History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 6

In the early days of Zí-l ka'da, Bahádur sent out of the fortress sixty-four elephants, along with his mother and son, to the Emperor, and begged forgiveness of his offences. The Emperor replied, that if he desired pardon, he must come out at once to make submission, and trust to the Emperor's mercy. ^{* *} On the 16th Zí-l hijja a sortie was made, in which many of the garrison lost their lives in a desperate struggle. When they were driven back, a little hill called Koriya fell into the hands of the besiegers. This eminence is so close to the fortress as to have command over it. The besiegers then saw that by occupying this commanding position, and by getting possession of another which was strongly fortified, they might overawe the garrison. The former masters of the place had seen the importance of this position, and had scarped the rock so that no one could climb up. ^{* * *} After hard fighting, this position was carried. ^{* * *}

On the 21st Safar news arrived of the capture of Ahmadnagar on the 18th. The fortress had long been defended by Chánd Báí, the sister of Nizámu-l Mulk, and when formerly besieged, dissensions among the Imperial amírs averted its capture. Prince Dániyál, assisted by some of the great amírs, had now taken it by assault. The siege had now been carried on for nearly six months, and a constant fire had been kept up without effect. Khán-knánán thought that mining must be resorted to, and the other amírs coinciding with him, a mine was formed. It was charged with 180 mans of gunpowder, and was exploded on the 20th Shahryúr, in the 45th year of the reign. A bastion was blown up with seventy or eighty gaz of the wall. Khán-khánán, Rájá Jagannáth, and the other amírs, exerted themselves to incite their troops, and gave orders that the troops were to rush in and finish the work directly after the explosion. This order was duly executed; and a force under Yúsuf Khán scaled the wall, by means of a mound,¹⁴⁵ in another place. The assailants pressed on, and after a severe fight, in which 1000 of the besiegers fell, the fortress was captured. The grandson of Nizámu-l Mulk was taken prisoner, and carried to the Emperor. ^{* *}

A few days after, Bahádur sent Sádát Khán and Shaikh Pír Muhammad Husain, two of his chief men, to the Emperor, with ten elephants and an entreaty for forgiveness. Two days afterwards Shaikh Pír Muhammad was sent back into the fortress, and Sádát Khan was kept as the guest of Shaikh Faríd. The escort which had come out with him was ordered to return with Pír Muhammad; but the men, about a hundred in number, declared that they would not return into the fortress and become prisoners (asír) in Ásír. Permission to remain was given to those who could give some bail that they would not run away, otherwise they were to be put in confinement. In the end some found the required bail, and some went back into the fortress.

Among the causes which brought about the surrender of the fortress was the impurity of the atmosphere, which engendered two diseases.^145a One was paralysis of the lower extremities, from the waist downwards, which deprived the sufferer of the powers of motion; the other was weakness of sight. These maladies greatly distressed and discouraged the men of the garrison, so that men of all ranks and degrees were of one mind and voice in urging Bahádur to capitulate. At their instance he wrote to the Emperor offering to surrender. The siege thus ended.

When Bahádur came out,¹⁴⁶ the Emperor held a grand darbár, at which all the great men were present, and Bahádur was amazed at the splendour and state. Mukarrib Khán, and several other of Bahádur's nobles, were sent into the fortress, in advance of Shaikh Abú-l Fazl, to inform the garrison of the surrender, and to require the giving up of the keys. When they approached, Mukarrib Khán's father mounted the top of the fort, and reviled him for having thrown his master into bonds and surrendered the fort. Unable to endure his abuse, the son stabbed himself two or three times in the abdomen, and a few days afterwards he died. On the 17th Safar the royal forces were admitted, and the keys were given up. ^{* * *} Khán-khánán, who had come from Ahmadnagar, went into the fortress and placed the royal seal on the treasure and warlike stores, which were then placed in charge of responsible officers. Just at this time Mirzá Jání Beg of Tatta died.

On the 8th Sha'bán the Emperor bestowed great honours on Shaikh Abú-l Fazl, including a banner and kettle-drums; and a hundred amírs were placed under his orders to assist in the subjugation of the Dakhin. Khán-khánán was sent to Ahmadnagar, and the general conquest of the Dahhin was committed to him. The Emperor went in and inspected the fortress. All the treasures and effects of Bahádur Khán, which had been collected by his ancestors during two hundred years, were brought out, and the wives and women of Bahádur, two hundred in number, were presented. The Emperor stayed in the place three days, and then proceeded to Burhánpúr. ^{* *}

On the 28th Shawwál all the country of the Dakhin, Birár, Khándesh, Málwa, and Gujarát were placed under the rule of Prince Dániyál.]

[BUT for the great name of the writer, this little work would scarcely deserve notice. It consists of a series of letters written to the Emperor by Shaikh Faizí, while he was absent on his embassy to the Dakhin, in the thirty-sixth year of the reign (see Vol. V. pp. 460, 467). The letters are of a gossiping familiar character, and are embellished with plenty of verses; but they contain nothing of importance, and throw little light upon the political relations of the time.

All these letters were translated for Sir H. M. Elliot by Lieut. Prichard, and it is to be regretted that they were not more worthy of the labour bestowed upon them.

Faizí cannot be considered an historian, so a memoir of his life would be out of place in this work. A full and satisfactory one will be found in Blochmann's Áín-i Akbarí, vol. i. p. 490.]

EXTRACT.

After travelling a long distance, and accomplishing many stages, I arrived on the 20th of the month of December (Púr), at a place fifty kos from Burhánpúr, and the next day pitched my camp and arranged my tent in a manner befitting a servant of the Court. The tent was so arranged as to have two chambers; in the second or innermost of which, the royal throne was placed, with the gold-embroidered cushion on it: over which the canopy of velvet, worked with gold, was erected. The royal sword and the dresses of honour were placed on the throne, as well as Your Majesty's letter, whilst men were standing around with folded hands. The horses also, that were to be given away, were standing in their proper place. Rájá 'Alí Khán, accompanied by his followers, and the vakíl and magistrate of the Dakhin, approached with that respect and reverence that betokened their obedience and good-will to Your Majesty. They dismounted some distance from the tent, and were admitted into the outer chamber. They approached respectfully, and were permitted to proceed onwards. When they entered the second chamber, and saw the royal throne at some distance from them, they saluted it, and advanced with bare feet. When they arrived at a certain distance, they were directed to stand and make three salutations, which they did most respectfully, and continued standing in the place. I then took the royal letter in both hands, and calling him a little nearer, said, “His Majesty, the vicegerent of God, has sent your highness two royal orders, with the greatest condescension and kindness,—this is one.” On this, he took the letter and put it on his head respectfully, and saluted it three times. I then said, “His Majesty has bestowed on your highness a dress of honour.” Upon this he bowed, kissed it, and bowed again. In the same way he did homage for the sword, and bowed every time Your Majesty's name was mentioned. He then observed, “I have for years wished to be seated in your presence,” and, at the same time, he appeared anxious to do so. Whereupon I requested him to be seated, and he respectfully sat down in your humble servant's presence. When a fitting opportunity offered itself, I addressed him warily, and said I could show him how he might promote his interest; but the chief part of my discourse consisted of praises and eulogiums of Your Majesty. He replied that he was a devoted servant of Your Majesty, and considered himself highly favoured that he had seen Your Majesty's good-will and favour. I replied, “His Majesty's kindness towards you is great, he looks upon you as a most intimate friend, and reckons you among his confidential servants; the greatest proof of which is, that he has sent a man of rank to you.” At this he bowed several times, and seemed pleased. During this time I twice made signs that I wished the audience to close; but he said, “I am not yet satisfied with my interview, and wish to sit here till the evening.” He sat there for four or five gharis (an hour and a half). At last the betel-leaf and scents were brought. I asked him to give them to me with his own hands. I gave him several pieces of betel with my own hands, at which he bowed several times. I then said, “Let us repeat the prayer for the eternal life and prosperity of His Majesty,” which he did most respectfully, and the audience was broken up. He then went and stood respectfully in his place at the edge of the carpet opposite the throne. The royal horses were there. He kissed the reins, placed them on his shoulder, and saluted them. He then took his departure. My attendant counted and found that he made altogether twenty-five salams. He was exceedingly happy and contented. When he first came in he said, “If you command me, I am ready to make 1000 salams in honour of His Majesty. I am ready to sacrifice my life for him.” I observed, “Such conduct befits friendship and feelings such as yours, but His Majesty's orders forbid such adoration; and whenever the courtiers perform such adoration out of their feelings of devotion, His Majesty forbids them, for such acts of worship are for God alone.”

