems, should be Karrah. In several MSS. Fatḥpur-Hanswah is written as one village.
↩See Elliot's Supplemental Glossary, Beames, 1859, Vol. I, 25, for an account of the Bhadaurya tribe and of Hatkānt. The Bhadauryas are a branch of the Chauhān Rurjputs. See also Blochmann, 488.
↩Hushiyārī. Some MSS. have bisyārī numbers, which seems preferable.
↩The text his tīr-u-bandūq which seems nonsense. The Lucknow edition and some MSS. have tīr-i-bandūq, which is a phrase for a musket-ball, and I adopt this reading.
↩As Blochmann remarks, 409, the Maaṯīr II, 535, points out that this account differs from that in the 'Aālam-ārāī.
↩The Tabaqāt Akbarī says, Friday.
↩A. F. plays on the double meaning of Akbār, the great light and also the light of Akbar.
↩jalwa, but probably jalwī, meaning gait, is meant for the partridge as famed for its elegant motion.
↩aksūn, said to be a black satin worn by princes.
↩mūsīqār, also the name of a fabulous (?) bird whose bill is perforated. Compare for these hyperboles I, p. 20, 1. 9, and Errata.
↩According to the Lucknow edition the narcissus is generally compared to a half-shut eye. Here wonder makes it full-eyed.
↩Shigūfa. It seems to mean any white flower.
↩In the list of flowers given in the Āīn the hyacinth (sambal) is described as dark-red in colour.
↩Referring of course to the shape of the flower.
↩The leaves of the lily are compared to tongues.
↩This is Ibrāhīm Sūr. 'Alī Qulī's victories are described by Badāūnī, Lowe, 18. See also for details about Ibrāhīm, Ranking 548 and 554. He was put to death in 975 A.H. (1567).
↩bejang, but perhaps it should be ba jang, see Elliot V. 259, and Badāūnī, Lowe, 18. Badāūnī represents the Afghān Sulṭān Bahādur as his opponent.
↩A pargana in the Faiẓābād district of Oudh.
↩Ba farokht dād. This is followed by the expression bahamīn qadr which, I think, means “for the same price,” and is intended to carry on the metaphor. The “proper action,” is the killing of Shāham.
↩Kaif māittifaq azū baẓuhūr āmid.
↩ The story of Shāham Beg and
Ārām Jān is told at length by Badāūnī,
Lowe, 13 et seq, but the chronogram
at p. 17 gives a wrong date. I am decidedly
of opinion, however, that seh,
three in Badāūnī's text, p. 24, l. 10,
is a mistake for
He is mentioned in A. N. I. 291, as Bāqī Muḥammad.
↩The text has Baqlāti, but the variant Baqlān is clearly right. It is a division of Balkh and lies S. E. of it and S. Qundūz. It is mentioned in A. N. I., 283 and 286.
↩In Gujrāt, Fatḥ Khān was in the service of the king of Gujrāt. See Bayley's Gujrat, pp. 16 and 439.
↩Jarret II, 275. It is in Jaipūr, Rājputāna.
↩Badāūnī, Lowe 25, gives a different account of this affair, and he calls Jājhār Sangrām. Niẓāmu-d-dīn calls him Hājī. Elliot V., 260.
↩The cattle of Gujrāt were, and are, famous. See Blochmann, 149.
↩The interview apparently took place after the Shaikh's return from Agra and his having been coldly treated by Bairām.
↩Short sleeves are a mark of asceticism. See Defremery's Gulistan, Paris 1158, p. 337 note.
↩cīze babahāī ān nadāda, lit. gave nothing as the price thereof, but I think it is a phrase, meaning that Akbar ignored the Shaikh's presumption, see Vullers I. 608a, where bacīze nagiriftan is rendered nihili facere. I cannot think that it means, as the Lucknow edition says, that Akbar gave nothing in return for the cattle.
↩There is a great deal about Muḥammad Ghauṣ in Badāūnī, vide Lowe, 28, and III. 4 of Bib. Ind. text. There is also, as the author of the Darbāri Akbarī points out, a long account of the interview between Akbar and the Shaikh in the Iqbālnāma. According to it, Muḥammad Ghaụṣ is the author of the Jawāhiru-khamsah which in the claborate article on Da'wah in Ḥughes's Dict. of Islam, p. 72, col. b, is ascribed to Shaikh Abū-l-Muwayyid. But perhaps they are the same person. The treatise of the Shaikh which Gadāi showed to Bairām is described by Badāūnī, Lowe, 28. The beautiful tomb of the Shaikh at Gwalīār is well-known.
↩Sīrī, now Shāhpur, is in old. Delhi and was founded by 'Alāū-d-dīn See Harcourt's Guide, p. 3. But the text is certainly wrong. Sīrī is hardly a town, and Delhi lay quite out of the way from Agra to Mālwah. The variant Seopurī is probably right, that being a town in Gwālīār, I. G. and Jarrett, II, 190. Or it may be Seorha in Bandalkand. Some MSS, have Sīprī.
