The History of India, Volume 6

NOTE B.
'ABDU-L HAKK DEHLAWÍ.

THESE Extracts are from a treatise by 'Abdu-l Hakk Hakkí Dehlawí,⁴⁸³ containing memoirs of certain famous philosophers and poets of Dehlí, with notices of some of their writings, and a catalogue of the works composed by himself in Arabic and Persian, which was compiled in the reign of the Emperor Núru-d dín Jahángír. Translated from a copy in the possession of Nawab Zíáu-d dín Khán of Lohárú by (Major) A. R. Fuller, Artillery.

EXTRACTS.

As soon as^483a these eternal lights, by reflecting the effulgent rays of Muhammad (on whom be the choicest of favours and the greatest of blessings!), illumined every quarter and corner of Hindústán, they shone on the metropolis of Dehlí also, which is the centre of the circle of sanctity and holiness, and the true tabernacle of faith and religion. For a vast host and multitude of all classes of men professing the creed of Islám, and consisting of august shaikhs, learned sages, and eloquent orators, repaired to this city from all quarters of the globe, both from Arabia and Persia, and took up their illustrious residence in it. They then enlightened and civilized with the lustre of religion and wisdom all parts and bounds of this realm, which had previously been shrouded and enveloped in the gloom of paganism and ignorance.

The writer of these lines (may the Lord preserve his fortunes from calamity and disaster!) introduced memoirs of Kings and nobles into his history of this realm, which is a work entitled Zikru-l Mulúk (The Chronicle of Kings), and abounds with historical matter; while he gave a full account of virtuous shaikhs in his book called Akhbáru-l Akhyár (Reminiscences of the Good), which is stamped with the brand of publicity and renown. After fully making up his mind, however, he was unable to write the memoirs of the best of the philosophers and poets, notwithstanding that they were numerous enough, inasmuch as scarce a trace remained of their names and lineage, and hardly any vestiges of their compositions were extant. ^{* * *} Nevertheless, there are some few whose names are mentioned, and whose literary labours are quoted and described. One of those learned men, who flourished in the august age of Sultán Násiru-d dín, the son of Sultán Shamsu-d dín Altamsh (may the Lord brighten his judgment!), whom they style Sultán Nasíru-d dín Ghází, was Kází Minháj Júzjání, the compiler of the Tabakát-i Násiri, a history dedicated to the aforesaid monarch, which he wrote and left behind as a monument of his genius. Although he had not a perfect mastery over the art of pure and elegant writing, yet his style, from its brevity and conciseness, was not wanting in the requisites of boldness and vigour. A few of the particulars regarding him, detailed in the memoirs of the aforesaid shaikhs, are given in the Akhbáru-l Akhyár, and may God's mercy be upon him!

Another one was Zíá Barní, the author of the Táríkh-i Fíroz Sháhí, who continued the history from the commencement of Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín Balban's reign, where the Tabakát-i Násirí leaves off, down to the occurrences of the seventh year of Fíroz Sháh; besides which, he wrote other works and treatises as well. He was a disciple of Shaikh Nizámu-d dín Aulia's (may the Lord sanctify his tomb!), and in the Akhbáru-l Akhyár some of his sayings and doings are also recorded (God have mercy upon him!). After him came another individual, who wrote all the rest of the annals of Sultán Fíroz's reign, as well as those of the Gujarát sovereigns, under the title of Táríkh-i Bahádur Sháhí.

Táríkh-i Muhammadí is likewise the name of an historical work that somebody composed, and the Siráj-i 'Afíf⁴⁸⁴ is another. One of those who are famous for their literary efforts, both in prose and verse, is Zíá Nakshabí, who lived in Badáún. Although his works scarcely possess merit enough to make them worthy of remark, yet as he was a man who had retired into the nook of asceticism and solitude, he was callous to the world's praise or blame, acceptance or refusal, and confidence or mistrust, and gave free vent to his own opinions. Mention has been made of him likewise in the Akhbáru-l Akhyár, and a few extracts from the Silk-i Sulúk, which, of all his publications that touch upon the sentiments of this class of mankind, is, to my mind, the most pleasing, have been introduced. There was also a person in Badáún called Shaháb Mahmarah, of whom mention has been made in Amír Khusrú's poems, where he says, “It cast a tremor over Shaháb Mahmarah's grave,” from which it is evident that the individual in question had formerly flourished, though at the present time none of his works are extant.

Táj Rezah, too, was an inferior poet, who cultivated his talents under the tuition of Shamsu-l Mulk, who was Sadr (Prime Minister) in the time of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín. Most of the learned men of that age, indeed, studied under this individual, and even Shaikh Nizámu-d dín Auliá (may the Lord purify his tomb!), in the course of his education, read the Makámat-i Harírí with him, and has said in his writings:—

“Now the Sadr has succeeded according to the best wishes of his friends,
For he has become prime minister of the realms of Hindústán.”

During the time of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín, Dehlí was the great rendezvous for all the most learned and erudite personages; for, notwithstanding the pride and hauteur, the neglect and superciliousness, and the want of kindness and cordiality, with which that monarch treated this class of people, the spirit of the age remained the same.

Among the philosophers and poets of those times, the cleverest and most renowned were Mír Hasan and Mír Khusrú (on both of whom be mercy and forgiveness!). Mír Khusrú, however, is the Prince of Poets and the First among Philosophers, for he was one of those steeped in spiritual wisdom, and such skill as he possessed in every kind and manner of literary composition, both in the use of ordinary or unusual phraseology, and of plain or dubious terms, has seldom been allotted to any one. He wrote a great many verses, but made no choice selection from them; and he compiled and arranged several díwáns (books of odes). With respect to the aggregate number of his own verses, he made this mirthful remark by way of a puzzle and enigma: “My verses are fewer than 400,000, but upwards of 300,000.” As for Mír Hasan, although he has written but little poetry, yet what he has written is musical and pleasing. The illustrious Shaikh's opinion, however, respecting the difference between their two styles, is sufficient; for he declared that our Khusrú is the salt ocean, and Hasan a sweet stream.

After the close of 'Alá's reign, the high standard of wisdom and erudition began to sink to an inferior level, and literature assumed quite another complexion; for, although Sultán Muhammad Tughlik fully appreciated all sorts of learning, yet there was not such a number of learned men flourishing in his time as had congregated together under 'Aláu-d dín's rule.

One of the most famous sages and philosophers of the city was Mauláná Muaiyyanu-d dín 'Umrání, the author of sound and instructive commentaries on the Kanz, Minár, Husámí, Talkhís, and Miftah. Sultán Muhammad despatched him to Shiráz with an invitation for Kází 'Azdu-l Millat wa-d dín Alíchí, and a request that the latter would prepare and publish a suitable work (or the work called Muákif), dedicated to his royal person. As soon as Mauláná reached the Kází's dwelling, he began persuading him to an excursion into Hindústán, and acquainted him with all that Sultán Muhammad required of him; whereupon the monarch of that period called upon Kází 'Azd, and made him an offering of the whole realm and sovereignty. The Kází, therefore, in obedience to the dictates of modesty and sound sense, dismissed the idea of travelling to Hindústán from his mind, and resolved upon remaining at the court of his own monarch.

In the reign of Sultán Fíroz, also, there were many sages, philosophers and lawyers, who held a place on the throne of study and erudition; and Tátár Khání, which is a lengthy and copious work on law and religion, was composed in the time of that auspicious monarch, and dedicated to Tátár Khán, one of his chief officers of state, by the author Mauláná 'Álim Ándapathí. This Tátár Khán, however, in whose name the work in question is published, is said by some to have been one of 'Alá(u-d dín)'s nobles, but God only knows if such be the case. One of the learned men of Fíroz Sháh's time was Mauláná Khwájagí, the preceptor of Kází Shahábu-d dín Daulatábádí. Mauláná Ahmad Thánesárí and Kází 'Abdu-l Muktadir Shaníhí were also distinguished literary characters of that period; and the latter, besides possessing vast knowledge, could compose excellent poetry, his Arabic verses being even superior to his Persian. The most talented and clever authors of Persia and Arabia having agreed upon trying to write something equal to the Lámiatu-l 'Ajam, which is a celebrated elegy, he also made an attempt to rival it, and came out of the trial with great éclat. Mauláná Ahmad Thánesárí likewise wrote poetry in the Arabic language, and his noble elegies, the whole of which are copied into the Akhbáru-l Akhyár, bear convincing testimony to his eminent talents and genius. Subsequently to the auspicious time of Fíroz Sháh, whom they call the last of the sovereigns of Hind, inasmuch as after him the monarchy of this country came to an end, and, like as in the neighbouring kingdoms, an independent ruler sprung up in every district. During Sultán Ibrahím Sharkí's time, a prince who ruled in the direction of Jaunpúr, there flourished Kází Shahábu-d dín Záwalí Daulatábádí, who is both a shining star and a brilliant luminary of this realm. He used to be called the “King of Sages” by his contemporaries; for although there were many more learned men in existence at that time, yet none of them enjoyed the popularity and fame that he had acquired. He is the author of several works that have been stamped with the die of general favour and celebrity, such as Hawásh Káfiah, which is the cleverest of his writings, Irshád, Badíu-l Bayán, etc. He has also written an unfinished commentary on the Pazhdání, and an exposition in Persian entitled Bahr-i Mawwáj. But in preserving the due rhythm of his sentences, he exhibits laborious exertion; and to that end has made use of many awkward and inapplicable words and expressions. With the exception of this drawback, however, it is a useful and profitable book, and well adapted for affording enlightenment and instruction.

After Kází Shahábu-d dín's demise, Mauláná Shaikhu-l Hadád Jaunpúrí, who was a pious and unaffected divine, began plying his pen in literary composition. He made notes to the Kází's Commentaries, and further wrote expositions of the Hidáyah, Madárik, and Pazhdání, though his questions are evidently more powerful than the replies. Many more people of that country likewise made notes on the Kází's Commentary; but in comparison with them, those of Míánu-l Hadád are much clearer and more pertinent. The literati of that country paid no attention to the subjects of grammar, syntax and scriptural law, together with its rudiments; while as for the other reasoning sciences, they were seldom or rarely studied, and became as it were totally extinct. One of the poets of Sultán Fíroz's reign, or even of an earlier period than that, was Muttahar Kurrah, whose style is by no means wanting in grace and elegance. He is the author of a díwán (collection of odes), and several elegies, the latter of which are extremely scarce, and in fact not to be procured anywhere in the present day. In the Akhbáru-l Akhyár are introduced several lines of his description of Shaikh Nasíru-d dín Mahmúd, may the Lord sanctify his tomb!

Within the same brief period of time, too, there lived an individual called Mughís Hánsaví, who held a high position in the literary world from his discourses on practical and metaphysical subjects. He is the author of a treatise, which enjoys no great publicity, however, and mention of him has been made in the notices of Shaikh Nasíru-d dín Mahmúd's life.

Another one was Zahír Dehlawí, to whom Shaikh Jamálí used to apply the epithet of Zahír, on account of the want of freshness in his style. This same Shaikh Jamálí, in the time of Sultán Sikandar Lodí, and Nasíru-d dín Humáyún Bádsháh, ranked among the chief nobles of the city. He is the author of a díwán, which comprises both elegies and odes, as well as of a masnaví (book of moral doctrine in verse) entitled Mihr-o-Mah (Sun and Moon). After him, his son displayed eminent genius and a cultivated understanding, and had he lived in the present times, would undoubtedly have been the paragon of the age in poetry. They say that he wrote a history, which was compiled and published under the patronage of Salím Sháh, but it is not now extant. In later times, just before the present age, the writer's father, Shaikh Saifu-d dín, flourished, who used to bear the literary soubriquet of Saifí, and was distinguished among his contemporaries in Hindústán for the perspicuity of his style and the elegance of his diction. The shock that your humble servant endured on that august individual's demise is ably portrayed in the lines which Amír Khusrú indited, as his father's funeral dirge.

“The sword has passed over my head, and my heart is left split in two;
The running stream has flowed by, and the orphan pearl remains behind.”⁴⁸⁹

He owns several treatises on the subject of theology and the Unity of God, and his verses were very numerous, insomuch, that had he been bent on collecting and publishing them, they would have made up a complete díwán. The carelessness and indifference of his disposition to the compliments of popularity, however, made him pay no heed to the matter; for his mind was absorbed in the contemplation of eternity and the Unity of God. A few of the events of his life are given at the conclusion of the Akhbáru-l Akhyár, from whence the true scope of his genius can be detected, of which it is otherwise impossible to gain an idea.

Your humble servant's illustrious uncle, too, who owned the literary soubriquet of Shaikh Rizk'u-lla, was one of the wonders of the age, a perfect and upright character, and a follower of the right road. He was also an ardent votary of love and devotion, and wrote some very pleasing things both in Persian and Hindí; his compositions in the latter language having gained considerable celebrity. The Táríkh-i Wáki'át-i Mushtákí, containing the adventures of Sultán Bahlol Lodí and others, is also by him; for in Persian he uses the soubriquet of Mushtákí, and in Hindí that of Rágan to write under.

Mauláná Hasan Nakshí, Shaikh Táju-d dín, and Mauláná 'Alí Ahmad Nishání, were also numbered among the sages, poets, and saints of that period (may the mercy of God rest on them all!). Besides these, there were many more learned and talented men, as well as poets, both in this and other cities of Hindústán, a detailed account of whom would lead to prolixity; whereas the object at present in view is to furnish a memoir of those deceased authors only who have left some work or remains behind them, and not to quote merely a host of names and persons.

One of these, who within a very recent period has opened his lips in poetry, and reached the highest standard of literary merit, is Faizí of Ágra, so eminently distinguished for the graceful ease and fervid eloquence of his periods; but, alas! that he should have drawn censure, obloquy, and misfortune on himself through sinking into the abyss of error and infidelity, for now all men of piety and religion, and all friends and supporters of the apostolic faith, refrain from ever uttering his name or speaking of his accursed clique (may the Lord have patience with them, if they be true believers!).

Among the blessings, too, of which the good fortune of people in these times announces glad tidings, as a favour for which it is incumbent on all impartial and liberal characters to return thanks, is the auspicious child, the light of the eye of wisdom and intelligence, Núru-l Hakk, commonly called Mashrikí; for the effulgent luminary of his talent and learning in each of the two paths of literature and erudition has almost reached the zenith of the firmament of excellence and maturity. I feel convinced that if he were to direct his attention to the matter, and, after the manner of the poets of the present age, were to apply his energies night and day to practising composition, and brooding over poetry, he could both imitate and rival the five standard works of Nizámí and of Khusrú. His time and attention, however, being entirely devoted to the departments of science, virtue, and essential religion, they will not admit of his applying himself to poetry after the manner of poets. May the Sublime and Noble Protector preserve the star of his prosperity and good fortune from sinking into obscurity! The beloved child, Muhammad Hásham, likewise, is a good imitator and follower of his brother in the acquisition of science and virtue; and his innate disposition is eminently distinguished for its liberality, soundness and vigour, both in theory and practice, and more especially in the knowledge of the scriptural law, and traditions. May God, the helper of mankind, aid him in attaining his object! ^{* * *}

(The author then enters into a fabulous dialogue with his pen, at whose urgent request he eventually proceeds to give an account of himself and his writings.)

A brief memoir of your humble servant is contained in the following paragraph: The poet Hakkí, who roams a wanderer over the road of humility and superiority, was a crazy fellow, who, under the influence of companionship with the wise, according to the adage, “Madness delights in the sciences,” exerted himself for some time in mastering and acquiring the sciences; but ultimately, in verification of the saying, “The sciences produce madness,” finding his capacity unequal to the task, he gave way altogether to madness. ^{* * *}

(The pen next requests him to give some particulars of the lives of godly and pious men, to which he replies thus:)

A detailed account of them also is introduced in certain places; the commencement of the narrative being at the conclusion of the Akhbáru-l Akhyár, which contains the memoirs of the shaikhs of this country; the middle portion in the Jazbu-l Kulúb, which is a history of the glorious city (Medina); and the finale in the Zádu-l Mutakiyín, which gives the lives of the shaikhs at the two holy shrines. However, I will produce a summary of these particulars in a brief style, as well as some of the things that have not been recorded and set down in that book, in order that by these memiors the main object in view, which is the enumerating and classifying of my writings, may be faithfully accomplished and carried into execution. ^{* * *}

(The author next speaks of the progress he made in his studies during his youth, and of his pilgrimage to Mecca, with the immense intellectual profit he gained from it; after which he thus continues:)

The works which are about to be enumerated were all composed subsequently to my return from this auspicious journey, with the exception of the Akhbáru-l Akhyár, the Adábu-s Sálihín, and one or two more treatises on grammar and logic, the rough copies of which were written previously, during the period of my education, but were only finally corrected and methodically arranged some time subsequently. Now, after bringing forward the said works, I shall conclude my dissertation; and as a separate treatise on their names, entitled Tálíf-i Kalbi-l Álif-ba-kitábati Fihristi-t Tawálíf, has been already written, I shall copy them in the same fashion. These books and treatises, moreover, being in different languages, some in Arabic, and a few in Persian, the descriptions of the former have also been given in Arabic, and those of the latter in Persian.

(He then commences a descriptive catalogue of his writings.)

Táríkh-i Salátín-i Hind (History of the Sovereigns of India). The original copy consisted of 3000 verses; but after adding the annals of the princes who ruled in all the various quarters of this country, which had been omitted in the former collection, it amounted to somewhat more than 4000, and became known by the title of Chronicle of Kings (Zikr-i Mulúk), which is his principal historical work. ^{* * *}

Risálah Núriyah Sultániyah (The Glorious Imperial Volume), which treats of the regulations of government, its statutes and institutions, the ways and means of its just administration, and the conduct and management of its important affairs, is embellished with the august name⁴⁹² of the Emperor of the Time and Monarch of the Age (may the Lord ever keep his kingdom and sovereignty in prosperity, and augment his power and glory!), and consists of nearly 1000 verses. ^{* * *}

The sixty-second work, Talabu-n Núr (Search after Light), describing the incidents of the Lahore journey. ^{* * *}

NOTE C.
INSTITUTES OF JAHÁNGÍR.⁴⁹³

THESE Institutes have been highly lauded by the Emperor's admirers. Let us see how far he is entitled to praise, either for their original promulgation or personal observance.

First.

I forbad the levy of any duties under the name of tamghá and mír bahrí, together with the taxes of all descriptions which the jágírdárs of every súba and every sarkár had been in the habit of exacting on their own account.

Commentary.

This casts an ungenerous reflection on the administration of his father, who had been equally stringent in his prohibitions, both with respect to tamghá^493a and mír bahrí.^493b Bábar had been equally imperative with regard to tamghá from Musulmáns—“Orders have been given that in no city, or town, or road, or street, or passage, or port, should the tamghá be levied.”^493c

“His Majesty Akbar, from the excess of his beneficence, has remitted duties in this department that equalled the revenues of a kingdom. Nothing is now exacted upon exports and imports, except a trifle taken at the ports, which never exceeds two and a half per cent. Merchants account this reduction a pefect remission.”⁴⁹⁴ It will be seen from one of the extracts given above that Jahángír's total reduction also implied a levy of two and a half per cent.^494a

“Mukrab Khán (Viceroy of Cambaya, who had no command in Surat except what regarded the King's customs), to get possession of my goods, took what he chose, and left what he pleased, giving me such price as his own barbarous conscience dictated; when thirty-five was agreed, giving me only eighteen.”^494b

“All caravans must remain at Multan ten or twelve days, before leave can be procured from the governor to proceed, on purpose that the city may benefit by their stay. We remained five days, and were then glad to get leave to depart, by means of a present.”^494c

“I found that the English who were settled at Ahmadábád were injured and oppressed by the governor in their persons and goods, being fined, subjected to arbitrary exactions, and kept as prisoners; while at every town new customs were demanded for their goods on their passage to the port.”^494d

Second.

I enjoined that on the line of those roads which were infested by highway robbers, a saráí and a masjid should be built on the most deserted spots, and that a well should be sunk in order that the country might be reclaimed, and a few people be induced to reside there. Where these occurred on jágír lands, the jágírdárs were to complete the arrangements at their own expense; but on khálsa land, the Government undertook the work.

Commentary.

This was considerate towards the jágírdárs, and must have considerably diminished the value of the tenures which in the tenth Institute he says he confirmed to the holders of his father's time. At a later period, even on the more populous routes, the Government relieved itself of this burden on the khálsa lands, and placed it on the shoulders of the unfortunate landholders.⁴⁹⁵ This erection of saráís must have been proceeded with very generally before his time, for Sher Sháh and Salím Sháh are represented to have done the same at shorter distances than those contemplated by Jahángír.^495a

“Sir R. Shirley remained at Thatta till a fit opportunity offered of proceeding to Agra, where he went at last, finding the way long and tedious, and much infested by thieves.”^495b

His father also had directed the same. His orders to the sipah-sálár are: “He must give attention to the digging of reservoirs, wells, and watercourses; to the planting of gardens; to the erecting saráís and other pious and useful foundations; and see that such as have fallen into decay be repaired.”^495c

“In this kingdom there are no inns or houses of entertainment for travellers and strangers. But in the cities and large towns there are handsome buildings for their reception called saráís.”^495d These also appear to be the work of private individuals. “Many Hindús devote their fortunes to works of charity, as in building saráís, digging wells, or constructing tanks near highways.”^495e

The arrangement must have fallen heavily upon the Exchequer if we are to judge of the state of the police as drawn by our travellers. “The country is now so full of thieves and outlaws, that one can hardly stir out of doors in any part of his dominions without a guard, as almost the whole people are in rebellion.”^495f “I waited during the remainder of that month for the arrival of a caravan, going from Agra to Srat, by which I might transmit my papers in safety.”^495g Of one of the most frequented roads it is said, “Cambaya is thirty-eight kos from Ahmadábád, by a road through sands and woods much infested by thieves.”^495h “I was plundered on the way of my clothes, and everything else about me. ^{* *} One may travel as soon from Agra to Scinde as to Surat, but there is more thieving on the Scinde road.”⁴⁹⁶ Even on the famous high road from Agra to Lahore, which was planted on both sides with mulberry trees, Richard Steel and John Crowther observe: “In the night this road is dangerously infested with thieves, but is quite secure in the day.”^496a In such days as those, therefore, saráís must have been built, or there could have been no travelling or trade.