[THIS work is also called Hálát-i Asad Beg. It is an interesting personal memoir of the author during the latter years of Akbar's reign, containing accounts of some of the political transactions of that period, especially of the murder of Abú-l Fazl.

A Persian note at the end of Sir H. M. Elliot's MS. gives the following account of the author:—

“Asad Beg of Kazwín, the author of this work, was well known and noted for his kindness, magnanimity, benevolence, and great experience in business. When he first came to India, he spent a period of seventeen years in the service of Shaikh Abú-l Fazl, son of Shaikh Mubárak. After the death of Shaikh Abú-l Fazl, he was appointed an officer at the Court of His Majesty the Emperor Akbar, and obtained such distinguished employments and offices that he gained wealth and honour. In a short time the life and times of Akbar came to an end, and the reign of His Majesty Jahángír commenced. Although at first he was not admitted at Court, yet he continued a constant and good servant of the State. Towards the close of the reign of Jahángír he was honoured with the title of Peshrau Khán. He died at the commencement of the reign of His Majesty Sháh Jahán in the year 1041.”

The whole of this work was translated for Sir H. M. Elliot by Mr. B. W. Chapman, of the Bengal Civil Service. Several Extracts have been taken from it, and the following is a general summary of its contents:—

The first Extract gives the author's account of the death of Abú-l Fazl. Very much against his will and earnest entreaties, Asad was left behind by Abú-l Fazl at Sironj. Four days afterwards he heard of the murder of the Shaikh, and then he proceeded to fortify himself in Sironj. Soon he received a peremptory order to repair to Court. On reaching Kálábágh, he came up with Abú-l Fazl's heavy baggage, which had been left behind, and had been entrenched by the officers in charge. On reaching the scene of the disaster, he recovered a valuable casket of jewels, which a servant had preserved by hiding in the jungle. The baggage was worth four or five lacs of rupees, and he conveyed it safely to Ágra.

On his arrival at Court, he found that Akbar was greatly incensed at him for supposed negligence in protecting his master, Abú-l Fazl, and he heard, with great dismay, the Emperor's command to “bring Asad into the bath-room, that I may cut him in pieces with my own hand.” Upon ascertaining the facts, the Emperor was appeased, and conversed freely with him. Asad then received a dress of honour, and was soon afterwards made captain of the Emperor's body-guard. He got also “an estate from the lapsed lands of the criminal Sháh 'Alí Khán,” from which he realized in the first year 17,000, the second 20,000, and the third 23,000 rupees.

Shortly afterwards he was sent as a commissioner of inquiry to the camp of the Ráy-ráyán, in consequence of Abú-l Fazl's murderer, Nar Singh, having broken out of a fort in which he was besieged and made his escape. Upon reaching the camp, the officers endeavoured to secure Asad's favour by offering presents, amounting to 18,000 rupees, which he refused to take. The Ráy-ráyán showed him great attention, and Asad came to a decision which hushed matters up, and was satisfactory to all concerned. He says he received a horse and some garments as a parting gift from the Ráy-ráyán, but refused an elephant. On his return to Court, he presented his report, which the Emperor approved, to the great joy of the inculpated officers and their friends. “This,” he says, “was my first employment, and I brought it thus happily to a conclusion, so that no one got either disgrace or honour; but I obtained great praise and a handsome gratuity. ^{* * *} I immediately returned to the confidential service of the Emperor, in whose favour I rose from day to day, till at last I was appointed treasurer of the offerings, a very agreeable office.”

He had held this office only a few months when the Emperor sent him on a mission to the Dakhin. Akbar, in 1009 H., had sent Mír Jamálu-d dín Husain to Bíjápúr, to arrange a marriage between his son, Prince Dániyál, and a daughter of the King of Bíjápúr. Asad was now commissioned to bring back the Mír with the promised bride. This must have been in or just before the year 1013, for the marriage took place in that year. His instructions will be found among the Extracts. He received 20,000 rupees towards his expenses. On reaching Birár he was entertained by Prince Dániyál, and received from him and his nobles “nearly 100,000 rupees, fifty horses, and ten camels.” On entering the Bíjápúr territories he was entertained by Mír Jamálu-d dín and by 'Ádil Khán's daughter.

Soon afterwards he reached Bíjápúr, and had his interview with the King, who, as he tells us, spoke Maráthí, “for although he understood Persian well, he could not speak it fluently.” Akbar had directed Asad to stay only one day at Bíjápúr. This greatly annoyed the King, who was also vexed that he had not received a direct cession of a town called Gwálior. He offered Asad 200,000 pagodas to alter his plan, and although Asad on this, as on other occasions, records his superiority to a bribe, he is evidently astonished at his own moderation. “I did not,” says he, “touch a coin of the 200,000 pagodas, a sum equal to 600,000 rupees.” Mír Jamál blamed him for being so scrupulous, and Asad then found out why the Mír was so reluctant to leave the Dakhin:—“he got every year three to four hundred thousand pagodas from Bíjápúr and Golconda.”

The question of presents to the Emperor came on between the King and Asad, and gave rise to a great deal of haggling. The King asked what the Emperor had the greatest taste for, and was answered, “rare jewels and choice elephants.” An elephant and some jewels were at length presented, and Asad prepared to leave. He was offered for himself 100,000 lárís, equal to 35,000 rupees, an elephant, horses, etc., but refused to receive them. Asad wore a badge as a disciple of Akbar's “Divine religion.” The King took this to examine it, and, professing himself a disciple, declared he would keep it, and Asad got it back with much trouble on a promise of obtaining one specially for the King. When he left, the King sent 9000 pagodas as a present after him. A short Extract descriptive of Bíjápúr has been taken from this part of the work.

The Princess and Mír Jamálu-d dín accompanied him on his return; but on reaching the boundary river (Bhíma?), the troops and the Princess made some demur to proceeding further. In the night a great storm of wind arose, which blew down the tents. The Bíjápúr escort dispersed and the Princess ran away; but in the morning she and her guardian were brought back “in great shame” by Mír Jamálu-d dín. It seems evident that the Princess and her friends were averse to the match which had been arranged for her. After her return Asad continued his journey, and conducted the Princess to Ahmadnagar. He was favourably received by Prince Dániyál, who presented him with robes of honour and arms. The Prince also directed that 10,000 rupees should be given to him, but he got “only 2000 muzaffarís.” He left Mír Jamálu-d dín with the Prince, and proceeded towards Ágra. He had with him the elephant which the King of Bíjápúr had sent to the Emperor. This animal had been accustomed to drink two mans of wine daily, and Asad, being unable to procure wine on his journey, was obliged to supply the animal's wants from some “chests of costly Portugal wine,” which he had bought at Bíjápúr as a present to the Emperor.

