History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 6

EXTRACTS.

On the 5th Shahryúr, 1003 A.H., Muzaffar Husain Mirzá, son of Sultán Husain Mirzá, son of Bahrám Mirzá Safaví, arrived from his jágír of Kandahár at the Court of the Emperor Akbar, and was appointed an amír of 5000. He had four sons, Bahrám, Sadar, Alfás, and Tahmásp Mirzá. The sarkár of Sambhal was assigned to him in jágír, and Kandahár to Sháh Beg Khán Kábulí.

On Saturday, the 9th Safar, 1004 A.H., Shaikh Faizí, “the chief of poets,” died. He was born on the 1st Sha'bán, 954 A.H. The year 1004 A.H. was marked also by the death of Hakím (Humám), brother of Hakím Abú-l Fath, and by Prince Sháh Murád's conquest of Berár, a province of the Dakhin within the government of Nizámu-l Mulk. On the 18th Murdád of this year, a deer gored the Emperor, and hurt one of his testicles. The pain was very excruciating for twenty-nine days, and his danger created a sensation throughout Hindústán, until he was cured. Rájá 'Alí Khán, ruler of Khándesh, was slain in battle this year in the Dakhin, where he was present with the royal army.

In the year 1005 A.H. a tent, which was pitched in the palace on the occasion of the festival of Nauroz, caught fire, and the articles collected there, according to custom on this festival, were consumed by the flames. On the 21st Farwardín, the Emperor proceeded on an excursion to Kashmír, where he sojourned for three months and twenty days. His Majesty afterwards came back to Lahore, and sent Prince Dániyál to Allahábád, to assume charge of the government of that súba. He was honoured with a mansab of 7000, and Kalíj Khán was appointed his private tutor. In this year Mirzá Rustam, son of Prince Sháh Murád, died at Lahore after a severe illness of six years and three months.

On the 17th of Shahryúr, 1006 A.H., the Emperor appointed Ráí Hardás to act as minister conjointly with Khwája Shamsu-d dín.

On the 23rd Ábán of this year, Minúchihr Beg, with five hundred Kazilbásh horse, waited upon the Emperor at Lahore, as an ambassador from Sháh 'Abbás, accompanied by Mír Zíáu-l Mulk, who had been sent to Sháh 'Abbás by the Emperor on a mission, in company with Yádgár Sultán.

On the 26th of this month the Emperor left Lahore for Ágra, with the view of expediting the conquest of the Dakhin.

On the 22nd of Urdíbihisht Prince Sháh Murád died in the Dakhin. On the 2nd of the month Tír, Prince Dániyál was sent to subdue the Dakhin. In the latter part of this year Ásaf Khán was honoured with the post of general díwán.

On the 6th of Mihr, 1007 A.H., the Emperor, having placed Ágra under the protection of Kalíj Khán, marched towards the Dakhin. Sultán Salím was sent to Ajmír, accompanied by Rájá Mán Singh and Sháh Kulí Khán Mahram, to chastise the amírs under the Ráná of Údípúr. In this year the Emperor granted Gujarát in jágír to the Khán-i 'Azam, and deputed Mirzá Shamshí, the eldest son of the Khán-i 'Azam, to settle the affairs of that province. The writer of this history was sent from the neighbourhood of Dahapúr, to take charge of the office of paymaster at Gujarát.

In 1008 A.H. Khwája Shamsu-d dín, who, after the march of the Emperor to Ágra, had been appointed to the office of the díwán of the Panjáb, expired. In the same year Prince Salím, who had been directed to chastise the Ráná of Údípúr, assumed the title of King when he reached the neighbourhood of Allah-ábád, plundered the treasury of Bihár, which contained three lacs of rupees, and resumed all the jágírs which had been bestowed upon the servants of the Court.

On the 6th of the month Shahryúr of this year Ahmadnagar in the Dakhin was taken by Prince Dániyál, Mirzá Sháh-rukh, the Khán-i Khánán, Mirzá Yúsaf Khán, and others.

²⁰⁵ On Sunday, the 14th of Safar, 1019 A.H., an individual of the name of Kutb, born in Újah^205a of Multán, and who, by styling himself Sultán Khusrú, had gained over a considerable number of lawless Ujjainí Rájpúts to make common cause with him, entered the city of Patna, and made himself master of it, as well as of its fort, in consequence of the absence in Gorakhpúr of the Governor of Bihár, named Afzal Khán, son of Shaikh Abú-l Fazl. The treasure which was in the fort was distributed among his troops. Afzal Khán, on learning these circumstances, made forced marches, and on Friday, the 19th Safar, reached the banks of the Punpun, eight miles from Patna. Kutb, with the design of forcing him to an engagement, came out of the city, and a bloody battle ensued, in which Kutb was defeated. He then fled and sought safety within the fort, which at length fell into the hands of the governor, when Kutb was taken prisoner and put to death, on Sunday, the 21st of Safar.

After a month, orders were issued by the Emperor, directing that Ilyás Bahádur, 'Ináyat Beg Díwán, Shaikh Hasám of Benares, and several others who had dastardly fled from Patna, although the protection of that city had been committed to their charge by Afzal Khán, should be paraded on asses all the way to Ágra, with their heads and beards entirely shorn off, and dressed in female apparel.²⁰⁶

The writer of this history was at this time sent to Patna, the díwání of that place having been conferred on him.

THIS work is by common consent, and not undeservedly, considered superior to all the other General Histories of India. The author, Muhammad Kásim Hindú Sháh, surnamed Firishta, was born at Astarábád, on the borders of the Caspian Sea, about A.D. 1570.²⁰⁷ His father, a learned man, by name Ghulám 'Alí Hindú Sháh, left his native country, when our author was very young, and travelled into India. He eventually reached Ahmad-nagar in the Dakhin, during the reign of Murtazá Nizám Sháh, and was appointed to instruct Mírán Husain, the son of Murtazá, in the Persian language; but he died soon after this selection, and Firishta was left an orphan in early youth.

The introduction which his father's acquirements had procured for him at Court, secured for the son the favour and patronage of Murtazá Nizám Sháh, so that we find him the confidential counsellor of his sovereign, and holding the office of Captain of the Guard, on the day that the King was deposed by Prince Mírán Husain, although he was then only sixteen or seventeen years of age.^207a He would have met the same fate as all the rest of the King's attendants, had not the Prince recognized him, and personally interposed to save his life.

