TATIMMA-I WÁKI'ÁT-I JAHÁNGÍRÍ
OF
MUHAMMAD HÁDÍ.
THIS work is the completion of the Memoirs noticed in the preceding article. The author is Muhammad Hádí, of whom mention has already been made. In his Preface, however, he omits the title of Kámwar Khán, which he gives himself in his other works. He tells us that he wrote when he was more than sixty years old, after transcribing the Memoirs of eighteen years with his own hand; that after having completed this task, it occurred to him that the “thirsty wanderers in the desert of history” would be dissatisfied, like himself, at reaching to the end of the eighteenth year and finding the work incomplete; and that, as he from his earliest youth had been much devoted to historical studies, he determined to complete the work to the close of Jahángír's reign, and to add an Introduction to the Memoirs, detailing the principal events of Jahángír's life previous to his accession to the throne, availing himself for this purpose of several trustworthy manuscripts. He has done this satisfactorily, but without adding anything to our previous knowledge; for he copies his authorities almost verbatim, and especially the Ikbál-náma, from which he has borrowed most largely. At the end of the Introduction, he tells us that he hoped some day to be able to write a brief history of the entire reign of Sháh Jahán from beginning to end, and to append it to the history of Jahángír. He may be considered to have accomplished this task in the Táríkh-i Chaghatáí.
The copies I have seen of this work are annexed to manuscripts of the authentic Memoirs, and perhaps the continuation is not to be found separate. [It is so annexed to the Memoirs in the MS. belonging to the Royal Asiatic Society.]
[The work, being a completion of the Memoirs, and appended to them, is taken out of its chronological order. Its exact date is not known, but the author's other work, the Táríkh-i Chaghatáí, comes down to 1137 A.H. (A.D. 1724).
The Introduction is a brief narrative of the important events in the life of Jahángír prior to his accession, and is borrowed from Mirzá Kámgár and other sources.
The body of the work is almost entirely a reproduction of the Ikbál-náma; but the Editor has translated a few passages which the author appears to have derived from another authority. The last Extract is taken from the short chapter at the end on the ministers of Jahángír; the translation of this is by an unknown contributor, but it has been greatly altered by Sir H. M. Elliot.]
The Introduction comprises 28 pages, and the continuation of the Memoirs 88 pages of 17 lines each.
NINETEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
[The New Year began on a day corresponding with 29th Jumáda-l awwal, 1033 H. (10th March, 1624 A.D.).
When Sultán Parwez and Mahábat Khán arrived near Allah-ábád, 'Abdu-lla Khán raised the siege and returned to Jhaunsí. Daryá Khán held the bank of the river in force, and had carried all the boats over to his own side; the passage of the Imperial army was thus delayed for some days. The Prince and Mahábat Khán encamped on the other side of the river. Daryá Khán held the fords, but the zamíndárs of the neighbourhood showed their loyalty, and collected thirty boats393 from various parts, and guided the royal forces over at a spot some kos higher up. Daryá Khán held his position to contest the passage until he heard that the royal army had crossed. He then knew that it was no longer tenable, and fell back to Jaunpúr. 'Abdu-lla Khán and Rájá Bhím proceeded to Jaunpúr, and counselled a movement to Benares; so Sháh Jahán sent his females and attendants to Rohtás, and himself proceeded to Benares. He was joined by 'Abdu-lla Khán, Rájá Bhím, and Daryá Khán, and having arrived at Benares, passed over the Ganges, and halted on the river Túnus. Prince Parwez and Mahábat Khán, having arrived at Damdama,394 they left Áká Muhammad Zamán Teherání there, while they passed over the Ganges with the intention of crossing over the Túnus. Sháh Jahán, leaving Khán-daurán in charge of his position, crossed the Ganges, and confronted Muhammad Zamán, who fell back to Jhaunsí. Khán-daurán advanced in full confidence, and Muhammad Zamán hastened to meet him. A sharp action followed. Khán-daurán was defeated, and his soldiers abandoned him. Being left alone, he struggled and fought desperately in every direction until he was killed. His head was sent to Prince Parwez. Rustam Khán, an old servant of Sháh Jahán's, now left him and joined Prince Parwez. He said it was a good thing that the traitor394a (Khán-daurán) had been killed. Jahángír Kulí, son of Khán-i 'azam, who was present, said, “No one can call him rebel or traitor, a more devoted man cannot exist, for he served his master to the death, and what more could he do! Even now his head is raised above all.”
Sháh Jahán took his departure from Bengal, and proceeded towards the Dakhin. Mukhlis Khán then went on the wings of haste to Prince Parwez, to send him and his amírs on to the Dakhin. * * A despatch arrived from Asad Khán, the Bakhshí of the Dakhin, written at Burhánpúr, to the effect that Ya'kúb Khán Habshí, with 10,000 horse, had arrived at Malkápúr, ten kos from the city, and that Sarbuland Ráí had gone out of the city with the intention of attacking him. Upon this, strict injunctions were sent forbidding him to fight until reinforcements arrived.
At the beginning of 1034 A.H. Sháh Jahán arrived in the Dakhin. Malik 'Ambar tendered him assistance, and sent a force under the command of Ya'kúb Khán Habshí to Burhánpúr to plunder. He communicated this movement to Sháh Jahán, who proceeded in that direction, and pitched his camp at Dewal-gánw. The Prince then sent 'Abdu-lla Khán to join Ya'kúb Khán, and lay siege to Burhánpúr. He himself followed, and pitched his tent in the Lál Bágh, in the outskirts of the city. Rao Ratan, and other Imperial officers who were in the place, did their best to put it in a state of defence, and took every precaution to secure it. Sháh Jahán ordered 'Abdu-lla to assail the town on one side, and Sháh Kulí Khán on the other. The besieged, by dint of numbers and by hard fighting, held 'Abdu-lla in check; but Sháh Kulí's division breached the walls, and made their way inside.
Sarbuland Ráí then left a force to keep 'Abdu-lla Khán in check, and hastened to attack Sháh Kulí. Several of Sháh Kulí Khán's men were scattered in the streets and bázárs, but he, with the few around him, stood fast in the esplanade in front of the citadel. Several of them fell. He then entered the citadel, and closed the gates. Sarbuland Ráí surrounded it, and Sháh Kulí, being hard pressed, capitulated.
Sháh Jahán then ordered a second attack to be made; but although great gallantry was exhibited, the assault failed, and several officers of distinction fell. He mounted his horse, and ordered a third assault. Great courage was again displayed, and many officers and men fell, but without success. Saiyid Ja'far received a slight wound in the neck from a bullet, but he was so frightened that he went away. His departure affected all the Dakhinís, who broke up and went away, followed by many men who were disheartened by failure.
Intelligence now arrived, that Prince Parwez and Mahábat Khán, with the Imperial army, had reached the Nerbadda on their return, so Sháh Jahán retired to the Bálághát. 'Abdu-lla Khán separated from him, and occupied the village (mauza') of Indore. * *]
TWENTIETH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
[When the raising of the siege of Burhánpúr was reported to the Emperor, he bestowed great favours on Sarbuland Ráí. He gave him a mansab of 5000 and the title of Rám Ráj, than which there is no higher title in the Dakhin. When the siege was raised, Sháh Jahán bent his course to the Dakhin, but he was seized with illness on the way. The error of his conduct now became apparent to him, and he felt that he must beg forgiveness of his father for his offences. So with this proper feeling he wrote a letter to his father, expressing his sorrow and repentance, and begging pardon for all faults past and present. His Majesty wrote an answer with his own hand, to the effect that if he would send his sons Dárá Shukoh and Aurangzeb to Court, and would surrender Rohtás and the fortress of Asír, which were held by his adherents, full forgiveness should be given him, and the country of the Bálághát should be conferred upon him. Upon reading this, Sháh Jahán deemed it his duty to conform to his father's wishes; so, notwithstanding the love he had for his sons, he sent them to his father, with offerings of jewels, chased arms, elephants, etc., to the value of ten lacs of rupees. He wrote to Muzaffar Khán, directing him to surrender Rohtás to the person appointed by the Emperor, and then to come with Sultán Murád Bakhshí. He also wrote to Hayát Khán directions for surrendering Asír to the Imperial officers. Sháh Jahán then proceeded to Násik. * *
It was now reported to the Emperor that Mahábat Khán had married his danghter to Khwája Barkhurdár, the eldest son of Nakshabandí. As this marriage had been contracted without the royal consent, the Emperor was greatly offended; so he sent for the young man, and asked him why he had, contrary to rule, married the daughter of so great a noble. He was unable to give a satisfactory answer, so he was ordered to be beaten, and sent to prison. * *
The intelligence of Mahábat Khán's daring act having reached Sháh Jahán, he was greatly incensed, and notwithstanding his bodily weakness and want of warlike munitions, he resolved to go to the assistance of his father, and inflict punishment for this presumptuous deed. On the 23rd Ramazán, 1035 A.H. (7th June, 1626 A.D.), he left Násik with 1000 horse, hoping to gather forces as he proceeded. On reaching Ajmír, Rájá Kishan Singh, son of Rájá Bhím, who accompanied him, died, and 500 horsemen of the Rájá's broke up and went away, leaving only 500 men in the suite of Sháh Jahán, and these were in great distress. Unable to carry out his original intention, he resolved to do the best he could under the circumstances, and to go to Thatta, and remain for a while in that obscure place. So he proceeded from Ajmír to Nágor, and from thence through Joudhpúr and Jesalmír.]
From the Memoirs of the Wázírs.397
Mirzá Ghiyás Beg was so charitably disposed, that no one ever left his door dissatisfied; but in the taking of bribes he certainly was most uncompromising and fearless. 'Alí Kulí Beg Istajlú, who was educated under the instructions of Sháh Isma'íl the Second, came and entered the service of the Emperor Akbar during the period of his stay at Lahore. He there married Mirzá Ghiyás Beg's daughter, who was born in the city of Kandahár. This individual afterwards entered the service of Jahángír, who honoured him with the title of Sher-Afgan, gave him a jágír in Bengal, and directed him to proceed there. The close of his life and his killing of Kutbu-d dín Khán has already been related in its proper place. After he had met with his reward, and proceeded to the desert of annihilation, by the orders of the King, the officers in Bengal sent the daughter of Mirzá Ghiyás Beg, surnamed I'timádu-d daula, to His Majesty, who, in the deepest affliction at the death of Kutbu-d dín Khán, placed her on the establishment of Rukíya Sultána, one of his father's wives, on which she continued for a long time without any employment. However, the days of misfortune drew to a close, and the stars of her good fortune commenced to shine, and to wake as from a deep sleep. The bride's chamber was prepared, the bride was decorated, and desire began to arise. Hope was happy. A key was found for closed doors, a restorative was found for broken hearts; and on a certain New Year's festival she attracted the love and affection of the King. She was soon made the favourite wife of His Majesty. In the first instance she received the title of Núr Mahal, “the Light of the Palace,” and after some days Núr Jahán Begam, “the Queen, the Light of the World.” All her relations were elevated to the highest offices in the State. I'timádu-d daula became Prime Minister, and her eldest brother, Abú-l Hasan, was appointed Master of the Ceremonies, under the title of I'timád Khán. The King and his relatives were deprived of all power; while the servants and eunuchs of I'timádu-d daula became Kháns and Turkháns. The old servant called Dila Rání, who had nursed the favourite lady of the King, superseded Hájí Koka in the appointment of superintendent of the female servants of the palace, and without her seal the Sadru-s Sadúr would not pay their stipends. Núr Jahán managed the whole affairs of the realm, and honours of every description were at her disposal, and nothing was wanting to make her an absolute monarch but the reading of the khutba in her name.
For some time she sat at the jharoká,398 and the nobles came to make their salutations and receive her commands. Coins were struck in her name, and the royal seal on farmáns bore her signature. In short, by degrees she became, except in name, undisputed Sovereign of the Empire, and the King himself became a tool in her hands. He used to say that Núr Jahán Begam has been selected, and is wise enough to conduct the matters of State, and that he wanted only a bottle of wine and piece of meat to keep himself merry.
Núr Jahán won golden opinions from all people. She was liberal and just to all who begged her support. She was an asylum for all sufferers, and helpless girls were married at the expense of her private purse. She must have portioned about 500 girls in her lifetime, and thousands were grateful for her generosity.
IKBÁL-NÁMA-I JAHÁNGÍRÍ
OF
MU'TAMAD KHÁN.
THIS is a valuable history by Nawab Mu'tamad Khán, commonly known as Muhammad Sharíf, who states of himself in one portion of his work that he was appointed to the office of paymaster, received a mansab of 1000, and was presented with an elephant by the Emperor as an honorary gift.
The Ikbál-náma is divided into three volumes or parts. The first contains the history of the Khákán dynasty, and includes the reigns of Bábar and Humáyún; the second contains the reign of Akbar; the third that of Jahángír. The first two parts are not common, but the third is to be found everywhere.
The third volume gives the entire reign of Jahángír, and the first nineteen years may be considered an abridgment of the Memoirs, which, as has been seen in the article on the Memoirs, Mu'tamad Khán was directed to continue and complete. In the present work he tells us that Jahángír ordered him also to write the Ikbál-náma. As may be supposed, therefore, truth is often sacrificed to flattery. The work does not rank very high among the critics of the country, but there is no book more common than this third volume; and as the author held high offices during this reign, and took a part in many of its most important transactions, we cannot refuse to allow that the work is of considerable use.
It is most commonly known by the name of Jahángír-náma, and under this title is quoted by Dow as his authority for the transactions of this Emperor's reign. M. Anquetil also speaks of it as “Djehanguirnameh, ouvrage composé par Nabab Motamet Khan, Général de la Cavalerie de Djehanguir, et le compagnon de ses Voyages.”401 Upon this passage Mr. Marsden observes, “M. Anquetil's expressions imply that the Memoirs of Jahángír were not, in fact, composed by that monarch himself.”401a But M. Anquetil's expressions by no means imply this, and we are here presented with another instance of the confusion which prevails respecting the true Memoirs of Jahángír.
This volume has been translated into Úrdú prose by Mazhar 'Alí Khán Wilá. There is a copy in the Library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.401b
The work is in the form of annals, like the authentic memoirs, and the Ma-ásir-i Jahángírí. There are occasionally rubrics to the chief occurrences of each year, but so few as not to be worth transcribing. The volume begins with the accession, and closes with the death of the Emperor, the names of the royal family, the ministers, learned men, physicians, and poets of the reign.
The best copy known to me is in the possession of Mirzá 'Alí Akbar, tahsíldár of Damoh in the Ságar territory. It was transcribed in the year 1087 A.H. (1676 A.D.).
[The third volume has been published in the Bibliotheca Indica. The following Extracts comprise some few matters not given in the memoirs, and the whole of the continuation from the nineteenth year of the reign. With three short exceptions, which needed great amendment, the whole translation is the work of the Editor.]
FIRST YEAR OF THE REIGN.
[On the 9th Safar, the Emperor reached Lahore. Khusrú was then placed upon an elephant, and conducted between the stakes (on which his followers were impaled401c), so that he might see their punishment, and be warned to abandon his evil course.]
Death of Sher-Afgan, husband of Núr Jahán.
[Intelligence came from Bengal that 'Alí Kulí Beg Istajlú, who had received the title of Sher-Afgan, had killed Kutbu-d dín Khán, and several Imperial officers who were in attendance upon him. 'Alí Kulí had been the table-attendant of Sháh Isma'íl, son of the late Sháh Tahmásp Safawí. Upon the death of Sháh Isma'íl, he came by way of Kandahár to Hindústán, and at Multán he joined Khán-khánán, who was then marching against Thatta. Khán-khánán of his own accord took him into the Imperial service, and during the campaign he displayed ability and courage, and performed good work. On returning victorious from the campaign, Khán-khánán reported his services, and obtained for him a suitable mansab. About that time the daughter of Mirzá Ghiyás Beg was given to him in marriage. When the Emperor Akbar marched from Ágra against the Dakhin, and Prince Salím, the heir-apparent, was sent against the Ráná, 'Alí Kulí Beg was appointed to assist him. He rose in favour, and received the title of Sher-Afgan. Upon the accession of Jahángír, his jágír was confirmed, and he was sent to Bengal. It was afterwards reported that he was insubordinate, and disposed to be rebellious. When Kutbu-d dín was sent to Bengal, he was directed to look after Sher-Afgan: if he was found to be loyal and dutiful, he was to be maintained in his jágír; but if not, he was to be sent to Court, or to be brought to punishment if he delayed to proceed thither. Kutbu-d dín formed a bad opinion of his actions and way of life. When he was summoned to attend upon the viceroy, he made unreasonable excuses, and cherished evil designs. Kutbu-d dín made a report upon his conduct to the Emperor, and the Imperial order was given for sending him to Court; the viceroy was also directed to carry out the instructions he had received, and to bring Sher-Afgan to punishment if he manifested any disloyalty. On receiving this command, Kutbu-d dín immediately proceeded to Bardwán, which was in the jágír of Sher-Afgan. When he approached, Sher-Afgan went forth with two attendants to meet him. Kutbu-d dín's men then gathered round Sher-Afgan. The manner in which Kutbu-d dín had come roused Sher-Afgan's suspicions, so he quietly asked what this kind of proceeding meant. Kutbu-d dín forbad his men to come near, and having joined Sher-Afgan, engaged in conversation with him. Sher-Afgan felt convinced that there was a design against him, so he drew his sword, and before any one could interfere, he ran it into Kutbu-d dín's belly, so that his bowels gushed out. Kutbu-d dín pressed both hands to his belly, and called out with a loud voice not to let the assassin escape. Pír Khán Kashmírí, a brave officer, galloped against Sher-Afgan and struck him on the head with a sword, but Sher-Afgan returned it so fiercely that he killed his assailant at a blow. The other attendants now pressed forward in numbers, and despatched Sher-Afgan with their swords.]
The Marriage of Jahángír with Núr Jahán.