Third.

No person shall open any package of merchandize on the road, without express permission of the proprietor. Throughout the empire no officer of Government shall claim the property of any deceased Infidel or Musulmán; his whole estate, real and personal, descending to his heirs solely. If there be no heirs, then officers specially appointed for the purpose shall take charge of the effects, and the produce thereof shall be applied to the building of saráís, repairing bridges, and digging tanks and wells.

Commentary.

The descent to heirs is a mere repetition of Tímúr's Institute;^496b but how little it was acted upon may be seen by reference to the history of Jahángír's grandson, Aurangzeb, who again abolishes the same custom of confiscating the estates of deceased subjects, which he says was constantly practised by his predecessors.^496c

“Daulat Khán was the chief of the eunuchs of my father's seraglio, and obtained in this employment the title of Náziru-d daula. Of this man I will venture to say, that in the receipt of bribes, and his disregard of every principle of duty, there was not his second in the empire. In specie alone he left at his death no less a sum than ten krors of ashrefies of five methkals, exclusive of jewels, etc., to the value of three krors more (120 millions sterling!), the whole of which became an accession to my father's treasury.”⁴⁹⁷

His father's order was still more liberal. “Let him look after the effects of deceased persons, and give them up to the relations or heirs of such; but if there be none to claim the property let him place it in security, sending at the same time an account of such to Court, so that, when the true heir appears, he may obtain the same. In fine, let him act conscientiously and virtuously in this matter, lest it should be the same here as in the kingdom of Constantinople.”^497a

In the towns there appears to have been less scruple about opening packages of merchandize. The inhabitants of Lahore were directed to afford every assistance towards rendering the reception of the Prince as magnificent as possible, by decorating the streets and bazars with gold-woven carpets, figured draperies or tapestry, both European and Chinese, and canopies also of cloth-of-gold, both within and without the city, to the distance of nearly four kos. All this the kotwál was to keep in readiness for the space of four or five days.^497b

“The custom of the Mogul is to take possession of all the treasure belonging to his nobles when they die, giving among the children what he pleases, but he usually treats them kindly. In my time, Rájá Gaginat, a great lord or prince among the idolators, died, when, his effects being seized to the King's use, besides jewels, silver, and other valuables, his treasure in gold only amounted to sixty mans, every man being twenty-five pounds weight.”^497c

“The preceding night, at the Guzalcan, the jewels of Shaikh Faríd, governor of Lahore, who was lately deceased, were presented to him.”^497d

“This I supposed to allude to his servant Hergonen, lately dead, whose goods had been seized to the King's use.”^497e

“No subject of this empire holds any lands by inheritance, neither have they any titles but such as depend on the will of the King. Owing to this, many of the grandees live up fully to the extent of their means. Merchants also, and others, are very careful to conceal their wealth, lest they be made spunges. Some small means of living are allowed by the King to the sons of his great men, which they can never make better, unless they succeed to the favour enjoyed by their fathers.”⁴⁹⁸

“The seaports and the customs were full of gross abuses, the governor seizing on goods at arbitrary prices. Even Roe, though otherwise treated with hospitality and respect, had his baggage searched and some articles taken by the governor.”^498a His own words are: “We continued there to the 30th October, suffering much vexation from the governor, who forcibly caused search many of our chests and trunks, taking away what he thought fit.”^498b

“The Prince had intercepted the presents and goods on their way up, to satisfy his own base and greedy inclinations. ^{* *} It is the custom in this country, for the great men to see all merchant goods before even the King, that they may choose first.”^498c

“During this interval the King had caused the chests to be privately brought to him, and had opened them.”^498d “He opened the cabinet, and sent for the padre to read the letter, and to see everything contained in the boxes; but finding nothing to his liking, he returned all.”^498e

“I said, that if our goods continued to be taken from us by force, so that we could neither get back our goods, nor yet their value in money, it would be impossible for us to subsist. This was delivered with some heat, and the King, catching at the word force, repeated it to his son, whom he sharply reprehended. The Prince promised to see me paid for all that had been taken. He said likewise that he had taken nothing, having only caused the presents to be sealed; and, as his officers had received no customs on these, he desired to have them opened in his presence.”⁴⁹⁹

“This humiliating personal search was a system favoured by the local authorities, along with an unscrupulous examination into luggage, by means of which they obtained valuable articles at indifferent prices; and their subordinates did not allow such opportunities to escape without the appearance of gold, or what was deemed by them equally substantial. Choice, and taste, and cupidity, were at work on these occasions, and all the older travellers complain of this unhappy means of extortion.”^499a

“In one case he seized on a convoy coming to the ambassador from Surat, and consisting of presents intended for himself and his court, together with the property of some merchants who took advantage of the escort: he rummaged the packages himself with childish curiosity; and had recourse to the meanest apologies to appease and cajole Roe, who was much provoked at this disregard of common honesty.”^499b

“The collection of jehat, which brought in an annual revenue of several krors of dams, had before been remitted throughout the empire in confirmation of a regulation made by the late Emperor. Jahángír now abolished the sayerjehat in Kabul, which produced annually one krore and twenty-three lacs of dams. When the jehat was collected, it fell very heavy in Kabul and Kandahar, and the abolition of that tax with the annual remission of the sayerjehat were great encouragements for the merchants of Iran and Turan to carry on a trade in those parts that was very advantageous to Hindustan.”^499c

Fourth.

No person is permitted to make or sell wine or any other prohibited liquor which occasions inebriety; though I myself am addicted to wine-bibbing, and from my eighteenth year until now, which is my thirty-eighth, have always taken it. In the beginning, when I was devoted to the practice, I used to take from fifteen to twenty cups of double-distilled spirit. By degrees, when this began to have a visible effect upon my constitution, I determined to reduce the quantity till I attained a mean of only six or seven. The times at which I used to indulge in my cups also differed: sometimes it was in the afternoon, sometimes at night, sometimes in the daytime, till I reached my thirtieth year. From that time I have taken wine only at night, and at this present period I drink it solely to promote digestion.⁵⁰⁰

Commentary.

“The religion of the Christians was agreeable to him, chiefly on account of the license which it affords for the use of wine, and the flesh of all kinds of animals. This was the only view which he took of it. That spirit of patience, humility, charity, and temperance, which is the soul of Christianity, was never a subject on which he reflected. With prepossessions founded on such impure motives, did he declare himself openly in favour of the Christians, and violate, without scruple, the law of Mahomet. He drank wine in the face of his whole Court.”^500a

“Four or five cases of red wine should be sent as presents to the King and Prince, as never were men more enamoured of that drink as these two, and which they would more highly esteem than all the jewels in Chepeside.”^500b

“At the time Hemayun went upon an expedition against Ranna Sanka, he made a vow, that if he gained a victory over the infidels, he would ever after abstain entirely from the use of wine. Shah-jehan was determined to excel his grandfather, by making an offering previous to the victory. He accordingly ordered that all the wine in the camp should immediately be started into the river.”^500c

“The party was free from all restraint, scarcely one of them remaining sober, except Sir Thomas and a few other grave personages, who were cautious in their indulgence. Jahángír himself never left off till he dropped asleep, when the lights were extinguished, and the company withdrew. On these occasions he was overflowing with kindness, which increased with the effects of the wine; and once, after talking with great liberality of all religions, he fell to weeping, and to various passions, which kept them to midnight.”⁵⁰¹

“It was more particularly during the night that the King gave himself up to intoxication, in the society of his friends. All the Franks in Agra, that is, all Europeans of whatsoever nation, were allowed free access to the palace. He continued drinking in their company till the return of day; and he abandoned himself, especially, to these midnight debaucheries, at the season which the Mahometans observe as a fast with the most scrupulous exactness. When some of his nation of rather rigid principles happened to be present at these meetings, he compelled them to violate their fast, threatening them, in case of disobedience, with being abandoned to the rage of two lions, who were kept always chained under the windows of his apartments.”^501a

“Mocurrab Khan now joining them, was permitted also to mount the elephant, but not till after he had received a wound from one of the Rajpoots. Kidmit Pirest, Jehangir's cup-bearer, scrambled up too, with a bottle and glass, and was crowded into the howdah with the Emperor.”^501b

“He then goes into a private room, where for two years I was one of his attendants; and there he drinks five other cups of strong liquor. This done, he chews opium, and, being intoxicated, he goes to sleep.^501c

“So, drinking heartily himself, and commanding others to drink, he and his nobles became as jovial as could be, and of a thousand humours.”^501d

“The King returned to the city on the evening of the 25th, having been far gone in wine the night before.”⁵⁰²

“One day, that Jahángír happened to be recreating himself, attended by the musicians and female dancers of his palace, he exceeded the nine goblets to which he had been restricted by Núr Jahán. The Queen remonstrated, but the Emperor turned a deaf ear to her complaint, and carried his indulgence to the extent of intoxication.”^502a

“The very day which he had appointed for dismissing the Queen, Mahábat inquired what he could do to afford him pleasure. ‘Give me the Sultaness, and wine,’ replied the Emperor. The generous minister refused him both. Wine, on account of his attachment to the law of Mahomet; and the Sultaness, lest she should succeed in destroying that returning reason, with which he had begun to inspire the Mogul.”^502b

“He often disappeared in the evening from the palace, and dived into obscure punch-houses, to pass some hours in drinking and talking with the lower sort. Being in the hall of audience accessible to all ranks of men, after the performance of the usual ceremonies, he was often known in his nocturnal excursions. He often desired his companions at the bowl to ask no favours of him, lest Salim, in his cups, might promise what Jahangir, in his sober senses, would not choose to perform. When the liquor began to inflame him, he was rather mad than intoxicated.”^502c

“He now took a decided aversion to opium, which had been his constant companion for forty years, and took nothing but the juice of the grape.”^502d

“On the 8th I found the King so nearly drunk, that he became entirely so in half an hour, so that I could not have any business with him… All business being conducted at night, in the guzalcan, and then the opportunity is often missed, His Majesty being so frequently overcome by drowsiness proceeding from drunkenness.”^502e

“Wine-houses, since the days of Akbar, had been tolerated in the capital. The Emperor took a seat near an artisan, who was drinking with great gaiety, and, inspired with the wine, was disposed to indulge his vocal talents. Jahangir was delighted to find himself in such pleasant society. A familiarity was soon established between them, and the artisan was particularly charmed with the liberality of the new guest, who paid the entire score, and made him drink deep.”⁵⁰³

Fifth.

I declared that no one had a right to take up his abode in the dwelling of any other man. I prohibited magistrates from cutting off the noses and ears of culprits, whatever might have been their offence; and I myself made a vow to heaven that I would not inflict that punishment on any one.

Commentary.

“I then gave orders that the palace of Mohábat Khán should be cleared for the reception of Parwez; the Khán being absent at the time, employed in quelling some disturbances on the frontiers of Kábul, and his family being, by my directions, removed to another place of residence.”^503a

This was no new prohibition. It had been issued by his father: “Have a care that no soldiers or others enter in any one's house without his permission.” Mutilation was prohibited in the 6th clause of the same edict;^503b and this prohibition does not appear to have had much effect, for he again has to repeat it in the sixth year of his reign.

He did not care so much for the poor man's dwelling, when he chose to burn whole cities. Sir T. Roe says: “Necessity enforced me to remove, as the King had set fire to the whole leshkar at Agimere. The town was burnt, and utterly desolate; and I was in great danger from thieves.” Again: “The King caused the town near which he was encamped to be set on fire, appointing a new governor.”⁵⁰⁴ “The poor forsook the city of Mandu; many more were commanded away by proclamation.”^504a

With respect to mutilations. Though noses and ears might not have been cut off, other more barbarous torments were commonly practised; and we are reminded of the Circumcellions, who used to beat their victims to death with huge clubs, because Christ had forbidden the use of the sword to St. Peter;^504b and Daulat Rao Sindia, who, on the plea of abstaining from taking the blood of Bráhmans, used to blow them up with rockets.^504c

“I accomplished about this period the suppression of a tribe of robbers, who had long infested the roads about Agra; and whom, getting into my power, I caused to be trampled to death by elephants.”^504d

“The sons of Bhagwandas received the rewards of their perfidious deeds, having their heads crushed under the feet of my elephants, and being thus despatched to the hell prepared for them.”^504e

He ordered a thief to be trampled to death by an elephant; and, at the culprit's request, allowed him instead to fight with the elephant. Upon being successful, he was rewarded; but for subsequently making his escape, he was hanged.^504f

“The King commanded one of his brother's sons to touch a lion on the head. But he refused it, being afraid; on which the King desired his youngest son to touch the lion, which he did, without receiving any harm. On this the King commanded his nephew to be taken to prison, whence he is never likely again to be released.”^504g

“In the most inaccessible parts of Gujarat lived a race of men, known by the name of Koolies, who exercised perpetual depredations and cruelties upon the inhabitants of the open and cultivated districts. The enormities of these people had lately risen to an extraordinary height, when Jahángír issued a sanguinary order for the utter extirpation of the race. Many were slaughtered; the rest hunted to their mountains and deserts.”⁵⁰⁵

“Since that time he has caused all the adherents of his son to be put to cruel deaths. While I was at his Court I have seen him do many cruel deeds. Five times a week he orders some of his bravest elephants to fight in his presence, during which men are often killed or grievously wounded by the elephants. If any one be sore hurt, though he might very well chance to recover, he causes him to be thrown into the river, saying, ‘Despatch him, for as long as he lives he will continually curse me; wherefore it is better that he die presently.’ He delights to see men executed and torn in pieces by elephants.”^505a

“This day a gentlewoman was taken in the King's house in some improper act with an eunuch, when another animal of the same kind, who loved her, slew her paramour. The poor woman was set up to the armpits in the ground, with the earth hard rammed round her; being condemned to remain there three days and two nights in that situation, without sustenance, her head and arms being exposed to the violence of the sun. If she survived, she was then to be pardoned. The eunuch was condemned to the elephants.”^505b

“Whether owing to ill advice, wine, or some fault of his nature, he often issued very cruel orders. Happening to catch an eunuch kissing one of his women whom he had relinquished, he sentenced the lady to be put into the earth, with only her head left above ground, exposed to the burning rays of the sun, and the eunuch to be cut in pieces before her face.”^505c

“The King, however, insisted upon it, and the poor fellow was torn in pieces. Not yet satisfied, but desirous to see more sport, the King sent for ten of his horsemen, who were that night on guard, whom he commanded, one after the other, to buffet with the lion. They were all grievously wounded, and three of them lost their lives. The King continued three months in this cruel humour; in which time, merely for his pleasure, many men lost their lives, and many were grievously wounded.”⁵⁰⁶

“The 9th of August a band of one hundred robbers were brought in chains before the Great Mogul. Without any ceremony of trial, he ordered them to be carried away for execution, their chief being ordered to be torn in pieces by dogs. The prisoners were sent for execution to several quarters of the city, and executed in the streets. Close by my house the chief was torn in pieces by twelve dogs; and thirteen of his fellows, having their hands and feet tied together, had their necks cut by a sword, yet not quite through, and their naked and bloody bodies were left to corrupt in the streets.”^506a

“About four thousand were made prisoners, all of whom, as an example to other wretches who might be disposed to follow in their steps, were, by my command, trampled to death by elephants.”^506b

“Seffy sent him forty-four persons who had been active in the late commotions in Gujárat, two of whom were trampled to death by elephants, and the rest committed to prison.”^506c

“He sometimes sees, with too much delight in blood, executions performed on offenders by his elephants. Illi meruere, sed quid tu ut adesses?”^506d

“I determined that the perpetrator of this horrible villany should be immediately led to the great plain, where, as an awful example, he was torn piece-meal with red-hot pincers.”^506e

“One of his greatest pleasures was, putting to the test the constancy of the Persians newly arrived at his Court. He commonly carried in his girdle a stile, the point of which was particularly acute, with which he pierced the ear of the new comer, at a moment when he was quite unprepared for such a salutation. By his outcries, or by his silence, that is to say, by the impatience or the tranquil resolution which he manifested under the infliction of pain, he formed his opinion of the courage of the Persian; and he measured his favours by the result of his experiment.”⁵⁰⁷

“On the banks of the Chenab the Emperor received from Zuffer Khán the head of the rebel Ahdad, which was ordered to be placed over the principal gate of Lahoor.”^507a

“One of the King's sons, Sultan Shariar, a boy of seven years old, was called by him one day when I was there. Because he had not said that he would go with all his heart along with his Majesty, he was sore beaten by the King, yet did not cry… On this his father struck him again, and taking a bodkin, thrust it through his cheek; yet he would not cry, though he bled much.”^507b

“Some nobles that were near his person he caused to be whipped in his presence, receiving 130 stripes with a most terrible instrument of torture, having, at the ends of four cords, irons like spur-rowels, so that every stroke made four wounds. When they lay for dead, he commanded the standers-by to spurn them with their feet, and the door-keepers to break their staves upon them. Thus, cruelly mangled and bruised, they were carried away, one of them dying on the spot.”^507c

“The next morning Khusro was brought before his father, with a chain fastened from his left hand to his left foot, according to the laws of Chinghez Khan. On the right hand of the Prince stood Hassan Beg, and on his left Abdulraheem. Khusro trembled and wept. He was ordered into confinement; but the companions of his rebellion were put to death with cruel torments. Hassan Beg was sewed up in a raw hide of an ox, and Abdulraheem in that of an ass, and both were led about the town on asses, with their faces towards the tail. The ??x's hide became so dry and contracted, that before the evening Hassan Beg was suffocated; but the ass's hide being continually moistened with water by the friends of Abdulra-heem, he survived the punishment, and afterwards obtained the Emperor's pardon. From the garden of Kamran to the city of Lahoor, two rows of stakes were fixed in the ground, upon which the other rebels were impaled alive; and the unhappy Khusro, mounted on an elephant, was conducted between the ranks of these miserable sufferers.”⁵⁰⁸

“The story of Seif Alla remains as a monument of his savage justice. The sister of the favourite Sultana had a son by her husband Ibrahim, the Suba of Bengal, who, from his tender years, had been brought up at Court by the Empress, who, having no sons by Jahángír, adopted Seif Alla for her own. The Emperor was fond of the boy; he even often seated him upon his throne. At twelve years of age Alla returned to his father in Bengal. Jahángír gave him a letter to the Suba, with orders to appoint him governor of Burdwan. Alla, after having resided in his government some years, had the misfortune, when he was one day riding on an elephant through the street, to tread by accident a child to death.^{* *} Alla obeyed the Imperial command; but he knew not the intentions of Jahángír, which that prince had locked up in his own breast. The youth encamped with his retinue, the night of his arrival, on the opposite bank of the river; and sent a messenger to announce his coming to the Emperor. Jahángír gave orders for one of his elephants of state to be ready by the dawn of day; and he at the same time directed the parents of the child to attend. He himself was up before it was light, and, having crossed the river, he came to the camp of Alla, and commanded him to be bound. The parents were mounted upon the elephant, and the Emperor ordered the driver to tread the unfortunate young man to death. But the driver, afraid of the resentment of the Sultana, passed over him several times, without giving the elephant the necessary directions. The Emperor, however, by his threats, obliged him at last to execute his orders.”^508a

“The cap, or tiara, of the chief, containing jewels to the value of twenty laks of rupees, and ten thousand of the heads of the rebels, fixed on spears, with all the commanders who were taken alive, were conveyed to my presence; Abdullah Khaun remaining in full possession of the subjugated districts. To deter others from the commission of similar acts of rebellion towards their sovereign, and of ungrateful perfidy towards their benefactor, I directed the bodies of the slain who fell in the defence of Kanouje, to the number of ten thousand, to be suspended from trees with their heads downwards, on the different high roads in the vicinity. And here I am compelled to observe, with whatever regret, that, notwithstanding the frequent and sanguinary executions which have been dealt among the people of Hindûstaun, the number of the turbulent and disaffected never seems to diminish; for what with the examples made during the reign of my father, and subsequently of my own, there is scarcely a province in the empire in which, either in battle or by the sword of the executioner, five and six hundred thousand human beings have not, at various periods, fallen victims to this fatal disposition to discontent and turbulence. Ever and anon, in one quarter or another, will some accursed miscreant spring up to unfurl the standard of rebellion; so that in Hindûstaun never has there existed a period of complete repose.”⁵⁰⁹

The Kotwal brought a culprit before me, who had been several times mutilated for thieving. On the first occasion his right hand was cut off, then the thumb of his left, then the left ear, then his heels, and at last his nose. On the present occasion I gave him over to be executed by the family of the man whom he had robbed.^509a

“About this time Ahdad and his rebellious Afghans were deserted at Cabul, by Motamad Khán, who made a pyramid of six hundred of their heads. He was rewarded with the title of Lushker Khan.”^509b

“On the 1st December I went six cosses to Ramsor, where the King had left the naked bodies of an hundred men, put to death for robbery.” “On the 4th I overtook a camel laden with 300 heads, sent from Candahar to the King, the people to whom these heads had belonged having been in rebellion.”^509c

“I ordered that his tongue should be cut out, that he should be imprisoned for life, and that he should mess with dog-keepers and sweepers.”^509d

“In these circumstances I ordered a camel to be brought to my presence, and sending for Nour-ud-dein Kûly, I told him that the dress of the Hindu, with the valuable chaplet of pearls which encircled his neck, was all his own. But he was to conduct the unhappy man to the outside of the town, where he was to cause his bowels to be cut open, after which he was to be fastened to the side of the camel, and so carried round the camp.”⁵¹⁰

This tendency to cruelty, notwithstanding his asseveration to the contrary, was early exemplified in the career of the Emperor.