When Mírán Husain was himself deposed and murdered, in less than a year after this event, Firishta appears to have taken no active part in the troubles and revolutions which ensued. As he was a Shí'a, his religious persuasions were an obstacle to his acquiring any influence at a Court where the Sunní was the predominant doctrine; and he not long after quitted Ahmadnagar, and proceeded to Bíjápúr, where he arrived, according to his own statement, in the year 1589, and was kindly received by the regent and minister, Diláwar Khán, by whom he was presented to Ibráhím 'Ádil Sháh, the reigning monarch. It was not apparently till after the flight of the regent that he was again introduced at the Court of Bíjápúr, by 'Ináyat Khán of Shíráz. This occurred about the year 1593. The King, who had up to this period shown him no particular favour, received him graciously, and presented to him a copy of the Rauzatu-s Safá, remarking that no competent person had hitherto written a general history of the Muhammadans in India, except Nizámu-d dín Bakhshí, and that his work was too brief and imperfect, especially as concerned the Dakhin. The King at the same time enjoined him to supply the deficiency, and to avoid the falsehoods and flatteries which had always disfigured works of that nature. Previous to his introduction by 'Ináyat Khán, he seems to have been engaged in a military capacity, for he speaks of his being wounded and taken a prisoner by Jamál Khán, the usurper of Ahmadnagar,— but into the details of this there is no occasion to enter.

He shortly after effected his escape, and spent nearly the whole of the remainder of his life in high honour at the Court of Ibráhím 'Ádil Sháh, devoting his leisure to the composition of his history. He speaks little of himself after this occurrence, but in A.D. 1594 he escorted the Princess Begam Sultána from Bíjápúr to Ahmadnagar, was present at her nuptials with Prince Dániyál Mirzá at Mungí Paitan, and attended her as far as Búrhánpúr in Khándesh, the capital of her husband's government.

After his return to Bíjápúr, he was deputed on a mission to the Emperor Jahángír, for the purpose, as General Briggs, with great probability, supposes, of conveying his sovereign's condolence on the death of Akbar, and his congratulations on Jahángír's accession to the throne of the most potent empire in the East. Firishta overtook the Court of Jahángír near Lahore, on its route to Kashmír, in the year 1606. He probably took a circuitous route on his return, for we find him speaking of Rohtás in Bihár as being the strongest fortress he had seen in India. During his travels, which at one time reached even to Badakhshán, he must, of course, have extended his observation, and amassed the materials which were made use of in his history.

The date of his death is altogether unknown. Briggs supposes that it occurred in 1612, making him only forty-one years of age. M. J. Mohl supposes him to have revised his work up to at least 1623, making his age not less than seventy-three.

The work is divided into an Introduction, twelve Chapters, and a Conclusion.

CONTENTS.²⁰⁹

Introduction.—Upon the Hindús, and the progress of early Muhammadanism in India, pp. 5-30.

Conclusion.—An account of the climate and geography of India, pp. 786-892.

SIZE.—Folio, in two volumes;—vol. i. comprising 730 pages, and vol. ii. 892 pages, each containing 20 lines.

The introduction gives a very imperfect view of Indian History previous to the Muhammadan invasion, and may be considered of equal value and authenticity with the first ten Books of Livy, or Dr. Henry's first volume of the History of Great Britain, based on the poems of Ossian.²¹⁰ Most of the other Indian historians have followed in his wake, and not one of them has yet attempted anything like a critical account of this dark period. Dynasties and races are confounded, in order to form an unbroken series of kings; but it is possible that some of the synchronisms between Persian and Indian heroes may be derived from traditionary poems or some ancient records, now unknown.

The value of the work commences from the Muhammadan period, the history of which he has compiled from the best sources available. It is also very full upon the minor dynasties, as might be expected from the circumstances under which it was written.

The author states in his preface that he is indebted for his materials to thirty-five different histories, but he has quoted in the body of his work several more, besides those he has enumerated, and such conscientious and excellent use has he made of his predecessors, so entirely has he exhausted all the prominent facts mentioned by them, that they have been rendered almost useless to any but the most anxious and attentive student of Indian History, who may hope here and there to glean something of interest which Firishta may have overlooked. Hence it is with great difficulty that any MSS. of those authorities are now procurable. He is also free from prejudice and partiality; he does not even flatter the prince in whose reign he lived; and though not entirely without sectarian bitterness when noticing Saiyids, and though not exempt from Muhammadan bigotry, when speaking of the wholesale massacres of the defenceless Hindús, he is more divested of that feeling than any other author of his own religious creed who recounts similar atrocities.²¹¹

Dow, indeed, has observed of him, that “he seems as much divested of religious prejudices, as he is of political flattery or fear. He never passes a good action without conferring upon it its own reward of praise, nor a bad one, let the villanous actor be never so high, without stigmatizing it with infamy.”^211a But some of the few Extracts which follow will show that this indiscriminate praise requires to be received with some qualification.

This history is styled by the author himself Gulshan-i Ibráhímí and Nauras-náma. The former name is derived from the king to whom it was dedicated, and hence it is frequently quoted under the name of Táríkh-i Ibráhímí. The latter name was given to it in commemoration of the new capital, Nauras, which his patron, Ibráhím 'Ádil Sháh, commenced building in the year 1599.

Firishta presented the first draught of his history to Ibráhím 'Ádil Sháh in A.D. 1606, but it is evident that during the rest of his life he was engaged in revising it, and even adding whole chapters, where it was deficient. It is supposed by General Briggs that, as the existence of Portuguese factories at Surát in A.D. 1611 is one of the last things mentioned, he completed the work about that period, and shortly after died; but he enters into a detailed description of Asír in A.D. 1614-15,^211b and there seems even reason to suppose that he mentions an event of a date even ten years subsequent to that.^211c

The first and second Books, giving an account of the Dehlí Emperors down to Akbar, were translated by Colonel A. Dow in 1768, in such a manner as to make Gibbon, with his usual critical sagacity, suspect, that “through some odd fatality the style of Firishta had been improved by that of Ossian,” and complain of its not being “easy in his florid text to distinguish the version and the original.”²¹² Of his own work, Dow says: “The translator, being sensible of the impropriety of poetical diction in the grave narration of historical facts, has in many places clipped the wings of Firishta's turgid expressions, and reduced his metaphors into common language, without, however, swerving in the least from the original meaning of the author.”^212a But he has, nevertheless, made some of the diction more poetical, and some of the expressions more turgid, than the original warrants, and has so interwoven his own remarks with those of the author, that it is sometimes difficult to separate them;^212b in such a manner too as sometimes to convey an entirely different meaning from that which Firishta intended, and some of the commonest sentences are misunderstood. His orthography is exceedingly loose and inaccurate, and has unfortunately been the model of later compilers.