Among the great events that occurred during this interval was the Emperor Jahángír's demanding Núr Jahán Begam in marriage. This subject might be expanded into volumes, but we are necessarily confined to a limited space in thus describing the strange decrees of Fate. Mirzá Ghiyás Beg, the son of Khwája Muhammad Sharíf, was a native of Teheran. Khwája Muhammad was, first of all, the wazír of Muhammad Khán Taklú, governor of Khurasán. After the death of Muhammad Khán, he entered the service of the renowned King Tahmásp Safawí, and was entrusted with the wazírship of Yazd. The Khwája had two sons, Áká Táhir and Mirzá Ghiyás Beg. For his second son the Khwája demanded in marriage the daughter of Mirzá 'Aláu-d dín, who was the father of Áká Mullá. After the death of his father, Mirzá Ghiyás Beg, with two sons and a daughter, travelled to Hindústán. On the road, as he was passing through Kandahár, by the blessing of God another daughter was born to him. In the city of Fathpúr, he had the good fortune to be presented to the Emperor Akbar. In a short time, owing to his devotion to the King's service, and his intelligence, Mirzá Ghiyás Beg was raised to the office of diwán or superintendent of the household. He was considered exceedingly clever and skilful, both in writing and in transacting business. He had studied the old poets, and had a nice appreciation of the meaning of words; and he wrote shikasta in a bold and elegant style. His leisure moments were devoted to the study of poetry and style, and his generosity and beneficence to the poor was such that no one ever turned from his door disappointed. In taking bribes, however, he was very bold and daring. When His Highness the Emperor Akbar was staying at Lahore, 'Alí Kulí Beg Istajlú, who had been brought up under Sháh Isma'íl II., having come from the kingdom of 'Irák, became included among the number of the royal servants, and, as Fate ordered it, married that daughter of Mirzá Ghiyás Beg who had been born in Kandahár. Afterwards, in the reign of Jahángír, he received a suitable mansab, and the title of Sher-Afgan was conferred on him. He next received a jágír in the province of Bengal, and departed thither to take possession. His murder of Kutbu-d dín Khán and his own death have already been related. After the death of Kutbu-d dín, the officials of Bengal, in obedience to royal command, sent to Court the daughter of Ghiyás Beg, who had been exalted to the title of 'Itimádu-d daula, and the King, who was greatly distressed at the murder of Kutbu-d dín, entrusted her to the keeping of his own royal mother. There she remained some time without notice. Since, however, Fate had decreed that she should be the Queen of the World and the Princess of the Time,404 it happened that on the celebration of New Year's Day in the sixth year of the Emperor's reign, her appearance caught the King's far-seeing eye, and so captivated him that he included her amongst the inmates of his select harem. Day by day her influence and dignity increased. First of all she received the title of Núr Mahal, “Light of the Harem,” but was afterwards distinguished by that of Núr Jahán Begam, “Light of the World.” All her relations and connexions were raised to honour and wealth. * * No grant of lands was conferred upon any woman except under her seal. In addition to giving her the titles that other kings bestow, the Emperor granted Núr Jahán the rights of sovereignty and government. Sometimes she would sit in the balcony of her palace, while the nobles would present themselves, and listen to her dictates. Coin was struck in her name, with this superscription: “By order of the King Jahángír, gold has a hundred splendours added to it by receiving the impression of the name of Núr Jahán, the Queen Begam.” On all farmáns also receiving the Imperial signature, the name of “Núr Jahán, the Queen Begam,” was jointly attached. At last her authority reached such a pass that the King was such only in name. Repeatedly he gave out that he had bestowed the sovereignty on Núr Jahán Begam, and would say, “I require nothing beyond a sír of wine and half a sír of meat.” It is impossible to describe the beauty and wisdom of the Queen. In any matter that was presented to her, if a difficulty arose, she immediately solved it. Whoever threw himself upon her protection was preserved from tyranny and oppression; and if ever she learnt that any orphan girl was destitute and friendless, she would bring about her marriage, and give her a wedding portion. It is probable that during her reign no less than 500 orphan girls were thus married and portioned.
Pestilence.
This year a pestilential disorder (wabá) broke out in certain parts of Hindústán, and gradually increased until it raged with great fury. This dreadful calamity arose in the parganas of the Panjáb. It reached to Lahore, and a great number of Muham-madans and Hindús lost their lives from it. It then proceeded towards Sirhind, and through the Doáb as far as Dehlí and the surrounding places. It destroyed many villages and parganas in that part of the country. When it was about to break out, a mouse would rush out of its hole as if mad, and striking itself against the door and the walls of the house, would expire. If, immediately after this signal, the occupants left the house and went away to the jungle, their lives were saved; if otherwise, the inhabitants of the whole village would be swept away by the hand of death. If any person touched the dead, or even the clothes of a dead man, he also could not survive the fatal contact. The effect of the epidemic was comparatively more severe upon the Hindús. In Lahore its ravages were so great, that in one house ten or even twenty persons would die, and their surviving neighbours, annoyed by the stench, would be compelled to desert their habitations. Houses full of the dead were left locked, and no person dared to go near them through fear of his life. It was also very severe in Kashmír, where its effect was so great that (as an instance) a darwesh, who had performed the last sad offices of washing the corpse of a friend, the very next day shared the same fate. A cow, which had fed upon the grass on which the body of the man was washed, also died. The dogs, also, which ate the flesh of the cow, fell dead upon the spot. In Hindústán no place was free from this visitation, which continued to devastate the country for a space of eight years. * *
THIRTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
On the 16th of De, an hour and a quarter before the dawn of the day, there appeared in the atmosphere a vaporous matter in the shape of a column, and it was seen half an hour earlier every succeeding night. When it appeared in its full form, it resembled the shape of a javelin. It was thin at both ends, and thick and crooked in the middle like a sickle. Its back was towards the south, and its face towards the north. The astronomers measured its size by means of an astrolabe, and upon a comparison of different observations, it was found to extend over 24 degrees. It moved with the highest of the heavens, but had a proper motion of its own; so that it first appeared in the sign of Scorpio, and in a short time left it, and entered that of Libra. It also had a southerly declination. Astrologers in their books mention such a phenomenon under the name of a javelin. Sixteen nights after its appearance a star was seen in the same direction, the head of which was luminous; but its tail, which was two or three yards long, emitted no light. It was in consequence of its appearance that a pestilential disorder (wabá o tá'aún) spread throughout this extensive country of Hindústán, which exceeded everything known and recorded in former ages, nor is there any mention made of such in the authentic works of the Hindús. The pestilence arose in the country one year before the appearance of the phenomenon, and continued to rage for eight years. It was also through the effects of this phenomenon that a misunderstanding arose between His Majesty and the fortunate Prince Sháh Jahán. The disturbances which thus originated lasted seven or eight years. What blood was shed in the country! and what families were ruined!
At this time it was learnt from the petition of Bahádur Khán, governor of Kandahár, that in the environs and dependencies of the city, the mice had increased to such an extent that they left no trace of either crops or fruits. With the greatest difficulty, perhaps, only one-fourth of the produce was saved to the cultivators. In the same manner, the fields of melons, and the produce of orchards and vineyards were totally destroyed; and when no fruit and no corn remained in the gardens and in the fields, by degrees the mice all died off.
Rebellion of Sháh Jahán.
[The nineteenth year of the reign of Jahángír began. The intelligence of the march of Sháh Jahán's407 army towards Orissa and Bengal was confirmed. An order was sent to Prince Parwez and Mahábat Khán, to make provision for the security of the Dakhin, and then to march towards Illahábás and Bihár; so that if the governor of Bengal was unable to prevent the advance of the rebel Sháh Jahán, the Prince might be there to oppose him with the Imperial army. The Emperor also sent Khán Jahán to the capital, to watch the turn of affairs, and to take such steps as might seem necessary.
Mahábat Khán sent an ambassador from Burhánpúr to 'Ádil Khán, * * who wrote in reply that he would meet Mahábat Khán at Dewal-gánw, and would send his son to enter the Imperial service. The ambassador also wrote to say that 'Ádil Khán was loyal, and had determined to send his minister, Mullá Muhammad Lárí, to join Mahábat with 5000 horse. In compliance with repeated farmáns, the Prince marched for Bengal, notwithstanding the severity of the rains and the difficulties arising from the mud and mire of Málwá. Mahábat Khán, having sent forward the Prince, remained at Burhánpúr, awaiting the arrival of Mullá Muhammad Lárí.
Ahmad Beg Khán, nephew of Ibráhím Khán, and governor of Orissa, had gone forth against the zamíndárs of Garha. When he heard of Sháh Jahán's arrival, he retreated in alarm to Pipalí, the residence of the governor, and there collecting his property, he carried it with him to Katak (Cuttack), which is twelve kos from Pipalí, in the direction of Bengal. But not feeling himself able to make a stand even there, he went off to Bardwán, and carried the news to Sálih, nephew of Ja'far Beg. * * Sálih received a letter from 'Abdu-lla Khán, which was written for the purpose of winning him over, but Sálih rejected the proposition, and put Bardwán in a state of defence.
Ibráhím Khán, when he received the threatening intelligence, although he had forces scattered at different posts, fled to Akbar-nagar, 408 and there collected men and munitions for the conflict. He now received a letter from Sháh Jahán [proposing an arrange- ment]; but he wrote in reply that * * he would fight for his master to the death. When the Prince's army arrived at Bard-wán, the short-sighted Sálih put forth the foot of ignorance and folly,409 and made resistance. 'Abdu-lla Khán did not give him much grace, but invested the fort, and soon brought it to extremity. When Sálih perceived that there was no hope of relief, he went out to see the Khán, who led him with a sash round his neck to the Prince. This obstacle being removed, the Prince marched on to Akbar-nagar. It was Ibráhím Khán's first intention to hold Akbar-nagar, but the fort was large, and his force was insufficient for its defence; so he retired to the tomb of his son, which was smaller and more secure. Here he was joined by forces from different stations.
Sháh Jahán's army having arrived at Akbar-nagar, invested the tomb, and death began to be busy both within and without. Ahmad Beg Khán came, and found an entrance into the besieged place, which greatly inspirited the garrison. The wives and families of many of the besieged were on the other side of the river; so 'Abdu-lla Khán and Daryá Khán Afghán crossed over, to commence operations on that side. This movement alarmed Ibráhím Khán, who hastened thither, taking with him Ahmad Khán Beg, leaving others in charge of his fortified post. He sent over before him some war-boats, called in Hindí niwárá, to prevent the passage of the enemy. But before the boats arrived, Daryá Khán had crossed over. On hearing this, Ibráhím Khán sent Ahmad Beg over the river against Daryá Khán; but when he landed, a fight began on the banks of the river, and he lost many of his men; so he turned back and rejoined Ibráhím Khán, carrying with him the news of his defeat. Ibráhím sent to the fortress for a reinforcement, and a party of well-mounted horsemen came to his aid. On hearing of this, Daryá Khán retreated some kos, and 'Abdu-lla Khán, under the guidance of the landholders, crossed the river some kos higher up and joined him. The united forces took up a position, with the river on one flank and a thick jungle on the other. Ibráhím Khán crossed over, and gave battle. * * The advanced force was defeated, * * disorder arose, and many fled. Ibráhím Khán, with a small party of followers, disdained to escape; and although some of his men seized his bridle, and tried to drag him out of the fight, he exclaimed, “My life does not need such a course; what can I do better than die on the field of battle?” He had scarcely uttered the words, when the enemy gathered round and despatched him.
The news of his fall discouraged the garrison, and the besiegers exploded a mine under the fortress. The storming party rushed in, and the place was carried. * * Some of the garrison cast themselves into the river, and others, who were fettered by their families being in the hands of the enemy, submitted to the victor. The children and the property of Ibráhím Khán were in Dacca, so the Prince's army proceeded thither by the river. Ahmad Beg, Ibráhím's nephew, arrived before them; but submission was the only course open to him, and he obtained grace through one of the Prince's attendants. The victors took possession of the property, nearly forty lacs of rupees in cash, besides various effects, and elephants.
Dáráb Khán had hitherto been kept in confinement, but he was now released; and after being bound by an oath, was made governor of Bengal; but his wife, a daughter, a son, and a son of Sháh Nawáz Khán, were kept (as hostages). Rájá Bhím, son of Ráná Karan, who had never left the Prince in any of his troubles, was sent forward in command of the advanced force towards Patna. The province of Patna was in the jágír of Prince Parwez, and it had been left in charge of Mukhlis Khán, the Prince's díwán, and of Iftikhár Khán and Sher Khán Afghán, his faujdars. But before even Rájá Bhím arrived, they were frightened; and giving up all hope of support, they did not even set the fort of Patna in order, and wait a few days for the approach of the army; they abandoned the place, and made off to Illahábás, setting their own safety above the loss of such a country. So Rájá Bhím entered the fort of Patna, and took possession of the province of Bihár without resistance.
A few days afterwards Prince Sháh Jahán arrived there, and the jágírdárs of the province waited upon him, and made their submission. Saiyid Mubárak made over to him the fort of Rohtás. The zamíndár of Újaina also came in and was received. Before advancing himself, Sháh Jahán sent on 'Abdu-lla Khán with an army towards Allahábád, and Daryá Khán Afghán with another force towards Oudh. A few days after, the Prince himself marched, leaving Bairam Beg in charge of Bihár. Before 'Abdu-lla Khán passed over the ford of Jausá,411 Jahángír Kulí Khán, son of 'Azam Khán Mirzá Koka, who held the government of Jaunpúr, left that place and went to Mirzá Rustam at Allahábád. 'Abdu-lla pursued him hotly, and came up to the town of Jhaunsí on the river Ganges, opposite Allah-ábád. 411a Sháh Jahán then advanced to Jaunpúr. The war-boats (niwárá) had been brought up from Bengal, and 'Abdu-lla now employed them in effecting a passage of the river under a fire of guns and muskets, and pitched his camp in Allahábád.]
Dakhin.
[We must now return to the affairs of the Dakhin. 'Ambar Habshí had sent his envoy 'Alí Sher to Mahábat Khán, to express his obedience and devotion, in the hope that the management of the Dakhin would be entrusted to him. He was at war with 'Ádil Khán, and he hoped to obtain Imperial assistance, and so triumph over his enemy. On the other hand, 'Ádil Khán in the same way hoped to get charge of the province, and so to repel the assaults of 'Ambar. In the end 'Ádil Khán prevailed. Mahábat Khán rejected the proposals of 'Ambar, and decided in favour of 'Ádil Khán. 'Ambar was on the road, and Mullá Muhammad, the envoy of 'Ádil Khán, was in dread of him; so Mahábat Khán sent a detachment from the Imperial army to the Bálá-ghát, to escort him to Burhánpúr. When 'Ambar was informed of this, he turned back, vexed and disappointed, and proceeded with Nizámu-l Mulk from Khirkí to Kandahár, on the borders of Golkonda. He sent his children with his wives and attendants to the fortress of Daulatábád, and left Khirkí empty. He gave out that he was going to the frontier of Kutbu-l Mulk, in order to receive his fixed payment (zar-i mukarrarí).
When Mullá Muhammad Lárí approached Burhánpúr, Mahá-bat Khán went forth as far as Sháhpúr to meet him, and received him with great attention. Then they proceeded to wait upon Prince Parwez. Mahábat Khán left Sarbuland Ráí in charge of Burhánpúr, with Jádú Ráí and Údá Rám Ráí to support him; but he took with him the son of Jádú Ráí and the brother of Úda Rám by way of precaution. When Mullá Muhammad Lárí had his interview with the Prince, it was arranged that he should go to Burhánpúr with his 5000 horse, to assist Sarbuland Ráí, and that his son Amínu-d dín, with another 5000 horse, should accompany the Prince. * *
A despatch arrived from Fázil Khán, the bakhshí of the army of the Dakhin, stating that Mullá Muhammad Lárí had gone to Burhánpúr, and the Imperial commanders felt that the Dakhin was secure. Prince Parwez and Mahábat Khán had therefore marched towards Bihár and Bengal. The commanders having considered the rebellious actions of Khán-khánán, and the fact of his son Dáráb being in the service of Sháh Jáhán, resolved that he should be kept under arrest. His tent was to be pitched near that of the Prince, and his daughter Jáná Begam, who had been married to Prince Dániyál, and was an intelligent pupil of her father, was ordered to be detained in the same place with him, and constant guard was to be kept round their tent by trusty men.] * *
Defeat of Sháh Jahán.
[On the 1st of Shahryúr, while the Emperor was at Vírnág in Kashmír, a despatch arrived from Mahábat Khán, reporting that Sháh Jahán's generals held all the passages of the Ganges, and had seized upon all the boats. The Imperial army had consequently been delayed some days in crossing the river; but they had been assisted by the zamíndárs, thirty boats had been procured, and the army had crossed forty kos above the fords. * * The next intelligence was that a party of zamíndárs in the service of Sháh Jahán had carried off all the war-boats, with their guns and equipment, and had fled to Bengal. Sháh Jahán was in the jungle of Kampat, where he had entrenched himself, and had mounted cannons and guns upon his earthworks. But the supply of provisions was small, and scarcity had begun to prevail.
A courier now arrived by dák chaukí from Prince Parwez, with a despatch announcing that he had gained a victory over Sháh Jahán, who had gone off towards Patna and Bihár. The particulars of the engagement are as follows: The two armies were in sight of each other, and forming their array for several days. The royal army amounted to 40,000 men, that of Sháh Jahán did not exceed 10,000413 horse, including old and new troops; and some of the most devoted were averse to fighting.413a Rájá Bhím, the son of the Ráná, contrary to the opinions of all, was eager for war. He went so far as to say that if they did not fight, they must not reckon upon his support, for such marching and moving about was against the rules of the Rájpúts. His voice prevailed, and the ranks were formed for battle. The guns were taken out of the redoubts, and the battle began. The royal forces encompassed the field on three sides like a bow, and arrows and bullets fell like hail. Rájá Bhím, unheeding the numbers of foes, charged bravely with his Rájpúts * *; but a chosen force which attended Prince Parwez and Mahábat Khán fell upon him and cut him down; still he fought fiercely as long as he could draw breath. * * The gunners abandoned their guns and fled, and the guns fell into the hands of the royal forces. * * An arrow wounded the horse of Sháh Jahán, and 'Abdu-lla, who was near him, seized his bridle, and led him out of the fight, when he exchanged his own for the Prince's wounded horse. Sháh Jahán went to the fort of Rohtás,414 and there stayed his flight.] * *
Dakhin.