“A wakianavess, or intelligencer, and two other servants belonging to Sileem, had formed a conspiracy against his life; in which, being detected, they attempted to make their escape to Sultan Daniel, in the Dekhan; but their flight was soon discovered, and some horsemen being sent in pursuit of them, quickly brought them back. Sileem was so exasperated against them, that, in the fury of his passion, he ordered the wakianavess to be flead, one of the accomplices to be castrated, and the other severely beaten. These cruel punishments, which were executed in his presence, put an end to the conspiracy; neither were there any more desertions. This transaction, in itself sufficiently culpable, was reported to the Emperor with all the exaggeration that malice could invent. The criminals were represented as innocent sufferers; and it was asserted that the Prince commonly practised such barbarities in the paroxysms of inebriation, a vice to which, in common with his two brothers, he was unfortunately very much addicted. Akbar, who possessed a mind fraught with every principle of philanthropy and humanity, was shocked at these accounts of his son's barbarity. He wrote him a letter, in which he severely reprobated his conduct, and said, that not being able himself to see a sheep stripped of its skin without sensations of horror, he was at a loss to conceive how it was possible for his son so far to stifle the common feelings of nature as to suffer a fellow-creature to be flead in his presence.”^510a

“The trials are conducted quickly, and the sentences speedily executed; culprits being hanged, beheaded, impaled, torn by dogs, destroyed by elephants, bitten by serpents, or other devices, according to the nature of the crimes; the executions being generally in the public market-place. The governors of provinces and cities administer justice in a similar manner.”⁵¹¹

“The disrespectful language in which the son of Khan-i Douraun presumed to express himself, could not be overlooked. I therefore commanded that one side of his head and face should be flayed of the skin, and in that state he was led round the encampment, proclamation being made at the same time, that such was the punishment which awaited those who dared to apply disrespectful language to him who was at once their sovereign and benefactor.”^511a

Sixth.

I ordered that the officers of government and jágírdárs should not forcibly seize possession of the lands of my subjects, and cultivate them for their own benefit.

Commentary.

“The administration of the country had rapidly declined since Akbar's time. The governments were farmed, and the governors exacting and tyrannical.”^511b

“The edict of his father, enjoining the observance of kindness and conciliation towards the cultivators, goes much further than this.”^511c

“Bengal, Gujarát, and the Deccan, are likewise full of rebels, so that no one can travel in safety for outlaws: all occasioned by the barbarity of the government, and the cruel exactions made upon the husbandmen, which drive them to rebellion.”^511d

“But this observation may serve universally for the whole of this country, that ruin and devastation operates everywhere; for since the property of all has become vested in the King, no person takes care of anything; so that in every place the spoil and devastations of war appear, and nowhere is anything repaired.”⁵¹²

“For all the great men live by farming the several governments, in which they all practise every kind of tyranny against the natives under their jurisdiction, oppressing them with continual exactions.”^512a

Seventh.

I prohibited the Government 'ámils and jágírdárs from contracting marriage, without my leave, with any inhabitant of the districts under their control.

Commentary.

This prohibition extended to other cases.

“Khojah Birkadar having married the daughter of Mehabut Khan, unknown to His Majesty, upon the discovery thereof, was ordered to the presence, where he was beaten, and then committed to prison.”^512b

“Before his arrival, he betrothed his daughter to a young nobleman named Berkhadar, without first asking the Emperor's leave, as was usual with persons of his high rank. Jahángír was enraged at this apparent defiance: he sent for Berkhadar, and, in one of those fits of brutality which still broke out, he ordered him to be stripped naked, and beaten with thorns in his own presence; and then seized on the dowry he had received from Mahábat, and sequestrated all his other property.”^512c

Eighth.

I established hospitals within the chief cities, and appointed physicians to attend upon the sick, and directed that the expense should be defrayed out of the royal treasury.

Commentary.

This is one of the Institutes of his lying ancestor Tímúr, and was, no doubt, as much observed in one instance as the other.⁵¹³

Ninth.

In imitation of my father, I directed that on the 18th of every Rabí'u-l awwal,^513a my birthday, no animal should be killed. There were also two other days of prohibition; viz. Thursday, the day of my accession, and Sunday, on which my father was born, who used to pay that day extraordinary respect, not only because it was dedicated to the Sun, but because the Creation commenced on that day. On which account he also prohibited the killing of animals on Sundays.

Commentary.

Pope Pius V. allowed the inhabitants of Aberdeen the privilege of fishing on Sundays and Fast-days, provided the first fish caught were presented to the Church.

“The fast, which the Mahometans observe so scrupulously, for an entire month, was the subject of his derision. He invited to his table the most conscientious observers of the laws of their religion, and inveigled them into a companionship in his excesses in wine, and in eating prohibited meats. The Casi, and the Imams, who are the doctors of Mahometan law, in vain admonished him, that the use of certain meats was forbidden by the Alcoran. Fatigued with their importunities, he inquired in what religion the use of drinks and food of every species, without distinction, was permitted. The reply was, in that of the Christian religion alone. ‘We must then,’ he rejoined, ‘all turn Christians. Let there be tailors brought to us, to convert our robes into close coats, and our turbans into hats.’ At these words the doctors trembled for their sect. Fear and interest made them hold a less severe language. They all declared that the sovereign was not bound by the precepts of the Alcoran, and that the monarch might, without scruple, use whatever meats and drinks were most agreeable to him.”⁵¹⁴

Tenth.

I gave a general order that the mansabs and jágírs bestowed by my father should be confirmed to their respective holders, and a short time afterwards I increased the mansab of each according to his deserts; thus, the holder of ten was raised to twelve, and so forth. The ahadís were raised from ten to fifteen, and the salaries of all the servants of my father were raised from ten to twelve; and the provisions supplied to the ladies of the royal household were raised in the proportion of ten to twelve, and ten to twenty.

Commentary.

“Many Subas were removed from their respective governments into other provinces; some were dismissed to make room for the Emperor's abettors and friends. The deprived governors repaired to Court to restore themselves, by money and intrigue, to their former dignities. Some succeeded in their views; others were reduced to despair, through want of success. The latter began to form treasonable designs to recover the consequence and power which they had lost.”^514a

Sir T. Roe would lead us to question this proclaimed liberality. “Having venison of various kinds before him, he gave me half a stag, and said I should see the rest bestowed on his ladies. This was presently cut into four pound pieces, and was sent into the interior apartments, by his young son and two women, in their bare hands, just as if he had been doling out such small fragments to the poor by way of charity.”^514b

“Hussein Beg Chan Buduchshe, who had been governor of the province of Cabul during a considerable part of the former reign, being turned out of his office by the Emperor, was on his way to court.”⁵¹⁵

Eleventh.

The holders of ayima and madad-ma'ásh, who form an army of persons invoking blessings, I at once confirmed in their holdings. according to the tenor of the farmáns held by each; and Mírán Sadr Jahán, one of the saiyids of pure descent in Hindústán, who held the high office of Sadr for some time under my father, was directed to look daily after the poor and needy.

Commentary.

Mírán Sadr Jehán had received the same order from Akbar. “His Majesty bestows upon the poor and needy money and necessaries of every kind. Many are allowed daily, monthly, or annual pensions, which they receive regularly, without any delay or deduction.” ^515a

“The affair required an agreement clear and explicit in all points, and a more formal and authentic confirmation than it now had, by ordinary firmans, which were merely temporary commands, and respected accordingly.”^515b

“The prince gave us one day a phirmaund for our good usage, with a grant of privileges, and countermanded all the next by contradictory orders, in which proceedings there was neither honour nor good faith.”^515c

Twelfth.

I ordered that all the prisoners in every fort and prison throughout the kingdom should be released.

Commentary.

A very foolish order, and one calculated to bring his father's police system into contempt.

Jahángír's sense of sympathy for prisoners was not always so acute.

“The King's manner of hunting is thus:—About the beginning of November he goes from Agra, accompanied by many thousands, and hunts all the country for thirty or forty coss round about, and so continues till the end of March, when the great heats drive him home again. He causes a tract of wood or desert to be encompassed about by chosen men, who contract themselves to a near compass, and whatever is taken in this inclosure is called the King's sykar or game, whether men! or beasts, and whoever lets aught escape loses his life, unless pardoned by the King. All the beasts thus taken, if man's meat, are sold, and the money given to the poor. If men, they become the King's slaves, and are sent yearly to Cabul, to be bartered for horses and dogs; these being poor, miserable and thievish people, who live in the woods and deserts, differing little from beasts.”⁵¹⁶

Precept and practice were never more forcibly contrasted.

NOTE D.
SHASH FAT'H-I KÁNGRÁ.

THIS little work was written to show the author's ingenuity in composing, in six different styles, the account of the capture of Kángrá —an instance of ⁵¹⁷ which has not often been exceeded. The authorship is doubtful; some attribute it to Ni'amat Khán 'Alí, others to Jalálá Tibátibá. The style, which is very difficult, certainly resembles that of the former, and the vicious redundance of ornament which serves to make him one of the most popular of the modern authors of India, as well as the frequent use of medical phrases, appear at first to convey internal evidence of the fact. It was certainly written after the time of Jahángír, because he is styled Jinnat-makání, his honorific title after death; and so far, it might have been written by either author to whom it is ascribed: but I entertain no doubt that it was written by Muhammad Jalálá Tibátibá; not only because the general voice concurs most in this opinion, but because in a common-place book in my possession, which must be at least a hundred years old, amongst other compositions of Jalálá, there are the first and last Fat'hs expressly ascribed to him.

He was fully capable of this versatility of style, and was, moreover, a múnshí of Sháh Jahán, which would account for his ascribing a conquest to him, individually, in which he had so little real concern. Ni'amat Khán 'Alí, who lived later, would not have had the same reason for flattering a bygone monarch at so much expense of truth.

Jalálá Tibátibá is the author of a history of Sháh Jahán, which will be noticed hereafter. He is also the author of the Persian translation of the Taukyáti-Kisravíya, or the Institutes of Khusrú Anúshírwán, translated originally from the Pehlaví into Arabic, and by Jalálá from the Arabic into Persian.⁵¹⁸ This is a very celebrated work in India, and was printed at Calcutta in 1824, and subsequently lithographed at Lucknow.

CONTENTS.

First Capture	pp.	1- 64
Second Capture	pp.	64-110
Third Capture	pp.	111-152
Fourth Capture	pp.	153-176
Fifth Capture	pp.	177-201
Sixth Capture	pp.	202-220

SIZE.—Duodecimo, with 11 lines to a page.

It appears therefore that the first is the longest, and the translation of it is given below. Absurd as it may read, it gives but a faint idea of the extravagances of the original. Then follow the beginnings of the other five, in order to show the nature of the different narratives which have been attempted.

[The translation was apparently made by a munshí, but has been revised by Sir H. M. Elliot.]

EXTRACTS.
First Conquest.

Before the agents of the illustrious court of the Supreme Ruler could visit the provinces of the kingdom of creation, and before the recorders of fate could paint anything in the gallery of beginnings; when time and place were not defined, when all things which we now see around us were screened in his designs, like life in bodies, or meaning in words; and when there was a state of perfect solitude, and all things, from the highest heavens to the lowest regions of water and earth, had their forms only in his imagination, the universal physician who has existed from all eternity, that is, the Almighty God, according to His wise dispensation, and with a view to preserve regularity and system, predestined that great and arduous works should be performed by the hands of man, and for this purpose endowed him with exalted intellect. Certain men He made to surmount certain difficulties, and for each work appointed a time for its accomplishment. When that time comes, all obstacles and difficulties in the way of success are removed, and the key of its easy elucidation is soon found. When the individual whom fortune has made great, is born in this world, all circumstances become subservient to his purposes. That which gives pain to others, affords him delight, and dust produces the effect of collyrium in his eyes. All difficulties vanish of themselves; the dark rust turns for him into a glass, through which he is able to see the world. Through his good fortune the star of prosperity shines over a nation, and the hand of his generosity relieves people from their wants. From his perfection in the knowledge of the doctrine of jurisprudence, with which the Almighty enlightens his mind, he can effect the satisfactory management of his government, can awake people from the slumbers of idleness, and settle all disturbances by his judicious plans. He can rule over the seven climates of the earth, as the soul governs the body; and by his superior wisdom is able even to alter the effect of the revolutions of the heavens upon the affairs of mankind. His pleasure and displeasure, as shown in the government of people, has a much better effect towards perfecting their morals, than the heat of the sun has upon ripening fruit. His justice, severity, liberality, and frugality are more advantageous to the people than the sweet and bitter medicines or the plaister of a physician, or the bleeding instruments of a surgeon to his patients. His anger is as beneficial to the people as the animal heat to the body; and his dissatisfaction, like the bitter precepts of philosophers, gives men the fruits of precaution. The description of his virtues is worthy of forming a preamble to the book of holiness and justice, and the account of his generosity fit to introduce the history of sovereigns. Kings should make his morals their example, and his mode of administration their rule. This may be illustrated by the following brief account.

When under the influence of the fortunate star of Sháh Jahán, a victory was achieved over the Ráná, and the tribes of Jám and Bhárá⁵¹⁹ were subdued in Gujarát by the royal army, the Emperor Jahángír, who knew every person's worth by only looking at his face, was exceedingly happy to find the Prince possessed of every good and excellent quality, and, from the achievements he had performed, the Emperor had every reason to believe that he would become the most powerful prince of his age. From his excellent manners and good disposition, he found him quite worthy of being his successor; and it was a matter of great satisfaction to him that he had such an accomplished prince for his son. Hence it was that His Majesty, who was equally kind to all, nobles and plebeians, was often heard to speak in public of the high qualities of the Prince. His Majesty always took advice and assistance on all points which seemed difficult and doubtful, a fact which showed to all that there are things in the world which every man is not able to do, and that one key cannot fit every lock. To overcome particular difficulties, men are specially raised up; for every great work is destined to be performed by the exertions of one particular chief.

Since the shaking of the chain of prosperity produces all that is necessary for the accomplishment of any purpose, the Almighty God determined to reveal a wonder from the hidden chambers of secrecy, and effect a miracle by his beneficence in behalf of the Prince, who justly sustains the weight of the successorship of God. This was exemplified in the revolt of Súraj Mal, son of Rájá Bású, who, overcome by excessive pride, and through vain ideas, having lost all his senses, and becoming delirious through the fire of his madness, which burnt up the storehouse of his wits, had altogether eradicated the tree of allegiance by the fingers of insubordination, and having, by his ridiculous fantasies and vile thoughts, made a breach in the fabric of obedience (as Magog in the wall of Alexander), and by the scratching of his bad fortune deformed with his own hand the face of his prosperity, the malignity of his dark fate, owing to the drunkenness of his neglect, made him break the bowl of his good faith. Through his folly he relied upon the precarious shelter of his forts, and exulted in having the hills for his defence, not knowing that the warriors of the royal army were so powerful that, even if he were to flee from water and fire, and to conceal himself under stones, they would easily destroy him with their blazing spears and blades of good water, as a short-lived spark vanishes to nothing, or a little drop becomes absorbed by the earth. In short, when the Emperor, who by his generosity and kindness had confirmed him in the paternal dominions after the death of his father, had been informed of Súraj Mal's revolt, and that from the excessive bile of his pride he had soured the taste of the honey of his obedience, and through his shortsightedness having thrust his foot beyond his blanket, deserting the highway of loyalty, and entering on the plain of rebellion, had laid his rapacious hands upon some of the par-ganas of the Panjáb; he (the Emperor), according to the wishes of his heart, entrusted the duty also of punishing the rebel to the hands of the Prince, and that ornament of the world, and director of its conquests and administration, in order to display the excellence of his arrangements, gave the command to Rájá Bikramájít, an old, brave, and experienced chief, who was very faithful to the throne, for whom the Prince had used every endeavour to obtain advancement, the gold of whose friendship, when tried by the touchstone, had turned out pure and red, and who had successfully rendered many services to the Emperor on former occasions, and also in the conquest of the tribes of Jám and Bhárá, just alluded to above, against whom matters had been previously ill-conducted, and for whose present discomfiture the Government was indebted entirely to his exertions and valour. Agreeably to the orders of the Prince, he with a stout heart, experienced judgment, loyal intentions, pure friendship, and great precaution, marched from Gujarát against the rebel, at the head of a considerable army, in order to secure success, on the 12th of Shahriyár, the 13th year of His Majesty's reign, corresponding with the 1st of Sha'bán, A.H. 1027.

Súraj Mal,⁵²¹ on receiving the intelligence of his motion towards him, was so overwhelmed with fear that he dared not lay his rapacious hands upon the rich province of Panjáb, which he had intended to plunder. He ran with precipitation towards Pathánkot, and took shelter in the fort of Mau,^521a which is surrounded by hills and forests, and is reckoned one of the loftiest and strongest forts in the country. From ancient times it had been the capital of the chiefs of that territory, and several times siege was laid to it, but no enemy was ever able to take it. Rájá Bikramájít, at the head of a royal army, soon reached the place, and laid siege to the fort. The refugees offered opposition, but they were soon defeated. About 700 persons on their side, male and female, were killed, many men were taken prisoners, and Súraj Mal himself, with a few others, fled to the fort of Núrpúr, which had been raised by Rájá Bású. This town, before the fort was built, was called Dhamrí, and subsequent to its conquest it was called Núrpúr, after the illustrious name of the Emperor Núru-d dín Jahángír. Bikramájít, having taken possession of the fort of Mau, and having collected his munitions of war, was bent on the destruction of Súraj Mal, and the conquest of Kángrá. With this intention he pursued Súraj Mal without delay; but the fugitive chief, not finding himself able to stand before the mighty torrents of the royal army, and being quite confounded, dared not stop there for a moment, but, before its arrival, fled away at midnight towards the mountains; and having entered the dominions of the Rájá of Chamba, concealed himself in the fort of Tárágarh,⁵²² which is very ancient, lofty, and strong, and is hemmed in by thick forests and mountains. He was, however, soon besieged there by the royal army. For three days the Rájá led successive attacks upon the fort, and on the fourth day stormed it with all his warriors, who, though they sustained a great loss in killed and wounded, yet bravely, and by the force of their arms, carried everything before them, took possession of the fort, and obliged Súraj Mal to flee. After he had lost more than one thousand men on his side, and a great number had fallen into the hands of the besiegers, he fled from Tárágarh to the Rájá of Chamba, and took refuge in a fort in which the Rájá and his family resided, and here he considered himself fortunate in obtaining a respite of two or three days.

Bikramájít, after the capture of Tárágarh and the flight of the rebel chief, marched towards the fort of Núrpúr, where he determined upon staying for some days, and then to move from that place with his mighty army, and make at once all the neighḅouring places his prey. He soon conquered the forts of Hárá, Pahárí, Thathá, Pakrotá, Súr, and Jawálí, which all lay in the vicinity of Núrpúr, surrounded with jungle, and were all very strong. Having so far succeeded in his undertaking, he determined now to seize Súraj Mal, and take the fort of Kángrá. While he was engaged in making preparations for this purpose, Mádhú Sing, brother of Súraj Mal, taking advantage of the opportunity, raised a rebellion in the same territory; but, through fear of Rájá Bikramájít, he chose to secure himself within the fort of Kotila, between Kángrá and Núrpúr. It is bounded on three sides by a large river; and on the land side, which was as dark and narrow as his own understanding, he fortified it with cannon blazing like the firmament of fire. The prudence of Rájá Bikramájít did not permit of his leaving behind him this new rebel unpunished. With all haste, therefore, he marched towards him, and having reached the place, suddenly laid siege to the fort. The enemy offered a bold resistance, but at last was defeated; and, after much bloodshed, the fort fell into the hands of the royalists. In short, Rájá Bikramájít, having wrested the whole territory from Súraj Mal and his agents, made himself master of it on the part of the Emperor. He removed all the rebel's officers from their different posts, and established his own thánás. He gave several parganas to the servants of the throne as jágírs. The unfortunate Súraj Mal, being properly punished for his insolence and rebellious conduct, and having suffered great loss, reflected now upon his conduct with regret. In a short space of time, so many strong forts had been easily taken, a large number of people had been slain, and many men had been taken prisoners. Being entirely humbled to the dust, and overwhelmed by sorrow and remorse, he was seized by a fatal disease, and soon after died in the fort of the Rájá of Chambá; who, after the rebel's death, wisely saw his safety in acknowledging obedience to the throne. With this conviction he sued Rájá Bikramájít for peace; and, having succeeded in gaining his favour, craved him to obtain the Emperor's forgiveness for his past misconduct. Rájá Bikramájít called upon him to surrender all the property of Súraj Mal, and to make the most unconditional offer of surrender. The Rájá of Chambá accordingly made over the whole property of Súraj Mal, and Bikramájít despatched all the prize property, under a strong escort, to the Emperor; which, besides other valuables, consisted of fourteen large elephants, and 200 Arab and Turkish horses. Having thus got rid of the rebels, he now proceeded to the conquest of Kángrá.