The florid diction was occasionally used to gloss and embellish an imperfect comprehension of the original; but in favour of Dow, it is to be remembered, that this was one of the first works translated by an Englishman from Persian, that its publication gave an impulse to the study of that language, and that the means of acquiring a full knowledge of it were difficult. In his third volume he leaves Firishta, and abstracts several histories of a later period.^212c

In 1786 Mr. Anderson published in the Asiatic Miscellany the text and translation of the eleventh Book. The History of the Dakhin has been well translated by Captain Jonathan Scott, but not with such exactness as to merit the reputation he has acquired. His work was published at Shrewsbury in two volumes, 4to., in 1794, and has been republished in London in 4to. and 8vo. The first is devoted to Firishta. The second contains the annals of Aurangzeb's reign, and an account of the decline of the monarchy, which will be more particularly noticed hereafter, in a later volume. The names of Firishta and his translator have been most amusingly combined by M. de la Richarderie into Jonathan Schof Heristal.²¹³ Stewart also translated a short portion of the tenth Book as a specimen in the Appendix to his Catalogue.^213a

But the translation of the entire work by General Briggs, in four vols. 8vo., 1829, has thrown others into the shade, and is by far the most valuable store-house of facts connected with the Muhammadan Dynasties of India which is accessible to the English reader. He has added also some valuable Appendices, and filled up some of the histories deficient in the original. As the author says that he had failed in procuring any written accounts of the Kutb-sháhí, 'Imád-sháhí, and Baríd-sháhí Dynasties, the translator has supplied an Appendix to the history of the Kings of Golconda, which extends to 147 pages. He has given also a chronological epitome of the wars of the Portuguese in India, as connected with the history of the Dakhin, tables of comparative chronology, an alphabetical list of the proper names, titles and Oriental words, with explanations attached, an alphabetical list of names of countries, mountains, rivers, and towns, and interspersed several valuable notes throughout the work.

He has, however, omitted the history of the Saints of Hindú-stán, forming the twelfth book of the original, which, though containing little historical information, gives a good idea of the general sentiments, legends, and superstitions current in India, respecting the doctrines, studies, penances, miracles, and follies of the Saints of the Indian Calendar. Some of them indeed have played no inconsiderable part in the history of their respective periods by their counsels and by the spiritual influence they exercised over the princes, who were their obedient disciples or devoted admirers. There are, also, other omissions of a more important character. A few passages have been taken from the single reign of Fíroz Sháh, to illustrate the difference which is found to prevail between the translation and the original.^213b It arises, partly, from the translator having sometimes followed Scott and Dow without alteration, but, chiefly, from his having used one of the early editions of A.H. 1020 for translation, and not having availed himself of the many additions which were made by the author up to the latest period of his life. If a new edition of the first translation would be too arduous a task for the accomplished translator, a supplementary volume of additions and corrections, derived from the lithographed text, would be very desirable; for though they may be of no importance to the general reader, they are essential to be known to the scholar, for the purpose of critical inquiry, and to enable him to dispense altogether with the original, which, with the present translation, admirable as it is in other respects, he cannot do. Some of the additional passages in these few Extracts contain relations of facts, and names of men, titles, and places, which are of no inconsiderable importance to the correct understanding of Indian history.

The translation of General Briggs has been reviewed in the Vienna Jahrbücher, by J. Von Hammer.²¹⁴ The review is somewhat uncandid, for it takes little notice of the merits of the work, and confines itself principally to censures upon its “monstrous orthography and erroneous calculation of dates.” Of the latter, he adduces several which certainly evince a want of care, or, what is more probable, the use of a set of incorrect tables; but of the former the system is not by any means so faulty as to deserve the epithet of “monstrous.” The translator explains his own system in the preface, and he has adhered to it closely. It is far superior to any which had hitherto been used for a work of equal extent. Every name is so written as to show that the translator knew how the original was spelt, which certainly cannot be said for Dow, or for most Oriental translators,—so written, as to enable any scholar to write the original word correctly,— and so written, moreover, as not to mislead the ignorant reader as to the correct pronunciation. It is to be remembered, also, that the translation was meant for Englishmen, and that any Englishman not versed in Oriental literature would run less chance of error in pronouncing the words written in this translation, than he would if they were written according to the most systematic method, adapted to please the eyes of critics and scholars.

If we take some of the words selected by the reviewer, many of them marked as monstrous with notes of admiration, we shall be able to judge of the propriety of his strictures. For Kutbed-din , says the reviewer, the translator writes Kootb-ood-deen! For Alaeddin, Alla-ood-deen! For Ghaiaseddin, Gheias-ood-deen! For Mesud, Masaood. For Ibek, Eibuk. For Dikhen, Deccan. For Gudschurat, Guzerat. For Dschihangir, Jehangir. For Abunassr, Aboo-nusr. For Terdschumet Jemini, Turjooma Yemni.

These are taken from two pages²¹⁵ only, the italics representing the reviewer's system; and, really, to people who have ears and eyes, setting aside whether they are Englishmen or not, the reviewer's corrections show to little advantage. Where foreigners have dsch to represent j, no one can complain if we have oo to represent u or e,—as the reviewer writes it, with decided incorrectness; or ma for met, which, though perhaps correct in writing, is most certainly incorrect in pronunciation. On what principle of spelling can Dikhen be justified? These petty cavillings are unworthy of one of the most distinguished Orientalists of the Continent, but they are not confined to our translator—the profoundest scholars of the world have not escaped his critical reprehensions, which he sometimes lavishes with a most unsparing hand, and very often on the most trifling lapses of spelling, version, or punctuation. If any one wishes to see more on this subject, let him consult the “many hundred proofs of the reviewer's own gross ignorance” by Diez,^215a and read the two-and-twenty illustrious names, adduced by Fallermayer, which our critic has “handled with remarkable severity.”²¹⁶

I have occasion myself to point out a few deficiencies in Briggs' version, but I will endeavour to so without captiousness, for I feel under great obligations to one who has saved me so much trouble by the labour he has imposed upon himself.

The translation has also been reviewed by M. Jules Mohl, but in an impartial and critical spirit, in a series of articles replete with information on the subjects discussed in them. His biography of Firishta is the fullest and most correct which we have, being derived not from the translation, but the original, subsequently lithographed at Bombay, to which he has devoted the chief portion of his able review. While he gives their due meed of credit to all the translators, he very fairly exposes the defects in each of them, and shows how worthy he himself is to undertake a faithful translation of the whole work.^216a

The history of Firishta is universally known in India,—at least by name, and there are few large towns without a copy. If we add to these the works labelled “Nauras-náma” and “Táríkh-i Ibráhímí,” which few of the present ignorant generation know to be the same as Firishta's history, we shall find that it is probably more common than any secular work of equal size in this country. There are several manuscripts also of correctness and elegance, but all must yield the palm to the lithographed edition of 1831, which, like so many other Persian works printed at the Bombay Presidency, shames the lithographic press of this side of India.