[Advices now arrived from the Dakhin. Malik 'Ambar proceeded to the frontiers of Kutbu-l Mulk, to receive the annual payment for the army, which was now two years in arrear. After receiving it, and making himself secure on that side by a treaty and oath, he proceeded towards Bídar. There he found the forces of 'Ádil Khán, who were in charge of that country, unprepared, so he attacked them unawares, and plundered the city of Bídar. From thence he marched against Bíjápúr. 'Ádil Khán had sent his best troops and officers along with Mullá Muhammad Lárí to Burhánpúr, and not deeming himself strong enough to resist the assailant, he shut himself up in the fortress of Bíjápúr, and doing all he could to secure the place, he sent a messenger to recall Muhammad Lárí and his forces from Burhánpúr. * *
When Mahábat Khán and Prince Parwez marched for Allah-ábád, Sarbuland Ráí was left in charge of Burhánpúr, and was ordered to administer the affairs of the Dakhin in concert with Mullá Muhammad Lárí. The Mullá now became very pressing, and gave three lacs of húns, nearly equal to twelve lacs of rupees, for the payment of the troops. When the Mullá's letters of recall reached Mahábat Khán, he acquiesced, and directed the officials in the Dakhin to hasten with the Mullá to support 'Ádil Khán. Sarbuland Ráí of necessity remained at Burhánpúr with a few men; but he sent Lashkar Khán and * * * all the amírs of the Dakhin along with Muhammad Lárí, to oppose Malik 'Ambar. When the Malik received information of this, he wrote to the Imperial officers, asserting his loyalty to the Imperial throne, and asking that Nizámu-l Mulk and 'Ádil Khán might be allowed to settle their old standing differences without interference. 415 No attention was paid to this remonstrance by the amírs, who pressed steadily on. He renewed his appeal more earnestly than before; but they displayed their forces, and he was compelled to depart from Bíjápúr, and go to his own territories. Upon the approach of the Imperial forces, 'Ambar endeavoured to conciliate and procrastinate, and spared no effort to avoid war. But Mullá Muhammad Lárí and the Imperial amírs followed him, and allowed him no rest. The more submissive and importunate he became, the more Muhammad Lárí tried to humble him, and the harder he pressed him.
He was reduced to extremity, and compelled to take some decided course. So one day, when the Imperial forces were heedless, and were impressed with the notion that he would not fight, suddenly he appeared on the edge of their camp, five kos from Ahmadnagar. The battle began with the forces of 'Ádil Khán, and, by the will of Fate, Muhammad Lárí, who commanded them, was killed. His fall threw the Bíjápúr forces into confusion. Jádú Ráí and Údá Rám fled without striking a blow, and a perfect rout followed. Ikhlás Khán and twenty-five other officers of 'Ádil Khán, who were the props of his power, were taken prisoners. Of these, Farhád Khán, who had sought the death of Malik 'Ambar, was executed; the others were imprisoned. Lashkar Khán and some other chiefs of the Imperial army were also made prisoners. Khanjar Khán by great exertion escaped to Ahmadnagar, and prepared the fortress for a siege. Ján-sipár Khán went to Bír, which was in his tuyúl (jágír), and set the fort in order. Of the rest who escaped from the field of carnage, some fled to Ahmadnagar, and some to Burhánpúr.
Malik 'Ambar, successful beyond his hopes, sent his prisoners to the fortress of Daulatábád, and marched to lay siege to Ahmad-nagar. But although he brought up his guns and pressed the siege, he met with no success. He therefore left a part of his army to maintain the investment, whilst he marched against Bíjápúr. 'Ádil Khán again took refuge in the fortress, and Malik 'Ambar occupied all his territories as far as the frontiers of the Imperial dominions in the Bálághát. He collected an excellent army and laid siege to Sholapúr, which had long been a subject of contention between Nizámu-l Mulk and 'Ádil Khán. He sent a force against Burhánpúr, and having brought up guns from Daulatábád, he took Sholapúr by storm.
The intelligence of these reverses greatly troubled the Emperor. By advice of Mahábat Khán, he summoned Khána-zád Khán, son of Mahábat, from Kábul, and sent him with his army to join his father. * *416 A despatch arrived from Mahábat Khan, informing the Emperor that Sháh Jahán had quitted Patna and Bihár, and had gone to Bengal. Prince Parwez, with the Imperial army, was in Bihár awaiting instructions as to his future proceedings. It has already been related how Sháh Jahán had made Dáráb, son of Khán-khanán, governor of Bengal, and having first bound him by an oath, had carried off his wife and son and nephew as hostages. After being defeated, Sháh Jahán placed the wife in the fort of Rohtás, and wrote to Dáráb, ordering him to come in person to the fort. Dáráb improperly and perversely took another view of the matter, and wrote to say that he was unable to come, because the zamíndárs had banded together and held him in blockade. When Sháh Jahán found that he must not expect the arrival of Dáráb, and that he had not forces sufficient to carry on the war, he placed Dáráb's son in charge of 'Abdu-lla Khán, and went to Akbar-nagar, where he took all the munitions and baggage which had been left there, and returned to the Dakhin by the way in which he had come. Dáráb Khán had disgraced himself to all eternity by his detestable conduct, so 'Abdu-lla Khán relieved his own mind by putting Dáráb's son to death; and this he did, although Sháh Jahán had sent to forbid him.
Prince Parwez, having given Bihár in jágír to Mahábat Khán and his son, started on his return. He sent notices to the zamíndárs of Bengal, who held Dáráb in confinement, warning them not to hurt him, but to send him to the army. He soon arrived, and intelligence of his arrival having been communicated to the Emperor, he issued his mandate to Mahábat Khán, that there was no use in keeping such a worthless fellow alive, and that therefore he was to be beheaded, and his head sent to Court. So Mahábat Khán had him decapitated, and sent his head to the Emperor. * * Strict orders were sent to the Dakhin, forbidding warlike operations until the arrival of reinforcements, and commanding the troops to keep in the fortified places, and make them secure.]
TWENTIETH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
[The twentieth year of the reign commenced on the 10th Jumáda-s sání, 1033 H. (10th March, 1624 A.D.), and the Emperor set out for Kashmír.]
As it has been several times asserted, and is especially mentioned in the Zakhíra Khwárism Sháhí, that laughter arises from eating saffron,—and that if it is taken in large quantities, there is fear of death supervening,—His Majesty determined on making a trial of its effects, and therefore sent for a condemned criminal from the jail, and giving him a quarter of a sír of saffron, equal to forty miskáls, made him eat it in his presence. It did not occasion any change in him. On the next day, he gave him double the quantity, but it did not cause him even to smile, much less to laugh. How then can a man possibly die from eating saffron?417
[Despatches from Asad Khán, bakhshí of the Dakhin, brought intelligence that Sháh Jahán had arrived at Dewalgám; that Yúsuf Habshí had invested Burhánpúr with the forces of Malik 'Ambar; that Sarbuland Ráí had kept close in his fortifications; and that the besiegers had not been able to accomplish anything. The next intelligence was that Sháh Jahán had reached the La'lbágh (before Burhánpúr), and had made several assaults upon the place without success. He had been attacked by sickness, and was compelled to go away to Rohangarh in the Bálághát.418 The forces of Malik 'Ambar, finding their efforts unavailing, raised the siege, and returned to their master. Hoshang, son of Prince Dániyál, and 'Abdu-r Rahím Khán-khánán came in to wait upon Prince Parwez. The former was graciously received and liberally provided for. Khán-khánán expressed sorrow and shame for his actions, and the Prince consoled him, and directed that he should be kept in a suitable place.418a
Fidáí Khán was sent to Prince Parwez, with orders for Mahá-bat Khán to leave him, and proceed to Bengal. Khán Jahán418b was to come from Gujarát, and to act as vakíl with the Prince. Fidáí Khán saw the Prince at Sárangpúr, and wrote to say that the Prince was unwilling either to part with Mahábat Khán or to receive Khán Jahán. * * He (Fidáí) had, nevertheless, sent messengers for Khán Jahán, who was hastening to his post. Another farmán was then sent to the Prince, warning him not to disobey. If Mahábat Khán was unwilling to go to Bengal, he was to return express to Court, and the Prince was to stay with his amírs at Burhánpúr.
On the 19th Muharram, 1035, the Emperor started from Kashmír on his return to Lahore.] * *
Prince Dáwar Bakhsh presented a tiger, which had an extraordinary affection for a goat, which lived in the same cage with it. They used even to couple and consort together, as if they were animals of the same kind. It was ordered that the goat should be taken away to a distance and concealed; upon which the tiger became disconsolate and uneasy. It was then ordered that a goat of precisely the same colour and size should be placed in the cage. The tiger at first began to smell it, and shortly afterwards seized it in his mouth, and broke its back. A sheep was then placed in the cage, when it was immediately torn and devoured. They then brought the old goat back again, when it was received with undiminished regard. The tiger lay on his back, and took the goat upon its breast, and licked its face. Such a thing was never seen, either among tame or wild beasts, as an animal kissing the mouth even of its mate.
[Mahábat Khán had not as yet sent to Court the elephants obtained in Bengal, and he had realized large sums of money due to the State, and also from jágírs. A person called 'Arab Dast-ghaib was therefore sent to collect the elephants, and bring them to Court, also to obtain a settlement of accounts, and to return to Court if the result proved satisfactory.
Intelligence arrived that Khán Jahán had come from Gujarát, and had joined Prince Parwez. A letter arrived simultaneously from Khán Jahán himself, stating that 'Abdu-lla Khán had abandoned Sháh Jahán, and through him had written penitent and submissive letters, begging for forgiveness. Khán Jahán forwarded the letters with his own intercession, and pardon was granted. * *
On the 8th Jumáda-s sání the Emperor began his travels in the direction of Kábul.] * *
TWENTY-FIRST YEAR OF THE REIGN.
[The twenty-first year of the reign began on the 10th Jumáda-s sání, 1035 H. * * An answer to the dutiful letter of Sháh Jahán was written and forwarded, with a mace set with diamonds, valued at a lac of rupees, a studded girdle, etc.] * *
Rebellion of Mahábat Khán.
[It has previously been mentioned that 'Arab Dast-ghaib had been sent to Mahábat Khán in Bengal, to bring the elephants, and to summon the Khán to Court. Mahábat Khán, having first sent the elephants, came himself to the vicinity of the royal camp. His recall was owing to the instigation of Ásaf Khán,420 whose object was to bring him to disgrace, and to deprive him of honour, property, and life. But Mahábat Khán had cleverly seen through Ásaf's designs, and had brought with him 4000 or 5000 Rájpúts, brave men united in one cause. He had also brought the wives and families of many of them, so that, if driven to extremity, they would fight to the last for the lives and honour of themselves and their families.
Although strong observations were made about the manner in which Mahábat Khán had come, Nawáb Ásaf Khán treated the matter with indifference and negligence. When his arrival was reported to the Emperor, a message was sent forbidding him to attend at Court until summoned. The elephants which he had brought were to be forwarded to Court.
Mahábat Khán had, without the royal permission, affianced his daughter to the son of Khwája 'Umar Nakshabandí. The Emperor made a great noise about this. He sent for the young man, and having treated him with great insult and harshness, he gave orders for binding his hands to his neck, and for taking him bare-headed to prison. Fidáí Khán was directed to seize what Mahábat Khán had given to the youth, and place it in the Imperial treasury.
The abiding place of the Emperor was on the bank of the river Behat, and Ásaf Khan, notwithstanding the presence of such a brave and daring enemy, was so heedless of his master's safety, that he left him on that side of the river, while he passed over the bridge to the other side, with the children and women, and the attendants and officers. He sent over also the baggage, the treasury, the arms, etc., even to the very domestics.
421 Mahábat Khán perceived that his life and honour were at stake, and that he had no resource, for he had not a single friend left near the Emperor. With 4000 or 5000 Rájpúts who had sworn fidelity to him, he proceeded to the head of the bridge. There he left nearly 2000 horsemen to hold it, and to burn the bridge rather than allow any one to pass over. Mahábat Khán then proceeded to the royal quarters. The writer of this Ikbálnáma at that time held the offices of bakhshí and mír-túzak; therefore he had not gone over the river, but passed the night in the antechamber. After prayers, and saying good morning to his comrades, he went round to inspect. A cry arose that Mahábat Khán was coming, and the thought occurred to me421a that perhaps he had gone to the door of the private apartments. Then it was said that he had left the private apartments, and had come to the state-apartment, to give expression to his feelings. On reaching the entrance of my ante-room, he inquired how matters stood. When his voice reached my ear, I drew my sword, and went out of the tent. When he saw me, he addressed me by name, and asked after His Majesty. I saw that he had with him about 100 Rájpúts on foot, carrying spears and shields, and leading his horse in the midst of them; but the dust prevented me from seeing any one's face distinctly. He hastened to the chief entrance, and I entered the state-apartment by a side door. I saw a few men of the guard in the state-room, and three or four eunuchs standing at the door of the bath-room. Mahábat Khán rode to the door of the state-room, and alighted. When he proceeded towards the bath-room, he had about 200 Rájpúts with him. I then went forward, and in my simplicity exclaimed, “This presumption and temerity is beyond all rule; if you will wait a minute, I will go on in, and make a report.” He did not trouble himself to answer. When he reached the entrance of the bath-room, his attendants tore down the boards which the door-keepers had put up for security, and threw them into the middle of the state-room. The servants who were in attendance on His Majesty informed him of this daring action. The Emperor then came out, and took his seat in a pálkí which was in waiting for him. Mahábat Khán advanced respectfully to the door of the pálkí, and said, “I have assured myself that escape from the malice and implacable hatred of Ásaf Khán is impossible, and that I shall be put to death in shame and ignominy. I have therefore boldly and presumptuously thrown myself upon Your Majesty's protection. If I deserve death or punishment, give the order that I may suffer it in your presence.”
The armed Rájpúts now flocked in, and surrounded the royal apartments. There was no one with His Majesty but 'Arab Dast-ghaib, * * * and a few other attendants. The violent entrance of that faithless dog had alarmed and enraged His Majesty, so he twice placed his hand on his sword to cleanse the world from the filthy existence of that foul dog. But each time Mansúr Badakhshí said, “This is a time for fortitude, leave the punishment of this wicked faithless fellow to a just God: a day of retribution will come.” His words seemed prudent, so His Majesty restrained himself. In a short time the Rájpúts occupied the royal apartments within and without, so that no one but the servants could approach His Majesty. The villain then said, “It is time to go out riding and hunting; let the necessary orders be given as usual, so that your slave may go out in attendance upon you, and it may appear that this bold step has been taken by Your Majesty's order.” He brought his own horse forward, and urged the Emperor to mount it; but the royal dignity would not permit him to ride upon his horse. So he called for his own horse, and ordered his riding garments to be taken into the private apartments. But that shrewd villain would not allow him to go inside.
They waited a little until the horse was brought. His Majesty then mounted and rode to two arrow-shots distance from the tents. An elephant was brought forward, and Mahábat Khán said that there was a crowd and uproar, His Majesty had therefore better mount the elephant, and so proceed to the hunting ground. The Emperor, without any observation or opposition, mounted the beast. One of the most trusted Rájpúts took his seat in front, and two others behind the howda. Mubárak Khán now came forward, and to satisfy him, took a place in the howda with the Emperor. In the confusion, Mubárak had received accidentally a wound in the forehead, from which a good deal of blood had run, and covered his bosom. One of the personal attendants of His Majesty, who had charge of the wine, and carried the royal wine-cup in his hand, now came up to the elephant. The Rájpúts seized their spears, and with their hands and arms tried to prevent him; but he seized fast hold of the howda, and as there was not room for three persons to sit outside, he supported himself by holding the middle of the howda. After going about half a kos, Gajpat Khán, the master of the elephant stables, brought up the Emperor's own elephant. He was seated in front, and his son behind. Apparently this roused Mahábat Khán's suspicion, and he gave the sign to the Rájpúts for killing these two innocent men.
Dressed as if for hunting, Mahábat Khán led the way to his own abode, and His Majesty went in and stayed there for a time. Mahábat placed his wretched sons around the Emperor. He had taken no thought of Núr Jahán Begam; so it now occurred to him that he would take the Emperor back to the royal abode, and make himself safe on that side also. With this intention, he conducted the Emperor back. But as it happened, Núr Jahán, thinking that His Majesty had gone out hunting, took the opportunity to pass over the river with Jawáhir Khán, the eunuch, to pay a visit to her brother Ásaf Khán. When Mahábat discovered the departure of Núr Jahán, he bitterly repented of the blunder he had made in not securing her. He now bethought him of Shahriyár, and saw that it would be a great error to let him be apart from the Emperor. So he made His Majesty mount once more, and carried him to the house of Shahriyár. Apprehension and fear for his life so distracted the traitor, that his deeds and words were not at all sensible. He neither knew what he said nor what he did, nor what was to be done. Every minute some design or some anxiety entered his mind, and caused regret. His Majesty made no opposition to any of his proposals.
When the bold traitor entered the royal apartments, Jahjú, grandson of Shujá'at Khán, one of the chief nobles of the late Emperor Akbar, was present, and he went everywhere with His Majesty, until he was taken to the abode of Shahriyár. One cannot tell what suspicion or doubt entered the heart of the traitor; but when His Majesty went in, Mahábat directed his Rájpúts to seize Jahjú and slay him, and they soon made a martyr of him.