Immediately on his approaching the fort, he surrounded it with his troops; and although his religion was calculated to make him revolt from such a proceeding, yet, for the sake of his master, he used all his exertions to conquer it. He acted contrary to his creed, of which he was a most devoted adherent, rather than become guilty of disloyalty and ingratitude, and considered the service of his master equal to the service of God; for in this fort there was a temple of Debí, who is one of the greatest goddesses of the Hindús, and to worship which idol people resorted to this place in great numbers from the remotest parts of the country. Rájá Bikramájít was one of the most faithful and obedient servants of the throne. He was attached to the Emperor's interests to such a degree that in promoting them he would fear no danger, and there was nothing too difficult to be surmounted by his bold and daring spirit. Although his ancestors did not possess the title of Rájá, and hereditary honours did not, therefore, inspire any confidence in his character, yet by his own meritorious services he obtained the title of Bikramájít, and the mansab or rank of a commander of 5000 horse. Entire power was placed in his hands in the execution of the present command. Indeed, the advantages of obedience and gratitude to a master are incalculably numerous and infinitely great. In short, Bikramájít, having surrounded the fort, ordered intrenchments to be made, and mines to be dug in their proper places. Each officer was appointed to a certain service, and he himself remained to superintend the whole. He led on several gallant attacks upon the fort. The warriors of the royal army fought very bravely with the enemy, and the Rájpúts displayed astonishing feats of valour. The besiegers at last effected a breach in the walls, and forced a passage into the fort. A most sanguinary contest ensued. The brave soldiers of the royal army shot a great number of their opponents with their arrows, and like lightning opened a dreadful fire on them. The warriors fought so boldly that they rivalled the celebrated Sám and Narímán in feats of chivalry; and the musketeers threw such a shower of balls that the heavens appeared to have hid themselves under the veil of clouds. The whole atmosphere was filled with the smoke of the guns. The arrows of the archers made so many holes in the shields of their antagonists that they resembled the hives of bees; and the breasts of the fighters, from the wounds they received, became as hollow as the scales of a balance. The nooses which the besiegers threw towards the enemy were so strong that they might have drawn down the milky way in the heavens. The musket-balls, which fell at a very great distance and with much velocity, exceeded in number the drops of rain, and the noise of the drums drowned that of thunder. The shouts of triumph and the sounds of the musical instruments reached the heavenly regions, and confounded Jupiter in the fifth heaven. At last the opponents, being entirely defeated, found their safety in flight. Although they had made a vigorous resistance, and showed much intrepidity and courage in defending themselves, yet the brave warriors advanced to the attack with such great impetuosity, and their ardour and zeal were so unremitting, that towards the close of day the gale of victory blew upon the royal standards, and a complete overthrow was given to the enemy, whom their mighty hand compelled to surrender the keys of the fort. Rájá Bikramájít triumphantly entered the fort, appointed trustworthy officers to protect the property which might be found there, and placed 'ámils at different stations where they were required. After this signal victory, he made the whole army happy by offering them his thanks, praising them for their valorous deeds, and rewarding every man with goods and cash according to his rank and deserts. He also increased the mansabs of those warriors who distinguished themselves in battle. He took possession of all the treasures which had been amassed by the Rájás of that place from ancient times. From these riches he distributed rewards to the nobles and officers of the army, and what remained, after all the expenses, he sent to the Emperor, with a report on the victory which was thus achieved. His Majesty, on receiving the information of this conquest, offered thanks to the great Creator of the Universe, and distributed a large sum in alms among the poor and the needy.

(Having given an account of the conquest of Kángrá, the writer, agreeably to what he before promised, now gives a description of its fort.)

The fort of Kángrá is very lofty, and stands on a very high hill, Its buildings are very beautiful. It is so old that no one can tell at what period it was built. This fort is very strong; insomuch that no king was ever able to take it; and it is unanimously declared by all persons acquainted with the history of the ancient Rájás, that from the beginning up to this time, it has always remained in possession of one and the same family. The fact is also confirmed by the histories of the Muhammadan Kings who have reigned in this country. From A.H. 720, or the commencement of Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín's power, to the year 963, when the Emperor Akbar became master of the whole country of Hindústán, the fort has been besieged no less than fifty-two times by the most powerful kings and rulers, but no one has been able to take it. Fíroz, who was one of the greatest kings of Delhí, once laid siege to this fort, but it baffled all his efforts; for at last he was contented with having an interview with its Rájá, and was obliged to return unsuccessful. In the reign of the Emperor Akbar, one of his greatest nobles, Hasan Kulí Khán Turkomán, entitled Khán-i Jahán, Governor of the Province of Bengal, attacked this fort, at the head of a numerous army, after he was appointed to the government of the Panjáb; but, notwithstanding a long siege, he also failed in taking it. To be successful in such a great and difficult task was beyond all expectation; but Providence has destined a time for all works, at which they must be accomplished; and hence it was that that Emperor, notwithstanding all his efforts, could not obtain its possession. It was destined to fall into the hands of the mighty army of the Emperor Jahángír, under the influence of whose prosperous star all difficulties were overcome, and all obstacles removed.

Second Conquest.

At the time when the page of creation was blank, and nothing had yet taken form or shape, the Supreme Wisdom, with a view to preserve regularity and order in the world, fixed the destiny of each man, and deposited the key for unravelling each difficulty in the hands of an individual endowed with suitable talents. A time is fixed for everything, and when that time comes all obstacles are removed. When the man who is destined to perform it is born, and illumines this world by the light of his mind, he finds very easily the way to its efficient performance. This may be illustrated by the following brief account.

As the Emperor Jahángír, according to the general custom, had entrusted the management of the affairs of government to the unerring wisdom of his son Sháh Jahán, this Prince, possessed as he was of a power which could surmount all difficulties, first achieved a very glorious victory over the Ráná; and then, by the instrumentality of his sword, subjugated the tribes of Jám and Bhárá. That the secret designs of the Eternal Wisdom and the mysteries of the heavens might be discovered, and the heavenly light which had adorned the mind of this Prince, who was an honour to the Muhammadan religion, might shine upon all people, it was reported to the Emperor, in these days of his increasing prosperity, that Súraj Mal, who was generously confirmed in the zamíndárí of his father Rájá Bású, had, through some vile ideas, raised disturbances in the country, and, under the influence of his declining star, revolted against the throne; and, having exceeded his proper limits, had begun to oppress the people of the parganas of the Panjáb by his plundering expeditions. His Majesty being well aware of the superiority of the Prince's talents, was conscious that no difficulty was too great to be surmounted by him, and no enterprise too hazardous to be achieved.^{* * *}

The duty of punishing the new rebel was therefore entrusted to him; that, by the sharp edge of his sword, all disturbances might be quelled. The Prince accordingly resolved to take measures for the accomplishment of this trust, and gave the command to Rájá Bikramájít, who was one of the oldest and most experienced servants of the throne.^{* * *}

Third Conquest.

The Emperor, by the divine guidance, had always in view to extirpate all the rebels in his dominions, to destroy all infidels root and branch, and to raze all the Pagan temples level with the ground. Endowed with a heavenly power, he devoted all his exertions to the promulgation of the Muhammadan religion; and through the aid of the Almighty God, and by the strength of his sword, he used all his endeavours to enlarge his dominions and promote the fame of the religion of Muhammad. Through fear of his sword, which had the quality of fire, the country of Hindústán, like the Muhammadan faith, received every moment a new splendour. Under his powerful sway the song of Islám was sung anew with a loud voice, and the rose of the principles of religion bloomed and widely spread its fragrance. Under the care of this representative of the Almighty God, Islám got every moment a new lustre; and the bride of his fortune, adorned by the ornaments of his talents, which shone over all the world, appeared every hour with a new show of splendour. Being thus favoured by the grace of God, His Majesty, in the 13th year of his reign, or A.H. 1027, led his victorious arms into the territory of Gujarát. When the distance was travelled over, the bright sun of his glory reflected its rays upon the inhabitants of Ahmad-ábád, and filled that pleasant and delightful city with the light of justice, generosity, tranquillity, and peace. By his going there he exalted the rank of the place to a height much above the seventh heaven. While he was in this city it was reported to him that Súraj Mal, son of Rájá Bású, from his folly and perverseness, had revolted from obedience, and by his ill-luck and depravity of conduct, having advanced beyond his proper limits, had begun to oppress the people of the parganas of the Panjáb. His Majesty, who had just before this learnt the victory achieved by Prince Sháh Jahán over the Ráná, and also of his success in subduing the tribes of Jám and Bhárá, was well convinced of the increasing prosperity of the Prince, and therefore entrusted to him the duty of rooting out the rebellion of Súraj Mal, and taking the fort of Kángrá, a concise account of which shall be given at the end of this book. The Prince accordingly undertook the adventure, and engaged in preparing his army, which he placed under the command of Rájá Bikra-májít, the tree of whose fortune had blossomed under the care of the Prince, who was nourished in the bosom of the kindness of Almighty God, etc., etc.

Fourth Conquest.

The commencement of the 13th year of the Emperor Jahángír's reign was the beginning of the time in which several great victories were destined to be achieved. Every day of this year was as good as the Nau-roz, and every morning as pleasant as that of the great festival of 'Íd, or as happy as hope. Every night appeared as bright as the sun, and as delightful as that called the Lailatu-l Kadr or the night of power. In short, it was a time when the bud of the prosperity of this excellent reign was fully blown. It was in these happy days that the Emperor, having proceeded to Gujarát, adorned the city of Ahmadábád by his presence. While he was there, it was reported to him that Súraj Mal, son of Rájá Bású, whom he had generously confirmed in the zamíndárí of his father, had, by his short-sightedness, revolted against the throne, and that, acting upon the dictates of his folly, and deviating from the path of prudence, he had the intention of stretching out his rapacious hand upon the parganas of the Panjáb. His Majesty, whose whole efforts were always directed to the extinguishing of the fire of Paganism, and removing the mischief of mutiny and rebellion, immediately ordered the Prince to take measures towards the punishment of the revolter. As, through the guidance of the Supreme God, his attention was always devoted to the extirpation of rebels and infidels, he directed the Prince, who was as wise as Jupiter and as prudent as Mercury, to undertake the capture of the fort of Kángrá, which from its foundation to this time was never approached by any sovereign. The Prince, who had already achieved a victory over the Ráná, and also subdued the tribes of Jám and Bhárá, lost no time, according to the Emperor's orders, in preparing the army, and placed it under the command of Rájá Bikramájít, whom the Prince had kindly exalted to great rank, and who on former occasions had rendered many meritorious services to the throne, and latterly conducted a successful war against the tribes of Jám and Bhárá, etc., etc.

Fifth Conquest.

When, in the 13th year of his reign, the Emperor Jahángír led on his ever successful and victorious arms to the territory of Gujarát, and, having reached the city of Ahmadábád, exalted its rank higher than the ninth heaven by his auspicious arrival, it was reported to him that Súraj Mal, son of Rájá Bású, deviating from the way of prudence, had raised disturbances in the country, revolted against the throne, and having advanced beyond his bounds, had begun to oppress the people of the parganas of the Panjáb. The Emperor, who saw from the infancy of the Prince Sháh Jahán, that the light of fortune and greatness beamed forth from his countenance, and that the sun of his prosperity was rising higher and higher every day, was fully confident of the hope that no difficulty was too great to be overcome by his courage, and no enterprize too hazardous to be achieved by his valour. Just before the rebellion of Súraj Mal, a victory was gained by him over the Ráná, and the insurrection of the tribes of Jám and Bhárá was totally subdued. The duty of punishing this new revolter, and the destruction of the fort of Kángrá, which was so strong that no king was ever able to take it, were also placed under his charge. He was accordingly obliged to turn his attention to this expedition. He gave the command of his army to Rájá Bikramájít, who, by his good luck and the effect of his fortunate star, had rendered him valuable services on all occasions, etc., etc.

Sixth Conquest.

The Emperor, having observed in the Prince those qualities which befit a great monarch, and which indicate the marks of future prosperity, and also being convinced that his praiseworthy character would soon enable him to become a most fortunate and powerful ruler, always took such measures which might show to the people that His Majesty wished to make him his successor, and hence it was that the achievement of every great enterprize was referred to the force of his arms, and the unravelling of each difficult proposition was entrusted to his talents. When a victory had been achieved over the Ráná by the ever-successful army of the Prince, the Emperor Jahángír, in the 13th year of his reign, proceeded to the province of Gujarát, and the city of Ahmadábád, which is always as delightful as a garden in spring, was adorned by the marks of his footsteps. At this time, and immediately after the Prince had subdued the tribes of Jám and Bhárá, the Emperor received the news of the rebellion of Súraj Mal, and his oppressions over the inhabitants of the parganas of the Panjáb. The duty of punishing this new rebel was also entrusted to the Prince, who was at the same time ordered to take the fort of Kángrá, which had long been the object of His Majesty's desire. The Prince, agreeably to the royal mandates, prepared an army, and placed it under the command of Rájá Bikramájít, who had rendered many valuable services to the throne, etc., etc.

NOTE E.
INTRODUCTION TO FIRISHTA'S HISTORY.

[FIRISHTA'S history is preceded by an Introduction, giving, as his translator, General Briggs, has stated, “a rapid and imperfect account of Hindú history previous to the Muhammadan invasion.” Sir H. Elliot spoke very disparagingly of this part of the work, and compared it “with the first ten Books of Livy, or Dr. Henry's first volume of the History of Great Britain based on the poems of Ossian.”⁵³² General Briggs made only a partial translation of the Introduction, and evidently held a very low opinion of its value; but notwithstanding this, and the openly expressed condemnation of Sir H. Elliot, a desire has been often felt and expressed for a complete translation. The subject treated of in the Introduction is one of the greatest obscurity, and inquirers who are striving to penetrate the gloom of Hindú antiquity are eager for the smallest ray or spark of light. Firishta deals with it in a very bold and decided manner, nothing doubting; and a perusal of General Briggs's abstract, or a partial examination of the Persian text, might well excite a wish for a perfect translation. The Editor has therefore made the following complete version of all the historical part of the Introduction. If it does not satisfy, it will at least extinguish expectation; and the work will no longer be looked upon as a partially worked mine containing undiscovered or unappreciated gems of light. As a literary production, the work is certainly curious. Scattered Hindú traditions, which the author had gleaned from various sources, are unhesitatingly connected with the teachings of the Kurán and the legendary lore of the Sháh-náma: like as in Christendom there have been writers who have striven to bring all history into unison with the Old Testament. Musulmáns and their idolatrous forefathers are persistently represented as lords paramount of Hind, the land of infidels, and as regularly receiving and enforcing payment of tribute. It may be that there are in the account some faint glimmerings of fact, some “synchronisms,” as Sir H. Elliot says, “between Persian and Indian heroes;” but whether such are to be found or not, the investigator of Indian history will now no longer be debarred, by ignorance of the Persian language, from a complete investigation of this Muhammadan summary of ancient Hindú history. The translation has been made from General Briggs's lithographed edition, but a MS. belonging to the Royal Asiatic Society has also been used.]

TRANSLATION.

[This Introduction contains an account of the tenets of the people of India, a record of their Ráís, and a description of the rise of the Muhammadan power in that country. At the present time there is no book more extensive and more trustworthy among the Hindús than the Mahá-bhárat. This book was translated from Hindí into Persian by Shaikh Abú-l Fazl Faizí, son of Shaikh Mubárak, in the reign of the Emperor Jalálu-d dín Muhammad Akbar. It contains more than a hundred thousand couplets. The writer of these lines has undertaken the work of making an abstract of the book, and here gives an epitome of it, so that inquirers may obtain a knowledge of its contents from the beginning to the end. It is no secret that in this country there has been a variety of opinion among philosophers, devotees and doctors as to the creation of the world. Of these various views, thirteen are mentioned in the Mahá-bhárat; but no one of the writers has been able to give satisfaction on the subject to an inquiring mind, or to gratify his desires in the smallest degree. (Couplets.)

According to the faulty belief of the Hindús, the revolutions of time in this changeful world are marked by four ages—the first is called Sat Yúg; second, Tritá Yúg; third, Dwápar Yúg; fourth, Kalí Yúg. Whenever the Kalí Yúg shall be completed, the Sat Yúg will come round again, and an end will be put to the Kalí Yúg. The affairs of the world have always gone on in this way, and no sign has been given either of its beginning or its end. In one of the books of authority it is related that a person of false and frivolous character once asked the Leader of the Faithful: “Who existed three thousand years before Adam?” His Highness answered, “Adam!” and as he repeated this three times, the man was silenced, and hung down his head. His Majesty then continued, “If you asked me three thousand times, ‘Who was before Adam?’ I would still reply ‘Adam.’” So the age of the world cannot be ascertained, and the Hindú dogmas upon this point are sheer absurdities. From a saying of one of the old Bráhmans it appears that the world will have an end, and that a day of resurrection is certain. Their most acute and authoritative doctors confirm this doctrine.

The duration of the Sat Yúg was seventeen lacs and twenty-eight thousand years (1,728,000). During this age the works of the dwellers in the world were good and righteous. The lowly and the noble, the poor and the rich, never turned aside from the way of truth and rectitude, and from doing the will of God. The natural life of man in this age is said to have been one hundred thousand years. Gracious God, what a statement is this, and what a lifetime! (Verses.) The length of the Tritá Yúg is twelve lacs and ninety-six thousand years (1,296,000). In this age three-fourths of mankind lived in obedience to the law of God, and the natural life of man was ten thousand years. In the third age, Dwápar Yúg, there are eight lacs and sixty-four thousand years (864,000). In this age the dwellers in the world were of honest conversation and of upright conduct; and the age of man was one thousand years. But the age of the patriarchs Adam, Noah, and others, was a thousand years, or nearly a thousand years. The people of India aver and maintain that as these patriarchs lived towards the end of the Dwápar Yúg, their lives were of this short duration. The fourth or Kalí Yúg extends to four lacs and thirty-two thousand years (432,000). In this age three-fourths of mankind live an unrighteous and discreditable life; and the natural age of man is one hundred years. The duration of each age is ordered in this way: the length of the Kalí Yúg being doubled, gives the duration of the Dwápar Yúg; the years of the Dwápar being augmented by the number of the Kalí Yúg, shows the length of the Tritá Yúg; and the years of the Tritá Yúg being increased in the same way, the duration of the Sat Yúg is found. At the present time, in the year one thousand and fifteen (1015) of the Hijra, the people of India in their reckoning make the date to be 4684 of the Kalí Yúg. (Verses.)

According to the belief of the people of India, the Almighty first created five elements, four of them the familiar (or terrestrial) elements, the fifth being ákás or ether. After that he made a person devoid of form, but a concentration of wisdom, who was called Brahmá. According to various accounts, God brought him forth from the void of non-entity into palpable existence, and made him the first means of creation, and the cause of the foundation of the world. The meaning of the word ákás in the language of the common people of Hind is heaven (ásmán); but the select few deny this, and say that the sages of Hind are not convinced of the existence of a heaven, and that which surrounds the mortal world is air. The planets (kawákib) are the celestial forms of departed great men, who, by keeping under their natural desires, and by devout worship, having obtained bright forms and spiritual embodiments, have been made like unto God in their nature and qualities, and move in the most elevated heights, where, in mortal phrase, they are the birds of the world above. Some who have attained to a high degree of perfection have become great stars, and they never return to the world below. Those who are of a lower standard of perfection, having enjoyed, according to their merit, a life in the highest sky, return again to the lower world. So the word ákás, as used in the Hindú books, has a variety of meanings; and it seems inexpedient to enter into a long explanation of it here. (Verses.)

Brahmá, having by the will of the Creator brought man out of the invisible condition into manifest existence, created four castes— Bráhman, Khatrí, Bais, and Súdra. He appointed the first caste to maintain a holy warfare, to practise austerities, to uphold the laws, and to enforce restrictions. To them he confided the direction of the mortal world. The second class he seated upon the throne of rule and government, and giving to it the sovereignty of the world, he provided for the due government of men. The third caste was appointed to carry on agriculture, trades, and crafts. The fourth caste was created to serve their superiors. By divine direction and holy inspiration, Brahmá brought forth a book about the future and the present life. This book was called Bed. Under the guidance of the Supreme, his active and discriminating intelligence laid down principles for the guidance of all sorts and conditions of men; and having gathered his rules and precepts together in a book, he called it the Sacred Book. Mankind was thus supplied with a controlling power, so that, having a guide before and a guard behind, they might pursue a straight course without deviation. The Bed contains a hundred thousand sloks. The word slok signifies a verse of four charan (feet), and a charan cannot be of less than one nor of more than twenty-six achars. The word achar signifies a letter, or a compound letter. The sages of Hind agree that the lifetime of this Wonder of Creation, the author of the book in question, reached one hundred years; but these years were extraordinary ones, for each consisted of three hundred and sixty days, and each day contained four thousand years of the age above referred to, and each night, like the day, contained one thousand Yúgs. The learned Bráhmans of Hind affirm that up to the time when I write this book, several Brahmás have come into the visible world, and have departed into the unseen. I have heard from my Bráhman friends, that the present Brahmá is the one thousand and first; that fifty years and half a day of his life are past, and he has entered into the latter half of his existence. (Verses.)