On arriving at Court, he was very graciously received. He records how, in a fit of rage, Akbar, on the night of his arrival, ordered a wretched servant to be thrown over the battlements, and that he dismissed his chamberlain in disgrace. Asad was appointed to the vacant office, the duties of which were to introduce persons to an audience of the Emperor. This office he held for a year. He was also raised to the command of 250, and he obtained a further allowance of 17,000 rupees out of the estates of Sháh 'Alí Khán. He was satisfied with his fortune, and exclaims, “What times those were, and what a blessing rested upon them!” Two Extracts have been taken from this part of the work: one giving an account of the savage execution of the servant, and the other relating to Asad's introduction of tobacco, which it appears was till then unknown at the Emperor's Court.

Asad was next appointed envoy to the four provinces of the Dakhin, with the objects stated in the Extract which follows. He was promised promotion to the rank of 1000 on his return, but this he never got. He proceeded on his mission, and, on reaching the Chandá pass, had some fighting with the men of “Rájá Bhoj,” who demanded the usual tolls, but Asad made his way through by night. On reaching Ujjain, he heard of the death of the Emperor. Continuing his journey, he reached Burhánpúr, and there and elsewhere he records the debauchery and gambling which were prevalent among the nobles, and into which he entered with evident zest. Soon after Jahángír's accession he was recalled, and on his return he found the new monarch angry and very ill-disposed towards him. He was at once dismissed with the words, “I will not keep him,—let him go where he likes.” His account of the death of Akbar and the accession of Jahángír will be found among the Extracts.

Sir H. M. Elliot's MS. is a 32mo. of 292 pages, thirteen lines to the page.]

This least of the servants of Allah, Asad, son of Muhammad Murád, has written the following: When the auspicious life of the most learned Nawáb, Shaikh Abú-l Fazl, son of Shaikh Mubárak, came to a close, and that most excellent of the men of genius of his age and most rare one of his time was killed at Saráí Barár,¹⁵⁵ a dependency of Sironj, at prayer time on Friday, the 7th of Rabí'u-l awwal, in the year 1010, and when the news of that dire calamity and dreadful event reached that shadow of God, the Emperor Akbar, he was extremely grieved, disconsolate, distressed, and full of lamentation. That day and night he neither shaved, as usual, nor took opium, but spent his time in weeping and lamenting. It was then that the love of that Emperor of the world shone forth; for in the midst of his distressing grief and uneasiness, he thought of the author of these lines, and said to those around him, “What has become of Asad?” They, not knowing what had happened to this broken-winged one, could not answer. Just then Mirzá Ja'far Ásaf Khán came in, and could not refrain from weeping, on seeing his sovereign in the depths of grief and sorrow. His lord asked him what news he had of Asad? whether he was with Abú-l Fazl, or not? That noble chief, drying his tears, replied with courtesy, “Asad Beg was with him as far as Sironj, but the deceased Shaikh appointed him to govern the conquered provinces in Málwa, leaving with him the troops he had brought from the Dakhin, while he himself, taking those which Gopál Dás Nakta had enlisted in Málwa, set off for the Court. Asad was most unwilling to obey, and being much distressed, he begged permission to escort him to Gwálior; but the Shaikh would not consent, and left him with his veterans at Sironj. It is pretty certain that Asad was not with him in the fight.” The Emperor immediately ordered Ásaf Khán instantly to write a farmán with his own hand to Asad, ordering him to leave all the followers of the deceased Shaikh with Gopál Dás at Sironj, and to come with his own people to Court as soon as possible. Ásaf Khán sat down, and did as his lord directed, then sealing it with his seal, delivered it to Miyán Gadá, with orders to send it by one of his own brothers to Asad at Sironj, and bring him away with his attendants.

It was decreed by the will of Providence, that the most learned should travel thus, and his fortune was perfidious; therefore it was that, following the advice of Gopál Dás Nakta, he went unattended and unguarded to the place of his death, as I will now explain: When that most learned one reached the city of Sironj, the wretched villain Gopál Dás had been for a long time ruler of those parts, and had raised about 300 irregular cavalry, most of them low Rájpúts, who did not receive more than twenty rupees a month. Meanwhile that learned one, and we also, had heard in the Dakhin the account of Rájá Nar¹⁵⁶ Singh Deo's depredations, and never a day passed but despatches on this subject reached us from Abú-l Khán and the rest of our faithful friends. Still, Fate so ordered it, that that learned one never paid the least heed to them. When we reached Sironj, Gopál Dás persuaded him that the troops which he had brought with him from the Dakhin were many of them sick and fatigued from the speed of their march, and that it would be well to provide for them there, leaving them with Asad Beg to fight against Indrajít Bundela, and taking with him as his guard the fresh troops which he had raised.

The ill-fated learned one agreed to this unwise proposition, and throwing away his life, preferred those fresh troops, who had never faced a single enemy, to his own victorious soldiers, tried in a thousand fights. In fact, many of these men did not even arrive in time to be of any use. He had taken Gadáí Khán the Afghán and his son with him, but left their troops with me; had he but had a hundred of them with him, that disastrous accident had never occurred. True, Gadáí Khán was a tried courageous man, but he fought alone; he fell, charging the enemy; his son escaped with a wound. Another Afghán, Jalál Khán by name, charged and fell; and two others, Salím Khán and Sher Khán, were taken prisoners, and put to death for refusing to betray the most learned. Mansúr Chábuk too, one of the Nawáb Khán-khánán's servants, who had resigned his former office and come to Sironj, under pretence of turning fákír, and had been employed in the kitchen, charged and fell; he was of the Turkomán race. Mirzá Muhammad Khán Beg was also among the slain, as well as Jabbár Khássa-khail, an Abyssinian, who was with them. When the Nawáb was pierced and fell, he slew the Rájpút who had wounded him, and rushed upon the enemy. He had still life in him when Nar Singh came up with the main body. He first trod Jabbár under foot, and then cut off the head of the great 'Allámí. Excepting those I have mentioned, all, whether veterans or raw troops, escaped. Had they set off, as Mirzá Muhsin, son-in-law of Fazl Khán of Badakhshán, advised, when he told them that robbers were lying in wait, they would have arrived safely; but as Fate had decreed, so it occurred; there was no help for it. The day when the deceased 'Allámí gave me a dress of honour and a horse at Sironj, and dismissed me in the presence of Gopal Dás, Mahdí 'Alí the Kashmírian, and all the attendants, with tearful eyes, I entreated to be allowed to escort him as far as Gwálior with the troops that he had left with me; but he would by no means consent, for the hour of that great man had arrived, and it was decreed that he should go. When he mounted to start, I too mounted, in order to follow him; but he peremptorily forbade me to do so, or even to come out of my house, and dismissed me from that place. ^{* *}

When 'Allámí arrived at Saráí Barár and dismounted from his horse, a religious beggar came to him, and told him all particulars about Nar Singh Bundela, how he intended to attack him the next day on his march; but he only dismissed him with a present of money, such as he used to give to others of his class. That night he passed in careless security. On Friday morning he rose, and, performing his ablutions, clothed himself in the white garments usually worn on Friday, and in the gold-embroidered robes of victory. He then courteously dismissed all who had attended him from the neighbouring provinces on the part of the jágírdárs and receivers of revenue, such as the servants of Mirzá Rustam, who had a jágír in the neighbourhood, and had sent forty or fifty horsemen, and Shaikh Mustafá, governor of Kálábágh, who had a guard with him, and several other persons of that sort, amounting in all to about 200 horsemen, who would have been of great service had he retained them. But it is in vain to lament. When Fate droops its wing from heaven, the most able men become deaf and dumb.