After Núr Jahán had crossed the river, and reached the house of her brother, she summoned all the chief nobles, and addressed them in reproachful terms. “This,” she said, “has all happened through your neglect and stupid arrangements. What never entered into the imagination of any one has come to pass, and now you stand stricken with shame for your conduct before God and man. You must do your best to repair this evil, and advise what course to pursue.” With one mind and one voice they all advised that on the morrow the forces should be drawn out, and that they should pass over the river with her to defeat the rebel and deliver His Majesty. This unwise resolution reached the Emperor's ears, and he considered it very wrong. During the night he sent Mukarrib Khán and several others in succession to Ásaf Khán and the great nobles, warning them against passing over the river to give battle, for to do so would be a great mistake, productive of nothing but evil and repentance. With what hope and what zeal could they fight, while he was on a different side of the river. To certify and enforce this counsel, he sent his own signet ring over by Mír Mansúr. But Ásaf Khán suspected that this was done and said at the instigation of Mahábat Khán; so he paid no heed to it, but resolved to carry out the plan they had resolved on.
Fidáí Khán, on being informed of what had happened, mounted his horse, and rode down to the river; but the bridge had been burnt, and there was no means of passing over. Having no other resource, with a few of his faithful followers he rode into the river opposite the royal abode, and tried to cross over by swimming. Six of his men perished in the waters; others, through the coldness of the water, were unable to proceed, and returned to land half dead. The Khán, with seven other horsemen, reached the opposite bank, and made a gallant effort. Four of his companions were killed; and when he saw that the enemy was too strong, that he could not reach His Majesty, and that his effort must fail, he fell back like a block of stone in an iron wall,425 and repassed the river with the same dash and spirit with which he had crossed it. The Emperor passed that night in the abode of Shahriyár.
On Sunday, the 20th Farwardín, of the Iláhí era, agreeing with 21st Jumáda-s sání, Ásaf Khán, with Khwája Abú-l Hasan, and other grandees, being resolved upon giving battle, determined to pass the river in attendance upon Núr Jahán Begam, by a ford which Ghází, the commander of the boats, had discovered. As it happened, this was one of the worst of fords. Three or four large holes had to be passed, in which the water was deep. In the passage all order was lost, and each party got over as best it could. Ásaf Khán, Khwája Abú-l Hasan, and Irádat Khán, with the elephant-litter of the Begam, landed in front of a strong party of the enemy, which held the bank, with their elephants posted in their front. Fidáí Khán crossed over at a ford about an arrow-shot lower down. Abú Tálib, son of Ásaf Khán, and a considerable number of men, passed at a ford still lower down. At times the horses were obliged to swim, the accoutrements got wet, and the harness disordered. Some of them had reached the shore, and some were still in the water, when the enemy came down upon them, their elephants leading. Ásaf Khán and Khwája Abú-l Hasan were yet in the middle of the river, when the men in advance of them recoiled (I was paralyzed at this sight, as if a mill-stone had been revolving on the top of my head). No one cared for or gave ear to another, no one showed any resolution. The first thing to be done was to secure the ford which offered the easiest passage, and to send a force over to occupy the opposite bank, and to keep the enemy off, so that the amírs and their men might cross the river without interruption, to support those who had already got over. This was a time for the exhibition of discipline, resolution, and devotion. But now every one who was in front fell back, and those who went on together fell. The officers, in a panic, rushed off in disorder, not knowing whither they went, or where they led their men.
I and Khwája Abú-l Hasan had crossed one (branch of the) river, and were standing on the brink of the second, beholding the working of destiny. Horsemen and footmen, horses, camels, and carriages, were in the midst of the river, jostling each other, and pressing to the opposite shore. At this time a eunuch of Núr Jahán's, whose name was Nadím, came to us, and said, “The Begam wants to know if this is the time for delay and irresolution; strike boldly forward, so that by your advance the enemy may be repulsed, and take to flight.” I and the Khwája did not wait to give an answer, but plunged into the water. Seven or eight hundred Rájpúts, with a number of war-elephants in their front, occupied the opposite shore in firm array. Some of our men, horse and foot, approached the bank, in a broken and disordered condition. The enemy pushed forward their elephants, and the horsemen came from the rear, dashed into the water, and plied their swords. Our handful of men, being without leaders, turned and fled, and the swords of the enemy tinged the water with their blood. The Begam Núr Jahán had in her litter the daughter of Shahriyár, whose anka426 or nurse was the daughter of Sháh Nawáz Khán. The anka received an arrow in her arm, and the Begam herself pulled it out, staining her garments with blood. The elephant on which the Begam was riding received two sword-cuts on the trunk; and when he turned round, he was wounded two or three times behind with spears. The Rájpúts pushed after him with their drawn swords, and his drivers urged him on into the deep water. The horsemen then had to swim, and becoming afraid of being drowned, they turned back. The elephant swam to shore, and the Begam proceeded to the royal abode. Khwája Abú-l Hasan and I were together. He left me and made haste to the Begam's abode, and I remained with forty of my men by the side of the river. They kept up a discharge of arrows, and the Rájpúts made no attempt to cross to our side. Ásaf Khán now came in sight; his companions were scattered, and his plan had failed, so he departed. I sought and shouted for his followers, but could not find them or any trace of them.
When Khwája Abú-l Hasan left me, he went off at a sharp pace, and in his distraction and alarm, he rode into the river. The water was deep, and the stream was running strong. While the horse was swimming, he fell off; but he clutched the saddle-bow with both hands. The horse went under several times, and was drowned; but the Khwája never let go the saddle-bow. A Kashmírí boatman made his way to him, and saved his life.
Fidáí Khán, with a party of the Emperor's servants, and some of his own men who had been long attached to him, passed the river, and attacked the force which he found opposed to him. He drove back the enemy, and reached the house of Shahriyár, where the Emperor then was. The interior of the residence was full of men, both horse and foot; so Fidáí Khán stopped at the entrance, and sent a discharge of arrows inside. Some of the arrows fell in the courtyard of the private apartments near His Majesty, when Mukhlis Khán placed himself before the throne, and made his body a shield for the protection of the Emperor. Fidáí Khán persevered for some time in his efforts, but several of his followers were killed, others were severely wounded, and the Khán's own horse received four wounds. When he found that he could not succeed, and that there was no chance of reaching the Emperor, he passed through the camp, and went up the river. Next day he crossed the river, and repaired to his sons, who were in Rohtás. * * Ásaf Khán, who was the cause of this disaster, and whose folly and rashness had brought matters to this pass, when he found that he could no longer make any resistance to Mahábat Khán, fled with his son Abú Tálib, and 200 or 300 horse, bárgírs, and servants, to the fort of Átak, which was in his jágír, and closed the fortress. * * Mahábat sent a large party of the royal ahadís (guards), with some of his own followers, and the zamíndárs of the neighbourhood, under the command of his son Bihroz and a Rájpút, to invest Átak. They reduced the fort, and Ásaf Khán bowed to Fate, and bound himself by promise and oath to uphold Mahábat. When the Emperor crossed the river at Átak, Mahábat Khán, having received the royal permission, went into the fort, brought out Ásaf Khán and his son Abú Tálib, and gave it into the charge of his own adherents. [Several of A'saf Khán's followers executed.] The royal camp rested for a while at Jalálábád, * * and on the 21st Sha'bán arrived at Kábul, and the Emperor visited the tombs of his ancestors. * * A party of Rájpúts turned out their horses to graze in the hunting ground near Kábul, and a contention arose with the keepers, in which an ahadí was killed. * * The ahadís sought redress, * * and, dissatisfied with the answer they received, * * attacked the Rájpúts, and killed 600 or 700 of them.]
Death of Malik 'Ambar.
[Intelligence now arrived of the death of 'Ambar the Abyssinian, in the eightieth year of his age, on the 31st Urdíbihisht. This 'Ambar was a slave, but an able man. In warfare, in command, in sound judgment, and in administration, he had no rival or equal. He well understood that predatory (kazzákí) warfare, which in the language of the Dakhin is called bargí-girí. He kept down the turbulent spirits of that country, and maintained his exalted position to the end of his life, and closed his career in honour. History records no other instance of an Abyssinian slave arriving at such eminence. * *
The Emperor, with Núr Jahán Begam,429 while at Kábul, went to pay a visit to Sháh Isma'íl. It was now reported that Sháh Jahán had departed from the frontiers of Nizámu-l Mulk, and proceeded through Málwa to Ajmír. But he made no stay there, and had gone on by way of Jesalmír to Thatta. On the 1st Shahryúr, His Majesty started from Kábul for Hindústán. At this time intelligence was brought of the serious illness of Prince Parwez. He was first attacked with colic, then he became insensible, and after medical treatment, fell into a heavy sleep. The doctors cauterized him in five places on the head and forehead. His illness was attributed to excessive drinking; the same malady of which his uncles Sháh Murád and Sháhzáda Dániyál had died.]
Escape of the Emperor.
[His Majesty, in his good nature and gentleness, had now become reconciled to Mahábat Khán, and showed him great favour and kindness, so that Mahábat felt quite secure on that side. * * Whatever Núr Jahán Begam said to the Emperor in private, he unreservedly repeated to Mahábat Khán, and he bade him beware, for the Begam had a design against him. He also told him that the daughter of Sháh-nawáz Khán, who was married to Sháyastah Khán, son of Ásaf, had threatened to shoot him whenever she got an opportunity. By these means he set Mahábat's heart at rest, and removed that doubt and suspicion with which Mahábat had at first regarded him. Mahábat became less watchful, the guard of Rájpúts which he used to bring with him to surround the palace was diminished, and the bands of control were relaxed. Besides, he had lost some of his best men in the fight with the ahadís in Kábul.
Núr Jahán Begam worked against him both in private and in public. She maintained a number of followers, and attached them to herself by money and promises. In time Hushiyár Khán, her eunuch, in compliance with her letters, got together about 2000 men in Lahore, and proceeded to meet her. A considerable number of men had also been got together round the royal escort. When he was one march distant from Rohtás His Majesty determined to hold a review of the cavalry. He gave orders that all the soldiers, old and new, should form in two lines from the royal abode as far as they would extend. He then directed Buland Khán, one of his attendants, to go to Mahábat Khán, and tell him that His Majesty was holding a review of the Begam's troops that day. It would be better therefore for him to postpone the usual parade of the first day, lest words should pass between the two parties and strife ensue.430 After Buland Khán, he sent Khwája Abú-l Hasan to enforce his wish more strongly, and to urge Mahábat to go on a stage. The Khwája, by cogent reasons, prevailed upon him; and, casting off all insolence and improper exercise of power, he went on first. His Majesty followed close after, and making no stay at the first stage, he made two stages into one, and passed over the river to Rohtás, where he found a Court ready to receive him.
The Emperor now sent four written orders to Mahábat Khán. 1. That as Sháh Jahán had gone to Thatta, he was to follow and assist in settling matters there. 2. To send Ásaf Khán and his son Abú Tálib to Court. 3. To send Tahmúras and Hoshang, sons of the late Prince Dániyál, who had been placed in his charge. 4. To send also Lashkarí, son of Mukhlis Khán, who was his surety, and had not yet come to Court. He was warned that if he made any delay in sending Ásaf Khán, an army should be sent after him.
Afzal Khán brought the sons of Prince Dániyál; but in the matter of Ásaf Khán, he brought a message from Mahábat, saying that he was going to Thatta, but that he was not safe as regarded Núr Jahán. He was afraid that if he let Ásaf Khán go, an army would be sent after him. Therefore, with all due submission, he would keep Ásaf Khán till he had passed Lahore, and would then set him at liberty. This answer greatly enraged the Begam, who sent Afzal Khán back to report what he had seen and heard, to say that there must be no delay in sending Ásaf Khán, and to beware of giving further provocation. Mahábat Khán was overawed by this message. He sent for Ásaf Khán, apologized, and bound him by an oath and promise. Then having shown him much attention, he sent him to Court. But, for the reason above stated, he detained Ásaf's son, Abú Tálib, for some days. He then marched as if it was his intention to proceed to Thatta. * *
When the Court arrived at Lahore, Ásaf Khán received the súbadárí of the Panjáb. He was also appointed prime minister, and the order was given for him to preside permanently over the administration of all affairs, revenue and political. * *
Mahábat Khán did not proceed far in the direction of Thatta, but turned off, and went towards Hindústán to push his fortune. Information came in that twenty-two lacs of rupees was coming to him from Bengal, and that the convoy had arrived near Dehlí. A party was sent out to seize upon this treasure, and they fell in with it near Sháhábád. The men in charge with their cart loads of money took refuge in a saráí, barricaded it, and showed a determination of holding out to the last. After a good deal of fighting, the royal troops set fire to the saráí, and got possession of it, when its defenders fled.] * *
News from the Dakhin.
[Prince Parwez died on the 6th Safar, 1035 A.H. His age was thirty-eight solar years.
Intelligence arrived from the Dakhin that Ya'kúb Khán, the Abyssinian, who, in that country, was next in rank to Malik 'Ambar, and during his life even had held important commands, had now determined to make his submission to the Imperial throne. * * Khán Jahán wrote to Ya'kúb in warm and assuring terms, and directed the amírs to receive him with all hospitality and respect, and to bring him to Burhánpúr.]
Sháh Jahán.
[It has already been mentioned that Sháh Jahán, with a small party of adherents, had proceeded to Thatta. In former years he had kept up friendly relations and correspondence with Sháh 'Abbás of Persia, and in his present difficulties he entertained the idea of going to him, hoping to receive a friendly reception, until by some means he got over his troubles. On approaching Thatta, Sharífu-l Mulk, the governor of the country, and a devoted servant of Shahriyár's, came forward arrogantly with 3000 or 4000 horse, and 10,000 infantry, collected from the country, to oppose Sháh Jahán's progress. The Prince had with him only 300 or 400 horse; but Sharífu-l Mulk was afraid to attack them, and retired into the fortress of the city. The fortress had been lately repaired, many guns had been mounted, and chosen parties of men held the various bastions, prepared to make a vigorous defence. Sháh Jahán forbad any attempt upon the fort, and desired to avoid a sacrifice of life from the fire of the fortress. A party of his brave fellows, not heeding his prohibition, made an attack; but the works were too strong, and the fire too heavy, so they were repulsed. Some days later another party, unable to repress their ardour, made another attack. The ground round the fortress was level and open, with not a mound, a wall, a tree, or any kind of shelter. So they placed their shields in front of them, and rushed forward. They came upon a broad and deep ditch, which was full of water. To advance was impossible, to return still more so. Trusting in Providence as their fortress, there they stayed. Sháh Jahán sent to recall them, but they did not retire. Some of his most devoted servants went to bring them back; but each one that went took part with them, and choosing the road to death, never returned.
Various events now occurred to prevent Sháh Jahán from proceeding to Persia. Prince Parwez was very dangerously ill, and the attempt to subdue Thatta seemed futile, so he determined to return by way of Gujarát and the country of Bihára (Birár?) to the Dakhin. Being weak and ill, he was obliged to travel in a pálkí. He now received intelligence of the death of Prince Parwez, and this hastened his movements. He pursued the route which Mahmúd of Ghazní had taken when he conquered Somnáth. Passing by Rájpiplíya, he arrived at Násik Tirbang in the Dakhin, where he had left his stores and equipage.]
The Dakhin.
[Nizámu-l Mulk, in concert with Fath Khán, son of Malik 'Ambar, took hostile measures, * * so Khán Jahán placed Lashkar Khán in charge of Burhánpúr, and marched to Khirkí to frustrate his attempts. * * Nizámu-l Mulk was in the fortress of Daulatábád. He made Hamíd Khán, an Abyssinian slave,433 his commander-in-chief, and delivered over to him the general management of his State. Nizámu-l Mulk was thus kept under control like a bird in a cage; out of doors by the Abyssinian, and indoors by his wife.
When Khán Jahán's approach became known, Hamíd Khán took three lacs of húns, and went to meet him. The Abyssinian's wiles and the temptation of the money, led Khán Jahán from the course of rectitude. He agreed to take the money, and to restore all the country of the Bálághát, as far as the fortress of Ahmad-nagar, to Nizámu-l Mulk. Shame upon this faithless man, who forgot his duty and his loyalty, and bartered such a territory for three lacs of húns! Khán Jahán wrote letters to the commandants of the various posts, ordering them to give up the places to the officers of Nizámu-l Mulk, and to return to Court.
One of these letters was sent to Sipahdár Khán, the commandant of Ahmadnagar. When Nizámu-l Mulk's officers went there, the Khán said, “Take possession of the country, for it belongs to you; but I will not surrender the fort without a royal farmán.” The representatives of Nizámu-l Mulk did their utmost to persuade him, but it was all in vain; he never swerved from his determination, and he busied himself in laying in provisions, and putting the fortress in a state of defence. Other commandants weakly surrendered the country of the Bálághát at the command of Khán Jahán, and repaired to Burhánpúr.
At this time died, in the seventy-second year of his age, Khán-khánán, son of Bairam Khán, one of the greatest nobles of the reign of the late Emperor Akbar, who had rendered honourable services and gained important victories. * *
Mahábat Khán, when he turned off from the road to Thatta, sent his men to meet the convoy of treasure which was on its way to him, and either to bring it after him, or bear it out of the Imperial territory. He concealed himself for some time in the hills of the Ráná's country, and then sent persons to Sháh Jahán to express his contrition. The Prince received his apologies kindly, called him to his presence, and treated him with great favour and kindness.434] * *
TWENTY-SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN.
[While the Emperor was staying in Kashmír, his illness increased, and he daily became weaker. He was unable to ride on horseback, but was carried about in a pálkí. His sufferings were great. * * He lost all appetite for food, and rejected opium, which had been his companion for forty years. He took nothing but a few cups of wine of the grape.
Just at this time, Sultán Shahriyár inopportunely fell ill. The “fox's disease”435 robbed him of his honour; for all his hair, his whiskers, his eyebrows, and his eyelashes fell off. Nothing that the doctors prescribed was of any benefit; so he returned covered with shame to Lahore.]