Story-tellers and fabulists relate that, in the latter half of the Dwápar Yúg, there was a Khatrí Rájá at Hastinápúr, in Hindústán, who sat upon the throne of justice, and protected the rights of his people. His name was Rájá Bharat. He was followed by seven descendants in direct succession, who carried on the government, and departed to the other world. The eighth successor of his race was Rájá Kúr. Kúr-khet (or) Thánesar, which is a large city, still bears his name. His descendants were called Kuruvas. After six generations a son was born, who became famous under the name of Chaturburj. He was a great king, and had two sons, one called Dhritaráshtra, the other Pand. Dhritaráshtra was the elder, but he was blind; and so the government and sovereignty devolved upon his younger brother Pand. His power so increased that his sons were called Pándavas, after his name. His sons were five, Judishtar, Bhím-sen, and Arjun, whose mother was named Kuntí; and Nakul and Sahadeo, whose mother was called Mádrí. Dhritaráshtra had one hundred sons by Gandhárí, who was daughter of the Rájá of Kandahár.⁵³⁷ The eldest son was Duryodhan. He had another son by a daughter of a corn-merchant, who was named Yúyúchha. These sons were known by the name of Kuruva.

When Pand died, Dhritaráshtra took the kingdom by right of relationship, and his sons shared the honours of royalty with him. Duryodhan, his eldest son, being impressed with the duty and expediency of defending the State against enemies, became suspicious of the Pándavas, and resolved to overthrow them. Dhritaráshtra also, being informed of the hostility of the Pándavas, ordered them to build a residence farther away from the city, and to go and live there; so that a stop might be put to the ill-feeling. Duryodhan directed the architects and workmen to build the roof and walls of that house with lac and pitch, so that a spark might set fire to it, and that no vestige of the Pándavas might be left. The Pándavas got information of this; so, to secure themselves, they one night set their house on fire, and went off along with their mother to the desert. A woman named Bhíl, with her five sons, who had been commissioned by Duryodhan to set the house on fire, was there watching for an opportunity; and on that night she and all her sons were burnt. The spies of Duryodhan, thinking that this woman and her sons were the Pándavas with their mother, and that the Pándavas were all burnt, conveyed the glad intelligence to the Kuruvas, who were greatly rejoiced.

After this catastrophe, the Pándavas, as the translation of the Mahá-bhárat testifies, changed their names and appearances, left their desolated home, and went to the town of Kampilá. There by artifice they married Draupadí, the daughter of the Rájá of Kampilá, and all five brothers had her as their common wife. It was settled that each was to have her for seventy days; and upon this understanding, they lived in peace and unity. Some Hindús maintain that this was unlawful, and explain the fact away: God knows the truth! But the nobility of their character was evident, and the fame of them spread abroad until it reached Duryodhan, who, having made inquiries, ascertained the facts, and that the report of the burning of the Pándavas was untrue. With friendly professions, but selfish designs, he brought them to Hastinápúr. After courteously entertaining them, he divided the hereditary dominions as between brothers. So Indarpat, which is near Old Dehlí, with half the territories, fell to the lot of the Pándavas; and Hastinápúr, with the other half of the territories, remained in the possession of the Kuruvas.

In course of time many of the chief nobles, observing the intelligence and excellent qualities of the Pándavas, entered into their service: outwardly they were loyal to the Kuruvas, but in their hearts they were hostile to them. At this time it came into the mind of Judishtar that he would perform the sacrifice called Rájasúya, that being the name given to a large fire which is kindled, into which all kinds of odoriferous things, fruits, grain, etc., are thrown, to be consumed in fire, the mother of the elements; that performing this sacrifice with due ceremony and all the proper observances, he would thus seek for a nearer approach to the deity. One of the requirements of the Rájasúya sacrifice is, that the princes of the whole world should assemble and pay homage at the time of its performance. Judishtar accordingly sent out his four brothers in four different directions to effect the conquest of the remainder of the world. Under the favour of the Almighty, this object was in a short time accomplished. The enterprising brothers, under Divine guidance, marched through the world, and brought the reigning monarchs of every country, from Khatai, Rúm, Abyssinia, Arabia, Persia, Turkistán, Máwaráu-n nahr, and all the other regions of the world, with vast treasures, to Indarpat; and having performed the Rájasúya sacrifice, accomplished the object of their wishes.

At the sight of all this greatness and glory and power, Duryodhan was unable to contain himself. The fire of envy which was smouldering in his bosom burst forth, and he took counsel with the crafty men of the time. Gambling was then very prevalent. It was resolved to play at ka'batain (two dice), which, like back-gammon (nard), is a kind of gambling game. It was agreed that Duryodhan should play with Judishtar and his brothers. Accordingly the Pándavas were invited with great ceremony from their capital Indar-pat to Hastinápúr. They were entertained sumptuously; and when they became engrossed in play, the ka'batain above mentioned were brought forward. The Pándavas, in the honesty of their hearts, never thought that they were playing against cheats; and having no knowledge of the game of ka'batain, they lost wealth, kingdom, and everything. Duryodhan was desirous of ruining them, and kept his mind intent upon the game. The final stake was made. If the Pándavas won, they were to get back all that they had lost; but if they failed, they were to leave their home for twelve years, and, putting on mendicants' attire, were to go out into the wilds, and dwell with the birds and beasts. After the completion of that time, they were to go to some city, and pass one year in seeking for a livelihood, but so that no one should know them. If this condition was not fulfilled, they were to go out once more into the wilds for the same period of time, and undergo all the same hardships. They played again, the dice were against them, and they lost. So, in fulfilment of the wager, the five brothers expatriated themselves, and dwelt for twelve years in the wilderness. In the thirteenth year they proceeded to the country of Wáín,⁵³⁹ which is one of the districts of the Dakhin. There they passed a year in such a way that, although Duryodhan made active search and inquiry, they were not discovered.

At the termination of the prescribed period, they sent Kishan, son of Básdeo, as an ambassador to demand the restoration of their country. Duryodhan complained about the condition not having been fulfilled; and as he had no honesty of character, he failed to carry out the agreement. The affairs of the Pándavas became known to the nobles of the country, and war was resolved upon. The Pándavas assembled their forces, and the rival armies met in the field of Kúr-khet, which is situated near Thánesar, in the early years of the Kalí Yúg. The opposing armies were drawn out in array according to the rules of warfare, and a battle began, which lasted for eighteen days, when the victors could not be distinguished from the vanquished. But the career of the wicked ends in shame, so at length Duryodhan and his allies were overpowered, and fell upon the field of battle. According to the belief of the Hindús, there were in this battle eleven kushúns on the side of the Kuruvas, and seven kushúns on the part of the Pándavas. Kushún⁵⁴⁰ is a word used by the Hindús for twenty-one thousand six hundred and seventy (21,670) elephant-riders, an equal number of chariot riders, sixty-five thousand six hundred (65,600) horsemen, and one lac nine thousand six hundred and fifty (109,650) infantry. It is said that not more than twelve men of both sides were left alive. Four persons survived of the army of Duryodhan: first, Kripa Áchárj Bráhman, the preceptor of both parties, who was both a man of the sword and a man of the pen; second, Ashwatthámán, son of the sage Dron, who also had been a preceptor of both parties; third, Kiratu Varmán, of the race of the Yádavas; fourth, Sanji, who was distinguished at the Court of Dhritaráshtra for his wisdom. Of the Pándavas, eight men survived: Judhishtar and the rest of the five brothers; the sixth was Sának, of the tribe of the Yádavas, who was renowned for his bravery; seventh, Jujutash,^540a the half-brother of Duryodhan; eighth, Kishan, the blazon of whose fame is beyond description, but some little will be written about him.

Kishan was born at Mathurá. There are various opinions about him current among the Hindús. Some stigmatize him as the greatest rogue in the world, and the most artful cheat of all the sons of Adam. Some believe that he was a prophet, others raise him to divinity. It is well known that the astrologers, having obtained fore-knowledge of his graceless character from his horoscope, gave information to Rájá Kans, the chief of the Yádavas; and he issued an order for putting Kishan to death. Kishan passed eleven years in the house of Nand, who was by occupation a milk-seller and cowherd. At length, by tricks and stratagems and magic, Kishan killed Rájá Kans, and gave the name of king to Ugrasen, father of Kans. He himself was openly carrying on the government. By degrees, and with the aid of deception and impostures, he set up a claim to divinity, and large numbers of people put faith in his absurd pretension. For thirty-two years after his departure from the house of Nand, he passed his life among the libertines of Mathurá, and his wonderful pranks and actions are notorious. Rájá Jarásandh, of the country of Bihár and Patna, marched against Mathurá with a large force to overthrow him. Another Rájá also, called Kál Yavan, of the race of the Mlechhas, that is to say, a race that did not follow the Hindú religion, came up from the west to attack him. It is said that this Rájá came from Arabia ('Arabistán). Krishna was not able to withstand the attack of these two Rájás, so he fled to Dwáraká, which is on the sea-shore, one hundred kos from Ahmad-ábád in Gujarát. There he fortified himself, and continued to dwell there for seventy-eight years. He strove for his deliverance, but without effect, until he had attained his one hundred and twenty-fifth year, when, through the malice of Gandhárí, the mother of Duryodhan, he was treacherously killed. It is the belief of some that he withdrew into retirement, and that he is still alive.

The cause of Gandhárí's hatred was very curious, so I will record it. The story runs, that when the time drew near for Gandhárí to give birth to a child, she reflected that, as her husband Dhritaráshtra was blind, and would never see his child, she also, to sympathize with her husband, would keep her eyes from the child in this world. So on the day that Duryodhan was born, she bound up her eyes, and kept them so bound for many years, until her son Duryodhan grew up, and went to war with the Pándavas. When the forces were assembled, and the opposing armies drew near for battle, on the day before the fight, she said to her son, “Oh light of my eyes! the eyes of parents are to the person of their son a sure protection and defence against all troubles and calamities. To-morrow the battle will begin, and as your tender body is not defended with this armour, I am fearful lest some evil should befall thee. Therefore come naked before me, so that I may uncover my eyes, and look upon your figure.” Duryodhan asked how he should attend upon her, and she replied, “My son, there is no one in the world like unto the Pándavas in intelligence, wisdom, excellence, truth, and integrity;—hasten to them, and make inquiry.” Duryodhan went alone to the Pándavas, and told them the reason of his coming. They showed him the greatest hospitality, and, although they knew that there was the most violent animosity between them, they never let the thread of rectitude slip from their hands, but spoke out with sincerity, and said, “The child comes naked from his mother's womb, and the eyes of his parents fall upon him first in that state. As this is the first time your mother will have seen you, to-day is as the first day of your existence; therefore it is right that you should strip yourself naked, and so go into the presence of your mother, so that her eyes may behold the whole of your person, and preserve it from dangers.” Duryodhan took leave, and started to return. On the way he was met by Kishan, who asked him what was the reason of his coming alone into the army of his enemies. Duryodhan informed him. Kishan said to himself, “What a pity! if he acts upon the advice of the Pándavas, his body will become as brass; no weapon will take effect upon it, and he will prevail over us.” So he laughed loudly, and deceitfully said, “O simple man, they who seek the advice of their enemies, and follow the course which they prescribe, will assuredly fall into the pit of destruction. They have been making sport of you. When you were born, your members were small and mean; but you are grown large and vigorous,⁵⁴² how can you show yourself to your mother without shame! When Duryodhan heard this, unsuspicious of deception, he seized the garment of Kishan, and said, “What the Pándavas told me was true; but I will throw belts with long ends over my shoulder, so that the privy parts of my person may be covered.” Duryodhan did so, and went before his mother, and said, “Behold, here I am: uncover your eyes.” His mother, believing him to have been instructed by the Pándavas, and being assured that they had not spoken improperly, uncovered her eyes. When she perceived the sword-belt, she uttered a cry, and fell down in a swoon. Upon recovering her senses, she wept bitterly, and said, “O my son! did the Pándavas tell you to adopt this trick of the sword-belt?” And he told her that Kishan had advised it. Gandhárí raised her hands in prayer, and in deep affliction cursed Kishan. Then, wringing her hands in sorrow, she said, “O my son! in the very place which thou hast hidden from my eyes shalt thou receive a wound, which shall prove thy death.” Kishan, as above stated, died after great suffering.

Judishtar, upon the death of Duryodhan, and the extermination of the Kuruvas, was established in the sovereignty of Hind and other places, and ruled as monarch. Thirty-six years after this event, he, under divine guidance, became convinced of the emptiness and instability of this world; so, before entering into the future state, he gave up the vanities of the world, and along with his four brothers retired into seclusion, and at length departed this life.

The Kuruvas and the Pándavas reigned together for seventy-six years. Duryodhan reigned alone for thirteen years, and after the termination of the war, Judishtar reigned over the whole world for thirty-six years, making altogether one hundred and twenty-five years as the duration of their supremacy. Gracious God, what a marvellous and out-of-the-way story is this! In no history throughout the world, excepting in Hindústán, is such a circumstance to be found.

Old historians have recorded that in later days, after two breaks, the son of a son of Arjun was born, and he, having ascended the throne, carried on the government with justice and clemency; and making the events of the past the monitors of the future, he acted in obedience to the will of God. One day it came into his mind to inquire what was the cause of the dissensions of his predecessors, and what were the facts of the war between them. He made inquiries of a learned man of the age named Bhisham Báín (Vaisampáyana), and Bhisham told him that his preceptor, the sage Byás, had witnessed the various events, and was minutely acquainted with their causes; so he had better make inquiries of him. The King showed the sage Byás every princely courtesy, and sought from him the information which he desired. Byás, through the weakness of old age and spiritual pre-occupation, had given up talking; but he slowly reduced to writing this story with its precepts and counsels, and formed it into a book. He called the work Mahá-bhárat, the signification of which name, as I have heard from common report, is, that mahá means great, and bhárat war; for as the book commemorates the great wars, he gave it the name of Mahá-bhárat. But there is an objection to this, because bhárat in the language of Hind does not mean “war.” The book records the history of the race descended from a famous king named Bharat, and so apparently the book is named after him, the letter a having been lengthened by use—but God knows! This Byás is considered to be an emanation of the Divine Spirit, and it is believed that he is still alive. Some Hindús affirm that a person named Byás appears in every Dwápar Yúg to record the events which occur among mankind; but others believe that he is a person who makes his appearance in time of war.

It is admitted by common consent that Byás compiled the Bed, which was delivered by the tongue of Brahmá, and arranged it in four books. 1. Rig Bed. 2. Jajur Bed. 3. Sám Bed. 4. Atharban Bed. It was by doing this he got the name of Byás, because the meaning of that word is compiler or arranger. His original name, as it was known in the middle of the Doáb, was Dadí Báín (Dwaipáyana). Wonderful and incredible stories are related about this Byás; but, fearing to be prolix, I have not repeated them. This wonderful book consists of sixty lacs (6,000,000) of sloks. After its completion, he (Byás) repaired to the banks of the Sarsuti, near Thánesar, and his labours being ended, he there prepared a great feast, to which he invited the learned from all parts and quarters of the world. The festival was kept up for a lengthened period, and he enriched the people with valuable gifts. The sixty lacs of sloks are divided as follows: Thirty lacs were allotted to the deotás, who are heavenly spirits or divinities. Fifteen lacs were assigned to the inhabitants of the Satar-lok (Satya-loka), who dwell in the world above. Fourteen lacs were appropriated to the Gandharbs, one of the varieties of created beings endued with the property of life. One lac he left for the benefit of mankind. This he divided into eighteen parbs (parvvas) or books, for the benefit of men of merit. This one lac of sloks is still extant among men, and is known by the name of Mahá-bhárat. Twenty-four thousand sloks are occupied with the wars of the Kuruvas and Pándavas; the remainder consists of precepts, homilies, apologues, stories, explanations, and details of the dissensions and wars of former generations. The Bráhmans believe that a prophet or apostle in each Yúg writes a book, and that, notwithstanding the long periods of time which have elapsed, these works are still extant.

The infidels of Khatá, Khutan (Tartary), Chín, and Hind deny that the deluge of Noah reached their country, or rather they have no belief at all in the deluge. It is the belief of some (Hindús) that the Bráhman and Khatrí castes have existed from the most ancient times. There are many other castes which came into existence at the end of the Dwápar Yúg or third age, and the beginning of the Kalí Yúg or fourth age. Thus the Rájpúts were not known at first, but sprang into existence in later times. After the death of Rájá Bikramájít Khatrí, who lived 1600 and some years before the time in which I write, they (the Rájpúts) attained the sovereign power, and the manner of their gaining it is thus related: According to a custom which is still prevalent, the ráís of the Khatrís make their damsels wait upon them during the day, but give them liberty to do as they please at night; so each fair one chooses whom she will, and gives birth to children. These are brought up with great care, and are looked upon as the children of the great ráís. As sons of the house, they consider themselves as of noble birth, and call themselves sons of the Rájás. If you ask one of them whose son he is, he will tell you he is a Rájpút, that is, son of a Rájá; for Raj means the same as Rájá, and pút signifies “son.” It is related that the sons of Rájá Súraj, whose history will be told subsequently, were called Rájpúts.

Another article of faith among the Hindús is that Adam⁵⁴⁵ formed of earth has existed from the beginning of creation, and will continue to exist hereafter. The world is ancient (kadím), and will never pass away. But it is no secret to men of wisdom and perspicacity, that although from the beginning of creation, a period supposed to be 800,000 years, it may be that as many thousands of Adams have appeared on the face of the earth, they have all passed away behind the curtain of oblivion. Ján bin Abú-l Ján, whose history is recorded in the Holy Book, is the only exception; but he was not born of the earth. Some were formed of air, some of fire; but the race was always given to disobedience and rebellion, and under the behests of the God of vengeance, they were destroyed. Another race sprang up, who were not formed of earth. It appears indeed that the Hindús supposed these beings to be men formed of the dust; but how can this be? For the statements they make about the magnitude of their bodies and the length of their lives, and the wonderful and miraculous powers which they attribute to Rám, Lakhman, and others, are inappropriate to the nature of man. All this is mere talk and sound, and is of no weight in the balance of intelligence. If by accident there are any such, they must belong to that class of which mention has been made. Before Abú-l Bashar (the father of mankind), there was no Adam of earthy extraction; and from the time of Adam to the time when I write, not more than 7000 years have passed. So what the Hindús say about hundreds of thousands is all extravagance, and mere falsehood. The truth is, that the country of Hindústán, like other parts of the habitable world, was populated by the descendants of Adam, and the explanation of the matter is this: After the deluge, the Patriarch Noah, under the orders of the Creator of heaven and earth, sent his sons Sám (Shem), Japhet, and Ham into different parts of the world, and directed them to engage in agriculture.

History of the sons of Noah.—Sám was the eldest son and representative of Noah. He begat nine sons.⁵⁴⁶ Arshad, Arfakhshad, Kai, Núd, Yúd, Aram, Kabta, A'ád, Kahtán, were their names. All the tribes of the Arabs and their congeners draw their descent from them. So the patriarchs Húd and Sálih and Abraham sprang from Arfakhshad. The second son of Arfakhshad was Kayúmars, great ancestor of the Kings of Persia. He had six sons, Siyámak, Fárs, 'Irák, Túz, Shám, and Damaghán. Of these Siyámak was the successor of his father. The other sons separated, and they gave their names to the countries in which they severally settled. Some men believe that one of the sons (pisar) of Noah was named 'Ajam, and that the country of 'Ajam takes its name from his descendants. The eldest son of Siyámak was named Hoshang, from whom the Kings of Persia down to Yazdajird and Shahriyár all descended.

The children of Yáfat.—In obedience to the command of his father, Yáfat went towards the east and north. There children were born to him. His eldest son was named Turk, and all the races of the Turks, the Mughals, Uzbeks, Chaghatáís, Turkomans of Írán and Armenia, are all descended from him. Yáfat's second son was named Chín, and from him the country of China was named. The third son of Yáfat was Árdes, whose descendants settled all the north country to the extreme regions of darkness: the Tájíks and the people of Ghor and Sclavonia sprang from him.

Account of the descendants of Hám, with a brief description of the settlement of Hindústán.—Hám, under his father's command, went southwards, and engaged actively in settling that country. Six sons were born to him, named Hind, Sind, Jash, Afranj, Hurmuz and Búyah. The countries of the south received their names from them. Hind, the eldest son of Hám, went to that country, which from him received the name of Hind, and employed himself in settling the country. His brother Sind settled in Sind, where he built the cities of Thattá and Multán, which received their names from his sons' names. Hind had four sons—1. Púrb; 2. Bang; 3. Dakhin; 4. Nahrwál; and they populated the countries which are known by their names. Dakhin, the son of Hind, had three sons, among whom he divided the territories of the Dakhin. Their names were Mahrát, Kanhar and Tilang; and these three races are still extant in the Dakhin. Nahrwál also had three sons, Bahroj, Kambáj and Málráj;⁵⁴⁷ whose names he gave to cities which he founded. Bang also had sons by whom the country of Bengal was peopled. Púrb, who was the eldest son of Hind, had forty-two sons, and in a short time their progeny became numerous. They raised one of their number to be their ruler, and he exerted himself in bringing his country into order. His name was Kishan.