We have no critical account of the Manuscripts used in collating this edition. To General Briggs, however, is due the merit of having prepared it for the press, though his absence prevented his superintending its execution. All we learn of it from him is, that he “procured a copy of Firishta in Persian, which contained several valuable annotations and corrections. This copy has since been carefully collated with several others, and a new and correct edition was left by me at Bombay in 1827 in order to be printed.”²¹⁷ He confesses himself indebted to Mír Khairát 'Alí Khán, commonly called Mushták, who assisted him in his labours, who had devoted his whole life to historical inquiries, and who travelled for several years successively through the Dakhin, making copies of every Persian inscription on stone to be found in all the towns of note in that country.

It is strange that, notwithstanding the care bestowed by General Briggs on this work, his name nowhere appears as having any concern in it. It is without preface, and without title-page, but there is a fly-leaf at the end of the second volume, informing us that the work was undertaken by order of Mr. Elphinstone, and executed by the care, and according to the arrangement, of Captain George Jervis; that the first volume was written by Mirzá Hasan of Shíráz, the second by Mirzá Hamzah of Mázenderán. M. Jules Mohl^217a exonerates Captain Jervis from the charge of taking credit to himself for the labours of others, inasmuch as that officer was at the Cape of Good Hope at the time that the last sheets were passing through the press, but attributes blame to the Persian lithographer, who no doubt wished to ingratiate himself with his immediate master by this insinuating flattery.

On the arrival of the impressions in London, the General took care to add a fitting title-page, which states that the work was “edited and collated from various Manuscript copies by Major-General John Briggs, assisted by Munshí Mír Khairát 'Alí Khán Mushták, of Akbarábád.”

There are other omissions which give us cause to regret that this edition was not more carefully lithographed under European superintendence. To be sure, the names of people and places are written with unusual, though not entire, accuracy; the addition of marginal dates is a great convenience, and the handwriting of the lithographers is clear and elegant; but we have no list of variants to enable us to judge of the propriety of the selected reading; we have not a single stop, or super-lineation, throughout the whole work; the rubrics, or large letters, are not properly contrasted; the stones have been corrected before impression, and not always with care; several dates in the text had been omitted from the margin; and the dates of the page-headings are carelessly noted—the year 854, for instance, is preserved throughout the first 462 pages of the second volume, although several ages and dynasties are embraced within that space.

The Vocabulary of difficult and obsolete words, which was promised, has not been included in the work. It would be worth while to supply the omission even now, by making a separate impression of this Appendix; for though the style of Firishta is very pure and easy, he takes from other authors words which are not always to be found in our dictionaries, and which require explanation, only to be obtained by referring to the original passages where they occur.

EXTRACTS.²¹⁸

Mahmúd of Ghazní.^218a

Mahmud having thus settled his affairs in India, returned in the autumn to Ghizny, where he remained during the winter. In the spring of the year A.H. 399 (A.D. 1008) he determined again to attack Anundpal, Raja of Lahore, for having lent his aid to Dawood, during the late defection in Multan. Anundpal, hearing of his intentions, sent ambassadors on all sides, inviting the assistance of the other princes of Hindustan, who now considered the expulsion of the Mahomedans from India as a sacred duty. Accordingly, the Rajas of Ujein, Gwaliar, Kalunjar, Canauj, Dehli, and Ajmir, entered into a confederacy, and collecting their forces, advanced towards the Panjab with the greatest army that had yet taken the field. The Indians and Mahomedans arrived in sight of each other on a plain, on the confines of the province of Peshawur, where they remained encamped forty days without coming to action. The troops of the idolaters daily increased in number. The Hindu females, on this occasion, sold their jewels, and melted down their golden ornaments (which they sent from distant parts), to furnish resources for the war; and the Gukkurs, and other warlike tribes joining the army, surrounded the Mahomedans, who were obliged to entrench their camp.

Mahmud, having thus secured himself, ordered 6000 archers to the front to endeavour to provoke the enemy to attack his entrenchments. The archers were opposed by the Gukkurs, who, in spite of the King's efforts and presence, repulsed his light troops and followed them so closely, that no less than 30,000 Gukkurs with their heads and feet bare, and armed with various weapons, penetrated into the Mahomedan lines, where a dreadful carnage ensued, and 5000 Mahomedans in a few minutes were slain. The enemy were at length checked, and being cut off as fast as they advanced, the attacks became fainter and fainter, till, on a sudden, the elephant upon which the prince who commanded the Hindus rode, becoming unruly from the effects of the naphtha balls,²¹⁹ and the flights of arrows, turned and fled. This circumstance produced a panic among the Hindus, who, seeing themselves deserted by their general, gave way and fled also. Abdulla Taee, with 6000 Arabian horse, and Arslan Jazib, with 10,000 Turks, Afghans, and Khiljis, pursued the enemy day and night, so that 20,000 Hindus were killed in the retreat. Of the spoil, thirty elephants (besides other booty) were brought to the King…

^219a When Param Deo, and the Raja of Ajmir, and others, had assembled a large army and taken possession of the roads, in order to oppose the Sultan, the latter found it impracticable to face them, and therefore marched to Multan by way of Sind. On his journey thither, owing to the scarcity of forage at some places, and of water at others, his army experienced great trouble and distress. It was with considerable difficulty he at length reached Ghizny in the year 417 A.H. It is said that when the Sultan was proceeding to Multan through the deserts of Sind, he gave orders to procure a guide to conduct him on his journey. A Hindu offered his services, but treacherously led the army through a path, which brought them to a place where no water could be procured. When the army had passed on for a whole day and night, and found no water at any place, they were sore set, and everything wore the appearance of the horrors of the day of judgment. The Sultan then asked his guide the reason why he had brought them to such a fearful pass: the Hindu replied that he was a worshipper of Somnath, and had conducted the King and his army to the desert, with a view to their destruction. The Sultan being exceeding wroth, ordered his men to put the Hindu to death.