Death of the Emperor.
[The Emperor also started on his return to Lahore. When he reached Bairam Kala, his love of sport, which has been so often mentioned in these pages, revived. * * The country people drove the deer near to the place where His Majesty was seated. He raised his piece and fired, and the stricken animal bounded off to its females, and fell. [A man who followed it fell down a precipice, and was killed.] The fate of the poor man greatly affected the Emperor. It seemed as though he had thus seen the angel of death. From that time he had no rest or ease, and his state was entirely changed. The journey was continued two marches to Rájaur. Towards close of day he started from thence. On the way he called for a glass of wine; but when it was placed to his lips, he was unable to swallow. Towards night he grew worse, and he died early on the following day, the 28th Safar, 1037 A.H., in the 22nd year of his reign.
Ásaf Khán, the chief personage in the State, in concert with Khán-i 'azam (Irádat Khán), brought Dáwar Bakhsh, son of Khusrú, out of confinement, and held out to him the prospect of his becoming king. But he did not believe them, and placed no confidence in their proposals till they had bound themselves with stringent oaths. Then they placed him on horseback, raised the royal canopy, and proceeded towards the royal quarters. Núr Jahán Begam sent several persons to bring her brother to her; but he made excuses, and did not go. Ásaf Khán now sent off Banárasí, a swift runner, to Sháh Jahán, with intelligence of the death of Jahángír; and as there was no time for writing, he sent his signet ring as a guarantee. Next day the royal retinue came down from the mountains to Bhimbar. There the funeral ceremonies were performed, and the corpse was sent on under escort to Lahore, where it was interred in a garden which Núr Jahán had made.
When the nobles and officers of the State became aware that Ásaf Khán had resorted to the stratagem of proclaiming Dáwar Bakhsh, in order to secure the accession of Sháh Jahán, and that Dáwar was, in fact, a mere sacrificial lamb, they gave their support to Ásaf Khán, and did whatever he said. So the khutba was read in Dáwar Bakhsh's name near Bhimbar, and then they started for Lahore. * * Ásaf Khán was not at ease in respect of Núr Jahán, so he kept watch over her, and would allow no communication with her. The Begam's wish was to raise Shahriyár to the throne. Shahriyár was in Lahore when he heard of the Emperor's death, and, urged on by his intriguing wife, he assumed the royal title. He seized upon the royal treasure and everything belonging to the State which was in Lahore. To secure troops and supporters, he gave to every one what he asked for, and in the course of one week he distributed seventy lacs of rupees among the old and new nobles, in the hope of securing his position. Mirzá Baisinghar, son of the late Prince Dániyál, on the death of the Emperor, fled to Lahore, and joined Shahriyár. He took the command of the forces, and led them over the river. * *
On the other side Ásaf Khán advanced, Dáwar Bakhsh being seated upon one elephant, and he upon another. Thus they marched to action, and the opposing forces met about three kos from Lahore. * * At the first attack Shahriyár's mercenaries, unable to face the old and loyal servants of the State, broke, and fled. Shahriyár, with 2000 or 3000 horse, was in the vicinity of Lahore, awaiting the course of events. A Turkí slave brought him the intelligence of the rout. Unable to understand his position and danger, Shahriyár fell back and entered the fortress, thus placing his own foot in the trap. Next day the nobles arrived, and sat down before the fort. Some of his followers had an interview with Ásaf Khán, and made terms. 'Azam Khán entered the fort at night, and next morning let in the other amírs. Shahriyár fled for refuge into the female apartments of the late Emperor. A eunuch brought him out, and he was led bound to the presence of Dáwar Bakhsh. After making the regular bows and homage, he was placed in confinement, and two or three days afterwards he was blinded. * * Tahmúras and Hoshang, sons of Prince Dániyál, were also taken and confined. Ásaf Khán wrote to Sháh Jahán, informing him of the victory.
Banárasí, the runner, left Jangazhatí, in the mountains of Kashmír, and in twenty days, on the 19th Rabí'u-l awwal, 1037 A.H., he arrived at Junír, on the frontiers of Nizámu-l Mulk. The runner went to the abode of Mahábat Khán, who had just before been received by Sháh Jahán. Mahábat Khán sent word into the private apartments of the Prince, who came out and received from the runner the signet ring of Ásaf Khán. * * After observing the proper rites and term of mourning, he commenced his journey on the 23rd Rabí'u-l awwal, and proceeded by way of Gujarát.437 * *
Khán Jahán, after his treaty with Nizámu-l Mulk, and the surrender of the territory of the Bálághát, was joined at Burhánpúr by most of the jágírdárs and nobles. Sipahdár Khán, in Ahmadnagar, rejected all the commands of Khán Jahán and the demands of Nizámu-l Mulk's officers, and vowed that he would not give up the fortress without a royal order, even if it should cost him his head. * * Khán Jahán was joined by Daryá Rohilla and by others at Burhánábád. * * Then he proceeded to Mándú, and took possession of several parts of Málwá, after which he returned to Burhánpúr. * *
Sháh Jahán sent a farmán to Yamínu-d daula Ásaf Khán, to the effect that it would be well if Dáwar Bakhsh the son, and (Shahriyár) the useless brother,438 of Khusrú, and the sons of Prince Dániyál, were all sent out of the world. * * On the 2nd Jumáda-l awwal, 1037 A.H., agreeing with 10th Bahman, in the twenty-second year of the reign of Jahángír, by general consent Sháh Jahán was proclaimed at Lahore, and the khutba was read in his name. Dáwar Bakhsh, whom the supporters of Sháh Jahán had deemed it advisable to set up in order to prevent disturbances, was now cast into prison. On the 26th Jumáda-l awwal, Dáwar,438a his brother Garshásp, Shah-riyár, and Tahmúras and Hoshang, sons of the deceased Prince Dániyál, were all put to death.
On reaching the boundaries of the Ráná, Sháh Jahán was waited upon by Ráná Karan at Kokanda, who, as well as his father Ráná Amar Singh, had shown great loyalty. He offered his tribute, and received great gifts and honours. The new Emperor now celebrated his thirty-eighth birthday (solar reckoning). On the 19th Jumáda-l awwal he reached Ajmír, and, according to the practice of his great ancestor, paid a visit on foot to the tombs of the saints. * * Mabábat Khán, commander-in-chief, solicited and obtained Ajmír in jágír. On the 26th Jumáda-l awwal, Sháh Jahán reached Ágra, and encamped outside in the gardens. Next day he entered the city, and was universally recognized as King.]
MA-ÁSIR-I JAHÁNGÍRÍ
OF
KÁMGÁR KHÁN.
THIS is the name given to the work of Khwája Kámgár Ghairat Khán by Gladwin, who has abstracted from it copiously in his “History of Jehangir,” printed at Calcutta in the year 1788. He calls the author Kámgár Husseiny. The author of the “Critical Essay on Various Manuscript Works,” and James Fraser, in his abridged Moghul History, prefixed to his life of Nádir Sháh, also call it the Ma-ásir-i Jahángírí, and Muhammad Tahír 'Ináyat Khán, in his Preface to the History of Sháh Jahán, says the author calls it by that name; but the author himself gives no name to the work, and native writers, as in the Ma-ásiru-l Umará and the Muntakhabu-l Lubáb, usually speak of it simply under the name of Jahángír-náma.
Khwája Kámgár informs us that in consequence of the incompleteness of the Emperor's autobiography, he had long contemplated supplying its deficiencies by writing a complete life himself; when he was at last induced to undertake it at the instigation of the Emperor Sháh Jahán in the third year439 of his reign, A.H. 1040 (A.D. 1630-1).
Khwája Kámgár was son of Sardár Khán, who came to Court in the fourteenth year of Jahángír's reign, and received a tuyúl of Hájípúr in Mungír and some parganas in Bihár. He was nephew, by the brother's side, of 'Abdu-lla Khán Bahádur Fíroz Jang, was in the third year of Sháh Jahán's reign invested with the mansab of 1000 and 400 sawárs, and in the fourth year of the reign rose to higher honours in consequence of his concern in the pursuit of the gallant Khán Jahán Lodí.
Khán Jahán, after he had risen in rebellion in the Dakhin, was soon overwhelmed by the defeat of his allies, as well as by the pestilence and famine which were ravaging the land. He therefore determined to take refuge with the Afgháns of Pesháwar, where all the north-eastern tribes were at that time in arms. With this view he crossed the Nerbadda, near the frontier of Gujarát, and traversed Málwa into Bundelkand, where he hoped to revive the spirit of insurrection; but the Rájá turned against him, and cut off his rear-guard under his faithful friend Daryá Khán.440
Khwája Kámgár, in company with his uncle 'Abdu-lla Khán, pursued him with an army composed principally of saiyids, at the head of whom was Saiyid Muzaffar Khán Bárha, and so hotly was the pursuit maintained, that the fugitives were several times compelled to turn upon the Imperialists, and try the fortune of an engagement. Khán Jahán tried to force his way into Kálinjar; but after the loss of his son and several of his adherents, he was forced to relinquish that object.
About forty miles from Kálinjar, he ventured his last desperate engagement, on the 1st of Rajab, A.H. 1040, when he and all his followers were cut to pieces by an advance-guard under Mádhú Singh, son of the Hádá chief of Búndí,440a before either 'Abdu-lla Khán or Muzaffar Khán could come up.
'Abdu-lla Khán, upon reaching the scene of action, sent the heads of Khán Jahán, of 'Azíz his son, and of Ímál Khán, to the Emperor, by the hands of Khwája Kámgár, who arrived at Court while His Majesty was engaged in a sporting excursion on the river Taptí. The Emperor was overjoyed at the news, invested the Khwája with a robe of honour, gave him the title of Ghairat Khán, and increased his mansab by 500 personal and 200 sawárs; and as the Khwája was a man of sound intellect, considerable experience, and long tried service, he shortly was advanced to still higher honours.
In the tenth year of the reign, the Khwája was promoted to the office of governor of Dehlí, which had become vacant by the dismissal of Asálat Khán, and a mansab of 2500 and 2000 sawárs was at the same time conferred upon him.
In the twelfth year of the reign, the superintendence of the Dehlí canal and foundation of the city of Sháhjahánábád were committed to his care.
On the 9th of Muharram, 1049 H., the first plan was altered. A new one was substituted in its stead, of which the Khwája had just laid the foundation with the materials that he had been able to procure during the short time he had been at Dehlí, when, being made súbadár of Thatta, and a mansabdár of 3000, he was obliged to relinquish the work, and set out for his new charge. He had not long entered upon it, when he died at the seat of his government in A.H. 1050 (A.D. 1640-1).441
The Ma-ásir-i Jahángírí is divided into chapters devoted to the different years of the reign, there being but few other rubrics throughout the rest of the volume. The author of the Critical Essay441a observes of it, that it resembles the Ikbál-náma in its paucity of minute details. About one-sixth of the volume is devoted to the proceedings of Jahángír previous to his accession, upon which portion Sháh Nawáz Khán remarks that it is very independent and free-spoken in its tone, affording a favourable contrast to the Ikbál-náma, which was written for the purpose o courting Imperial favour; but the manner in which the murder of Abú-l Fazl is spoken of in one of the following extracts scarcely bears out the encomium. The fact is admitted, but every kind of palliative which courtly flattery could suggest is resorted to in order to hide the infamy of the deed.
[Sir H. M. Elliot's MS. is an octavo of 382 pages, 11 lines to the page.]
EXTRACTS.
When the King of Kings (Jahángír) was residing in the city of Allahábád, before he succeeded to the throne, a body of seditious and turbulent people, who had the privilege of addressing the Emperor Akbar in his paradisaical Court, were in the habit of spreading false reports openly and clandestinely against that ornament of the crown the Prince Salím. Sometimes they represented that he had conferred upon his servants the titles of Khán and Sultán, and at other times they said that he had ordered coins to be struck in his name. By such misrepresentations they every day attempted to excite the alarm of the Emperor, who, being endowed with a very enlightened and noble mind, was but little affected by their insinuations. In truth, in the relation of father and son, there were those ties of love and affection between the Emperor and the Prince which existed between jacob and his son Joseph.
One of the events of those days was the murder of Shaikh Abú-l Fazl, who, by his superior wisdom and vast learning, was the most distinguished of all the Shaikhs of Hindústán. The following is a detailed account of this event. The Shaikh, intoxicated by the wine of fortune, and vain of the influence he had obtained over the Emperor's mind, had lost his senses, and having suffered the thread of wisdom and the knowledge of self to drop from his hands, had become proud of his position, and acted with rancour and animosity against his master's son. He often said to the Emperor, both publicly and privately, that he knew none but His Majesty, and would never entreat or flatter any person, not even the eldest Prince. He had well assured the Emperor of the firmness of his sentiments in this particular. In those days, when the Prince was at Allahábád, some designing people constantly made statements which excited the displeasure of the Emperor against him. If at any time any of the nobles of the Court advanced any excuses, or volunteered any defence in behalf of the Prince, His Majesty would consider that they said it through ill-will towards himself, or too much partiality towards the Prince. But in defiance of all that he heard, he considered that the Shaikh was his friend, and that he was also cordially disposed towards the Prince. A farmán was therefore sent to him, ordering him to leave his son with the army he had under his command in the Dakhin, and to come alone and unattended to the Court.
When this news reached the Prince, that master of prudence and scholar of the supreme wisdom at once reflected, that if the Shaikh should ever arrive at Court, he would certainly estrange His Majesty's mind from the Prince by his misrepresentations. He reflected also that he would never be able to find his way to Court, so long as the Shaikh should remain there, and that he would necessarily be excluded from the enjoyment of that consummate happiness. Under these circumstances, it was expedient to take measures to arrest the evil before it could occur. Finding that the only remedy depended entirely upon the Shaikh's destruction, he called Rájá Nar Singh Deo, son of Rájá Budhkar, whose territory lay on the road which the Shaikh must take, and who was one of the servants of the throne, and told him that the Shaikh was about to proceed unattended to the Court, and that if he would put an end to his existence, he should obtain great rewards and favours. The Rájá willingly undertook the task, and hastily marched in that direction. Assisted by the divine power, he soon waylaid the Shaikh, while he was passing through his territory. After a short skirmish, the Shaikh's attendants were dispersed, and he himself was slain. His head was sent to Alláhábád by a confidential servant, who communicated all that had transpired. Great fear and consternation prevailed in men's minds in consequence of this transaction, and as for the Emperor, although it excited his highest indignation, yet the deed done by Nar Singh Deo enabled the Prince to visit his father without any apprehension, and in a short time His Majesty's sorrow wore off, and he received the Prince with kindness. * * *
TWENTY-FIRST YEAR OF THE REIGN.
[When the Prince Sháh Jahán heard of the rebellious proceedings of Mahábat Khán, he resolved that he would hasten immediately to the Emperor his father, although he was unprepared for war, and was in a very feeble state of health. He stated his design to Khán Jahán and to Rájá Nar Singh Deo, and endeavoured to gain their support; but they did not incline to his proposals, and made excuses. The Prince put his trust in God, and started with a small force from Násik, trusting that he might find assistance on the road, and collect a force. He passed through the pass of Chánda, although Prince Parwez, with all the Imperial army, was at Burhánpúr. Passing about twenty kos from Burhánpúr, he crossed the Nerbadda, in the territory of Mándú. Upon reaching Ajmír, Rájá Kishan Singh, son of Rájá Bhím, who had accompanied him from Násik with 500 horse, was taken ill, and died. His followers then dispersed. Only 400 or 500 men then remained with the Prince, and with such a small force it was impossible for him to carry out his design of going to the Emperor. It then occurred to him that he would go to Thatta, which is in a remote corner, and there wait patiently for a while. From Ajmír he proceeded to Nágor, and from thence to Joudhpúr. From thence he travelled to Thatta by the route which the Emperor Humáyún had fled to Sind when driven from his throne. This route was very arid and destitute of water, and his journey was attended with great hardship. When he reached the country of Thatta, Sharíf Mulk, who held the place for Prince Shahriyár, did his best to put the town in a state of defence, and the Prince was thwarted in his designs by obstacles which it would be tedious to relate. He was greatly affected by his ill-success, and many of his most devoted followers were disabled. Just at this time a letter reached him from Núr Jahán, informing him that his march had alarmed Mahábat Khán, whose forces had been driven away and dispersed, and that the Prince had better return to the Dakhin, and await a change of fortune. The advice of the Begam seemed good, so the Prince determined to return to the Dakhin by way of Gujarát.]
INTIKHÁB-I JAHÁNGÍR-SHÁHÍ.
THIS is the name ascribed to a work, of which a few Extracts are given at the close of one of the copies of the twelve-year Memoirs in my possession. The extracts consist of only forty pages, of thirteen lines, and evidently belong to a larger work, because the author speaks of his having related, in another part of the volume, a detailed account of the proceedings of Bikra-májít and of 'Usmán in Bengal; and neither of these passages occurs in these extracts.
It may perhaps be the same work as is mentioned in No. 345 of Sir W. Ouseley's Catalogue, under the name of “Historical Anecdotes of Jahángír;” but neither the name of the compiler nor the nature of the anecdotes is given.
The author of the Intikháb was evidently a contemporary and a companion of Jahángír, for he mentions his visit to Shaikh Dúlá, a religious enthusiast, residing at Síálkot, who had attracted the notice of Jahángír, and imposed upon the credulity of the common people, as well as His Majesty, by expending large sums upon the maintenance of beggars, the repairs of mosques and tombs, and the erection of buildings, one of which at “new Gujarát,” in the Panjáb, could not have cost less than 15,000 rupees; and all this without any available sources of supply, for the offerings that were made to him chiefly consisted of raw or refined sugar. In another place the author mentions that when Sháh 'Abbás sent from Isfahán an ambassador with a complimentary letter to Jahángír, His Majesty, who was then at Ajmír, was pleased to insert in his reply a verse composed by the author, to the effect that “though the explanation given be not true, yet the probability of it affords pleasure.” But there is no allusion to this in the autobiography of that Emperor.