History of the reign of Kishan.—It must not be concealed that the first person who ascended the throne of royalty in Hind was Kishan. He was not the celebrated Kishan about whom the marvellous stories are told, wonderful adventures are related, and to whom a divine origin is attributed. This Kishan was wise, learned, brave and generous. He was of gigantic form, and unable to ride; so, after mature reflection, he gave directions for catching elephants and other wild beasts in snares. His plans having succeeded, he had animals on which he could ride. During his reign a person named Bráhman, descended from Bang, the son of Hind, made his appearance. He was very wise and intelligent, and Kishan made him his minister. Many crafts, such as carpentry and working in iron, sprang from his intelligence; and some maintain that writing and reading also derived their origin from him. In those days the city of Oudh was built, which was the first city established in India. Kishan was cotemporary with Tahmúrasp, and he lived more than four hundred years. During his reign nearly two thousand towns and villages were built. He left thirty-seven sons, the eldest of whom, Mahá Ráj, succeeded him.

History of Mahá Ráj, son of Kishan.—With the assent of the chiefs of the tribe and of his brothers, Mahá Ráj ascended the throne; and he was more active even than his father in settling the country, and in establishing a government. The men who descended from Púrb he appointed to the duties of rule and government; and to those who descended from Bráhman he allotted the duties of acting as ministers and clerks and the sciences of astrology and medicine. One tribe he appointed to carry on trade and agriculture, another he directed to practise all sorts of crafts and trades. He also busied himself in the spread of agriculture, so that he brought many distant parts of Hindústán under cultivation, and founded many cities. In these cities he settled men of knowledge and character, whom he gathered together from all parts. He also built many temples and colleges, and assigned the revenues of the lands near to them as endowments. The sannyásís and jogís and bráhmans were engaged in teaching, doing good, and in scientific pursuits. His reign lasted seven hundred years. The kingdom of India reached a high degree of prosperity and glory, and vied with the empire of Jamshíd and Farídún. To secure the stability of the government, and to promote the happiness of his soldiers and people, he made excellent laws and regulations, some of which are acted upon to the present day. He gave to each tribe a distinctive name, such as we now find in the Ráhtors, Chauháns, Powárs and the like. He kept up friendly relations with the Kings of Írán. But one of his brother's sons being offended with him, went to Farídún, and that monarch sent Gurshasp, son of Atrúd, with a valiant army, to assist the fugitive. So Gurshasp marched to Hindústán, and inflicted great evil on the country, ravaging and devastating it for the space of ten years. Mahá Ráj gave his nephew a portion of territory, and so satisfied him. He also sent a rich tribute by Gurshasp to Farídún. Towards the end of his reign, the zamíndárs of Singaldíp (Ceylon) and Karnátak came up with their forces, and expelled Sheo Ráí, the ruler of the Dakhin. He came to seek assistance of Mahá Ráj, who sent his eldest son with a large army and mighty elephants along with Sheo Ráí. The zamíndárs of the Dakhin united, and having collected a large and powerful force, made ready for battle. A terrible conflict ensued, in which the son of Mahá Ráj was killed, all the baggage and elephants were lost, and Sheo Ráí, with his auxiliary army, fled wounded and defeated. At the news of this defeat, Mahá Ráj writhed like a snake, and bit his hands with vexation; for up to that time none of the zamíndárs of distant lands, such as the Rájá of Tilang,⁵⁴⁹ Pegu and Malabar, had ventured upon disobedience or rebellion.

About this time Sám Narímán,^549a under the orders of the King of Írán, marched to invade Hindústán, and came up to the Panjáb. The commander-in-chief, Mál Chand, with the flower of the army of Hindústán, went to oppose him; but he was not able to arrest his progress. Being compelled to treat, Mál Chand sent clever envoys with gold and jewels and elephants, and made peace by ceding the Panjáb to Sám Narímán. Some writers maintain that from the reign of Farídún the Panjáb was held by the Kings of 'Ajam, and that the descendants of Gurshasp, among whom were Rustam and his ancestors, held the Panjáb, Kábul and Zábul, Sind and Nímroz in jágír. Mál Chand was a distinguished general, and the country of Málwá derived its name from him. After returning to Mahá Ráj, he marched without delay in great force against the Dakhin. As soon as the enemy heard of his approach, their hearts sank, and they dispersed. Mál Chand so used the sword of retribution upon them, that not a vestige of them was left. He placed garrisons in several places, and on his march he founded the forts of Gwálior and Bayána. Mál Chand brought back with him from Telingána and the Dakhin the sciences of singing and music. He spent much of his time at the fort of Gwálior, and there he had many children by the singers whom he had brought back with him;—so music flourished in that country. After seven hundred years, Mahá Ráj died, leaving fourteen sons, and he was succeeded by the eldest, Keshú Ráj, who took his seat upon the glorious throne of Hindústán.

History of Keshú Ráj, son of Mahá Ráj.—At the very beginning of his reign, he sent his brothers (on service) in various directions while he marched by way of Kálpí to Gondwára. Then he pursued his course to the Dakhin, and rode as far as the boundaries of Singal-díp. There he exacted tribute from the rebellious ráís, and exerted himself in bringing the various tribes into subjection. On his return, the zamíndárs of the Dakhin leagued together, and raised the banner of hostility. Day by day their forces increased, till they became powerful enough to threaten Keshú Ráj. Finding himself unable to resist, Keshú Ráj made peace, and returned home. He sent letters and many gifts to Minuchihr, and begged for his aid. Minuchihr then sent Sám Narímán with a powerful army. Keshú Ráj went to Jálandhar to meet his ally, and after having entertained him, marched with him towards the Dakhin. The ráís of the Dakhin were dismayed at the approach of the army of Írán, and so that country came back into the possession of the Rájá of Hind. Keshú Ráj showed every attention to Sám Narímán, and accompanied him homewards to the borders of the Panjáb. Then he sent presents and rarities to Minuchihr, and went to dwell in the city of Oudh. There he spread the protection of his justice over the realm of Hind, and secured the happiness of his people. After he had reigned two hundred and twenty years he died, and was succeeded by his eldest son.

History of Fíroz Ráí,⁵⁵⁰ son of Keshú Ráj.—Fíroz Ráí was well versed in the Hindú shástras or sacred books. He was fond of the society of learned and religious men, and took no thought of riding or warfare. He devoted himself entirely to religious men, and bestowed much money on the poor. He went twice to the city of Bihár, and there dispensed large sums in charity. The city of Munír was built in his reign. One very improper action of which he was guilty was this: When, through the death of Sám Narímán, weakness fell upon the government of Minuchihr, Afrásiyáb, seizing the opportunity, raised a force against him, and defeated him. Fíroz Ráí, then, throwing aside his obligations to Minuchihr and Sám Narí-mán, marched an army to the Panjáb, and wrested that country from the possession of Zál,⁵⁵¹ son of Sám Narímán. He then made Jálandhar his capital, and sent an ambassador with presents to wait upon Afrásiyáb, and to enrol himself among the numbers of his tributaries. The Panjáb remained in the possession of the ráís of Hind, until the reign of Kai-kubád. When Rustam, son of Dastán,^551a the champion of the world, had won the fame of a hero by his own deeds, he marched to recover the Panjáb. Fíroz Ráí was unable to resist his attack, so he fled to the hills of Tirhút. Rustam having taken Sind, Multán, and the Panjáb, set off towards tirhút. Then Fíroz Ráí, in the greatest fear, fled by way of the desert to the hills of Jhárkand and Gondwára. He never saw another happy day, but died soon afterwards, having reigned five hundred and thirty-seven years.

Account of Rustam's bestowing the sovereignty of Hind upon Súraj.— They say that when intelligence of the death of Fíroz Ráí reached Rustam, son of Dastán, the dishonesty and faithlessness of the deceased Ráí made him averse to permitting any one of his sons to succeed to the throne. Accordingly he raised to the regal dignity one of the chiefs of Hind, named Súraj, who had been early in making his submission. Rustam then returned to Írán. Súraj established his authority, and became a powerful King. From the shores of the sea (daryá) of Bengal to the confines of the Dakhin, his governors and officers sat (in authority). He was very active in promoting the erection of buildings and the spread of agriculture. During his reign, a Bráhman came from the hills of Jhárkand to wait upon him, and as he was deeply versed in the occult sciences and magic, he obtained a complete ascendancy over the mind of Súraj, and converted him to idolatry.

Establishment of Idolatry.—They say that Hind obeyed and worshipped the true God, as he had seen and heard of his father Hám, the son of Noah. His descendants, generation after generation, pursued the same course. At length, in the reign of Mahá Ráj, a person came from Írán, who inculcated the worship of the Sun. That worship spread widely, and some men became worshippers of the stars, others of fire. But when idol-worship arose, it spread more widely than all. Because that Bráhman told Súraj that whoever made a large image of an ancestor⁵⁵² in gold or silver or stone, would find the way to salvation; so many people, small and great, formed images of the departed, and engaged in the worship of them. Súraj, having built the city of Kanauj on the bank of the Ganges, applied himself to idolatry. This sentiment spread among the people, and every man formed an idol according to his own devices, and paid it his adoration. So ninety tribes, each in its own way, engaged in idolatry. Súraj made the city of Kanauj his capital, and dwelt there for some years. During his reign, it spread to the distance of twenty-five kos. Súraj died after a reign of two hundred and fifty years. He was cotemporary with Kai-kubád, and every year used to send tribute to him. He also acknowledged the claims of Rustam, son of Dastán, gave him his own sister's daughter in marriage, and continually sent him presents and rarities. He had thirty-five sons, the eldest of whom, Bah Ráj, succeeded him.

History of the reign of Bah Ráj, son of Súraj.—When Bah Raj ascended the throne, he built a city, which he called Bahráj,^552a from his own name. He studied music for many years. He exerted himself actively in completing the city of Benares, which his father had founded in the latter days of his life, but had not been permitted to finish. Showing great affection and kindness to his brothers, he made them happy with suitable jágírs. Some assert that Bah Ráj gave to his brothers, the sons of Súraj, the name of Rájpút. He also gave names to other tribes. But he set at nought the regulations of Mahá Ráj, which had been the mainstay of the State; so the affairs of government fell into disorder, and madness seized upon every brain. A bráhman named Kídár came down from the Siwálik hills, and raised a rebellion against him. After some fighting, the bráhman obtained the mastery, and the sovereignty of Hind fell from the hands of Bah Ráj. His reign lasted for thirty-six years.

Account of the reign of Kídár Bráhman.—When this man took the bride of the sovereignty of Hind to his bosom, he was well acquainted with the science of government, and became a great king. He acknowledged himself tributary to Kai-Káús and Kai-Khusrú, and sent offerings to them. He built the fort of Kálinjar. Towards the end of his reign, a powerful man named Shankal came from Kúch, and raised a rebellion. First he got possession of Bang (Bengal) and Bihár. Then he collected an enormous army, and fought several hard battles with Kídár, over whom he obtained the victory. Kídár reigned nineteen years.

History of the reign of Shankal.⁵⁵³ —After Shankal obtained the throne, he affected great pomp and state. He founded the city of Lakhnautí, better known under the name of Gaur. For two thousand years that city was the capital of the Kings of Bang (Bengal), but in the days of the descendants of Tímúr, the place went to ruin. Tánda became the seat of government, instead of it. Shankal got together a force of four thousand elephants, one hundred thousand horse, and four hundred thousand infantry, and was very proud and magnificent. In his time Afrásiyáb sent a messenger to demand payment of his tribute and dues; but Shankal sent him back again with great scorn and contempt. Afrásiyáb was greatly enraged at this, and sent his general Pírán Wasiya, with an army of fifty thousand fierce Turks, to Hindústán. Shankal resolved to fight, and having assembled a mighty force, marched to the encounter. The armies met in the hills of Kúch, near the frontier of Bengal, and the battle began. For two whole days the conflict raged. The Turks showed great resolution and bravery, and put fifty thousand of their opponents to the sword; but the enemy was so numerous that they made no great impression upon them. The Turks on their side had lost seventeen thousand men, and matters at length went so hard with them, that on the third day they were compelled to retreat. Their country was far away, and the enemy overwhelming; so they fled into the hills of the neighbourhood, and got possession of a stronghold. Pírán Wasiya drew up a despatch containing an account of his condition, and sent it by some brave young men to Afrásiyáb. Pírán was engaged night and day in fighting, for the Hindús swarmed around, and pressed him vigorously. They endeavoured to force an entry with showers of arrows, and all were in perplexity as to how matters would end.

Arrival of Afrásiyáb in Hind and Relief of Pírán Wasiya.—At this time Afrásiyáb was at the city of Kankdazh (Kunduz?), between Chín (China) and Khutan (Tartary), one month's march on the other side of the city of Khánbáligh. When he was informed of the situation of Pírán Wasiya, he resolved to go to his rescue with a hundred thousand choice cavalry. Pressing on with all speed, he arrived just as Shankal had summoned his Ráís, and by means of the vast force he had collected was pressing Pírán Wasiya to extremity. Afrásiyáb instantly made his attack, and the Hindús were so dismayed that he scattered them like chaff. All their equipments and baggage fell into his hands. Pírán Wasiya being released from the grasp of the enemy, waited on his master. Afrásiyáb then pursued Shankal; and as often as he came up with him, he inflicted loss upon his men. Shankal fled into Bang, and went into the city of Gaur; but the Turks pressed after him so closely that he could only stay there one day, but continued his flight into the mountains of Tirhút. The Turks so completely devastated the country of Bang that no trace of a town was left. Afrásiyáb got information about Shankal, and prepared to pursue him. But Shankal was driven to extremity; so he sent some prudent men with a message to Afrásiyáb, asking forgiveness, and offering to do homage. Afrásiyáb consented, and Shankal came to his presence, with a sword and shroud (hanging on his neck), and begged permission to be allowed to go with him to Turán. Afrásiyáb approved of his proposal, and bestowed the throne upon Shankal's son. So Afrásiyáb took Shankal with him, and Shankal served him faithfully till he was killed by the hand of Rustam in the war of Hamáwarán. Shankal reigned sixty-four years.

Rahat, son of Shankal, raised to the throne by Afrásiyáb.—Rahat was a devout and well-meaning Rájá. He divided the revenues of his kingdom, which stretched from Garhí to Málwá, into three portions. One he dispensed in charity, the second he appropriated to the support of his father Shankal and the tribute to Afrásiyáb, and the third he devoted to the maintenance of his army and cattle. Through this arrangement his army diminished, and the Rájá of Málwá, who was subject to him, and paid him revenue, threw off the yoke of obedience, and wrested the fort of Gwálior from the possession of his officers. Rájá Rahat had built the fort of Rohtás, and he had erected a large idol temple, where he was then engaged in worship. He led an army against the Rájá of Málwá, but returned unsuccessful. ⁵⁵⁵ Rahat reigned eighty-one years, when he died. As he had no son who had attained to years of discretion, a disturbance arose at Kanauj, which was the capital. A man named Mahá Ráj, of the Kachhwáha tribe, and a native of Márwár, raised a rebellion, seized upon the capital Kanauj, and became King.

History of the reign of Mahá Ráj Kachhwáha.—After a time, and when Mahá Ráj had established his power, he led a large army against Nahrwála. He wrested that country from its zamíndárs, who were ahírs or cowherds, and established ports on the sea-shore for the purposes of traffic. There he built ships and launched them, after which he returned. He died after a reign of forty years. His cotemporary was Gushtásp, to whom he sent tribute every year.

History of the reign of Kaid Ráj.—Kaid Ráj was nephew by the sister's side of Mahá Ráj, in accordance with whose will and testament he ascended the throne. At this time, Rustam, son of Dastán, had been killed, and as the Panjáb had for some time had no vigorous governor, Kaid Ráj led his army thither, and easily obtained possession of the country. He dwelt for some time in one of its ancient cities named Behra, and then built the fort of Jammú. In it he placed one of his adherents, a man of the Gakkhar^555a tribe named Durg, and made him governor of it. From that time to the present, that fortress has remained in the possession of that tribe. After a while the Gakkhar tribe, and a tribe called Chobeh, who are zamíndárs of consequence in the Panjáb, allied themselves with the dwellers in the desert, and with the people who live in the hills between Kábul and Kandahár. The allies marched against Kaid Ráj, and he, being unable to resist, relinquished that country (of the Panjáb) to them. From that time this tribe spread, and took possession of every hill which had a chief. It would seem that this tribe is the same as the Afgháns of the present day. Kaid Ráj reigned for forty-three years.

History of the reign of Jai Chand.—Jai Chand was the commander-in-chief of Kaid Ráj, and, finding himself strong enough, placed his feet upon the throne. In his reign there was a great famine; and as he was not of royal race, he had no sympathy for the sufferings of the people. He spent his days at Bayána in debauchery and pleasure, while his soldiers and subjects were perishing. Many villages and towns went to ruin, and Hindústán was many years before it recovered from the effects of his neglect. Jai Chand reigned for sixty years. His cotemporary was Dáráb, to whom he sent tribute every year. He left a son of tender years, whom his mother placed upon the throne, she herself carrying on the government as regent. But Jai Chand's brother, named Dihlú, conspired with several chiefs, put the boy aside, and placed the crown upon his own head.

History of the rebellion of Rájá Dihlú.—Dihlú was a Rájá of considerable courage and daring, and he was kind and gentle to the people. His great object was to promote their happiness. He built the city of Dehlí, and named it after himself. When he had reigned forty years, a man named Fúr, who was related to the Rájá of Kamáún, and dwelt in that country, broke out in rebellion. He first got possession of the country of Kamáún, and then he marched against the fort of Kanauj. A great battle was fought between him and Rájá Dihlú, in which Dihlú was taken prisoner; and Fúr sent him to be confined in the fort of Rohtás.

Reign of Rájá Fúr.⁵⁵⁶ —Fúr soon afterwards led an army to Bang, and extended his sway as far as the shores of the Indian Ocean. He became a very great Ráí, and, according to Munawwar Khán, no Ráí was ever equal to him. After he had ascended the throne, he relinquished the practice of sending tribute to the King of Írán. Iskandar led his army to India; and as Fúr would not submit, Iskandar marched with his army like a swarm of locusts or ants to encounter him. A great battle was fought near Sirhind, and Fúr was killed. Fúr reigned for seventy-three years. It must not be concealed that the Ráís of the Dakhin also had grown in power and dominion;—such as Kul Chand, who built the city of Kulbarga; Mirich Chand, who built the town of Mirich, to which he gave his own name; Bijí Chand, who built and populated the city of Bijaná-gar, and made it the seat of the government of the Dakhin. There were other Ráís besides these; but to name them all would be a tedious task. When Iskandar came to India, there was a great Rájá named Bídar, who had built the fort of Bídar. The tribe of Ráj-bídars, which still exists, and is renowned as one of the bravest of all the tribes of the Dakhin, is of his lineage, and by the decrees of Fate is established in the sovereignty of the Dakhin. When this Rájá heard of the arrival of Iskandar, and the death of Fúr, he sent his son, with valuable presents and elephants, to Iskandar, with the object of inducing him to abstain from the conquest of his kingdom, and to return to Írán. After the death of Fúr, and the return of Iskandar, a man named Sínsár Chand⁵⁵⁷ seized the reins of authority in Hindústán, and in a short time became master of the whole country, which had fallen into a state of anarchy. He had seen with his own eyes the destruction of Fúr; so, through fear, he every year sent the tribute before it was demanded to Gudarz, who at that time was reigning in Írán. His reign lasted seventy years. A man named Júnah then obtained the throne by force.

Rebellion of Júnah.—Some state that Júnah was son of a daughter of Fúr. After he ascended the throne, he performed many good deeds, and exhibited many excellent qualities. He endeavoured to promote the prosperity of the kingdom, and established many towns and villages on the banks of the Ganges and Jumna. He also made great efforts to administer justice. He was contemporary with Ardashír Bábagán. One year Ardashír marched against India, and reached as far as the neighbourhood of Sirhind. Júnah was very much alarmed, and hastened to do homage to him. He presented pearls and gold and jewels and elephants as tribute, and so induced Ardashír to return. Júnah then went back to Kanauj, and lived there for some time in tranquillity. After a reign of ninety years, he died, leaving two sons, the elder of whom, Kalyán Chand, succeeded him.

Reign of Kalyán Chand.—Kalyán was a violent and tyrannical ruler, who for trifling faults put his people to death, and upon mere suspicion seized the wealth and property of innocent men. He also exacted contributions from the raiyats by force. So the people emigrated to other parts, and Hindústán became desolate. Kanauj, the capital, was reduced to such a state of wretchedness that only the Rájá and a few inhabitants were left. The splendour of his Court had departed, and the realm of Hindústán was full of misery. The Ráís on all sides grew strong in power and high in dignity, so that it is necessary to write something about them. But as it is not necessary to record all the matters relating to the Ráís of Hind and Kanauj, I will write about the affairs of Ráí Bikramájít, who reigned in the kingdom of Málwá.