On that very night the Sultan retired from his camp to a neighbouring spot, and prostrating himself on the earth, offered up prayers, mingled with lamentations, to Almighty God, imploring deliverance from the danger in which he was placed. After the first watch of the night had elapsed, a light was seen towards the north. The army, according to the Sultan's command, directed their march towards the light, and by the morning found themselves in safety on the borders of a lake. Thus the piety of the Sultan rescued him from the brink of destruction.^{220 * *}

It is mentioned in the Jama-ool-Hikaiat, that when the Sultan on one occasion saw an idol in a Hindu temple poised in the air without any support, he was much surprised at the sight, and inquired of the philosophers of the times the cause of the phenomenon. They answered that the roof and walls of the building were entirely made of magnet, and that the idol, which was made of iron, being equally attracted from the different points of the magnetic edifice, was thus naturally suspended in the middle of it. On one of the walls being destroyed by the orders of the Sultan, the idol fell to the ground.

Fíroz Sháh Tughlik.²²¹

At^221a the time of the death of Mahomed Toghluk, his cousin, Malik Feroze Bárbek, nephew of Gheiasu-ood-deen Toghluk, was in the camp. Mahomed Toghluk having a great affection for him, inasmuch as he had paid the most devoted attention to the King during his illness, proposed making him his successor, and accordingly recommended him as such on his death-bed to his nobles. On the King's demise, the army fell into the utmost disorder; to remedy which, Feroze gained over the majority of the Indian chiefs to his party, and prevailed on the Mogul mercenaries to remove to some distance from the camp, till he should be able to compose the differences which existed in the army. Malik Fíroz Bárbek thought it expedient, with reference to Altún Bahádur and the nobles who had come from Amír Kazghan as auxiliaries, to bestow dignities and honorary dresses upon them, according to their respective ranks, and to give them their dismissal, remarking that it was not improbable, that dissen- sions might arise between them and the soldiers of Hindústán, which would lead to disturbances, and therefore that it was better, before he marched, that they should break up their camp and depart. Altún Bahádur concurred in the propriety of this recommendation, and immediately striking his camp, pitched it at a distance of ten miles. Amír Nowroze Kurkín, the Mogul chief who commanded the troops of his nation in the army, son-in-law of Turmesharín Khán, who in the time of Muhammad Tughlak Sháh had come to India, and been enrolled among the chief nobles of the land, now acting a most ungrateful part, quitted the camp on the same night, and joined Altoon Tash, the leader of the auxiliary troops, to whom he suggested that the King of Hindustan was dead, that the army was without a leader and totally disorganized, that the time was favourable for them, and that it was their business as soldiers, to plunder the late King's treasure on its march the next day, and then to retreat to their native country with all the money and jewels they could possess themselves of. Altoon Tash being persuaded to enter into this scheme, the Moguls returned next morning to the camp, which was still in disorder, to the army which was moving on like a caravan, without a guide, and without system or arrangement , and after a sharp shirmish, loaded several camels with treasure, plundering several treasure-chests which were laden upon camels, took captive many children of both sexes, and were not sparing in their pillage. In order to secure himself from further depredation, Feroze (the Umrás of Sultán Muhammad, oppressed with a thousand fears and alarms) led the army to Sevustan, commonly called Sehwan, and during the night took every possible precaution to defend himself (themselves,) against the Moguls, and thought rest and sleep a forbidden indulgence. Meanwhile the officers of his army, Makhdúm-záda 'Abbásí Sheikh-u-Sheiyúk Násira-u-dín Mahmúd, and Údhí, better known as Chirágh Dehli, and other wise and holy men, grandees and chiefs, all with one accord having waited on Malik Feroze Bárbek, represented that the late King had constituted him his successor, and that no other nobleman was more worthy of the honour, and entreated him not to reject the cares of state, but to ascend the throne, to which, after some hesitation, and declaring that he would proceed on a pilgrimage to the two holy cities and Hijáz, when he could no longer resist their importunities, he gave his assent, and was accordingly proclaimed King on the twenty-third of Muharram, after he had passed through more than fifty stages of his illustrious life. On the same day he gave orders to ransom the prisoners, who during the late disorders had fallen into the hands of the turbulent people of Tutta and the Moghuls, and on the third day he marched against the rebellious people of Tutta (Thatta), and the Mogul auxiliaries, whom he defeated, that he might take any of them prisoners wherever they might be found, or that he might slay them, and took many of their chiefs prisoners, in short, many of the Moghul chiefs were seized and put to death. Amír Nauroz Kurkín and Altún Bahádur, seeing no further advantage in delay, hastened to their own country with the utmost precipitation, and even the people of Tutta (Thatta), who had proceeded to the greatest extremities in their insubordination and rebellion, placed their feet within the boundary of allegiance. The accession of Sultán Fíroz Sháh was hailed as a blessing by the people, and they prayed for his health and wealth with all earnestness. Shortly after, he marched by uninterrupted stages from Sewastán to the fort of Bakar.^{223 * * *}

In the year A.H. 754 (A.D. 1353) the King, having hunted at Kallanore, at the foot of the hills, caused, on his return, a palace to be built on the banks of the Soorsutty. In the month of Shuwal of the same year, he appointed Khan Jehan to the charge of Dehli, with unlimited powers, and himself marched with a large army towards Luknowty, to subdue Haji Elias. This chief had assumed royal honours and the title of Shums-ood-deen, and had also occupied with his troops the whole of Bengal and Behar, as far as Benares. On the King's arrival in the neighbourhood of Gorukpoor, the Zemindars of that place made the usual presents, and were admitted to pay their respects. Udí Sing, Mukaddam of that place, came to pay his respects, and presented a suitable offering in money, together with two elephants, and was received with distinguished favour; and the Ráí of Gorakhpúr also paid up the arrears of tribute which had accumulated for several years, and both of them accompanied the King on his march.

The King then penetrated as far as Bundwa, one of the stations of Haji Elias, the established residence of the ruler of Bengal, and the latter retreated to Yekdulla, which is a place of exceeding strength, with the river on one side, and jungle on the other. The King left Bandwa without molesting the inhabitants , and pursuing him to Yekdulla, arrived there on the 7th of Rubbee-ool-Awul. An action ensued on the same day; but Haji Elias having entrenched his position very strongly, reduced the King to the necessity of surrounding him. The blockade continued for twenty days, when, on the 5th of Rubbee-ool-Akhir, Feroze, intending to change his ground, as the camp had become offensive, and to encamp on the banks of the Ganges, went out to reconnoitre. The enemy, imagining that he meditated a retreat, left their works and drew up in order of battle. On perceiving it was the King's intention to attack them, however, they again retreated, but with such precipitation and confusion, that forty-four elephants and many standards, as well as the royal canopy, and state equipages, fell into the King's hands. Many of the foot-soldiers were slain, and many taken prisoners. The next day the Sultán encamped on the field of battle, and gave orders that the captives of Lakhnautí should be released. The rainy season soon after came on with great violence, as it always does in the province of Bengál, and the Sultán observed, that as he had gained a victory, and captured the emblems of royalty, he would depart, and return in the following year. Shortly after peace was concluded; and the King returned to Dehli without effecting his object.