As the sun rose, that rising sun set off with Ya'kúb Khán, with whom he was at that time very familiar. The attendants hearing the drum beat for marching, prepared to follow. The private tent of Abú-l Fazl was yet standing, when the troops of the Bundela appeared from behind the Saráí with a shout, and fell upon the camp. All the attendants who were ready, mounted and escaped along the road, while Mirzá Muhsin of Badakh-shán, who was in the act of mounting, got on his horse and advanced towards the robbers to reconnoitre. When he had gone a little way, he came upon Nar Singh's main body. After carefully surveying these forces from an eminence, he, like a courageous man, cut his way through them all, horse and foot, and reached 'Allámí. As soon as he came up with the escort, he saw at a glance that they were all quite off their guard, marching in disorder, careless, and without their arms. Going forward, he reported what he had seen of the robbers. As soon as the Shaikh heard it, he halted, and asked him what was to be done. He advised him to proceed rapidly. The Shaikh said, “You mean we are to fly?” He answered, “It is not flying; only let us go on thus,” and, striking his spurs into his horse, he set forward at a rapid pace, saying, “Let us proceed in this way; as I am going, so do you go, as far as Gwálior.”

While 'Allámí was halting thus long, a troop of the robbers caught the elephant which bore the standard and drum, and fell upon the escort; so the fighting commenced. The Shaikh turned back, and had just reached the drum and ensign, which was at the distance of a bow-shot, when the noise of Nar Singh's army, which consisted of about 500 horsemen clad in mail, was heard. Gadáí Khán the Afghán, with several other armed horsemen who were on in front, charged, and seizing the bridle of the Shaikh's horse, exclaimed, “What have you to do here? Do you begone! This is our business.” With these words that brave soldier attacked the enemy, with his son and others before mentioned, and fell. At that moment one of the strangers in the company said, “The robbers are armed, and your attendants are not; we had better escape to the skirts of the hills; perhaps we may save our lives.” So he took the bridle of the Shaikh's horse and turned about. Just then the robbers made an onslaught, spearing every man within reach. A Rájpút came up and struck the Shaikh with a spear in the back, so that it came out through his breast. There was a small stream in the place, and the Shaikh tried to leap his horse over it, but he fell in the attempt. Jabbár Khássa-khail, who was close behind, slew that Rájpút, and then dismounting, drew the Shaikh from under his horse and carried him a little off the road; but as the wound was mortal, the Shaikh fell.

Just then Nar Singh coming up with the rest of the Rájpúts, Jabbár concealed himself behind a tree. But the horses of the Shaikh attracted the attention of Nar Singh, and he halted. The driver of the Shaikh's female elephant was with him, and pointed out his wounded lord. As soon as Nar Singh saw him, he dismounted, and taking his head upon his knees, began to wipe his mouth with his own garment. Jabbár, observing from behind the tree that Nar Singh was in a compassionate mood, came forward and saluted him. Nar Singh asked who he was. Just then the Shaikh unclosed his eyes. Nar Singh, sitting as he was, saluted him, and telling his attendants to bring the farmáns, said to the Shaikh with blandishment, “The all-conquering lord has sent for you courteously.” The Shaikh looked bitterly at him. Nar Singh swore that he would carry him in safety to him. The Shaikh began to abuse him angrily. Nar Singh's attendants then told him he would not be able to convey him away, for the wound was mortal; upon hearing which, Jabbár drew his sword, and, slaying several Rájpúts, had nearly reached Nar Singh, when they killed and trampled him under foot. Nar Singh then rose from the Shaikh's head, and his attendants despatched him, and, cutting off the head of that great one, started off, meddling with no one else, but even releasing those whom they had taken prisoners.

After two or three months, news came from the army which had been sent under Ráy-ráyán to chastise Nar Singh. A number of the most distinguished officers had accompanied him, and Zíáu-l Mulk Kásí was second in command. All at once despatches came from them to this effect: “We had completely routed Nar Singh, and driven him into the walled fort of Íraj, with a body of 400 Rájpúts; we had invested the fort and made our approaches, and it seemed inevitable that he must fall into our hands the next day. The fort is situated on the banks of a broad deep river, the other three sides being exposed to the land. The general, Ráy-ráyán, undertook himself to guard the river bank, placing the other officers on the three remaining sides. At midnight, when sleep was heavy upon all, the Rájpúts got out. Cutting through the wall on the river-side, they led their horses down the glacis, and mounting upon the river bank, crossed over at a place where there was some kind of a ford, passing through the Ráy-ráyán's elephant stable, and by the time your slaves and the other chiefs had discovered what had happened, he had advanced far on his way. By this stratagem he has escaped.”

When the despatches had been read, the Emperor, who thirsted for the blood of that wretch, fell into the greatest conceivable passion, and turning to Shaikh Faríd, said he must go and investigate by whose fault this had happened; for the Ráy-ráyán reports that Nar Singh escaped through the lines of the Rájá of Gwálior, and the Rájá, in his turn, writes that he passed through the camp of the general, while the second in command declares that treachery has been at work, as he was completely entrapped. In short, each lays the blame on the other. The Shaikh represented that Shaikh Abú-l Khair, 'Allámí's brother, was very clever in investigations. As soon as he heard that name, His Majesty exclaimed, “I have it: send for Asad.” It chanced that I was on guard that night, and sitting in the guard-room with Áká Mullá.

About eight o'clock messengers arrived with orders for me to come immediately to the fort. As soon as I was announced, His Majesty called for me. I made my obeisance, and seeing marks of anger and rage in the royal countenance, I feared he was about to put me to death. When His Majesty and the courtiers saw my alarm, they smiled, and throwing me the despatches, bade me read them. I first perused that of the Ráy-ráyán, and was proceeding with the rest, when he asked me whether I had understood the contents. I replied that I had partly done so. He said, “Now this has happened, do you go to the camp and inquire whose fault it is, and investigate the whole affair, for I am very much annoyed at this accident, and therefore have determined to send you.” I made my obeisance, and replied that I would use my utmost endeavours to fail in nothing. ^{* * *}

As soon as the Rájá and all the officers were assembled, I produced a sheet made of pieces of cloth sown together, upon which was drawn a plan of the fort of Íraj, with the river on one side, and the gates and towers on the other three. The encampment of each chief was marked thereon, with the number of his forces. I then called Zíáu-l Mulk, and made him write the name of each chief in the place which his forces had occupied, and made them all attach their seals to it. I also marked the place where Nar Singh had made his exit, and the spot at which he passed the river. When the chiefs had all affixed their seals to this sheet, I asked them whether they had thus represented it. After we had eaten betel and received perfumes, I took leave of all. The son of Muhammad Khán Tátár, a near connexion and relative of mine, was appointed to escort me with 1000 horse to Gwálior. ^{* * *} I went myself with Musáhib to the Court, and reported myself to Rám Dás, who conducted me to the foremost railing, where I made my obeisance. His Majesty called me with the greatest impatience; and after presenting a gold mohur and nine rupees, I prostrated myself. His Majesty immediately said, “Whose fault was it?” I bowed, and replied that I would relate all particulars; but he again insisted that I should tell him what fault I thought there had been. Seeing his impatience, I replied, “I cannot say that any one has erred intentionally. There has only been great neglect, and all are alike guilty; that is my humble opinion.” Shaikh Faríd said, “Neglect is also a fault.” I answered, “That is a fault which is committed intentionally, and that is carelessness which happens without any ill intention.” I was going to say more to the Shaikh, when His Majesty rose, and said, “Asad is right.” From the way he spoke, it was evident that he was very much pleased, and I saw that my words had been agreeable to him. ^{* *}

When the Emperor was at Burhánpúr, he had sent Saiyid Mír Jamálu-d dín Husain Inju on a mission to 'Ádil Khán Sawáí, in order to form an alliance with him; for since that Prince had professed himself a follower of the Emperor, it was thought right to exalt him to the highest rank, by uniting his daughter in marriage with the high and fortunate Prince Dániyál. The Saiyid had gone about that business long before, and made such unnecessary delay, that the Emperor was displeased with him. Just at the time I am speaking of, a joint report from the Khán-i khánán and the Saiyid reached the Emperor, written in such an improper spirit, to make excuses for further delay, that His Majesty became exceedingly angry, and exclaimed, “He has seduced that noble too from his allegiance. By God's will, I will send some one to bring him back with dishonour.” He then cast a glance along the ranks of his servants, and when the lightning eyes of that shadow of God fell upon me, the least of his slaves, he called me, and, caring as he did for the least, said to his great officers, “I will send Asad to bring him back without giving him time to eat or drink.” Then turning to me, he said, “I have appointed you to the Dakhin, on a service that will secure you abundant wealth.”