History of Bikramájít the Just, King of Málwá.—Bikramájít belonged to the tribe of Powár. His excellent character is apparent in the many stories and tales about him that are current among the Hindús. In his youth he put on the garments of a religious mendicant, and wandered over many countries in the society of devotees, submitting to their discipline. When he reached his fiftieth year, under the guidance of heaven, he placed himself at the head of his army. It was ordained by the Almighty that he should attain a high position, and should rescue God's servants from the violence and oppression of the tyrannical Ráís. Day by day his power and prosperity increased, so that in a short time all the territory of Málwá and Nahrwála came into his possession. He spread the shadow of his justice and equity and kindness over the inhabitants of every city, so that violence was repressed, and protection secured. The Hindús believe that he had a fore-knowledge of what would happen to men, and that whatever he foretold came to pass without lack or fail. Whatever of good or evil, of benefit or injury, occurred in his dominions during the night, all, without the least exception, became known to him in the morning as clear as the light. Notwithstanding his royal station, he associated with his people in the most brotherly way. In his dwelling he had only earthenware vessels and ordinary mats. The city of Ujjain was built in his reign. He also founded the fort of Dhar, and chose it as his place of abode. The temple of Mahá-kál at Ujjain was built by him, and he made fixed endowments for the bráhmans and jogís whom he appointed to live in that temple, and perform the worship. He passed much of his time in the worship of the creation and in the worship of the Creator (parastish-i khalk wa parastish-i khálik). The faith of the people in him is unbounded, and they tell most wonderful and miraculous stories about him. An era of years and months dating from his death is used in documents, and at the time when I write this, in the year one thousand and fifteen of the Hijra, one thousand six hundred and sixty-three years of this era have elapsed. Rájá Bikramájít was a cotemporary of Ardashír, or, according to others, of Sháhpúr. Towards the end of his reign, a zamíndár of the Dakhin named Sálibáhan rose in rebellion against him, and a battle was fought between them on the banks of the Nerbadda. Sálibáhan was victorious, and Bikramájít was killed. There are many statements as to the length of the reign of Bikramájít; but as none of them are acceptable to reason, nothing is here said about it. For a long time after the death of Bikramájít, the country of Málwá was in a wretched state, and had no just and liberal ruler. At length a Rájá named Bhoj seized the reins of government.

Reign of Rájá Bhoj.—This Rájá also belonged to the tribe of Powár. In justice and liberality he vied with Bikramájít. He did not do as people usually do at night, but wandered about the city, looking into the circumstances of the poor and needy. His constant anxiety was to better the condition of men. The cities of Ghargún (Gágrún?) and Bíjagar and the town of Hindiya were built in his reign. He was very fond of gathering women together. Twice every year he held a great festival, to which musicians and singers resorted in flocks from all parts of Hindústán. For forty days the amusements were kept up, and nothing went on but dancing, singing, music, and story-telling. In those days, all classes received food and wine and betel from the Court, and at the time of departure each person received a robe and ten miskáls of gold. He died after a reign of fifty years. In those days, a ruler named Bás Deo sat upon the throne of Kanauj. He recovered the countries of of Bihár and Bengal, which had been lost to the Ráís of Kanauj, and he was a monarch of great power and dignity. In his reign, Bahrám Gúr disguised himself in the dress of a merchant, and went to Kanauj for the purpose of ascertaining the truth about the kingdom of Hindústán, and inquiring into the manners and customs of the Hindús. It is said that in those days a fierce and terrible elephant frequented the neighbourhood of Kanauj, and not a day passed without his trampling to death some of the wayfarers who were going to or coming away from that city. Bás Deo made repeated attempts to destroy him, but had returned unsuccessful. It so happened that on the very day on which Bahrám reached Kanauj, that elephant approached the outskirts of the city, and made a terrible trumpeting and bellowing. The Rájá ordered the gates of the city to be shut, but Bahrám went out of the city alone, attacked the animal, and despatched him with one wooden arrow (chobah tir). All the people of the city, small and great, who had gone out to see the sport, fell at the feet of Bahrám, and their shouts and acclamations reached the skies. When Bás Deo heard of this, he sent for him to his presence. On Bahrám's approaching the Rájá, one of the attendants of the Court, who had in a previous year conveyed the tribute to Bahrám's country, recognized him, and informed the Rájá. Thereupon the Rájá descended from his throne, and paid homage to Bahrám. Afterwards he gave him his daughter in marriage, and sent him back with all honour. As long as he lived, he every year sent him rare and choice presents. He died after reigning seventy years. The fort and city of Kálpí were among the works of his reign. He left thirty-two sons, and for ten years after his death there was a continual struggle and war among the brothers for the throne. At length Rám Deo, the commander-in-chief of Bás Deo, with the aid of other leaders of the army, took possession of the throne, and became a powerful monarch.

Reign of Rám Deo Ráhtor.—Rám Deo belonged to the tribe of Ráhtor. He was a man of much courage, determination and vigour. By degrees he put down the rebellious chiefs who had shown signs of disaffection, and made himself quite secure against domestic revolts. Then he equipped an army, and marched against Márwár, which he wrested from the possession of the tribe of Kachhwáha, and established his own tribe, the Ráhtors, in their place. From that day to this they have held the country. He removed the tribe of Kachhwáhas, and settled them in the vicinity of the fort of Rohtás. He took in marriage the daughter of a chief of that tribe. Afterwards he marched against Lakhnautí, and having taken possession of it, he gave it to his nephew, and carried off enormous spoil. At the end of three years, he returned to Kanauj, and remained there two years. Then he led an army against Málwá. Having made the country amenable to his revenue officers, he founded many towns and villages. He repaired the fort of Narwar, and placed a Ráhtor in it as commandant. Then he demanded of the Ráí of Bíjánagar his daughter in marriage. Sheo Ráí, who then held in his hands the reins of authority over the Dakhin, was alarmed at Rám Deo's power, and sent him his daughter, with a handsome dowry. Rám Deo stayed for two years in Gondwára, and killed many of the powerful zamíndárs. He then returned to Kanauj, and dwelt there seven years in happiness. After that, he marched into the Siwálik hills, and made all the zamíndárs tributary. The Rájá of Kamáún, who was the most important person in those mountains, and whose ancestors had ruled the country for nearly two thousand years, came out against Rám Deo, and gave him battle. The conflict raged from morning till night, and there was dreadful slaughter on both sides; but victory at length inclined to Rám Deo, and the Rájá of Kamáún, leaving his equipage and elephants, took refuge in the mountains. Rám Deo took his daughter and tribute, and having confirmed the country to the Rájá, he next turned his attention to the country of Nagarkot. He ravaged all that country, and pursued his course until he came to a place called Sankot⁵⁶¹ Pindí. There he stopped, and went no further, in consequence of the sanctity of a temple of Durgá, near Nagarkot. He sent a messenger to summon the Rájá of that place; but the Rájá refused to come to him. Some Bráhmans then came to Rám Deo, and gave assurances to him, that if he would go and visit the temple, the Rájá would wait upon him. So the two Rájás saw each other. Rám Deo gave much gold to the attendants of the temple, and having asked the hand of the Rájá's daughter for his son, he went on towards the fort of Jammú. The Rájá of Jammú, confident in the valour of his army, the strength of his fortress, the difficulty of access, the density of the jungle, and the abundance of his supplies, refused to surrender, and came forth to battle. But he was unable to stand against Rám Deo, and his army fled. Rám Deo sent a force in pursuit, while he himself invested the fortress, which he shortly took. He made many prisoners, and obtained much spoil. Afterwards the Rájá of Jammú came humbly to wait upon him. He demanded a daughter of the Rájá for another son of his, and then departed. From the river Behut, which descends from Kash-mír, that land of Paradise, into the Panjáb, he proceeded to Bengal and the shores of the sea, which is far distant from the Siwálik hills, as much perhaps as five months' march. Nearly five hundred ráís and rájás who dwelt in the hills were reduced, and compelled to pay tribute. With gold and jewels, and stores and elephants, he returned to Kanauj, his capital; there he took his seat upon his throne, and held a great festival. Then he assembled his soldiers, and made them an increase of twenty (per cent.). Having rewarded his brave men, he distributed a third part of his booty among the people. After this, he stayed at home in ease and happiness, and never travelled abroad, until, like other mortal men, he died, after a reign of fifty-four years. The Hindús are agreed that they never had a greater king than Rám Deo. He was the cotemporary of Fíroz Sháh Sámání, son of Kai-Kubád, to whom he every year sent tribute, and never failed to show his obedience.

Reign of Partáb Chand Sansodiyah.⁵⁶² —After the death of Rám Deo, quarrels arose among his sons, and war and bloodshed followed. Many calamities fell upon the State of Kanauj, and the enormous treasures of Rám Deo were squandered. One of Rám Deo's generals, named Partáb Chand, took advantage of the brothers' quarrels, and assembling a numerous army, and marching to Kanauj, he easily took possession of the throne. His first act was to remove all the sons of Rám Deo who were the heirs to the throne, and he left no trace of any one of them. He then repressed all the zamíndárs, who in various parts had cast off authority and gathered strength. Having brought them into due subordination, he became a powerful King. He was successful in many of his enterprises; so he became puffed up with a sense of his own greatness, and withheld the tribute due to the Kings of Írán. When a person came from Naushírwán to demand it, he sent him back empty-handed. Nau-shírwán then sent the army of Írán, and overran the country of Multán and the Panjáb. Partáb Chand was in dismay, and repenting of his conduct, he begged forgiveness, and sent much gold and jewels to obtain a cessation from the ravaging and plundering. So long as he lived, he ever afterwards sent the tribute yearly. After his death, the Ráís of various parts became powerful, and seized upon much territory, so that little was left to his children. They were consequently called Ránás, because in Hindí a Rájá of small territory and inferior power is called Ráná.⁵⁶³ The descendants of Partáb Chand continue to wield authority at the time of my writing this book; but the mountain land of Komalmír and the neighbouring country is all that they hold. Chítor, Mandisor, and many other of their possessions have been conquered by the descendants of Amír Tímúr.

Reign of Ánand Deo Rájpút.—Ánand Deo was of the Bais tribe. After the death of Rájá Partáb Chand, he revolted in the country of Málwá, and his power increased from day to day, until he became possessed of all the countries of Málwá, Nahrwála, Mahrát (Mahratta country), and the territory of the Dakhin and Birár. He built the forts of Rámgar and Mahúr. The fort of Mándú also dates from his time. His cotemporary was Khusrú Parwíz. He reigned sixteen years, and then died. In the same year a Hindú, by name Mál Deo, rose in rebellion in the Doáb, and collecting a large army he wrested Dehlí from the hands of the sons of Partáb Chand. After the capture of Dehlí he led his army against Kanauj, which also he acquired. They say that under him Kanauj attained a high degree of prosperity, so that the shops of the betel-sellers increased from one to thirty thousand, and there were sixty thousand houses of singers and musicians. From these instances some idea may be formed of the rest. Mál Deo died after a reign of forty-two years. He had no sons, and in every part of the country the Ráís assumed independence, so that until the rise of the great and glorious Muhammadan power, there was no great paramount Rájá sitting on the throne of Hindústán. When Sultán Mahmúd of Ghazní made his holy war against Hindústán, there was a Rájá ruling at Kanauj who was called Kúr; the Rájá at Mírat was Dharm Datt; at Mahában was Kul Chand; at Láhore was Jaipál, son of Hatpál; at Kálinjar was Bijí Ráo; and so in each of the countries of Málwá, Ajmír, Gujarát, and Gwálior, there was a different ruler. Of these I shall take no notice, but shall proceed to describe the rise and progress of the Muhammadan Empire, and the exploits of its Sultáns.

Rise of Islám in Hindústán.—The first leader of Islám who placed his foot upon the territory of Hindústán, and waged the holy war with the people of that country, was Muhallab, son of Safra. In the year twenty-eight of the Hijra, 'Abdu-lla, son of 'Ámar, governor of Basra, marched against Persia on behalf of the Khalífa 'Usmán, as the people of that country had cast off their allegiance after the death of the Khalífa 'Umar. He led his army thither, and returned victorious to Basra. In the year thirty the Khalífa 'Usmán removed Walíd 'Akaba from the government of Kúfa, in consequence of his habit of drinking, and appointed Sa'id, son of 'Ás, to succeed him, In the same year, Sa'íd went towards Tabaristán. The Khalífas Hasan and Husain also took part in that invasion, and under their auspicious influence, the country of Júrján, of which Astarábád is the capital, was conquered. As the price of peace, the men of Júrján, two hundred thousand in number, accepted the faith of Islám, and thus made their home flourish.

In the year 31 the Khalífa 'Usmán commanded 'Abdu-lla bin 'Ámar to make the conquest of Khurásán; so he marched against that country by way of Kirmán, with a large army. His advanced force was under the command of Haníf bin Kais. He afterwards subdued Sístán, Khután and Naishápúr. The marzbán of Tús joined him, and then Sarakhs, Hirát, Bádghís, Ghor, Ghurjistán, Marv, Tálikán and Balkh came under Muhammadan sway. After 'Abdu-lla had in a short time achieved all these conquests, he appointed Kais bin Háshim to Khurásán; Haníf bin Kais to Marv, Tálikán and Naishápúr; and Khálid bin 'Abdu-lla to Hirát, Ghor and Ghur-jistán. Having left these governors, he himself returned to the holy places at Mecca.

In the year 32 'Abdu-r Rahmán bin Rabí'a, under the command of 'Usmán, had gone out to war against Balkh; but he and many of his men were slain. Such of them as escaped the sword fled into Júrján and Jílán. In the same year Kárún, one of the amírs of 'Ajam,—when he found that 'Abdu-lla 'Ámar had gone to visit the holy places, and that Khurásán was left without any Persian Musul-máns,—collected forty thousand men from Tabbas, Hirát, Bádghís, Khután, Ghor and other places, and then rose in rebellion. 'Abdu-lla 'Ázim, who was with Haníf at Naishápúr, with forty thousand men, put down his rebellion, and for that service received the government of Khurásán.

In the year 44 Mu'áwiya, son of Abú Sufiyán, appointed Ziyád bin Ummaiya governor of Basra, Khurásán and Sístán. In the same year Abdu-r Rahmán bin Samar, under the permission of Ziyád, effected the conquest of Kábul, and reduced the inhabitants to obedience. About that time Muhallab bin Abú Safra, one of the great 'Arab amírs, came from Marv to Kábul and Zábul. He then proceeded to Hindústán, to wage holy war against the infidels. He made ten or twelve thousand boys and girls prisoners. At that time many of the people of Hind, by the will of God, became Muslims.

In the year 53 a disease⁵⁶⁵ made its appearance in the fingers of Ziyád bin Ummaiya, and he died. Mu'áwiya then appointed his son 'Abdu-lla to be governor of Kúfa. After a while, he marched towards Máwaráu-n Nahr; and after capturing several cities, he returned, and received the government of Basra. He sent before him Islám bin Zirá'at al Gilání to take charge of Khurásán.

In the year 59^565a Mu'áwiya appointed Sa'd bin 'Usmán 'Affán to the government of Khurásán. In the year 62 Yazíd bín Mu'áwiya appointed Salam bin Ziyád to the government of Khu-rásán and Sístán. Among the men whom Yazíd sent with Salam was Muhallab, son of Abú Safra. He appointed Salam, son of his younger brother Yazíd bin Ziyád, to the government of Sístán. When he heard that the King (pádsháh) of Kábul had broken out in rebellion, and had imprisoned 'Abdu-lla bin Ziyád, the 'Arab governor (hákim), he immediately collected an army, and marched against the people of Kábul. After a severe fight, he was defeated with heavy loss. When intelligence of this reached Salam Ziyád, he sent to Kábul Talha bin 'Abdu-lla bin Haníf Khuzáí, who is well known by the title of “Talha of the Talhas,” with the object of buying back Abú 'Ubaidah for five hundred thousand dirams. After that, Salam gave the government of Sístán to Talha. He then sent the armies of Ghor and Bádghís against Kábul, and compelled the people of that place to become obedient. Then he appointed to the government of Kábul Khálid bin 'Abdu-lla, who, according to some, was of the lineage of Khálid Walíd; but according to others, he was of the stock of Abú Jahl. When Khálid bin 'Abdu-lla was dismissed from the government of Kábul, he, through fear of the governor of Majad, thought his journey to 'Irák-'ajami would be difficult and dangerous. So, with his wives and children, and with a party of 'Arabs, he, under the guidance of some of the chief men of Kábul, proceeded to the Sulaimán mountains, which lie between Multán and Pesháwar, and there took up his abode. He gave his daughter in marriage to an Afghán of repute, who had become a convert to the Muhammadan faith. That woman bore sons, from whom sprang two individuals, who obtained high renown. One was Lodí, the other Súr. The Afghán tribes of Lodí and Súr spring from this source. In the book, Matla'u-l Anwár, written by a trustworthy author, which I saw at Burhánpúr, in Khándes, it is affirmed that the Afgháns are (descended from) nobles of Pharaoh. For when the Prophet Moses prevailed over the reprobate Pharaoh, many of his chiefs were repentant, and were converted to the religion of Moses. Some of the chiefs who were devoted to Pharaoh and his god, in the grossness of their ignorance, rejected Islám; and having left their native land, emigrated to India, and settled in the Sulaimán mountains. There their tribes grew numerous, and received the name of Afgháns. When Abraha went up to attack the Ka'bah, many infidels from far and wide accompained him. Among them were the Afgháns, who joined him for a certain time. When they arrived at Mecca, they met their punishment, and went to destruction. The Musulmán Afgháns engaged in agriculture, and in other occupations, for obtaining a livelihood. They became rich in horses, cattle and sheep, and they formed connexions and kept up communications with those Muhammadans who had followed Muhammad Kásim through Sind to Multán, and there dwelt.

In the year 143, when their descendants had greatly increased, they descended from the mountains, and took possession of certain places in Hindústán, such as Karmáj, Pesháwar, and Shanúrán. The Rájá of Láhore, who was related to the Rájá of Ajmír, resolved upon preventing their inroads, so he sent against them one of his nobles, in command of a thousand horse. The Afgháns advanced to meet him, and slew many of the Hindús. After this the Rájá of Láhore sent his nephew with two thousand horse and five thousand foot, well fitted out, against the encroaching Afgháns. On this occasion the people of Khilj and Ghor, and the men of Kábul, who were now adorned with the glory of Islám, considered it their duty to assist their countrymen, so they sent four thousand men to support them. When they joined, the flag of resistance was unfurled. In the course of five months seventy battles were fought with the infidels, and in many of the fights the confederates were victorious. But when winter brought up its forces, the infidels were unable to endure, and were reduced to great misery, so they abandoned the contest, and returned to their homes. When the winter was over, the nephew of the Rájá of Láhore returned to the attack with a fresh army. On this occasion, also, the men of Kábul and of Khilj brought up their reinforcements. The armies met between Karmáj and Pesháwar. Sometimes the infidels gave battle, and drove the Musulmáns to the hills; sometimes the Musulmáns took the offensive, and repulsed the infidels at the point of the sword. When the rainy season came on, the infidels were anxious about the rising of the waters of the Indus, so, without knowing whether they were victorious or defeated, they retired to their homes. The men of Kábul and Khilj also went home; and whenever they were questioned about the Musulmáns of the Kohistán (the mountains), and how matters stood there, they said, “Don't call it Kohistán, but Afghánistán; for there is nothing there but Afgháns and disturbances.” Thus it is clear that for this reason the people of the country call their home in their own language Afghánistán, and themselves Afgháns. The people of India call them Patán; but the reason for this is not known. But it occurs to me, that when, under the rule of Muhammadan sovereigns, Musulmáns first came to the city of Patná, and dwelt there, the people of India (for that reason) called them Patáns—but God knows!

When the peace between the Rájá of Láhore and the infidel Gakkhars ended in war, the Gakkhars formed an alliance with their neighbours the Afgháns. The Rájá of Láhore made peace; and, to put an end to contention, he ceded to them some districts of the Lamghánát, and associated with them the tribe of Khilj, which, in the infancy of the Afgháns, had settled in that desert (sahrá). The conditions were, that they were to guard the frontier, and prevent the armies of Islám from entering into Hindústán. The Afgháns erected a fort in the Kohistán (mountains) of Pesháwar, which they called Khaibar; and they took possession of the country of Roh. During the ascendancy of the Sámánians, these (Afgháns and Gakkhars) prevented them from doing any injury to the territories of Láhore. This is why it was that the incursions of the Sámánians from first to last were made by way of Sind and Bhátiya. Roh is the name of a particular mountain, which extends in length from Swád and Bajaur to the town of Siwí, belonging to Bhakar. In breadth it stretches from Hasan Abdál to Kábul. Kandahár is situated in this territory.