The work does not appear to be so much a continuous history as a collection of anecdotes, most of them taken from the common histories of Jahángír noticed above; but he gives information not to be found in those works, and the entire manuscript would be worth recovery.
The author of the Tabakát-i Sháh-Jahání mentions a work written by Shaikh 'Abdu-l Waháb, entitled the Akhlák-i Jahángírí. This may possibly be the work now under notice, for the nature of the stories admits of their being classed under this title. The Shaikh is represented to have been an elegant writer, both in poetry and prose. He died A.H. 1032 (A.D. 1622-3).
[The following Extracts were translated by a munshí, and revised by Sir H. M. Elliot.]
EXTRACTS.
Four or five persons were appointed, through whose agency money or land was distributed to the people. Kází Aslam of Kábul was appointed to introduce the people of that province; Shaikh Sikandar Gujarátí to introduce the people of Gujarát; 'Azmat Khán of the Dakhin to introduce the people of the Dakhin; and Shaikh Mu'ínu-d dín of Rájgír to introduce the people of Bengal. Those who came from Lahore, Dehlí, and the places in their vicinity, were brought before His Majesty by Saiyid Ahmad Kadrí; and the elephant-drivers were introduced by Gujat Khán, the superintendent of elephants. It was strictly ordered that if any person should fall in with a deserving man, he should not neglect to bring him into His Majesty's presence. Hájí Koka Begam was maintained in the superintendence of the affairs connected with the seraglio, and she was now ordered to discharge her duties with more diligence. After a few days, the petitioners for rent-free land came forward in such numbers, that some of the ministers of the empire took the opportunity of representing that if His Majesty's liberality extended much further, there would in a few years be no land left to yield revenue to the State. The Emperor replied that these petitioners were like an army to pray for him, and that as the remonstrants were the ministers of the Crown, they should all endeavour to increase this army. May the Almighty preserve the stream of the life of this generous Emperor to flow in this world till the end of time! No King was ever more generous and kind to beggars than Jahángír. My object in writing these particulars is to show that, although there is no comparison between a king and a beggar, yet the Emperor's whole attention was devoted to those things which pleased the hearts of the people. * *
The King indemnified every person who had been plundered on the road-side by Sultán Khusrú in his flight. For instance, the Sultán had given a note of hand addressed to His Majesty in favour of a person who had been robbed of his horses, and the King satisfied the demand. The Prince himself used to say, that one night during his flight, he was much overcome by drowsiness and fatigue, and was obliged to alight in a forest, and lie down on the earth like a dead man. No one of the party took the slightest heed of his comrade. The horses also lay neglected on the ground. After a short time, a jackal came and seized hold of his foot, but his boots saved him from injury.
His Majesty ordered Prince Khusrú to be deprived of his sight. When the wire was put in his eyes, such pain was inflicted on him, that it is beyond all expression. The Prince, after being deprived of sight, was brought to Ágra; and the paternal love again revived. The most experienced physicians were ordered to take measures to heal the eyes of the Prince, that they might become as sound as they were before. One of the physicians of Persia, Hakím Sadrá by name, undertook to cure the Prince within six months. By his skill, the Prince recovered his original power of vision in one of his eyes, but the other remained a little defective in that respect, and also became smaller than its natural size. After the lapse of the assigned time, the Prince was presented to His Majesty, who showed the physician great favour, and honoured him with the title of Masíhu-z Zamán.
During the space of three years and some months, while at Ajmír, His Majesty devised some excellent rules for the tranquillity and well-being of his subjects, and determining to devote each day of the week to some particular pursuit, on that day attended to no other business. On all the festivals observed on Thursdays, which was called by His Majesty Mubárak-shamba, no other business was transacted but that of merriment and festivity, including the granting of promotions, and visiting gardens and fountains. On Fridays, it was ordered that about 1000 men, who were the strict and constant followers of the Muhammadan religion, should be called before His Majesty, and food of all kinds, such as was suited to destitute persons, should be distributed amongst them to such an extent as to leave them fully satisfied. The Emperor was of a very good disposition. While they were taking their dinner, he always ordered curds to be given to them, that they might be able to eat more, and fix their minds on the worship of the Creator of the world. A countless number were fortunate enough to get their fill at those feasts. On Saturdays, His Majesty used to see the elephants fight, and the contests of the swordsmen. At this time, those brave men who firmly stood their ground while witnessing the elephant fights were enlisted among the nobles. On Sundays, a large number of invalids, the lame, the maimed, and the blind, were collected under the jharoka, and the Emperor Jahángír distributed large sums of money among them with his own hand. After a time, he would order one of the courtiers to count what each man had received; and it was one of the wonders of the works of God, that those who were blind were found always to have received more than others. The intelligent Emperor was much surprised at this, and observed to his followers that those who had no eyes placed entire dependence upon the disinterested liberality of God, hence it was that they got more than others. It was ordered on Mondays, that a party of young nobles and the army should practise archery, and some of the nobles were ordered to play at chaugán,450 and the offerings presented on that day, which were beyond calculation, were bestowed upon Háfiz Nád-i 'Alí.450a On Tuesdays, leopards hunted deer, and dogs chased foxes and rabbits. Those rabbits and foxes which were not caught during the hunt were carried off, and set free in the jungle. The elephants and other animals were also allowed to fight on this day, on which also criminals were executed. Wednesdays were very disagreeable to His Majesty. It happened that the Emperor Akbar died on this day, and the daughter of Sháh Jahán, whom Jahángír had himself brought up, and loved more than his own life, expired in Ajmír on a Wednesday. Hence it was that His Majesty had called it Kam-shamba.450b Those against whom the King was incensed were sent on this day to prison, or ordered to be scourged. On all the days of the week His Majesty never ceased to disregard the pursuit of his own gratification. From noon till midnight the Emperor was chiefly occupied in granting the prayers of his subjects.
Shahriyár, who was the most beautiful of all the princes, got a pain in his eyes, and Mukarrab Khán was ordered to cure him. He used many appropriate remedies, and succeeded in his en-deavours. When his recovery was reported, His Majesty asked Mukarrab Khán after the Prince's health; and when the Khán replied that his eyes were quite well again, the Emperor said, “Yes, they will no doubt continue quite well, if they be not deprived of light by his brothers.” The Almighty God had embellished the person of the Emperor Jahángír with all external and internal excellences, and had given him the light of His own knowledge, for ofttimes circumstances came to pass just as he had previously predicted.
One day at Ahmadábád it was reported that many of the infidel and superstitious sect of the Seoras (Jains) of Gujarát had made several very great and splendid temples, and having placed in them their false gods, had managed to secure a large degree of respect for themselves, and that the women who went for worship in those temples were polluted by them and other people. Seora is a sect of people in whose religion to be always barefooted and bareheaded is considered as one of the modes of worship; and to drink always warm water, and to pull out the hair of their head and beard, is reckoned as one of the deeds of virtue. They wear no other dress than a shirt of cloth. The Emperor Jahángír ordered them to be banished from the country, and their temples to be demolished. Their idol was thrown down on the uppermost step of the mosque, that it might be trodden upon by those who came to say their daily prayers there. By this order of the Emperor, the infidels were exceedingly disgraced, and Islám exalted. * * *
At this time the influence of Núr Jahán Begam had attained such a height that the entire management of the Empire was entrusted to her hands. Mahábat Khán thought proper therefore to represent as follows. That to His Majesty and all the world it is well known that this servant Mahábat Khán was brought up only by His Majesty, and that he has no concern with anybody else. Every one knows, added he, that Mahábat Khán presumes much upon His Majesty's kindness; and he now begs truly and faithfully to represent what he thinks proper, instigated by his loyalty, and for the sake of His Majesty's good name. His Majesty must have read, he observed, if in any of the histories of the ancient sovereigns, there was any king so subject to the will of his wife. The whole world is surprised that such a wise and sensible Emperor as Jahángír should permit a woman to have so great an influence over him. Not looking to the present, let us think, continued he, “What will the kings of the future time say?” He gave utterance to many such sentiments as these, and established them by the most irrefragable proofs. He also added, that in his opinion it was now very advisable to liberate Prince Khusrú from prison, and deliver him to one of the confidential servants of the throne. He also said that His Majesty must recollect that this servant Mahábat Khán had with his own hands deprived the Prince of his sight; and had been the cause of his being imprisoned. His Majesty should reflect that affairs had now assumed a new aspect, and the safety of His Majesty's person, and the tranquillity and peace of the country seem to depend upon the life of the Prince. On this the Emperor ascertained upon oath the truth of his declarations from other nobles, and Khán Jahán and Khán 'Álam both confirmed what Mahábat Khán had asserted. The next day the Emperor ordered that the Prince should be given in charge to Khán Jahán, to be kept in his custody, that he should receive surgical treatment, be allowed to come to pay his respects, and that a horse should be given to him to ride on. On Mahábat Khán's representations, the Emperor for some days became more reserved in his demeanour towards the Begam. On the day the Khán took his leave from the camp at Pakhalí, he again said that he had represented what fidelity and gratitude had suggested to him; and that His Majesty might listen to his counsel or not, as he thought best. The Emperor acted in some measure upon the advice of Mahábat Khán, till he arrived at Kashmír; but the influence of Núr Jahán Begam had wrought so much upon his mind, that if 200 men like Mahábat Khán had advised him simultaneously to the same effect, their words would have made no permanent impression upon him.
SUBH-I SÁDIK
OF
SÁDIK ISFAHÁNÍ.
THIS voluminous history is by the celebrated Sádik Isfahání, and is of high repute in Asia.
Muhammad Sádik says of himself, “that being in the habit from early youth of reading histories, I took the opportunity of abstracting as I went on, and devoted a part of my life solely to produce this work, which I hope will prove as a wise minister to kings, and teach them how to govern their subjects, to conquer their enemies, and to make preparation for war or peace, or for whatever besides which concerns a government. It will be like an experienced tutor to wealthy and learned persons who have to deal with kings; it will also be a faithful friend both to those who lead a public life, and those who prefer retirement, as well as the means of preserving my name in the world. I therefore called this work Subh-i sádik, or ‘Dawn of Day.’”
Book I.—Preface, and Eight chapters. The Pre-Adamites, Prophets, Ancient Kings of Persia, Philosophers, Muhammad, the Khalífs, Imáms, 'Ummayaides, 'Abbásides.
Book II.—Six chapters. The first five respecting the Muhammadan Kings of Persia, Changíz Khán, Tímúr, the Safawí Kings, the Kings of Rúm, Shám, and others. Chapter Six comprises a history of the Muhammadan Kings of India, down to the reign of Sháh Jahán.
Book III.—Twelve chapters. Celebrated men of the first ten centuries. Chapter Twelve relates to the author himself and some of his friends.
Book IV.—Alphabetical list of the names of nations, countries, chief cities, seas, rivers, mountains, islands, etc. This book also gives a geographical account of the world, of the latitude and longitude of the chief cities, of the productions of different countries, and of their manners and customs. This book is in reality only an Alphabetical Index of the preceding three books.
The passages in this work relating to India contain no information not exhibited elsewhere.
Size.—Four volumes in folio.
To the passage at p. 219 suprà, where it is said that the elephant of the Hindú prince became unruly from the effect of the naphtha balls, Major-General Briggs adds the following note:
“This passage is differently written in the various manuscripts I have seen; and, in some, the word tope (gun) has been written for nupth (naphtha), and toofung (musket) for khudung (arrow). But no Persian or Arabic history speaks of gunpowder before the time usually assigned for its invention, A.D. 1317, long after which it was first applied to the purpose of war. It appears likely also, that Bábar was the first invader who introduced great guns into Upper India, in 1526, so that the words tope and toofung have been probably introduced by ignorant transcribers of the modern copies of this work, which are, in general, very faulty throughout. It is a remarkable fact, that the words guns and muskets occur in the India House manuscript, which was copied in 1648, and it may, therefore, probably be no error of the transcriber; the fact, however, appears impossible.”
A confirmation of this reading of tope and tufang is given by Wilken, who observes, that the two copies which he consulted have the same words, and that even the roar of the cannon is spoken of. He considers it not improbable that Greek-fire was used by Mahmúd. Dow boldly translates the word as guns.455a
It does not appear on what authority Firishta rests his statement. The Táríkh-i Yamíní, the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh of Rashídu-d dín, the Táríkh-i Guzída, Abú-l Fidá, the Tabakát-i Násirí, the Rauzatu-s Safá, the Táríkh-i Alfí, and the Tabakát-i Akbarí, though almost all of them notice this important engagement, in A.D. 1008, between the Hindús and Muhammadans, and mention the capture of thirty elephants, yet none of them speak of either naft or tope.
But, ten years after this, we find express mention made of the use of naphtha in a naval action near Multán, between Mahmúd and the Jats of the Júd Hills. On this occasion Mahmúd built 1400 boats, each of which was armed with six iron spikes, to prevent the enemy boarding, and in each were twenty archers and five naphtha-men, to attack and set fire to the enemy's flotilla. The Jats opposed him in 4000 boats, but were completely defeated, many of their vessels being set on fire by the naphtha.456
We may therefore conclude that, if any combustibles were used in action near Pesháwar, they were composed of naphtha, and that it must be an error to read either tope or tufang in the passage under consideration. This probability is greatly increased by the fact, that the country where both these transactions are recorded to have taken place abounds with naphtha. Near Mukeya Ghát, on the Indus, it oozes out from parts of the Khyssore range. The natives are ignorant of its commercial value, and use it only as a cure for sores on their camels' backs; and at Kohát, thirty miles from Pesháwar, it is also abundant.456a
“Amír Khán sent into the mountains for some mineral liquor, which he told me was collected by dipping cotton into places where it oozed through the ground.”456b
At Narr Topa, near Khánpúr, there is a copious spring of asphaltum.456c I have seen petroleum near Jabba, about ten miles east of the Indus. It exudes from the rocks at the head of the Kathá-nadi, which falls into the Indus a few miles below Márí, and floats on the surface of the water. The natives call it sulphur-oil, and burn it in their lamps. They also apply it medicinally in diseases of cattle. They would not acknowledge the name, but called it lalírá and kálá-pání. It is chiefly used for dissolving resins, caoutchouc, etc., by virtue of the naphtha it contains, which it yields by distillation.457
In the Yúsufzáí country there is a basin situated to the east of Dhyr, where a fire has burned from time immemorial, and is at present maintained under a cupola in charge of a Guebrian woman.457a Sulphur is found in Sind.457b
When Sikandar, the Iconoclast, who subverted the Hindú religion in Kashmír, ordered all the places of worship throughout the kingdom to be razed, a temple to Jag Deo, in the Panj-hazára district, on being levelled with the ground, emitted from its foundations volumes of fire and smoke, which the Hindús declared to be an emblem of the wrath of the deity,—but which more sober inquirers may safely attribute to an asphaltine fire-pit.
Capt. A. Cunningham has gone further than this, and in his valuable paper on Arian Architecture in the Asiatic Society's Journal, has considered that Sikandar must have used gunpowder in the progress of his demolition. He observes:
“Most of the Kashmirian temples are more or less injured, but more particularly those at Wantipur, which are mere heaps of ruins. Speaking of these temples, Trebeck457c says: ‘It is scarcely possible to imagine that the state of ruin to which they have been reduced has been the work of time or even of man, as their solidity is fully equal to that of the most massive monuments of Egypt; earthquakes must have been the chief agents in their overthrow.’ I have quoted this passage to show the utter confusion that characterizes the ruins of the Avantipura temples. In my opinion their overthrow is too complete to have been the result of an earthquake, which would have simply prostrated the buildings in large masses. But the whole of the superstructure of these temples is now lying in one confused heap of stones totally disjointed from one another. I believe therefore that I am fully justified in saying, from my own experience, that such a complete and disruptive overturn could only have been produced by gunpowder. I have myself blown up a fort, besides several buildings both of stone and of brick; and I have observed that the result has always been the entire sundering of all parts, one from another, and the capsizing or bouleversement of many of them. Neither of these effects can be produced by an earthquake. It seems also that Trebeck and Moorcroft would most likely have attributed their destruction to the same agency, had they not believed that the use of gunpowder was unknown at that time: for, in speaking of a traditional attempt made by Sháh Hamadán to destroy Martand, they say, ‘It is fortunate he was not acquainted with the use of gunpowder.’ I admit that this destructive agent was most probably unheard of in Kashmír so early as the reign of Sháh Mír Sháh, of Hamadán; but the destruction of the Kashmirian temples is universally attributed both by history and by tradition to the bigoted Sikandar, whose idol-breaking zeal procured him the title of But-shikan or ‘Ikonoklastes.’ He was reigning at the period of Tímúr's invasion of India, with whom he exchanged friendly presents, and from whom I suppose that he may have received a present of the ‘villainous saltpetre.’ This is not at all unlikely, for the furious Tamerlane was as great an idol-breaker as Sikandar himself. Gibbon, it is true, denies that either the Mughals or the Ottomans in 1402 were acquainted with gunpowder; but as he points out that the Turks had metal cannon at the siege of Constantinople in A.D. 1422,458 I think it is no great stretch of probability to suppose that gunpowder itself had been carried into the East, even as far as Kashmír, at least ten or twenty years earlier, that is about A.D. 1400 to 1420, or certainly during the reign of Sikandar, who died in 1416.458a
“Even if this be not admitted, I shall still adhere to my opinion that the complete ruin of the Avantipura temples could only have been effected by gunpowder, and I would then ascribe their overthrow to the bigoted Aurangzeb. Firishta458b attributes to Sikandar the demolition of all the Kashmirian temples save one, which was dedicated to Mahadeva, and which only escaped ‘in consequence of its foundation being below the surface of the neighbouring water.’ In A.D. 1380-90, however, Abú-l Fazl459 mentions that some of the idolatrous temples were in ‘perfect preservation;’ and Firishta himself describes many of these edifices as being in existence in his own time, or about A.D. 1600.459a Besides, as several of them are still standing, although more or less injured, it is certain that Sikandar could not have destroyed them all. He most likely gave orders that they should all be overturned; and I have no doubt that many of the principal temples were thrown down during his reign. For instance, the tomb of his own Queen in Srinagur is built upon the foundation, and with the materials of a Hindú temple; likewise the wall which surrounds the tomb of his son Zeinu-l Abidin was once the inclosure of a Hindú temple; and lastly the entrance of a masjid in Nowa-Shehra of Srinagur, which, according to its inscription, was built during the reign of his son Zeinu-l Abidin, is formed of two fluted pillars of a Hindú peristyle. These instances prove that at least three different temples in the capital alone must have been overthrown either by Sikandar or by one of his predecessors. But as the demolition of idol-temples is not attributed to any one of the earlier kings, we may safely ascribe the destruction of the three above mentioned to Sikandar himself.”