^{* * *} In a few days I had made all ready, and the royal farmáns were all prepared. A very gracious farmán was written with all possible courtesy to 'Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr. Its contents were as follows: “We find by the despatches of the Saiyid that you desire the town of Gwálior.¹⁶³ Very good. If you are really anxious about the matter, open your mind to the faithful servant Asad, and we will issue orders according to your wish, and bestow it upon you for ever, so that you may appoint your own governor there.” To Mír Jamálu-d dín I bore orders to this effect: “If thou dost not return to Court with Asad, thou shalt see what will happen to thee and to thy children.”

Description of Bíjápúr.

That palace, which they called Hajjah, was so arranged, that each house in it had a double court. Where there are two courts, they call it in those parts Hajjah. All round the gate of my residence were lofty buildings with houses and porticos; the situation was very healthy and airy. It lies in an open space in the city. Its northern portico is to the east of a bázár of great extent, as much as thirty yards wide and about two kos long. Before each shop was a beautiful green tree, and the whole bázár was extremely clean and pure. It was filled with rare goods, such as are not seen or heard of in any other town. There were shops of cloth-sellers, jewellers, armourers, vintners, bakers, fishmongers, and cooks. To give some idea of the whole bázár, I will describe a small section in detail.

In the jewellers' shops were jewels of all sorts, wrought into a variety of articles, such as daggers, knives, mirrors, necklaces, and also into the form of birds, such as parrots, doves and peacocks, etc., all studded with valuable jewels, and arranged upon shelves, rising one above the other. By the side of this shop will be a baker's, with rare viands, placed in the same manner, upon tiers of shelves. Further on a linendraper's, with all kinds of cloths, shelved in like manner. Then a clothier's. Then a spirit-merchant's, with various sorts of china vessels, valuable crystal bottles, and costly cups, filled with choice and rare essences, arrayed on shelves, while in front of the shop were jars of double-distilled spirits. Beside that shop will be a fruiterer's, filled with all kinds of fruit and sweetmeats, such as pistachio-nuts, and relishes, and sugar-candy, and almonds.

On another side may be a wine-merchant's shop, and an establishment of singers and dancers, beautiful women adorned with various kinds of jewels, and fair-faced choristers, all ready to perform whatever may be desired of them. In short, the whole bázár was filled with wine and beauty, dancers, perfumes, jewels of all sorts, palaces, and viands. In one street were a thousand bands of people drinking, and dancers, lovers, and pleasure-seekers assembled; none quarrelled or disputed with another, and this state of things was perpetual. Perhaps no place in the wide world could present a more wonderful spectacle to the eye of the traveller.

Akbar orders a servant to be thrown off a tower.

At that time the Emperor used to retire for a long interval, after evening prayers, during which time the servants and courtiers used to disperse, assembling again when they expected His Majesty to re-appear. That evening he happened to come out sooner than usual, to hear the news from the Dakhin, and at first found none of the servants in the palace. When he came near the throne and couch, he saw a luckless lamplighter, coiled up like a snake, in a careless death-like sleep, close to the royal couch. Enraged at the sight, he ordered him to be thrown from the tower, and he was dashed into a thousand pieces. In the midst of his anger, the unhappy Khwája Amíru-d dín, whose watch it was, came in sight. Akbar addressed him with harshness and anger, and after abusing and disgracing him, turned him out of the tower, and ordered him instantly to start off and join the Prince's camp. He severely reprehended Daulat Khán, who was also on guard at the time, and disgraced and dishonoured him. Even Rám Dás had a share in that misfortune, but he was not so severely punished. The Emperor then sat down on the royal couch, and in great fear I approached and saluted him.

As soon as his eyes fell upon me, he bestowed upon me the office which Khwája Amíru-d dín had held for some years, and in which he had enjoyed great respect and honour, and at the same time said to Rám Dás, “I have bestowed the office of that wretch on Asad: we shall see how he conducts himself. Bring him now to do homage.”

Introduction of Tobacco.

In Bíjápúr I had found some tobacco. Never having seen the like in India, I brought some with me, and prepared a handsome pipe of jewel work. The stem, the finest to be procured at Achin, was three cubits in length, beautifully dried and coloured, both ends being adorned with jewels and enamel. I happened to come across a very handsome mouthpiece of Yaman cornelian, oval-shaped, which I set to the stem; the whole was very handsome. There was also a golden burner for lighting it, as a proper accompaniment. 'Ádil Khán had given me a betel bag, of very superior workmanship; this I filled with fine tobacco, such, that if one leaf be lit, the whole will continue burning. I arranged all elegantly on a silver tray. I had a silver tube made to keep the stem in, and that too was covered with purple velvet.

His Majesty was enjoying himself, after receiving my presents, and asking me how I had collected so many strange things in so short a time, when his eye fell upon the tray with the pipe and its appurtenances; he expressed great surprise, and examined the tobacco, which was made up in pipefuls; he inquired what it was, and where I had got it. The Nawáb Khán-i 'Azam replied: “This is tobacco, which is well known in Mecca and Medína, and this doctor has brought it as a medicine for Your Majesty.” His Majesty looked at it, and ordered me to prepare and take him a pipeful. He began to smoke it, when his physician approached and forbade his doing so. But His Majesty was graciously pleased to say he must smoke a little to gratify me, and taking the mouthpiece into his sacred mouth, drew two or three breaths. The physician was in great trouble, and would not let him do more. He took the pipe from his mouth, and bid the Khán-i 'Azam try it, who took two or three puffs. He then sent for his druggist, and asked what were its peculiar qualities. He replied that there was no mention of it in his books; but that it was a new invention, and the stems were imported from China, and the European doctors had written much in its praise. The first physician said, “In fact, this is an untried medicine, about which the doctors have written nothing. How can we describe to Your Majesty the qualities of such unknown things? It is not fitting that Your Majesty should try it.” I said to the first physician, “The Europeans are not so foolish as not to know all about it; there are wise men among them who seldom err or commit mistakes. How can you, before you have tried a thing and found out all its qualities, pass a judgment on it that can be depended on by the physicians, kings, great men, and nobles? Things must be judged of according to their good or bad qualities, and the decision must be according to the facts of the case.” The physician replied, “We do not want to follow the Europeans, and adopt a custom, which is not sanctioned by our own wise men, without trial.” I said, “It is a strange thing, for every custom in the world has been new at one time or other; from the days of Adam till now, they have gradually been invented. When a new thing is introduced among a people, and becomes well known in the world, every one adopts it; wise men and physicians should determine according to the good or bad qualities of a thing; the good qualities may not appear at once. Thus the China root, not known anciently, has been newly discovered, and is useful in many diseases.” When the Emperor heard me dispute and reason with the physician, he was astonished, and being much pleased, gave me his blessing, and then said to Khán-i 'Azam, “Did you hear how wisely Asad spoke? Truly, we must not reject a thing that has been adopted by the wise men of other nations merely because we cannot find it in our books; or how shall we progress?” The physician was going to say more, when His Majesty stopped him and called for the priest. The priest ascribed many good qualities to it, but no one could persuade the physician; nevertheless, he was a good physician.