↩ūrfī. I do not feel sure of what is meant by this word here. But A. F. probably means that the day is called Monday in common parlance. Cf. the use of barū'yat in p. 3 of text, 6 lines from foot.
↩Sir-i-zalfrā kham zada. This may also mean, gave a sidelong or downward glance or gesture. But I think it has here the literal meaning of twisting and is connected with the tying of a knot in the next line.
↩Blochmann 329. He was married to Bairām's sister.
↩Blochmann 442. In the Pādshāhnāma, Bib. Ind. ed. I, 347, there is an account of his nephew Hakīm Ṣadr. From this we learn that H. Zambīl or Zambil Beg came from Wilayat (Persia) in the beginning of Akbar's reign, and that he was descended from Ḥārith who was a friend of Muḥammad. See D'Herbelot. Bāyazīd Mem. 74a mentions Ḥakīm Zambal in his list of the officers who accompanied Humāyūn to India.
↩Formerly in the Agra district, Jarrett II, 183, now in Etah.
↩Sikandra Rao in Aligarh, Jarret II, 186 and I.G. Probably it is to this expedition that the story belongs which Akbar told A.F. Jarrett III, 397.
↩Formerly in Aligarh, Jarret II, 186, now in Bulandshahr, 30 miles N. Aligarh.
↩In the Shāhpūr district of the Punjab. The town is on left bank of the Jhelam.
↩Blochmann 322 and Badāunī III, 287. He was Shamsu-d-dīn's elder brother, and was a poet as well as a man of action. He died in 983, 1575-76. T. Akbarī, 381.
↩That is, he thought about setting up this prince who was Kāmrān's son and Akbar's cousin.
↩Ṣaf-i-n'aāl, the place of shoes, i.e., the place where shoes are taken off. See Vullers II, 514b.
↩'Abdu-raḥmān, son of Iskandar, i.e., Sikandar Sūr, B. 366n. Tanūr is perhaps Tanwar, that is, strong-bodied.
↩This refers to Shaikh Gadāī, Walī Beg and others.
↩Not necessarily Mecca. Bairām had prepared an exceedingly costly banner for Mashhad, Badaūnī, Lowe 35.
↩'āriyatī borrowed, or factitious, e.g., false hair.
↩Bayāzīd 75a describes Qīyā Beg Jūān, who seems to be this Qīya K. as a relation of Māham Anaga. Beg is a Turkish title, and this and other indications point to Māham Anaga's having been a Turk. She is often called Begī. It is true that Shihābu-d-dīn who was a Persian from Nīshāpūr was also related to Māham Anaga, but this was by marriage. Bahādur was an Uzbeg, and the Uzbegs regard themselves as Turks.
↩Jarrett II, 286, and I.G. It is in the district of Rohtak.
↩Niẓāmu-d-dīn, T. A., p. 623, in his chapter on Kashmīr, says that Abu-al-M'aāli went off with his chains on his ankles on the shoulders of Yūsuf. Ferishta adds that he settled matters with Kamāl Ghakkar, and that he resolved in imitation of Haidar Mīrza to conquer Kas hmīr. The expedition was in 965 (1558).
↩The ancient Rājapūrī. See Stein, Ancient Geography of Kashmīr, J.A. S.B. for 1899. Extra No., p. 128.
↩Both Niẓāmu-d-din and Ferishta give details about this prince in their histories of Kashmīr. They describe Abū-al-M'aālī's expedition. See T. A. 623, or Ferishta 361.
↩He was Ḥaidar Mīrza's Vakīl. See T. R., Ross and Elias, pp. 460 482 and 490.
↩See T. A., 622.
↩These names are doubtful.
↩Probably the Khāwarpāra of Jarrett II, 359, 369. Dr. Stein kindly informs me that Khāwara is the small tract below Bāramūla on the left bank of the Jehlam, and that Pattan is Patan.
↩I do not know the meaning of this word.
↩Niẓāmu-d-din calls this hero a Moghal. He says he gave his horse to Abu-al-M'aāli. He and Ferishta remark the interesting fact that Ghāzī Khan after his victory killed all the Moghals he caught except Hāfīẓ. Habshī who had been reciter to Humāyun, and was spared on account of his elocutionary skill.
↩Nizāmu-dīn and Badāūnī say that Abu-l-M'aāli wanted to embrace (or salute) Akbar from on horseback. This is more likely than that he wanted to do kōrnish as A. F. says. This was hardly possible from horseback. The coming up to Akbar on horseback was a great liberty. At p. 275 of vol. I, last line, A. F. tells us how Hindāl as a special favour was allowed to approach Humāyūn without dismounting. The verb used by Nizāmu-d-dīn and Badāūnī is daryāftan , and Dowson and Lowe have rendered this overtake, but I think it only means to salute or embrace. In the same sentence in which Niẓāmu-d-dīn uses the word, he has already used the expression malāzamat daryāft to describe Husain Qulī Beg's payment of respects.
↩The text wrongly has me instead of the negative nah.
↩