In the year 755 Feroze built the city of Ferozabad, on the banks of the river Jún (Jumna), adjoining that of Dehli, and on the 12th of Shaban he marched on a hunting expedition to De-palpoor, and constructed a large canal forty-eight coss in length, from the Sutlej to the Kugur. In the year 757 he constructed another canal, between (from) the hills of Mundir and Surmore from the Jumna, into which he led seven other minor streams, which all uniting, ran in one channel through Hansy, and from thence to Raiseen (Absín), where he built a strong fort, which he called Hissar Feroze. Below the fort, near the palace, he excavated a lake, which he filled from the waters of the canal. He also conveyed an aqueduct (a canal) from the Kugur, over the river (which passing by the fort of) Sursutty, to the village of Perí Kehra, (entered the stream of Sirkhatra), where he founded a city, named after him, Ferozabad. At the same time he introduced another canal from the Jumna, which filled a large lake he caused to be constructed at Hissar Feroze.²²⁵ In the month of Zeehuj an honorary dress and a letter of congratulation on his accession, (diploma) were presented from Abool Futteh Aboo-Bukr Aby-Rubeea Sooliman 'Abbási Caliph of Egypt, signifying that he had conferred on him the countries of Hindústán, and conveying a recommendation in behalf of the Bahmanía Kings of the Dekhan. In the same month also, he received an embassy, which brought many splendid and rare presents, with fresh proposals of peace, from Hájí Ilyás, entitled Shamsu-d-dín Sháh, from Lakhnautí and Bengal, which Feroze accepted, and soon after ratified, and then dismissed the ambassadors with honours and distinction.^{226 * * *}

From thence the King marched towards the mountains of Nagrakote, where he was overtaken by a storm of hail and snow; they brought him some ice. The King said, “At the time my late liege-lord Sultán Muhammad Tughlak Sháh arrived here, and they brought him iced sherbet for his beverage, he refused to take it, because I was not with him to partake of it.” He then gave orders that some elephant and camel-loads of sugar, which were in camp, should be converted into sherbet and iced, and distributed throughout the whole army, in memory of Sultán Muhammad Tughlak Sháh. The Raja of Nagrakote, after sustaining some loss, submitted, but was restored to his dominions. The name of Nagrakote was, on this occasion, changed to that of Mahomedabad, in honour of the late King. The people of Nagrakote told Feroze, that the idol which the Hindoos worshipped in the temple of Nagrakote was the image of Nowshaba, the wife of Alexander the Great, and that that conqueror had left the idol with them, which the Brahmins had made at the time that conqueror was in these parts, and placed within their temple, and that now that image was the idol of the people of this country. The name by which it was then known was Jwalamooky. In this temple was a fine library of Hindee books, consisting of 1300 volumes. Feroze ordered sent for some of the wise men of that religion, and ordered some of the books to be translated, and especially directed one of those books, which treated of philosophy, astrology, and divination, to be translated into prose (verse) in the Persian language, by one of the celebrated poets of that period, Eiz-ood-Deen, Khalid Khany, and called it Dulayil Feroze Shahee. It is in truth a book replete with various kinds of knowledge, both practical and theoretical. Some historians state, that Sultán Feroze Sháh Bárbek on this occasion broke the idols of Nagrakote, and mixing the fragments with pieces of cow's flesh, filled bags with them, and caused them to be tied round the necks of Brahmins, who were then paraded through the camp.^{227 * * *}

In the year 774, the Wizier Mullik Mokbil (Makbúl), entitled Khan Jehan, died, and his eldest son, Joona Shah, succeeded to his office and titles. The following year was marked by the death of Zuffur Khan, Governor of Guzerat, who was succeeded in his office and titles by his eldest son, Duria Khan. During the next year, on the 12th of Safar, the King was plunged into affliction by the death of his favourite son, Futteh Khan, a prince of great promise, and the back of his strength was bent by the burden of grief. Finding no remedy, except in patience and resignation, he buried him in his own garden, and performed the customary ceremonies upon the occasion. On account of the excess of his grief, the shadow of his regard was withdrawn from the cares of state, and he abandoned himself entirely to his sorrows. His nobles and counsellors placed their heads on the ground, and represented that there was no course left but to submit to the divine will, and that he should not show further repugnance to administer the affairs of his kingdom. The wise king acceded to the supplications of his friends and well-wishers, and, in order to dispel his sorrows, devoted himself to sport, and in the vicinity of new Dehli he built a wall of two or three parasangs in circumference, planted within the enclosure shady trees, and converted it into a hunting park. The ruins of it remain to this day.^{228 * * *}

^228a As he could gain no information of Kurgoo himself, who remained concealed amongst the ravines and precipices of the hill- country of Kamáún, eluding pursuit like so much quicksilver, and no one knew whether he was dead or alive, and as the rainy season was approaching, the standards resplendent with victories returned to the camp whence they set out. The King appointed one Mullik Dawood, an Affghan, whom he exalted to a very high rank, with a body of troops, to remain at Sumbhul, with orders to invade the country of Kutehr every year, to commit every kind of ravage and devastation, and not to allow it to be inhabited until the murderer was given up. The King himself also, under pretence of hunting, marched annually in that direction until the year 787, to see that his orders were fulfilled, and to do what Malik Dáúd had left undone; and for six years not an inhabitant was to be seen in that district, nor was a single jaríb of the land cultivated. Not a soul slept at night in his hut, and several thousands of Hindús were slaughtered to avenge the death of those three Saiyids. In the above-mentioned year he built an exceedingly strong fortress in Bisaulí, seven coss from Badáún, and called it Fírozpúr; but the common people, jocose amid all the oppression they had suffered, called it Ákhirínpúr (the last city); and, in truth, it happened as they predicted, for the grace of God did not suffer him to construct any more forts, or to lay the foundations of new cities and towns, and consequently the fortress continued to be called Ákhirínpúr.²²⁹