As I had brought a large supply of tobacco and pipes, I sent some to several of the nobles, while others sent to ask for some; indeed, all, without exception, wanted some, and the practice was introduced. After that the merchants began to sell it, so the custom of smoking spread rapidly. His Majesty, however, did not adopt it.

Mission to the Dakhin.

At last orders were passed, that royal farmáns should be addressed to the governors of the provinces of the Dakhin, namely, Bíjápúr, Golconda, Bídar, and the Carnatic. His Majesty said to me, “You went before, in great discomfort, to fetch Mír Jamálu-d dín and the daughter of 'Ádil Khán and the presents, because it was necessary. But this time you must go in state to the four provinces of the Dakhin, and remain in each place so long as may be necessary, to collect whatever they may have of fine elephants and rare jewels throughout their dominions, to bring back with you. Their money you may keep. I want nothing but their choice and rare elephants and jewels. You must secure things of this kind for the Government, the rest I give you. You must not relax your efforts as long as there is one fine elephant or rare jewel out of your grasp in the Dakhin.” In short, I was sent for these purposes. But nearly two months passed from the time of my first appointment before I received my dismissal. Again His Majesty said, “Don't trouble yourself about money; all those countries are at your disposal, and shall come to you.” I made my preparations according to these gracious and kind orders. Though I was only a commander of 200, I enlisted 600 chosen horsemen of I'rák, Khurásán, and Turkistán; many among them being men of rank. To each servant I gave a fine horse and three or four months' pay in advance. Even commanders of 1000 or 2000 could not boast of so well-accoutred a train as was then assembled. I appointed Sháh 'Alí of Ispahán, a beautiful writer, as my bakhshí, and hired 100 musketeers, 100 guards and servants, and 100 archers. In short, I made great preparations.

As I, Asad, wandering in the wood of evil destiny, had started for the second time as envoy to the four southern provinces, Bíjápúr, Golconda, Bídar, and the Carnatic, I was not present when that peerless sovereign departed this life. When the question of my embassy was in agitation, the Emperor was also projecting a combat between the elephants Chanchal and Giránbár. His Majesty, now at rest, ordered me not to depart till I had seen the elephant fight; but Fate had ordained otherwise, and I was not sorry for it, for, as I shall relate, His Majesty had cause for severe anger at that elephant fight, which came off after my departure.

A few days after I left Ágra, His Majesty had been taken somewhat ill, and in a short time was very much broken down. While he was in this condition, the combat of the elephant Chanchal with the elephant Giránbár, belonging to the royal Prince, came off. While the fight was going on, an angry dispute arose between the servants of Prince Salím and Sultán Khusrú, and both overstepped the bounds of courtesy. When His Majesty heard of it, he became exceedingly angry, vexed, and enraged, and this so much increased his illness, that the chief physician, one of the most skilful of his time in the healing art, could do nothing more. During the Emperor's illness the weight of affairs fell upon the Khán-i 'Azam, and when it became evident that the life of that illustrious sovereign was drawing to a close, he consulted with Rájá Mán Singh, one of the principal nobles, and they agreed to make Sultán Khusrú Emperor. They were both versed in business and possessed of great power, and determined to seize the Prince (Salím), when he came, according to his daily custom, to pay his respects at Court, thus displaying the nature of their mind, little considering that the sun cannot be smeared with mud, nor the marks of the pen of destiny be erased by the pen-knife of treachery. He whom the hand of the power of Allah upholds, though he be helpless in himself, is safe from all evil.

The next day that chosen one of Allah, not dreaming of the treachery of his foes, went, as was his wont, to pay his respects at Court, and entered a boat with several of his attendants. They had reached the foot of the tower, and were about to disembark, when Mír Zíáu-l Mulk of Kazwín arrived in great agitation, and jumped into the boat. He brought word of the hopeless state of the Emperor, and of the treachery and perfidy of those evil men. The boat returned, and His Royal Highness, with weeping eyes and a sore heart, re-entered his private palace. So that, through the endeavours of that faithful friend and sincere well-wisher, the arrow of those perfidious enemies missed its mark.

When the raw attempt of those wretches had thus been brought to light, and the lofty-flying phœnix had escaped their treacherous snare, and the curtain which concealed their intentions had been torn, they were obliged to throw off all dissimulation.

At that time the breath was still in the Emperor's body, and all his servants and officers were assembled in the audience-room in great distress and agitation. The Khán-i 'Azam and Rájá Mán Singh sat down, and calling all the nobles together, began to consult with them, and went so far as to say, “The character of the high and mighty Prince Sultán Salím is well known, and the Emperor's feelings towards him are notorious; for he by no means wishes him to be his successor. We must all agree to place Sultán Khusrú upon the throne.” When this was said, Saiyid Khán, who was one of the great nobles, and connected with the royal house, and descended from an ancient and illustrious Mughal family, cried out, “Of what do you speak, that in the existence of a Prince like Salím Sháh, we should place his son upon the throne! This is contrary to the laws and customs of the Chaghatáí Tátárs, and shall never be.” He and Malik Khair, who was also a great chief and well skilled in business, with others of their opinion, rose and left the assembly. The Khán-i 'Azam, who was at the bottom of all these evil designs, concealed his rage, and could say nothing. The assembly broke up, and each went his own way. Rájá Rám Dás Kachhwáha, with all his followers, immediately went to guard the treasury, and Murtazá Khán left the fort, and retiring to his own residence, took steps to assemble the Saiyids of Bárah and his own followers. Meanwhile Mirzá Sharíf and Mu'tamad Khán came and asked him what he intended to do. Knowing them to be his friends, he said, “I intend to go to the Prince.” Mu'tamad Khán expressed his readiness to do the same, and Murtazá Khán bade him go first to the Prince, and say that he would be there immediately with his followers. So he went to His Royal Highness.

As soon as the Prince, following the advice of Mír Zíá, had retired to his own palace, all the foolish people round him began to alarm him, saying, “Why does Your Highness sit careless here? Your enemies have completed their work, and placed Sultán Khusrú on the throne, and declare that they will point the guns of the fort against this house.” Their evil counsels were nearly taking effect upon the Prince, and he was about to order his private boats, to save himself by flight, when Shaikh Ruknu-d dín Rohilla, one of his best servants, who had a large body of followers, and was a man of known courage, came and besought him to compose himself, and wait for two hours to see what would happen. The Prince was still occupied in listening to this brave advice, when all at once Mirzá Sharíf came in, and told him how the assembly of his enemies had broken up, and that Murtazá Khán was coming to join him. His Royal Highness was much delighted, and began to encourage his people, when Fará Beg came and made salutations, and Mír Murtazá Khán arrived with a large body of attendants and many of the noble Saiyids of Bárah, and saluting him, began to beat the drums to celebrate the day. The Prince forbad the music, on account of the sad state of the Emperor, but honoured Mír Murtazá Khán with a special dress of honour and a jewelled scimitar. People began to flock in, each striving to be the first to arrive, till at last, in the evening, the Khán-i 'Azam came in great shame and paid his respects. The Prince took not the least notice of his ill-conduct, and bestowed all royal kindness upon him.