When the throne of Ghazní came to Alptigín, his general Subuk-tigín made several attacks upon Lamghán and Multán, and carried off many prisoners. Unable to endure these attacks, the Afgháns applied in their extremity to Jaipál, the Rájá of Láhore, and complained of Subuktigín's inroads. Jaipál was aware that the army of Hindústán could not continuously occupy those parts, in consequence of the extreme cold; so he consulted with the Rájá of Bhátiya, and by his advice he called to his presence Shaikh Hamíd, a man of great consideration among the Afgháns, and raised him to the dignity of amír. Shaikh Hamíd in this way obtained possession of the territory of Lamghán and Multán, and carried on the government on his own behalf. Thus, at that date the Afgháns obtained an amír of their own, and became people of importance. When Alptigín was dead, and Subuktigín had succeeded him, Shaikh Hamíd thought it advisable to avoid war; so he sent to Subuktigín a message, saying: “You and I are both Musulmáns, and so there is a bond of union between us. It will be a gracious and proper course, if you will consider my people as your own, and give instructions to your victorious forces, that when they attack the country of Hindústán, they shall do no harm to us, your well-wishers.” Subuktigín, through the exigencies of the time, agreed to their proposal. After the death of Jaipál, Subuktigín, dealing in a friendly spirit with Shaikh Hamíd, conferred on him the ikta' of Multán. Sultán Mahmúd's course of action was different from his father's. He subdued the Afghán tribes, put their leaders to death, and reduced the people to a state of obedience and service.

NOTE F.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES OF WORKS OF THE
PERIOD.⁵⁷⁰

I.
TÁRÍKHU-L JANNÁBI;
AKHBÁRU-D DAWAL.

THE first work, of which the correct name is supposed to be Bahru-z Zakhkhár, “the swelling sea,” comprises a general history from the beginning of the world to A.H. 997 (A.D. 1589). D'Herbelot quotes the author of the Kashfu-l Zanún as saying that this history is called by some 'Ilmu-z Zakhkhár, “superabundant knowledge,” and that it is the most copious history which the Muhammadans have. Hájí Khalfa says it has no known title, but that the author of Akhbáru-d Dawal mentions it under the name of Bahr, and that some learned men call it, 'Ailemu-z Zákhir fí ahwálu-l-awáil wau-l-awákhir, “an overflowing well in the transactions of ancients and moderns.”

It gives an account of the creation of the world, the Prophets, Syrians, Sabians, Jews, Christians, the four ancient Persian dynasties, the Kings of the Greeks, of the Israelites, Sultáns of Egypt, the Arab tribes, Muhammad, the first four Khalífs, and those of the Ummayide and 'Abbáside dynasties, the Mamlúks who ruled over Syria, the several dynasties of the Saffárians, Sámánians, Ghorians, Ghaznivides, Dílamites or Buwaihides, Saljúkians, Khwárazm-sháhís, Changíz Khán, Tímúr, and their descendants, the Ottoman Emperors, and others.

The work was originally written in Arabic, and translated by the author into Turkish, and abridged by him also in that language. Hence some confusion has arisen in describing it, and a second source of error arises from there being another author of this name, who wrote a history of Tímúr.

It is divided into 82 sections, each containing a different dynasty; and, although Hájí Khalfa notices that several dynasties are omitted which are mentioned in the Jahán-árá, yet he states that he knew no work equally copious as a compendium. He therefore abstracted the greater part into his own historical work, entitled Fazlaka, but increased the number of the different dynasties to 150. He states also that the Akhbáru-d Dawal wa ásáru-l-awwal, “the annals of dynasties and the monuments of ancient things,” in 380 folios, written A.H. 1008, by Ahmad bin Yúsuf bin Ahmad, is an abridgment of Jannábí's history, to which the epitomator adds a little of his own, omitting at the same time many dynasties given by Jannábí.

D'Herbelot varies in giving the name of this author. Under the article “Gianabi,” he gives it as, Abou Mohammed Mosthafa ben Seid bin Saiyd Hassan al Hosseini, and under “Tarikh al Gianabi,” he calls him, al Gianabi ben Seid Hassan al Roumi. Uri gives his full name as, Abu Muhammed Mustafá ben al-Said al-Hasan ben al-Said Senan ben al-Said Ahmed al-Hosaini al-Hashemi al-Carshi. He died A.H. 999 (A.D. 1591).

I know of no Manuscript of this work in India, but there was a copy in Sir Gore Ouseley's collection. The name of Bahru-l Zakhkhár is familiar, as being the title of a ponderous work devoted to the lives of Muhammadan Saints. It is also the name of the first volume of a modern compilation, called Majm'au-l Mulúk.

The Arabic history exists at Oxford and St. Petersburg, and the Turkish is in the Royal Library of Vienna. The Bodleian has two copies, both in two volumes; one copy is in folio, comprising 553 leaves, but there are only 76 sections included in it; another is in 4 to comprising 880 leaves.⁵⁷¹

II.
TÁRÍKH-I HÁJÍ MUHAMMAD KANDAHÁRÍ.

THIS work is very frequently quoted by Firishta, both in the General History, as well as in the Histories of Bengál, Sind, and Gujarát, and throughout a period extending from Mahmúd of Ghazní to the accession of Akbar. It is, therefore, evidently a General History. The work is also quoted by Ghulám Basít, but probably at second hand.

In the Sahíhu-l Akhbár, Sarúp Chand quotes as one of the authorities to which he is indebted, Táríkh-i Sadr-i Jahán by Hájí Muhammad Kandahárí, in which he has confounded two names together, and rendered himself open to the suspicion of quoting works which he never saw,—a practice by no means uncommon with our modern historiographers.

I cannot learn that there is any copy of this work extant.

(See Briggs's Firishta, vol. i. pp. 52, 408, vol. iv. pp. 48, 345, 401.)

III.
FUTÚHU-S SALÁTÍN.

THE “Victories of the Sultáns” would seem, if we may judge by the title, to be a General History. It is quoted in the preface of the Tabakát-i Akbarí as one of the authorities on which that history is founded.

Firishta, under the reign of Ghiyásu-d dín Tughlik, quotes this anecdote from it.

“As the King was near the hills of Tirhút, the Rájá appeared in arms, but was pursued into the woods. Finding his army could not penetrate them, the King alighted from his horse, called for a hatchet, and cut down one of the trees with his own hand. The troops, on seeing this, applied themselves to work with such spirit, that the forest seemed to vanish before them. They arrived at length at the fort, surrounded by seven ditches full of water, and defended by a high wall. The King invested the place, filled up the ditches, and destroyed the wall in three weeks. The Rájá and his family were taken, and great booty was obtained, and the government of Tirhút was conferred upon Ahmad Khán.”

Briggs observes in a note, “I understand this is a compilation of little authority, and may be ranked with the Jámi'u-l Hikáyát, or other collections of historical romances.”

IV.
TÁRÍKH-I HÁKIMÁN-I HIND.

A HISTORY of India; comprising an Introduction, twelve Sections and Supplement.

Introduction.—The sovereigns of India, from Shem, the son of Noah, to Ánand Deo.

1st Sect.—The Sultáns of Láhore, from Násiru-d dín Subuktigín, to Khusrú, son of Khusrú Sháh.

2nd Sect.—Kings of Dehlí, from Mu'izzu-d dín Muhammad Sám to Akbar.

3rd Sect.—Kings of the Dakhin in six Chapters, treating of the Kings of Kulbarga, Bíjápúr, Ahmadnagar, Telingána, Birár and Bidar.

4th Sect.—Princes of Gujarát.
5th Sect.—Princes of Málwá.
6th Sect.—Princes of Burhánpúr.
7th Sect.—Kings of Bengal.
8th Sect.—Kings of Sind and Tatta.
9th Sect.—Princes of Multán.
10th Sect.—Kings of Kashmír.
11th Sect.—Rulers of Malabár.
12th Sect.—The holy men of Hindústán.
Supplement.—A description of Hindústán.

Author unknown; the work follows the same order, and so would appear to be an abridgment of Firishta.⁵⁷³

V.
TÁR KH-I HAIDAR RÁZ.

THIS is a very good general history of the world, which was begun in 1611 A.D., and took the compiler twenty years to complete. The author was a native of Eastern Persia, and a contemporary of Firishta. He avows that he is a mere copyist, even of the words of his authorities, and states that the chief source of his History of Hindústán is the Táríkh-i Alfí, from which he has extracted no less than sixty thousand lines. Wilken, who makes great use of this author in his notes to his translation of the History of the Ghaznivide Emperors, says that the first volume alone of this work, which is in the Royal Library of Berlin, comprises no less than 737 leaves, and even this is not perfect. I have never heard of the work in India, but it is quoted under the name of Táríkh-i Mirzá Haidar, by Nizámu-d dín Ahmad Bakhshi,⁵⁷⁴ as one of the chief sources of his information.^574a

END OF VOL. VI.

[The title of the work is not given. But it is evidently a distinct work, and not a portion of the same author's History. The note, suprà, page 181, is therefore not quite accurate.]

↩

Referring to the men of eminent sanctity and learning who immediately succeeded the Prophet.

↩

[The Táríkh-i Fíroz Sháhí, of Shams-i Siráj 'Afíf, suprà, Vol. III. p. 269.]

↩

There is a play on the Persian word Saif in this line. The verse may be also translated: “Saif has passed away from my society, and my heart is therefore severed in twain.” The term “orphan,” as applied to a pearl, signifies a very large and handsome one.

↩

The monarch alluded to is the Emperor Núru-d dín Jahángír, son of the Emperor Akbar.

↩

[This is the work of Sir H. M. Elliot. The translations of the Institutes, suprà p. 284, were made independently of those here given.]

↩

Bird's History of Gujarát, p. 407.

↩

Gladwin's Áín-i Akbarí, vol. i. pp. 288, 309.

↩

See the enactment at length in Erskine's Memoirs of Bábar, pp. 355-7. These perpetual repetitions of the same edicts show either the very weak authority of the original promulgators, or the vain-glory of their descendants, in assuming to themselves credit to which they were not entitled.

↩

Gladwin's Áín-i Akbarí, vol. i. p. 233.

↩

Suprà, pp. 291, 354.

↩

Capt. Hawkins's narrative in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. i. p. 208.

↩

Journey of R. Steel and J. Crowther, ib. p. 521.

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Collection, vol. ix. p. 264.

↩

Price's Memoirs, p. 90.

↩

See Extract from the Táríkh-i Badáúní, sup. Vol. V.

↩

Capt. Walter Peyton, in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. ii. p. 530.

↩

Gladwin's Áín-i Akbarí, vol. i. p. 297.

↩

The Rev. E. Terry, in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. ii. p. 1470.

↩

Ibid. p. 1475.

↩

Narrative of William Hawkins, in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. i. p. 230.

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Col. of Voyages and Travels, vol. ix. p. 320.

↩

Observations of William Finch, Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. i. p. 230.

↩

Nicholas Whittington, in Kerr's Collection, vol. ix. p. 131.

↩

Journey from Ajmír to Ispahan, in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. i. p. 520.

↩

Davy and White, Institutes of Tímúr, p. 373.

↩

Miratu-l 'Álam.

↩

Price's Memoirs, p. 34. As Daulat Khán died in the seventh year of Jahángír's reign, this enormous property of a deceased Musulmán must have fallen into the son's instead of the father's treasury. See Kewal Rám's Tazkiratu-l Umará (MS. fol. 85 v.).

↩

Bird's History of Gujarát, p. 403, and Gladwin's Áín-i Akbarí, vol. i. p. 302.

↩

Price's Memoirs, p. 136.

↩

Narrative by William Hawkins in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. i. p. 220.

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. ix. p. 283.

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Collection, vol. ix. p. 346.

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Collection, vol. ix. p. 414.

↩

Elphinstone's History of India, vol. ii. p. 323.

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Collection, vol. ix. p. 255.

Ibid. p. 327.

Ibid. p. 329.

Ibid. p. 341.

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Voyages, vol. ix. p. 361.

↩

Briggs's Cities of Gujarashtra, p. 63.

↩

Elphinstone's History of India, vol. ii. p. 326.

↩

Gladwin, p. 101.

↩

[See Jahángír's additional statement, suprà, p. 341.]

↩

Catrou's History of the Mogul Dynasty, p. 138.

↩

Sir T. Roe's Travels.

↩

Gladwin's Reign of Jahangir, p. 52.

↩

Elphinstone's History of India, vol. ii. p. 325.

↩

Catrou's History of the Mogul Dynasty, p. 139.

↩

Gladwin's Reign of Jahangir, p. 81.

↩

Narrative by W. Hawkins, in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. i.

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Coll. of Voyages and Travels, vol. ix. p. 290.

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Collection, vol. ix. p. 307; see also p. 321.

↩

Catrou's History of the Mogul Dynasty, p. 146.

↩

Ibid. p. 153.

↩

Dow's History of Hindostan, vol. iii. p. 108.

↩

Muhammad Hádí, Continuation of Memoirs, Julús 22nd.

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. ix. p. 321.

↩

Catrou's History of the Mogul Dynasty, p. 158.

↩

Price's Memoirs, p. 122.

↩

Bird's History of Gujerat, pp. 391, 394.

↩

Kerr's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. ix. pp. 317, 325.

↩

Ibid. p. 335.

↩

Milman, vol. ii. p. 377.

↩

Noble's Orientalist, p. 175.

↩

Price's Memoirs, p. 34.

↩

Ibid. p. 37.

↩

See Extracts from Memoirs of the eleventh year of the reign [Suprà, p. 346.]

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. ix. p. 275.

↩

Mill's History of British India, vol. ii. p. 359.

↩

Narrative by William Hawkins, in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. i. p. 220.

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. ix. p. 278.

↩

Modern Universal History, vol. v. p. 399.

↩

Narrative by W. Hawkins, in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. i. p. 220.

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. ix. p. 281.

↩

Price's Memoirs of Jahangueir, p. 40.

↩

Gladwin's Reign of Jahangir, p. 70.

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Collection, vol. ix. p. 261.

↩

Price's Memoirs of Jahangueir, p. 119.

↩

Catrou's History of the Mogul Dynasty, p. 140.

↩

Gladwin's Reign of Jahangir, p. 79.

↩

Narrative by W. Hawkins, in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. ix. p. 307.

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. ix. p. 307.

↩

Gladwin's History of Jahangir, p. 9. [Suprà, p. 300.]

↩

Dow's History of Hindostan, vol. iii. pp. 110-12.

↩

Price's Memoirs of Jahangueir, p. 128.

↩

Authentic Memoirs, twelfth year of the reign.

↩

Gladwin's History of Jahangir, p. 29.

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. ix. p. 320.

↩

Authentic Memoirs, second year of the reign. [Suprà, p. 314.]

↩

Price's Memoirs of Jahangueir, p. 134.

↩

Gladwin's Reign of Jahangir, p. ix. See also Kámgár Khán's Ma-ásir-i Jahángírí (MS. fol. 21r.).

↩

The Rev. E. Terry, in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. ii. p. 1476.

↩

Price's Memoirs, p. 131.

↩

Elphinstone's History of India, vol. ii. p. 325.

↩

Bird's History of Gujerat, p. 394.

↩

Narrative by William Hawkins, in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. i. p. 230.

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. ix. p. 321.

↩

Ibid. vol. ix. p. 338.

↩

Gladwin's Reign of Jahangir, p. 79. [Suprà, p. 396.]

↩

Elphinstone's History of India, vol. ii. p. 339. See also Dow's History of Hin-dostan , vol. iii. p. 89.

↩

Davy and White's Institutes of Timour, p. 371.

↩

Gladwin translates this differently: “By as many days as he should be years old, commencing with his birth-day.” The literal meaning will bear this construction; but it seems an improbable one. [The literal meaning certainly favours Gladwin's rendering. See suprà, p. 286.]

↩

Catrou's History of the Mogul Dynasty, p. 138.

↩

Dow's History of Hindostan, vol. iii. p. 6.

↩

Kerr's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. ix. p. 333.

↩

Dow's History of Hindostan, vol. iii. p. 8.

↩

Gladwin's Áín-i Akbarí, vol. i. pp. 221-225.

↩

Sir T. Roe, in Kerr's Coll. of Voyages and Travels, vol. ix. p. 267.

↩

Ibid, vol. ix. p. 359.

↩

William Finch's Travels, 1611, in Kerr's Voyages, vol. viii. p. 291.

↩

Id est supervacua artis imitatio.—Quintilian, ii. 20. Where he instances a man who stuck vetches on a needle, and was rewarded by Alexander with a bushel of them —“præmium illo opere dignissimum.”

↩

Bibliothèque de M. le Baron Silvestre de Sacy, tom. iii. p. 290.

↩

By the Jám is meant the chief Zamíndár of Súrath in Gujarát; and by Bhárá, the Zamíndár of Kach.

↩

The local traditions and poems universally call Jagat Sing the son of Bású, and to him they ascribe the defeat of the Muhammadan armies.

↩

There are two Ta'lúkas of Mau, upper and lower, bálá and zérí, in the pargana of Núrpúr, to the S.W. of that town, and not far from Pathánkot. In the first are still to be seen the remains of the palace of the Rájás of Núrpúr.

↩

The copies read Isrál, but inquiries in the neighbourhood satisfy me there was no such place, and that we should read Tárágarh. Local tradition represents that Tárágarh held out for twelve years, when the siege was raised; the royal army having surrounded it long enough to eat the fruit of the trees they had planted there.

↩

Suprà, p. 210.

↩

This name is written with as the modern Kandahar is written, but Gandhárí got her name from the old Gandhára on the Indus.

↩

A town on the banks of the Krishna, near the fort of Pandu-garh, twenty miles north of Sattara.—Briggs.

↩

Kushún, as used in Persian, is, as Firishta says, a word of Hindú origin, being an abbreviation of the Sanskrit Akshauhiní. The copies vary as to the numbers. The published text has been followed here; but it is not quite accurate, as, according to Sanskrit authorities, the akshauhiní consisted of 21,870 elephants, 21,870 chariots, 65,610 horse, and 109,350 foot, making a grand total of 218,700. As Briggs observes, these numbers are quite incredible. He proposes to reduce them by “the sacred and mystical figure” 9, which divides them without a fraction. But the reason for this process seems insufficient, and his method of applying it is unintelligible.

↩

Or, as called above, “Yúyúcha.”

↩

The language of the text is much more explicit.

↩

The word used is “Adam,” but it seems to be used here both for Adam and mankind in general.

↩

Genesis x. 22.

↩

Broach, Kambay, and—?

↩

The original words are, “zamíndárán-i jazáír-i dúr dast misl rájá-i Tilang,” etc. Briggs's translation is: “The islands of Acheen and Malacca and Pegu.” Malacca is clearly an error for Tilang; but some warrant may be found for “the islands of Acheen” in the words, “jazáír-i dúr,” which mean literally “distant islands”; but the following words, “such as Tilang, Pegu, and Malabar,” show that the word jazáír is not used literally.

↩

Grandfather of Rustam.

↩

Briggs's translation calls him “Munere Ray.”

↩

Zál and Dastán are names of the same person, the father of Rustam.

↩

Zál and Dastán are names of the same person, the father of Rustam.

↩

“Buzurg,” simply, “great,”—and hence “ancestors” or “great men.” The subsequent use of guzashtagán “the departed,” makes clear what was meant.

↩

Bahráích or Bahroj (Broach)?

↩

See suprà, Vol. II. p. 159.

↩

The lithograph is defective here.

↩

This is clear enough in the lithograph, but Briggs's translation has “Boolbas,” and a MS. “Malnás.”

↩

Porus.

↩

Chandragupta?

↩

The lithograph has “Hankot,” but the translation has “Sankot,” with which the MS. agrees.

↩

The Ránás of Údípúr are of the Sansodiya or Sasodiya tribe.

↩

Firishta is here inaccurate, for the Ráná of Údípúr was and is considered of the very highest dignity.

↩

tá'aún, a plague or pestilence.

↩

The lithograph erroneously gives the date as “50.”

↩

[These are works which Sir H. M. Elliot had never met with, but about which he has drawn information from other sources.]

↩

Compare Uri, Bibl. Bodl. Codd. MSS. Or., pp. 150, 170, 173, Nicoll and Pusey, ib. pp. 590, 595; Fræhn, Indications Bibliograph., No. 221; Kœhler, Eichh. Repert., vol. iv. p. 274; Gesch. des Osman. Reiches, vol. iv. p. 235; Hájí Khalfa, Lex. Bibl. et Enc., vol. ii. p. 124; Gesch. d. Gold. Horde, p. xxviii; Wien. Jahrb., no. lxix. pp. 11, 13; Fundg. d. Or., vol. iv. p. 329, vol. vi. p. 370; Fleischer's Cat., no. 80; Cat. As. Soc. Beng., p. 7; Mod. Univ. Hist., vol. i. p. 120, vol. ix. p. 320; Gemäldesaal, Pref., p. xi.

↩

Mackenzie Collection, vol. ii. p. 126.

↩

This cannot be the same work, for Nizám Ahmad's work does not come down later than 1592.

↩

Journ. As. 1851, p. 147; Jahrbücher, no. 73, p. 25; Frœhn, no. 218; Goldene Horde, p. xxiv.↩

History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 6

EXTRACTS.

First.

Commentary.

Second.

Commentary.

Third.

Commentary.

Fourth.

Commentary.

Fifth.

Commentary.

Sixth.

Commentary.

Seventh.

Commentary.

Eighth.

Commentary.

Ninth.

Commentary.

Tenth.

Commentary.

Eleventh.

Commentary.

Twelfth.

Commentary.

CONTENTS.

Second Conquest.

Third Conquest.

Fourth Conquest.

Fifth Conquest.

Sixth Conquest.

TRANSLATION.

END OF VOL. VI.

Other volumes of this work