Mahomed Shah Báhmaní.^229a

The Raja of Beejanuggur, notwithstanding his vast army, consisting of thirty thousand cavalry, besides infantry, was so alarmed, that he sent off his treasure and elephants towards his capital the next morning, preparatory to engaging or retreating, as he might deem most advisable. The night being stormy and heavy rain falling, the elephants and other beasts of burden stuck frequently in the mud, and were unable to advance above four miles from the camp. Mahomed Shah, hearing of the movement of the Hindoos, immediately marched against them, leaving his tents standing. Towards the dawn he arrived at the Raja's camp; and the alarm being given, so great was the consternation, that the infidels fled, with the utmost precipitation, to Adony, leaving everything behind them. Mahomed Shah fell in with that part of the camp composing their market and baggage, and put to death, without distinction, men, women, and children, free and slave, to the number of seventy thousand souls. According to the Tohfut-oos-Sulateen, two thousand elephants, three hundred gun-carriages and battering rams, seven hundred Arabian horses and a sing'hasun set with jewels, were included in the booty of the King; all other articles were left to the officers and soldiers. Mahomed Shah, regarding this victory as the omen of others, after passing the rainy season near Moodkul, and being reinforced by Khan Mahomed from Dowlutabad, marched against the infidels in Adony, on the plains of which place, near the Toong-budra, the Raja of Beejanuggur had taken up his station, having given the command of Adony to his sister's son. Here he had collected a great army of soldiers, together with many elephants, and all the munitions of war which he possessed. ^{* * *}

At this time, a favourite remarked to the King, “that he had only sworn to slaughter one hundred thousand Hindoos, and not to destroy their race altogether.” The King replied, “that though twice the number required by his vow might have been slain, yet till the Ray satisfied the musicians, he would neither make peace nor spare the lives of his subjects.” To this the ambassadors, who had full powers, immediately agreed, and the money was paid on the instant. Mahomed Shah then said, “Praise be to God, that what I ordered has been performed! I would not let a light word be recorded of me in the pages of history.”

The ambassadors, seeing the King pleased, bowed their foreheads to the ground, and besought him to hear from them a few words. Being permitted to speak, they observed, that no religion required the innocent to be punished for the crimes of the guilty, more especially helpless women and children; if Krishn Ray had been in fault, the poor and feeble inhabitants had not been accessary to his errors. Mahomed Shah replied, that the decrees of Providence had ordered what had been done, and that he had no power to alter them. The ambassadors observed, that as the bestower of kingdoms had conferred on him the government of the Deccan, it was probable that his successors and the princes of the Carnatic might long remain neighbours, which made it advisable to avoid cruelty in war; and they proposed, therefore, that a treaty should be made not to slaughter the helpless and unarmed inhabitants in future battles. Mahomed Shah, struck with the good sense of this proposal, took an oath, that he would not, hereafter, put to death a single enemy after a victory, and would bind his successors to observe the same line of conduct. From that time to this, it has been the general custom in the Deccan to spare the lives of prisoners in war, and not to shed the blood of an enemy's unarmed subjects. Mahomed Shah, after he had thus received satisfaction, returned to Koolburga, visiting on his way Sheikh Siraj-ood-deen, to whose prayers as well as to the charities sent to Meeca with his mother, he ascribed his successes over the Hindoos. ^{* * *}

Mahomed Shah was buried by the side of his father,—and the words “All is vanity” were engraved by his orders on his tomb. Happy the king who passes a reign like his, and of whom such memorials remain! He was respected in his life, and after his death remembered on account of his virtues.

According to the Siraj-ool-Towareekh, so much treasure and such numbers of elephants, as were collected in the household of Mahomed Shah Bahmuny, were never possessed by any other prince of that dynasty. He had three thousand male and female elephants; and in the reign of any other king we only read of two thousand. The sums of gold accumulated by him, according to the same author, exceeded those acquired by other princes a full half. No prince before him ever so far reduced the Rajas and Zemindars of the Carnatic, from whom he wrested much of the accumulated riches of seven hundred years; and it is computed that in his reign nearly five hundred thousand unbelievers fell by the swords of the warriors of Islam, by which the population of the Carnatic was so reduced, that it did not recover for several ages. Mahomed Shah reigned seventeen years.

Ahmad Sháh Báhmaní.²³²

Ahmud Shah, without waiting to besiege the Hindoo capital, overran the open country, and wherever he went, put to death men, women, and children, without mercy, contrary to the compact made between his uncle and predecessor, Mahomed Shah, and the Rays of Beejanuggur. Wherever the number of slain amounted to twenty thousand, he halted three days, and made a festival in celebration of the bloody event. He broke down, also, the idolatrous temples, and destroyed the colleges of the Brahmins. During these operations, a body of five thousand Hindoos, urged by desperation at the destruction of their religious buildings, and at the insults offered to their deities, united in taking an oath to sacrifice their lives in an attempt to kill the King as the author of all their sufferings. ^{* * *}

^232a In the year 829 Ahmud Shah marched to reduce a rebellious Zemindar of Mahoor, who still retained several strong places which held out against his troops. The rebel soon submitted; but Ahmud Shah, though he had assured him of pardon, put him to death in violation of his promise, as soon as he fell into his hands, together with five or six thousand of his followers, compelling, at the same time, all the captive women and children to embrace the true faith. During this campaign, the King obtained possession of a diamond mine at Kullum, a place dependent on Gondwana, in which territory he razed many idolatrous temples, and, erecting mosques on their sites, appropriated to each some tracts of land to maintain holy men and to supply lamps and oil for religious purposes. ^{* * *}

'Aláu-d dín Sháh Báhmaní.²³³

Alla-ood-Deen Shah, upon this, wrote to him, that he valued the lives of the two chiefs equal to that of two hundred thousand common men. Therefore, as it was a rule with the princes of his family to slay a hundred thousand Hindoos in revenge for the death of a single Mussulman, he swore, should Dew Raj take away the lives of the two captive officers, he would revenge the death of each by the slaughter of a hundred thousand Hindoos. ^{* * *}

To every part of his dominions he sent censors of morals and just judges; and though he drank wine himself, he forbade the use of it to others, as also the practice of gaming. He put chains on the necks of Kullendurs, and idle, dissipated vagabonds, whom he punished by employing them in removing filth from the streets, in dragging heavy stones, and in the performance of all manner of laborious work, in order that they might reform, and either earn their livelihood by industry, or quit the country altogether. If any person, after admonition and moderate correction, was convicted of drinking wine, it was enacted, that melted lead should be poured down his throat, whatever might be the rank of the offender. ^{* * *}