When Rájá Mán Singh saw the change in the aspect of affairs, he took Sultán Khusrú with him to his own palace, and prepared boats, intending to escape the next day to Bengal. As soon as the Prince was relieved from all anxiety as to the course affairs were taking, he went with the great nobles, and Mír Murtazá Khán at their head, without fear, to the fort, and approached the dying Emperor. He was still breathing, as if he had only waited to see that illustrious one. As soon as that most fortunate Prince entered, he bowed himself at the feet of His Majesty. He saw that he was in his last agonies. The Emperor once more opened his eyes, and signed to them to invest him with the turban and robes which had been prepared for him, and to gird him with his own dagger. The attendants prostrated themselves and did homage; at the same moment that sovereign, whose sins are forgiven, bowed himself also and closed his life. A loud lamentation rose on all sides, and groans and cries ascended from the world and race of men, and the voices of the angelic cherubims were heard saying, “God created him, and to God he has returned.”

When the Emperor Akbar died,
Groans arose from Earth to Heaven.

After that sad occurrence, that gracious Emperor Jahángír bade all his confidential servants and faithful friends perform the obsequies of the deceased sovereign, with all the ceremonies due to his rank. When they had gone through the funeral rites prescribed by religion and tradition, and had arrayed the royal corpse in all state, the Emperor, in great pomp, with weeping eyes and a sad heart, took the foot of the bier of the deceased King upon his shoulder, and carried it as far as the door of the public reception room; from thence, the great nobles, each anxious for the honour, relieving one another in quick succession, carried His Majesty as far as the gate of the fort. Thence the nobles and ministers, and courtiers and imáms, and all his servants and troops, followed the bier with heads and feet uncovered. ^{* * *}

When His Majesty had concluded this necessary business, he entrusted the fort and treasury to Rájá Rám Dás, and praised and consoled him much. Leaving the fort, he then went to his own palace, where intelligence reached him that Rájá Mán Singh, taking with him Sultán Khusrú, was embarking on board boats for Bengal, with all his servants and troops. Although the royal heart was vexed at hearing this, yet he sent Mádhav Singh, his brother, who was present, to re-assure and bring him back. Mádhav Singh went to the Rájá, and reproving him strongly, asked what he meant by acting thus towards such a sovereign, and of what use it was? He replied, “What can I do? The Prince is young, and knew nothing of all these matters. I was obliged to act as I have done, to satisfy him.” Do you go and say, ‘Let a promise be given that he may be relieved from all fear, and that I may be satisfied that no harm will befall him, and I will bring him to Your Majesty's feet.’” Mádhav Singh returned and reported Rájá Man Singh's wishes and petition to His Majesty, who gave his promise, with the utmost grace and kindness, that no harm should happen to him from any one, and sent him back confirming his word with solemn oaths. The next day Rájá Mán Singh came to Court, and brought Sultán Khusrú to the feet of his royal father. His Majesty treated him with the greatest kindness, and clasping him to his bosom, kissed his face. After a moment he dismissed him to his own house. When His Majesty had concluded that business, he passed some days in mourning and distributing alms, till at last the day arrived for him to ascend the throne.

On that day he held a Court, and after going through all the usual ordinances, left his own palace in great pomp and state, with all show and grandeur, and embarking in a boat, went to the fort, where he disembarked, and mounting the stately litter, entered the fort scattering gold and silver. There all the nobles of rank and powerful ministers were in attendance. When he arrived, he ascended the throne of the Empire, and after adopting the title of Jahángír, began to win the hearts of all the people, and to re-arrange the withered world. He honoured many of the greatest nobles and powerful ministers and brave youths with honourable titles and acceptable dignities; for the consolation of the hearts of his people, he suspended the chain of justice with golden bells, and removed the rust of oppression from the hearts of his people. ^{* * *}

Some days after his ascension, intelligence arrived that Muhábat Khán and Sharíf Khán, who were of the highest rank in the Empire, had come to offer their congratulations. Muhábat Khán was made commander-in-chief, and Sharíf Khán was honoured with the title of Amíru-l 'Umará. Day by day the Empire of that just and liberal sovereign increased in splendour and efficiency. In the first few days he repealed and gave up all transit duties and fees, the poll-tax on Hindus and tax on orphans' property, and remitted them throughout the whole of the hereditary dominions. He also remitted and removed, root and branch, the whole of the duties and imposts levied on the produce of the sea or of mines, so that throughout the whole of Hindústán, and wherever the jurisdiction of the Emperor extended, no one could so much as name them.

THIS work contains a brief general history of Muhammadan India, from the time of the slave-kings of Dehlí to that of Akbar, in the forty-second year of whose reign it was composed, i.e. A.H. 1005 (A.D. 1596-7). The name of the author is Shaikh 'Abdu-l Hakk bin Saifu-d dín of Dehlí. From a quatrain in the preface of his history, it would appear that Hakkí, “the true,” while it contains a play upon his own name, is a mere literary appellation, assumed according to a practice common in the east, and by which name he seems to wish that his history should be known, though it is most frequently styled Táríkh-i 'Abdu-l Hakk.

The ancestors of 'Abdu-l Hakk came into India from Bokhárá, and settled in Dehlí, but the authorities vary in the details they give in respect of him. According to the Bádsháh-náma, 'Abdu-l Hakk was a descendant of one of Tímúr's followers, who remained behind, together with some other foreign chiefs, at Dehlí, after the return of that conqueror to his native land. But the writer himself, in his Akhbáru-l Akhyár, says that his great ancestor, Ághá Turk, came to Dehlí in 'Aláu-d dín's reign, and that this Ághá's grandson, Malik Músá, returned to Máwaráu-n nahr, and came back from thence to Dehlí in Tímúr's time. In Sir T. Metcalfe's MS. History of Dehlí it is stated that his ancestor was a native of Bokhárá, who, on visiting Dehlí, was ennobled and attached to the Royal Court. There can be no doubt that Bokhárá was the place from which they sprang, as 'Abdu-l Hakk's son was known as “al Dehlawí al Bokhárí.” 'Abdu-l Hakk's father obtained a reputation for sanctity, and the son praises him in his Literary History of Dehlí.

Shaikh 'Abdu-l Hakk early applied himself to the cultivation of knowledge. At twenty years of age he had mastered most of the customary branches of education, and had learnt the whole of the Kurán by heart.¹⁷⁶ At the time he was prosecuting his studies, the author^176a tells us that he used to go twice a day to college, morning and evening, during the heat of one season and the cold of another, returning for a short time for a meal to his own house. As he informs us that his dwelling was two miles from the college, this statement, if true, shows that he travelled eight miles a day, which, it must be confessed, exhibited unusual ardour in the acquisition of knowledge. His father observed that he did not enjoy pastimes like other boys, and endeavoured to dissuade him from his intense application.

Upon leaving Dehlí, he associated for a long time with 'Abdu-l Kádir, Shaikh Faizí, and Nizámu-d dín, at Fathpúr,^176b but left them upon some slight misunderstanding. Nevertheless, through the interest of the latter, he obtained a passage on a vessel proceeding to Arabia, whither he went on a pilgrimage.^176c He dwelt for a long time in the holy cities of Mecca and Medína, and derived much instruction from the learned men of those cities. He wrote works upon many subjects, of which he himself gives a list,—commentaries, travels, Súfí doctrines, religion and history, and his different treatises amount altogether to more than one hundred. The best known are the Madína Sakína, the Madáriju-n Nubúwat, the Jazbu-l Kulúb,^176d and the Akhbáru-l Akhyár. He was born in the year 958 H., and in the year 1047 H., although he was then ninety years old, he is said¹⁷⁷ to have been in full possession of his faculties, and to have employed himself in religious duties, in instruction, and composition, as vigorously as if he had still been a young man. He died in 1052 H. (1642 A.D.), and was buried in the sepulchre built by himself in Dehlí on the margin of the Hauz-i Shamshí. The building still exists in good preservation, and is a handsome solid structure.