The points mooted in the preceding quotations invite us to a consideration of the general question respecting the invention and introduction of gunpowder. A work upon this subject which has lately been jointly published by MM. Reinaud and Favé, entitled Histoire de l' Artillerie; du Feu Grégeois, etc., Paris, 1845, has increased the interest of the inquiry, though, it must be confessed, there are many doubtful points which are left in almost as great uncertainty as before. It shows that among the Arabs of the thirteenth century, many receipts were in use for the mixture of sulphur, saltpetre, and charcoal in different proportions; that there is strong reason for supposing that these were obtained originally from the Chinese, about the ninth century; that they improved their knowledge during the three following centuries; that they again derived more instruction on this subject, after the Mughal irruption of the thirteenth century; that as “China snow” and “China salt” are the names given by the oldest writers to saltpetre, its discovery originated with that nation; and that in the history of the Sang dynasty, as early as A.D. 1259, there is distinct mention of a projectile by means of fire; for that in the first year of the period Khaiking, a kind of fire-arm was manufactured, called “impetuous fire-dart;” a nest of grains (case of chick-peas?) was introduced into a long tube of bamboo,460 which, on being ignited, darted forth a violent flame, and instantly the charge was projected with a noise like that of a pao, which was heard at about the distance of 150 paces.460a There are, however, some anecdotes which militate against the probability of the Chinese being so early in possession of this destructive power; but there is no occasion to notice them here. These authors consider that Greek fire never became extinct, that it was gradually improved upon, till the name was lost, and that by progressive transitions it reached its maximum effect by conversion into gunpowder.
It is not intended, however, to introduce in this place a dissertation on a subject which has occupied so many able and discriminating pens. I will confine myself to a few remarks having special reference to India, and to some illustrations, most of which have not been noticed by authors who have entered upon this interesting inquiry.461
When the Muhammadan connexion with India first commenced, we find, according to the ancient and authentic historians, that the powerful engine called manjaník was brought into use as a propelling machine. It was a favourite implement with the Arabs, and was used by them in A.H. 9, when Muhammad besieged Táíf;461a but it was known to them much earlier: for Ibn Kotaibah says that it was first used by Jazymah, the second King of Hyrah, who flourished about A.D. 200. The Arabs ascribe its invention to the Devil, and say that he suggested it to Nimrod, when he persecuted Abraham.461b Whether the word be derived from machina, or manganum, the substitution of the soft j for the harsher consonant, and the circumstance that this warlike engine was first used in Hyrah, render it probable that the Arabs received the manjaník from the Persians, and not directly from the Greeks.
Biládurí gives us the following account of Muhammad Kásim's proceedings at the port of Daibal, in A.H. 93 (A.D. 711-12), in which the manjaník plays an important part:
“[As soon as Muhammad Kásim] arrived at Daibal, he dug an entrenchment, and defended it with spearmen, and unfurled his standard; each band of warriors was arranged under its own standard, and he fixed the manjaník, which was called ‘The Bride,’462 and required the power of 500 men to work it. There was at Daibal a lofty temple, surmounted by a long pole, and on the pole was fixed a red cloth, which, when the breeze blew, was unfurled over the city.”462a
Shortly afterwards he continues:
“A letter came from Hajjáj to Muhammad to the following effect, ‘Fix the manjaník and shorten its feet (foot),462b and place it on the east; you will then call the manjaník-master, and tell him to aim at the flagstaff, of which you have given a description.’ So he brought down the flagstaff, and it was broken; at which the Infidels were sore afflicted.”
On the capture of the town, Biládurí continues to say, the carnage endured for three days, and the priests of the temple were massacred, Other authors say that Muhammad Kásim caused every Bráhmin, from the age of seventeen and upwards, to be put to death; and that the young women and the children of both sexes were retained in bondage.
Later writers, in speaking of this period, tell us distinctly that fiery projectiles were used in the capture of Alor, which fell shortly after Daibal.462c Mír Ma'súm Bhakkarí, in his History of Sind, and Haidar Rází, in his General History, both in the same terms mention fire-playing machines (átish-bází), “which the Arabs had seen in use with the Greeks and Persians;” and again, when Rájá Dáhir was mounted on an elephant, the Arabs took vessels filled with fireworks (hukkahá-e átish bází), and threw them upon the seat, which was fixed on the back of the elephant; upon which the affrighted animal became ungovernable,463 ran off, and, breaking the ranks of the Hindús, endeavoured to throw itself into the river. This, if true, is the first account we have of the use by the Arabs of the incendiary preparations of the Greeks, which has hitherto not been dated earlier than from the siege of Jerusalem in A.D. 1099.463a
This is also related in the Chach-náma and Tuhfatu-l Kirám;463b but in one of the best copies of the Chach-náma I have seen, while there is mention of the catapulta called “The Bride,” which required 500 men to work it, there is no mention of engines throwing fire. Dáhir's elephant is distinctly mentioned to have taken flight at an arrow of naphtha, which the Arab general ordered one of his strong naphtha-throwers to aim at the elephant-seat of Dáhir.463c If we except the Chach-náma, these later testimonies are of little value against the silence of Biládurí, and we must reject the story of the projectiles, the hukkahá-e átish bází, though we may admit, on the authority of the Chach-náma, that a naphtha-arrow was used. The place of action offers the same probability as to the use of such a weapon, as it does in the case of Mahmúd the Ghaznivide, mentioned above.
A few years later, we find one of Muhammad Kásim's successors using a battering ram:
“And Junaid fought against Kíraj, which had revolted, and he took a battering ram with horns of great power, and demolished with it the walls of the city. He entered the breach, and slew, imprisoned, and pillaged the inhabitants. He then sent his officers towards the Nermada, Mandavi? Jhand? and Baroach.463d
Passing over three centuries, we come to the period of Mahmúd, to which allusion has already been made. Throughout his reign, and the whole of the Ghaznivide reigns, we find no single author alluding to such implements; but it is incidentally mentioned that Altún Tásh received a manjaník when in India.464
Nearly two centuries after that, a little before A.D. 1200, we come to the Dynasty of the Ghorians, and though no mention is made by the Muhammadan writers of any incendiary preparations used in the wars between the Muhammadans and the Hindús, yet if we are to believe the contemporary Hindú bard, Chánd, we shall find even cannon-balls to be in use at that time. But it appears to me evident that the passages where they are mentioned are spurious, and interpolated to accommodate the poem to the knowledge of subsequent ages.464a In the 150th chhand or stanza of the Kanauj-Khand, Tátár Khán says to Muhammad Ghorí, “Oh! chief of Gajní, buckle on your armour, and prepare your fire-machines.” Another meaning may be given to the passage, which, however, would be forced and unnatural.
Átish is a Persian word, and Káfir and Sultán used in the same stanza, are also of foreign stamp; though they no doubt were among the first words of Muhammadan extraction which were introduced into India. The use of Átish renders the passage suspicious. In other respects the verse in which it occurs does not bear the appearance of modern manufacture. In the 257th stanza, it is said, that “The calivers and cannons made a loud report, when they were fired off, and the noise which issued from the ball was heard at a distance of ten kos.”464b The two lines in which this passage occurs are evidently a modern interpolation, and the lines which precede and follow them are of doubtful antiquity. The words used in the middle lines, though Hindí, seldom occur in ancient authors, and the introduction of tope is decisive as to the period of composition.
In the 416th chhand, we have: “The zambúr lodged in his breast and he fainted away: thus fell Ráí Govind, the strength of Dehlí.”
Zambúr is used in this and in the preceding extract. It is now usually applied to a camel-swivel. It used also to be applied to an arrow, and like musquet, baston, bombarde, and some other words, continued to signify an offensive weapon introduced under the new system of artillery, which followed the invention of gunpowder. The use of the word, therefore, is equivocal, and cannot be pronounced decidedly to mean a fire-arm; though, to be sure, if an arrow were meant, there was no occasion to resort to a foreign word. In other respects, the passage is not open to suspicion.
Wild fire was used against Changíz Khán at Bámián,465 and the Jahán-kushá tells us, that in his siege of Khwárizm, Changíz Khán was compelled to use the wood of the top.465a
In A.D. 1258, we find the wazír of the King of Dehlí going out to meet an ambassador from Hulákú, the grandson of Changíz Khán, with 3000 carriages of fireworks.465b The same word, Átish-bází, being applied to pyrotechnic displays, as well as artillery, leaves the meaning of the passage ambiguous.
Khusrú, who died in 1315 A.D., is full of illustrations, and leaves no manner of doubt that nothing like gunpowder was known to him; though there is an attempt in the háshiya of the Kiránu-s Sa'dain (p. 49), to make out garárá to be a cannon ball.
In A.D. 1368, we have seen (suprà, p. 230) Muhammad Sháh Bahmaní I. possessing himself, amongst other spoil, of 300 gun-carriages, upon which the translator of Firishta observes in a note, as follows:
“If any reliance is to be placed on Moolla Daud Bidury, the author of the Tohfutu-s Sulatín, guns were used at this time by the Hindús, and in a subsequent passage it is remarked that the Muhammadans used them for the first time during the next campaign. But I am disposed to doubt the validity of both these statements. From the latter passage it seems possible, indeed, that the Muhamma-dans might have procured guns from the west in 1368, because they are said to have been used eighteen years previously by Edward III. at the battle of Cressy, though it is very improbable; and Firishta, in stating it to be the first time the Muhammadans employed them, also observes, that Turks and Europeans skilled in gunnery worked the artillery. That guns were in common use before the arrival of the Portuguese in India in 1498, seems certain, from the mention made of them by Faria-e-Souza.”466
In the same author we find a manjaník used for a horrible purpose in A.D. 1371.466a
It is remarkable that 'Abdu-r Razzák gives no hint of gunpowder at Bíjanagar; there the pyrotechnists are naphtha-throwers. This would seem to show that gunpowder must have been subsequent to his time. The Matla'u-s Sa'dain, however, in one passage speaks of múshksáz (squib-making).
The testimony as to the skill of the natives in the use of firearms, upon the first arrival of the Portuguese, is somewhat contradictory. 466b Maffei, who may be considered an abridger of Juan de Barros, says that the Indians far excelled the Portuguese.466c He also states that “Bador,” at the siege of Chitor, had four balistas of so large a size that each was drawn by 100 yoke of oxen, so that the ground trembled beneath them. Another author, quoted by Bohlen, speaks of a certain Indian king being in the habit of placing several pieces of brass ordnance in front of his army.466d
There is certain testimony to the use of cannon in Gujarát before the arrival of the Portuguese; which is easily accounted for by the constant communication at that time with the Turks of Egypt and Arabia.467 In A.D. 1482, Mahmúd Sháh I. of Gujarát is mentioned as fitting out a fleet against the pirates of Bulsar, on board of which he embarked gunners and musketeers from Kambay. Two years after, we find him using cannon to breach the walls of Champanír. and even firing shells at the palace of the Rájá. It is curious that one of the first applications of gunpowder amongst Muhammadan Indians was in the manufacture of shells. A few years later, Sher Sháh met his death by the explosion of one in his own batteries, when besieging Kálinjar.
Castanheda, in describing Vasco de Gama's entrance into Calicut in 1498, says, “The procession again set out, preceded by many trumpets and sacbuts sounding all the way; and one of the Nayres carried a caliver, which he fired off at intervals.”467a Two years afterwards the Zamorin cannonaded the Portuguese vessels.467b In Castan-heda's work, two Milanese lapidaries are said to have deserted, in 1503, to the Zamorin, for whom they offered to make ordnance, resembling that of the Portuguese, “which they afterwards did, as will appear in the sequel of this history, and for which service they were highly rewarded.”467c “This caymal had a force of 3000 Nayres, 700 of whom were archers, and forty were armed with matchlocks. He had likewise several paraws provided with ordnance, with which he was supplied by the Zamorin.”467d
Vertomann says that the Portuguese who entered into the service of the native princes taught them the art of using cannon.467e
Faria-e-Souza speaks of a Gujarát vessel in A.D. 1500 firing several guns at the Portuguese;468 of the Indians of Calicut using fire-vessels in 1502; and of the Zamorin's fleet carrying in the next year 380 guns.468a
In 1511, the Portuguese are opposed at Malacca by a people using cannon, who defend their streets by mining with gunpowder. At sea, they employed floats of wild fire. Muhammad, King of Java, brought 3000 guns to bear, out of the 8000 which he possessed. 468b
If we come to later times, we find Bábar mentioning that the soldiers in Bengal were expert artillerists; for which of course they were indebted to the Portuguese. He himself had in his own camp large cannon, which fired huge stones, and took a long time to load. He had also several pieces which he styled Feringís, showing their European origin.468c Arrows were also used in this action. In another part of his Memoirs, Bábar speaks of cannon being cast at the capital in his days; but the fact of the welding system being adopted at Dacca in the days of Sháh Jahán, does not say much for the efficiency of Bengal artillery a century previous.468d At the battle of Pánípat also, A.D. 1526, Bábar had used artillery, “chained together according to the custom of Rúm, with twisted bull-hides.”468e He alludes no doubt to the victory gained by Salím over Sháh Ism'áíl in 1514, in which this method had been found very effective. Bábar appears to have had no light pieces, for here also arrows were used in skirmishes.468f Between every two gun-carriages were six or seven túbras,469 or movable breast-works. The matchlock-men stood behind these guns and túbras, and discharged their matchlocks.469a
Shortly after this, we begin to have frequent mention of the use
of rockets. Indeed, there is much reason to suppose, that as in the
west, so in the east, rockets preceded cannon: yet it is strange that
they should now be regarded in Europe as the most recent invention
of artillery. Under the Emperor Leo the philosopher, who
lived at the close of the ninth century, the soldiers of the lower
empire used to carry within their shields light tubes (
In A.D. 1232, the Chinese defended themselves against the Tartars by the use of rockets.469c
In modern Europe there are proofs of their use as early as A.D. 1380.469d Bombshells also appear early in Europe. Stowe's Chronicle says that Peter von Collet, in the year 1543, “made certaine hollow shot of cast yron, to be stuffed with fire-werke,” etc.469e
Yet we are informed by the best authorities,470 that rockets were first used in warfare at the siege of Copenhagen in 1807. Even in the modern history of India, we cannot fail to be struck with the frequent mention of rockets. Every page of the native historians abounds with notices of their use from Akbar to Sháh 'Álam.470a The iron work of one has been found to weigh thirty pounds.470b
It is probable that the indications which we have of the early use of fiery missiles in ancient Indian warfare, refer more to rockets than cannons, and we will now proceed to consider the nature of these weapons.
Manu, quoted by Elphinstone, prohibits the use of fire-arrows.470c The passage most commonly quoted to show the early use of fire-arms in India is extracted from the Code of Gentoo Laws, where we have the following prohibition: “The magistrate shall not make war with any deceitful machine, or with poisoned weapons, or with cannon and guns, or any kind of fire-arms.” Halhed, commenting on this passage, says: “The reader will probably from hence renew the suspicion which has long been deemed absurd, that Alexander the Great did absolutely meet with some weapons of that kind in India, as a passage in Quintus Curtius seems to ascertain. Gunpowder has been known in China, as well as Hindústán, far beyond all periods of investigation. The word “fire-arms” is literally the Sanskrit agniaster, “a weapon of fire;” they describe the first species of it to have been a kind of dart, or arrow tipt with fire, and discharged upon the enemy from a bamboo. Among several extraordinary properties of this weapon, one was, that after it had taken its flight, it divided into several separate streams of flame, each of which took effect, and which, when once kindled, could not be extinguished; but this kind of agniaster is now lost.”470d He then goes on to say, that cannon is called shataghnee, or weapon that kills one hundred men at once,471 and that the Poorán-shásters ascribe the invention of these destructive engines to Viswacarma,471a the Vulcan of the Hindús,—a name which M. Eusebe Salverte471b is tempted to believe furnished the etymology of the French word vacarme;—which is about as reasonable as to suppose, that Charivari comes from Chakravarti, because it is a title exclusively devoted to those who have made a considerable noise in the world.
The submarine fire urva, in the drama of the Sakuntalá, where it is called “the mysterious fire which burns in the depth of the seas,” has been supposed to allude to a composition similar to Greek-fire; but M. Langlois, appealing to an episode from the Harivansa, entertains the much more probable opinion, that a submarine volcano is alluded to.471c Viswámitra, who is represented in the Rámáyana as giving different kinds of weapons to Ráma, speaks of one as ágneya, another as shikhara.
Carey and Marshman, who render shikhara as a combustible weapon, deduce from this passage that the ancient Hindús were acquainted with gunpowder. The passage, however, seems to contain a mere poetic fiction. The author there speaks of numerous kinds of weapons, some of which were evidently imaginary, as, for instance, the váyava or airy.471d
The Harivansa speaks of the fiery weapon thus:
“King Sagara having received fire-arms from Bhárgava,472 conquered the world, after slaying the Taljanghas and the Haihayas.”