^233a On the fourth day, however, they prevailed on the chiefs to come to an entertainment in the fort, at which all the principal foreigners, in number about three hundred, attended, with the exception of Kasim Beg (Suff Shikun) Kurra Khan Khoord and Ahmud Beg of Mecca. While in the act of eating, a number of armed men, on a signal given by Sher-ool-moolk, rushed upon them, and put every soul to the sword. At the same instant four thousand Deccanies outside the fort attacked the camp of the foreigners and put every male to death, even the very infants at the breast. After this tragedy, they plundered the tents, and treated the women with all the insult that lust or brutality could provoke. Since the time of Hoossein, the Syuds were never so maltreated; but is it not astonishing, that men who called themselves servants of the Prophet should so basely misuse his descendants? ^{* * *}

Humáyún Sháh Báhmaní.²³⁴

Hoomayoon Shah, now abandoning himself to the full indulgence of his cruel propensities, and mad with rage, directed stakes to be set up on both sides of the King's chouk, or marketplace, and caused vicious elephants and wild beasts to be placed in different parts of the square, in other places cauldrons of scalding oil and boiling water were also prepared as instruments of torture. The King, ascending a balcony in order to glut his eyes on the spectacle, first cast his brother, Hussun Khan, before a ferocious tiger, who soon tore the wretched Prince to pieces, and devoured him on the spot. Yoosoof Toork, and his seven associates, were then beheaded in the King's presence, and the females of their innocent and helpless families, being dragged from their houses, were violated and ill-treated in the palace-square, by ruffians, in a manner too indecent to relate. Tortures were now invented by the King, who inflicted on both young and old of both sexes torments more cruel than ever entered the imagination of Zohak and the tyrant Hijaj. About seven thousand persons, including females and servants, none of whom had the most distant concern in this rebellion, besides the menials, such as cooks, scullions, and others, were put to death; some being stabbed with daggers, others hewn in pieces with hatchets, and the rest flayed by scalding oil or boiling water. This tragedy happened in the month of Shaban, in the same year as the rebellion.

The author of the Towareekh Mahmood Shahy states, he learned from the royal attendants, that upon the King's first hearing of the escape of the Prince Hussun Khan, rage and passion so overcame him, he tore his robes, bit his pillows, and often his own lips, in such a manner that they dropped with blood. Alarmed at the example of Hussun Khan, he put to death several innocent persons of the royal family who were confined in different fortresses. Nor did his suspicions rest here; many other persons of his own court fell the innocent victims of his indiscriminate cruelty. From this moment Hoomayoon threw off all restraint, and seized at will the children of his subjects, tearing them from their parents to gratify his passions. He would frequently stop nuptial processions in the street, and seizing the bride, after enjoying her, send her to the bridegroom's house. He was in the habit of putting the females of his own house to death for the most trivial offences; and when any of the nobility were obliged to attend him, so great was their dread, that they took leave of their families, as if preparing for death.

Míran Husain Nizám Sháh.²³⁵

About sunset, the gates were burned; but the quantity of hot ashes yet glowing prevented any one passing in or out till midnight, when Mirza Khan and his friends rushed from the citadel, and tried to make their escape. Numbers of others were slain in the attempt by the populace, but Mirza Khan having effected his retreat, fled towards the fort of Joonere. The Deccany troops, the Abyssinians, and the mob, having entered the fort, put to death every foreigner they found within, amounting to nearly 300, among whom were several persons of high rank and eminent character. Their bodies were dragged out on the open plain, and orders given that they should lie unburied. Not content with the past slaughter, Jumal Khan commanded his adherents to murder the foreigners of every rank and occupation in the city, and to plunder and burn their dwellings. The soldiers and their followers, being once let loose, put to death indiscriminately the noble, the master, the servant, the merchant, the pilgrim, and the travelling stranger. Their houses were set on fire, and the heads of those lately exalted to the skies were brought low, and trampled in the dust; while the very females, who from modesty concealed their faces from the sun and moon, were dragged by the hair into the assemblages of the drunken. On the fourth day, Mirza Khan, who had been seized near Joonere, was brought to Jumal Khan, and being first carried through the city on an ass, his body was hewn in pieces, which were affixed on different buildings. Several of his friends taken with him were also put to death, and their bodies being rammed into cannon, were blown into the air. In the space of seven days, nearly a thousand foreigners were murdered; some few only escaping under the protection of Deccany or Abyssinian officers. The reign of Meeran Hoossein Nizam Shah lasted only ten months and three days. Among those princes recorded in history as murderers of their fathers, we find none whose reigns extended beyond one year; and a poet observes, “Royalty befitteth not the destroyer of a parent, nor will the reign of such a wretch be long.” ^{* * *}

Mahmúd Sháh, Gujarátí.²³⁶

Beny Ray having recovered from his wounds, the King used every effort to persuade both him and his minister to embrace the Mahomedan faith. They, however, persisted in refusing, swearing that they preferred death to abjuring their religion. Mahmood Shah was in hopes of shaking their constancy by confining them separately, and treating them harshly. This conduct only tended to support their resolution, till at length the King, at the instigation of some holy men about his person, ordered them to be put to death.

DR. LEE observes of this work, that “it is a valuable and elaborate history of the Emperors and other eminent men of Tartary, Hindústán, etc., by Muhammad 'Abdu-l Bákíu-l Rahímíu-l Nahavandí. In large folio, containing about 4000 pages.”²³⁷ Major Stewart describes it as “Memoirs of 'Abdu-l Rahím Khán, Khán-khánán, wazír, and of all the illustrious nobles, authors, and poets, who resided at the Court of Akbar. Author, 'Abdu-l Bákí, A.D. 1613.”^237a

These authors differ much in their account of the work: both are partly right and partly wrong. There is no account of the Emperors and other eminent men of Tartary, if we except the account of 'Abdu-r Rahím's ancestors, and the biographical details do not concern the Court of Akbar, but belong almost entirely to the Dakhin. A great portion of the work is devoted to an ample detail of the transactions of his patron, the Khán-khánán, his sons and progenitors, who though he certainly was of sufficient eminence to deserve a full biography, it is here written, as usual under such circumstances, in so fulsome a strain of eulogy, that it is difficult to know what faith to put in it. The first Book contains Indian History, not sufficiently comprehensive to be of any essential service; but it is so far valuable that it does not literally copy Firishta, which can rarely be said of any other author who has followed in the same line. Nizámu-d dín is his great guide, and his alarm at attempting any period of history not already occupied by another is shown by the Extract taken from the close of his account of Akbar. The work also contains a Tazkira, or notices of poets, with long extracts from their writings, and it will be seen from the following Table of Contents that nearly one-third of the volume is devoted to that object;—the accounts of the poets extending from p. 990 to p. 1454.