The author, who now holds a high rank among the saints of Hindústán, informs us that his desire to write history arose from a perusal of the Táríkh-i Fíroz-sháhí, by which he alludes to that of Zíáu-d dín Barní, as he mentions that the lives of several kings are contained in it, which is not the case with the other histories of that name. But as that work concludes with the beginning of Fíroz Sháh's reign, he sought to obtain information respecting the kings who succeeded him, and lighted upon the Táríkh-i Bahádur-sháhí, written by Sám Sultán Bahádur Gujarátí, from which he has extracted down to the reign of Bahlol Lodí. He then thought it would be advisable to complete the reigns previous to those noticed in the Táríkh-i Fíroz-sháhí, and therefore abstracted from the Tabakát-i Násirí the reigns from Mu'izzú-d dín Sám (Muhammad Ghorí) to Násiru-d dín Mahmúd bin Sultán Shamsu-d dín. He has been judicious in his small selection, as these three are the best authorities for their respective periods.^177a From Bahlol Lodí to his own time he has depended on verbal information, and upon what came under his own observation, all the rest of his work being taken, as he candidly confesses, verbatim from the three authors above quoted.

After carrying, in the first chapter, the general history of Dehlí down to Akbar's time, he gives, in the second, a compendious account of the rulers of Bengal, Jaunpúr, Mándú, Dakhin, Multán, Sind and Kashmír, but the narrative is much too brief to be of any use.

As this time-serving saint was prepared to speak of his reforming patron in the preposterous strain of adulation adopted in the following Extract, we have little reason to regret that he never fulfilled the purpose of writing an account of his reign.

The best copy of this little history which I have seen belongs to Nawáb Násiru-d dín Ahmad of Pánípat, in whose collection it is improperly called Táríkh-i Salátín Ghorí. Nizámu-d dín, a physician resident at Banda, also possesses a good copy. There are two copies (Addit. MSS. 6596 and 16701) in the British Museum, and one in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society, which Morley has described in his Catalogue (No. xlvii.).

In a Manuscript belonging to a native gentleman at Dehlí, the first chapter closes with these words, “Thus ends the first chapter of the Tazkiratu-s Salátín,” which would imply that this work is known by that name; but, if so, it cannot be the work generally¹⁷⁸ known as the Tazkiratu-s Salátín, for that is devoted to an account of the Hindú dynasties, and upon that compilation Colonel Wilford, in his essay on Vikramáditya and Śáliváhana, makes the following just observations: “This treatise is a most perfect specimen of the manner of writing history in India; for, excepting the above list, almost everything else is the production of the fertile genius of the compiler. In all these lists the compilers and revisers seem to have had no other object in view, but to adjust a certain number of remarkable epochs. This being once effected, the intermediate spaces are filled up with names of kings not to be found anywhere else, and most probably fanciful. Otherwise they leave out the names of those kings of whom nothing is recorded, and attribute the years of their reign to some among them better known, and of greater fame. They often do not scruple to transpose some of those kings, and even whole dynasties; either in consequence of some preconceived opinion, or owing to their mistaking a famous king for another of the same name. It was not uncommon with ancient writers, to pass from a remote ancestor to a remote descendant; or from a remote predecessor to a remote successor, by leaving out the intermediate generations or successions, and sometimes ascribing the years of their reigns to a remote successor or predecessor. In this manner the lists of the ancient kings of Persia, both by Oriental writers, and others in the west, have been compiled: and some instances of this nature might be produced from Scripture. I was acquainted lately, at Benares, with a chronicler of that sort, and in the several conversations I had with him, he candidly acknowledged that he filled up the intermediate spaces between the reigns of famous kings with names at a venture; that he shortened or lengthened their reigns at pleasure; and that it was understood that his predecessors had taken the same liberties. Through their emendations and corrections, you see plainly a total want of historical knowledge and criticism; and sometimes some disingenuity is but too obvious. This is, however, the case with the sections on futurity in the Bhagavat, Váyu, Vishnu, and Brahmánda Puránas; which with the above lists constitute the whole stock of historical knowledge among the Hindús; and the whole might be comprised in a few quarto pages of print.”¹⁷⁹

The Táríkh-i Hakkí opens with a passage from the Kurán.

The conclusion varies. The most perfect closes with a chronogram, which would seem to show that the author wished his work to be styled Zikr-i Mulúk, and from another passage this appears to be the true name, though the preface, as before observed, authorizes the name of Táríkh-i Hakkí.

The copy used is a small 8vo., containing 142 pages, of 18 lines each.

EXTRACT.

Shortly after ascending the throne, Fíroz Sháh was murdered by his maternal uncle Mubáriz Khán. Salím Sháh had anticipated this, and had therefore asked his wife's consent to kill her brother Mubáriz, saying that if she did not accede to his proposal, she would not long see her son alive. The senseless woman did not believe his words, and would not give her consent; but it turned out as Salím Sháh had predicted.¹⁸⁰ Fíroz Sháh reigned not more than three days and five hours. After his murder, all his Afghán relations claimed the throne. One assumed the title of Sikandar, another of Sultán Ibráhím, and a third of Sultán Muhammad 'Ádil. The rivals contested the point amongst themselves most pertinaciously for three or four years, when, at length, in the month of Shawwál, in the year 963, the Humá of Humáyún again spread the wings of its prosperity and good luck over the kingdom of Hindústán. The dust of distress which had long obscured the beautiful face of the kingdom was washed away by the water of peace and union, and the heart of the country was invigorated by a new infusion of life. Joy and gladness, gratitude and boundless hope, were diffused among all people, both high and low, rich and poor.

Within six months of his second reign Humáyún, while standing one evening enjoying the fresh air on the top of the red palace in the fort of Dehlí, heard the azán called, and sitting down out of respect to the summons to evening prayer, his foot slipped by accident, and he fell to the ground. He died on the spot, or at least a few days afterwards, and the bird of his victorious soul fled to its nest in Paradise. From God we proceed, to God shall we return!

He was succeeded by his son Sultán Abú-l Fath Jalálu-d dín Muhammad Akbar Bádsháh Ghází, of super-eminent dignity, etc. He ascended the throne in his youth, and though more than forty years have elapsed since his reign began, he is still in the very bloom of his dominion, and in the commencement of his power, for every day brings accounts of new victories and new conquests, so that by the blessing of God his kingdom extends over the whole of Hindústán (which is called “Chahárdáng,” that is, a quarter of the world), east and west, north and south, including all its forts and territories, without any one being associated with him in power, and without any one daring to offer opposition. This country is bounded on three sides by the sea, and all the kings and princes, chiefs, nobles, and Rájás, and all people, of every degree, throughout the whole country, pay allegiance to him, willingly acknowledge him as their sovereign, and place the head of abject submission on the ground in his presence. Territories, treasures, elephants, horses, armies, and all other things, suitable to the state and dignity of Emperors, came into his possession in such abundance, that they are beyond all calculation, and are of a value far exceeding anything which has ever yet been in the possession of other Emperors.

“This monarch, at the very commencement of his reign, effected that which kings who have reigned many years have not been able to accomplish.” “God can place the whole world in the hands of one person!”

The kings and Sultáns, who have been spoken of in this book, are not worthy of those titles in the presence of the exalted Majesty of Akbar, with the exception, perhaps, of one or two individuals; but to call even them kings, in comparison, requires no small degree of courage and resolution.

In short, it is difficult to describe the victories and conquests of the Emperor Akbar, his rules and regulations, his principles of government, his extraordinary orders, his courteous manners, and the many innovations which he introduced. Entire volumes and registers would not contain them. If I be blessed with a long life, and if I receive the aid of God, I shall attempt to the utmost of my power to write, free from error, the history of the Emperor. May it be the will of God that, through the aid of this omnipotent Emperor of Emperors, the Muhammadan law and religion may be established for ever and ever! “O God of the worlds, accept this prayer!”