Again, the same:
“Urva, having performed the usual ceremonies on the birth of the great-minded (prince), and having taught him the Vedas, instructed him in the use of arms; the great-armed (Urva) (presented him) the fiery weapon,472a which even the immortals472b could not stand.”
The following lengthy description in the Srí Bhágavat of the discharge of the brahmástra472c is somewhat peculiar.
“The murderer of the princes (Aswattháma), seeing him advancing from a distance, was much alarmed, and fled for his life in his car, like Brahma running away for fear of Siva, as far as it was possible to go on the earth. When his horses being fatigued, he considered himself without help, the Brahmin's son looked upon the brahmástra as his only refuge. Accordingly, having washed his hands, and fixed his mind, he adjusted, and discharged it, though he did not know how to draw it in, in case of danger. Arjuna, seeing a glaring light flaming on all sides, and considering his life in danger, spoke to Krishna: ‘O Krishna! Krishna! thou great-armed! thou who makest thy followers fearless! thou art the only deliverance for those who burn in the world. Thou art the first Being, absolute God, superior to Prákriti itself. Thou dwellest in the spirit alone by the power of intellect, giving up Máyá. Thou ordainest by thine own power the righteousness and well-being of all people, whose minds are blinded by Máyá. Even now thou art incarnate, in order to bear the burden of the world, and even to help thine own people, who think of no body else. Oh God of Gods! I know not whence this is, or what it is. I see a fearful light coming from all sides.’ Krishna's answer:—‘Know this to be the brahmástra of the son of Drona. He does not know how to draw it in, in case of danger. He has no other counteracting weapon. Thou art well skilled in arms; destroy the force of this by the power of thy arms.’ Súta continued: ‘Arjuna, the destroyer of hostile chiefs, having heard Krishna's language, and having washed his hands, discharged his brahmástra against that of his antagonist. The fury of the two fiery darts acting against each other, overspread the heavens and earth, and waxed strong like the burning rays of the sun. The three worlds were illuminated by the great light of the two weapons; the inhabitants were all burnt, and believed the end of the world to be at hand. Arjuna observing the calamity which befell the world and the distress of the people, drew in both weapons agreeably to Krishna's wishes.”
In a note on the subject of the brahmástra, the Rev. Krishna Mohan Bánerjea, to whom I am indebted for the preceding reference, observes in his excellent work the “Encyclopædia Bengalensis,” that the brahmástra was probably a piece of musketry, not unlike the modern matchlock.473
The Srí Bhágavat makes mention also of Aswattháma's discharging his brahmástra against Uttara while she was with child, with a view to destroy her embryo; and Krishna, the constant friend of the Pándavas, is represented as saving her by his superhuman power. The Devi Purána says that Brahma made the instrument for the purpose of killing Náráyan.473a The curious part in the preceding description is the drawing the missile back.473b In this respect it has some resemblance to the boomerang of the Australian savages. An account of this magic stick, which returns to the persons who throw it, is subjoined.473c
In the Mahábhárata we read of a “flying ball emitting the sound of a thunder-cloud,” which Bopp considers to apply to a meteor, though the scholiast is express in referring it to artillery.475
In this place observation may be drawn to the very singular relation of a combustible, which occurs in the Extract from the Mujmalu-t Tawáríkh (suprà, Vol. I. p. 107), where we read that the Bráhmans counselled Hál to have an elephant made of clay, and to place it in the van of his army, and that when the army of the King of Kashmir drew nigh, the elephant exploded, and the flames destroyed a great portion of the invading force.475a Here we have not only the simple act of explosion, but something very much like a fuze, to enable the explosion to occur at a particular period. The testimony is valuable, for the work was translated as early as A.D. 1126 from the Arabic, which had been translated a century previous from a Sanskrit original, even then acknowledged to be very old.
We have other Eastern stories, all bearing much the same character, and all composed long before the invention of gunpowder; and, therefore, the writers had no opportunity of applying modern knowledge to the history of a more remote era.
Firdúsí, who died A.D. 1020, tells us that the troops of Sikandar (Alexander the Great) were greatly terrified at the sight of the two thousand elephants which Fúr had brought into the field, and that some philosophers were requested to consult together to contrive some means of counteracting this tremendous force. They suggested the construction of an iron horse, and the figure of a rider, also of iron, to be placed upon wheels like a carriage, and filled with naphtha; so that, on coming in contact with the elephants, the whole engine might explode.476 The monarch approved of this invention, and collected all the blacksmiths and artizans in the country, to construct a thousand machines of this description with the utmost expedition. The consequence was, that when Fúr advanced to attack, the combustibles were fired by the Grecians, and the horses exploding, many of the elephants were burnt and destroyed, and the rest, together with the army, fled away in confusion.476a
M. Eusebe Salverte476b gives the same story from the lately discovered life of Alexander by J. Vactrius,476c referring to the Biblioth. Univers. Litt. tom. vii. pp. 225, 226.
It is not improbable that the rolling horses, mentioned in a Chinese account of India, were used for a similar purpose. “The Indians are timid in battle; their weapons are the bow and arrows, and shield. They have also, like the Chinese, flying, or winged ladders; and according as the ground will permit, they follow the rules of the wooden oxen and rolling horses.”476d
Kazwíní, writing at the close of the thirteenth century, says, in his Chapter on the Islands of the Indian Sea, that the inhabitants of a certain island petitioned Alexander to free them of an enormous dragon, who used to require two bulls for his daily sustenance, and if he did not get them, he would take his revenge by laying waste the fields and killing men and women: “which when Alexander heard, he ordered the hides of two bulls to be brought, and stuffed them with pitch, sulphur, lime and arsenic, together with iron hooks, and then directed that they should be placed where the dragon used to come for his daily food. The dragon came, and devoured them as usual; but, as he was retiring towards his den, a flame was kindled in his belly, and the hooks adhered to his entrails, so that he died.”477
The Rauzatu-s Safá speaks of Alexander's meeting Porus with explosive machines. Western authors also connect Alexander's name with many anecdotes relating to the use of incendiary preparations in warfare. These accounts, combined with those given by Oriental writers, make it difficult to believe that the ancient Indians did not possess a knowledge of some substances which had much the same power and effect as gunpowder. Philostratus says: “Had Alexander passed the Hyphasis, he never could have made himself master of the fortified habitation of these sages. Should an enemy make war on them, they drive him off by means of tempest and thunders, as if sent down from heaven. The Egyptian Hercules and Bacchus made a joint attack on them, and by means of various military engines attempted to take the place. The sages remained unconcerned spectators, until the assault was made, when it was repulsed by fiery whirlwinds and thunders, which, being hurled from above, dealt destruction on the invaders.477a
Themistius also mentions the Bráhmans fighting at a distance, with lightnings and thunders.477b
Alexander's use of incendiary compositions is a favourite topic with the early romancists. One was furnished to him by a certain Alcays, with which he fired the city of Tyre from a mangonel. No doubt this instructor is the same as the Keyd of the Sháh-náma, the Kefend of the Mujmalu-t Tawáríkh, and the Kend of Mas'údí.478
In the famous treatise of Marcus Græcus, entitled Liber ignium ad
comburendos hostes, we find recipes headed,—“Ignis quem invenit
Aristoteles, quando cum Alexandro rege ad obscura loca iter ageret;”
and again, “Sequitur alia species ignis, quo Aristoteles domos in
montibus sitas destruxit incendio.” The use of fire, however, is so
obvious an auxiliary, that we are surprised it is not more often mentioned.
Thucydides speaks of it at the siege of Platæa (ii. 77).
Livy mentions the use of
In the apocryphal letter of Alexander to Aristotle, we find mention made of the terrific flashes of flame, which he beheld showered on his army on the burning plains of India. Dante has immortalized the tradition, which, according to Landino, he obtained from Albertus Magnus:
Quali Alessandro in quelle parti calde
D'India vide sovra lo suo stolo
Fiamme cadere infino a terra salde,
Perch' ei provvide a scalpitar lo suolo
Con le sue schiere, perciocchè'l vapore
Me' si stingueva, mentre ch' era solo;
Tale scendeva l'eternale ardore.—Inferno, xiv. 31-7.
Ctesias says that the Indians manufactured an oil on the banks of the river Indus, inclosed in earthen jars, and that on being shot out against woodworks, a flame was kindled, which could only be extinguished by a quantity of mud, thickly laid on it; that it was manufactured solely for the king; and no one else was allowed to have it in his possession.478b
Ælian, while he quotes Ctesias, at the same time improves upon this relation. He says that the oil has such strength, that it not only burns up wood, but men and animals, and, indeed, anything it touches; that the king of the Indians takes cities by its means; that no battering-ram, or other poliorcetic machine, can resist it; earthen jars are filled with it, and thrown upon city gates; the jars being fractured, the oil spreads, and is inextinguishable and insatiable, burning both arms and fighting men.479
Philostratus, speaking of the same, says, there is in the Hyphasis an insect which looks like a white worm, producing an oil, from which issues a flame of such a nature, that it can only be extinguished by mud.479a This insect is the King's sole property, and is used by him in destroying the walls of besieged towns; for, the moment it touches the battlements, it is said to kindle such a flame as cannot be put out by any of the ordinary means for extinguishing fire.479b
These three authors concur in representing that this oil is procured
from a worm,
mali culices ranæque palustres
Avertunt somnos.—Horat.
from those unhappy mortals not similarly provided.480 Let it even be mixed with wax, let even the rains be the season of their operations, and their eternal croaking, while it may be distracting the ears of his next neighbours, is as inaudible to him as if he were in Seriphus or Sicendus.480a Happy the he-goat on whose forehead it is rubbed! for he can put to flight all competitors. Happy the city which has its skin! for if drawn round the walls and suspended from the entrance gate, no hail will fall within it, or blast the tender crops of its inhabitants:480b
nec illos
Expectata seges vanis eludet aristis.—Georg. i. 226.
On the whole, then, we may conclude that fire-arms of some kind were used in the early stages of Indian History;480c that the
missiles were explosive; and that the time or mode of ignition was dependent on pleasure; that projectiles were used which were made to adhere to gates, buildings, and machines, setting fire to them from a considerable distance; that it is probable that saltpetre, the principal ingredient of gunpowder, and the cause of its detonation, entered into the composition, because the earth of Gangetic India is richly impregnated with it in a natural state of preparation, and it may be extracted from it by lixiviation and crystallization without the aid of fire; and that sulphur may, for the same reason, have been mixed with it, as it is abundant in the north-west of India.
This destructive agent appears to have fallen into disuse before we reach authentic history, and, notwithstanding the assertions to the contrary, there seems reason to suppose that, at the time of the Muhammadan invasion, the only inflammable projectiles which were known were of a more simple nature, composed chiefly, if not entirely, of bituminous substances,—from naphtha, the most liquid, to asphaltum, the most solid of them,—and that, whether from cumbrousness or “ineffectual fires,” they were very rarely brought into action.
It is not to be gathered for certain that the natives of Southern India were superior in the use of artillery to the Portuguese on their first arrival; but, even if they were, they might easily have acquired their skill from Egypt, Persia, and Arabia, with which during the period of Muhammadan supremacy there was constant communication; so that there is nothing in the testimony of either native or foreign witnesses sufficiently positive to lead to the conclusion that, in modern times at least, the knowledge of fire-arms was indigenous in India, and antecedent to their use in Europe.
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“The whole faith of historie cannot show That e'er the musquet yet could beat the bow.”
—Alleyn's Henry VII.
Grose's Mil. Antiq., vol. i. pp. 141, 151, shows the bow long maintained its place, and the same with projectile machines, ib. p. 381; likewise Greek-fire, p. 390. See Meyrick's Ancient Armour, vol. iii. pp. 50, 78; Briggs, vol. iii. pp. 50, 129, 411.
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The principle on which it acts merits some investigation: and I think I shall be able to prove that this peculiar property does not depend wholly on its form, although the one adopted may be the most convenient for the purpose. Any thin flat body, whatever may be its form, will exhibit the same phenomenon, provided a rapid rotation round its centre of gravity be communicated at the same time that it is projected forward at a considerable angle of elevation. The natives are, of course, perfectly ignorant of the principles, and, like all other savages, confine their knowledge to effects.
Many familiar instances of rotation causing bodies to return, after being projected forward, may be adduced. A hoop, for example, will return, if thrown forward with a sudden jerk inwards from the upper part of its circumference. A billiard ball, struck with force and dexterity just below its centre, may be made to pass from one end of the table to the other and return without having touched the cushion. The blow in this direction gives the ball a rapid rotation towards the striker, and at the same time drives it forward, not rolling, but sliding along the cloth, and revolving in an opposite direction; the moment the friction has overcome the projectile force, the ball rolls back by virtue of the original revolving motion communicated to it by the stroke of the queue.
Another instance less known I have already mentioned in a former part, namely, that of a bullet discharged from a crooked barrel, being thrown at long distances, in an opposite direction to the curvature.
The boomerang, however, is influenced by different causes. To exhibit the phenomenon properly, it must be thrown into the air with great force, at an angle of 50° or 60° of elevation, and by an inward motion of the wrist (difficult to describe, and not easy to execute), a rapid spin must be communicated to it, otherwise it will not return. I have repeatedly thrown it forward, upwards of forty yards, and it has returned backwards over my head, and fallen fifteen or sixteen yards behind me. If pieces of card be cut in various forms, rectangular, oval, circular, and semi-circular, all of them will return across a room, more or less, when projected from the fingers at a considerable angle of elevation, with a rapid rotary motion; and it is immaterial whether the rotation be from right to left, or the contrary; the only effect of the rotation being to keep them nearly in the same plane of air as that in which they were propelled, and thus prevent them from obtaining an horizontal position to which they always incline from the situation of the centre of gravity; thus, if left to themselves, they would present their broad surfaces to the air, and descend nearly in a perpendicular direction as soon as the projectile force ceased to operate, if unaccompanied by rotation; but the rotation, continuing after the projectile force has ceased, causes them to slide down the inclined plane of air up which they were thrown, merely because it is the line of least resistance; that is, they cannot descend perpendicularly, because their broad surfaces are opposed to the resistance of the air in that direction, while their edges are inclined to the same angle as that in which they were projected. These are the principles on which the boomerang acts, for if it be thrown forward at a small elevation, or horizontally, the rotation has no tendency to cause its return; it therefore proceeds forward, cutting the air always in that direction which opposes the least resistance, exactly in the same manner as any other body having a thin edge in one direction and extent of surface in another: for which reason it often winds round and performs a variety of curious and amusing gyrations in the air, which depend on the relative degrees of projectile and rotatory force communicated to it and the currents of air through which it moves: but in these instances, although it may describe a semi-circle, or even return within the line in which it was thrown, it never returns to the thrower.—Wilkinson, Engines of War, pp. 290-294; see Bonomi's Nineveh and its Palaces, p. 135.
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The prescription in the text affords another curious coincidence between Asiatic and European superstitions. The value of the crocodile's skin in averting hail was well known to the Greeks and Romans, and the same mode of circuit and suspension was adopted.
Grandini creditur obviare, si quis crocodili pellem vel hyænæ vel marini vituli per spatia possessionis circumferat, et in villæ aut cortis suspendat ingressu, cum malum viderit imminere.—Palladius, De Re Rusticâ, lib. i. tit. 35; Cod. Justin., lib. ix. title 18, quoted in Hutchinson on Witchcraft, p. 202.
Again, an unknown author in the Geoponical Collection of Cassianus Bassus says:
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June 17.—Prof. Wilson in the chair.—The Director, Prof. Wilson, read to the Asiatic Society a paper written by himself, “On the Military Science of the Ancient Hindús.” The paper began with the observation, that although the Hindús had always been inferior to their foreign invaders in practical warfare, they were probably superior to them in its theory. A supplementary portion of their Vedas, or Sacred Institutes, was devoted to the science of war, under the denomination of Dhanuk Veda. This original treatise is probably lost; but many interesting particulars are derivable from the Agni Purdna, the Mahábhárata, and other of their standard works. The bow appears to have been their chief weapon (as is demonstrated by the word dhanuk “a bow,” in the name Dhanuk Veda); but other missile arms, as the discus, javelins, short iron clubs, etc., were used. The troops were also generally armed with swords, maces, axes, and spears, and defended by helmets, quilted jackets, and coats of mail. Their armies were theoretically arranged in bodies of relative proportions, consisting of elephants, chariots, horse, and foot—the former being equal in number, and the latter in the proportion of three horsemen and five footmen for each chariot. The number of chariots and elephants is the great characteristic of Hindú warfare; and it is remarkable that in their heroic poems the heroes are generally represented as riding in a chariot, and never on a horse. In a few cases they are mentioned as coming to battle on an elephant; but in the course of time horses have entirely superseded chariots in India as in Britain, where the chariot once played so important a part in battle. The paper proceeded with a description of the various sorts of bows, arrows, and other weapons used by the ancient Hindús. The question as to the knowledge of gunpowder, or any similar explosive substance, by the ancient people of India, said the Professor, is one of great historical interest. It is clear from their medical works that they were acquainted with the constituents of gunpowder, and possessed them in great abundance: and our acquaintance with their literature is as yet too imperfect to warrant a reply in the negative because we have not met with a positive account of the invention. Their writings make frequent reference to arms of fire; and rockets—which appear to be an Indian invention, though not mentioned by name in Sanskrit writings—had long been used in their armies when Europeans first came in contact with them. Tactics also were not omitted in Hindú military science. The division of the army into centre, flanks, wings, and reserve, is laid down; and rules for the order of march, the modes of overcoming obstacles, the choice of a position, and the different kinds of array, are given, and illustrated by quotations from the Agni Purána. The subject of encampment received attention; in illustration of which the paper concluded with a quotation from the Mahábhárata, describing in considerable detail the pitching of Yudhishthira's camp upon a level and fertile spot on the banks of the Himávati, agreeably to the precepts laid down for the regulation of the practice.—Athenæum, July 8, 1848. [The paper of which this was a summary seems to have remained in MS.—ED.]
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