History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 4

CONTENTS.

Size—Small Folio, containing 210 pages of 17 lines each.

But it is not to be supposed that the treatment of the history is so methodical as the above table would leave one to suppose. On the contrary, the work is very ill-arranged, long digressions are frequently introduced, and reference is again made to reigns which have been previously disposed of, and to matters which he confesses he had forgotten. Thus, in the middle of the reign of Islám Sháh, we have an account of some of the nobles of Ibráhím Sháh, and then of Sultán Sikandar, so as to leave the impression, that here at least there must be some error of the copyist or the binder; for such a strange transposition could scarcely have taken place either by design, or the most treacherous lapse of memory. Anecdotes are also interspersed of the celebrated chiefs and saints of the time, and silly stories of miracles, apparitions, demons, enchantment, and jugglery deform the work—exhibiting the extraordinary credulity of the author, as well as of the age in which he lived. It contains, however, much that is interesting, and we are occasionally favoured with a few illustrations of the manners of the times. It affords, therefore, a rather copious field for extract, especially as it is exceedingly rare. Many of the stories attributed to the author's heroes are popularly related of other sovereigns.

Besides the one in my own possession, I know of only one copy of this work in India, and that is an excellent copy in the naskh character in the Motí Mahal library at Lucknow.⁵³⁷ It is strange that the Wáki'át-i Mushtákí should be so uncommon, for it was much quoted by contemporaries,^537a and contains abundance of trivial stories well suited to the tastes and intellects of the present generation.

Khán Jahán Lodí.

In giving an account of the nobles of Sultán Sikandar's time, I shall not speak of those whom I have not seen, but only of those with whom I was personally acquainted. I commence with those who were in his service while at Ágra.

Masnád 'Álí Husain Khán, who was called Khán Jahán Lodí, had made it a rule that whatever fixed salary^537b he gave to his soldiers, he never deducted anything from it; but when, after the lapse of ninety years, the sovereignty departed from the Afgháns, their allowances were stopped.

It was also his rule, that every one of his attendants should be present whenever he was in his camp; but when he was in his palace, if any person went to him there, he would ask him why he came. If the man replied, he came to salute him, he would say, “You have come of your own accord, there is no necessity for your attendance, except when I am in the camp. Now, though I am at home, you still come to me. It appears that you have no love for your own family. What must they think of you?” After saying this, he would immediately dismiss him, not even allowing him to sit down.

If any person died, his allowances were transferred to his son. If he had no son, they were given to his sister's or brother's son, or son-in-law, or any of his relations who survived him. If there was no such relation, his wife was ordered to bring her brother or nephew, and the allowance was given to him. If she also had none, she was advised to adopt a son from her other relations; and if she had no relation, then any well-born child. If she had any fit slave, she was allowed to adopt him, but she was enjoined to send him to school, and teach him the arts of archery and riding. In short, in no manner was any fixed allowance ever stopped. If any learned or religious man had an interview with him, he was favoured with the grant of a village, a piece of land, or some pension. He always took care of his neighbours, and repaired the mosques which had fallen into disrepair.

One morning, Bandagí Míán Ládan Dánishmand went to the Khán Jahán, and when he asked him what brought him there so early, he answered that he wished to eat khichrí, but that he thought he could not have it prepared in time; he had therefore thought of some rich man in whose house he could find it ready. He remembered the Khán, and immediately came to him. The Khán said that he never ate khichrí, but other things were being made ready; if he liked khichrí, it should be prepared for him. The Míán answered, “The same difficulty exists here: while you are getting it ready, the time for eating it will have passed. The Khán said, “While it is getting ready I will send for some sweetmeats for you from the bázár.” The Míán said, “Very good, but tell the man to bring the money to me. I will direct him what he should bring.” When the money was brought, the Míán said to the man, “Give it to me, and you go and prepare the khichrí.” In short, when it was ready, and the Míán had finished it, he said he had eaten too freely, and it would be very troublesome for him to stand the motion of a litter. The Khán asked, “Why do you go in a litter, have you no horse?” He replied that a horse which goes uneasily is worse than a litter, and that his horse had very unpleasant paces. The Khán said, “I will give you one of my own horses which goes very easily.” The Míán exclaimed, “Why should I not ride if there be such a horse at my disposal!” The Khán ordered his men to bring a certain horse, and it was brought just as it stood in the stable, with only its clothing on it. He ordered it to be made over to the Míán, who said, “In consequence of my belly being so full, I complained of the litter; but now a greater difficulty has arisen, for I never can ride a horse with a naked back.” The Khán smiled, and sent for a saddle, which was brought and put on the horse. The Míán then asked whether he was to keep the animal at his house, or send it back. “Keep it at your house,” replied the Khán. The Míán said there was nobody to take care of it. On this he was told that a servant should be employed on monthly wages for the purpose. The Míán again asked what it ate, and was told that it always ate pulse, coarse sugar, and clarified butter. The Míán said, “Where are such things to be got in this poor man's house?” So these were were also ordered to be given to him. Again he said, “When this saddle becomes old, another will be required, and new clothing will also be needed when the old is worn out.” He was told to take away those articles also. He then said, “It would be very troublesome to send the horse-keeper every day for its food; it would be a great favour if you were to grant me a village, the income of which will do for all these expenses at once, viz., the wages of the groom and the horse's food, and its saddle, and its clothing, and its green fodder.” This request of his was also complied with, and a village was granted him in the district of Badáún. On his taking leave, he said he had taken his dinner and received a horse and a village, but the litter-carriers who had brought him there had got nothing. On this some money was given to them, and then at last the Míán took his departure. Such was the generosity of Khán Jahán Lodí!

When he died, his son, whose name was Ahmad Khán, neither got the title of Khán Jahán nor his father's rank. Míán Zainu-d dín and Míán Zabaru-d dín were two officers of the deceased Khán Jahán, and his army and parganas were given over to their charge. A royal farmán was also sent at the same time to the address of Zainu-d dín, informing him that these privileges were granted by His Majesty of his own free motion, and not in consequence of Zainu-d dín's connexion with Khán Jahán Lodí. From that time Zainu-d dín took the muster of the army, and had charge of the parganas. The jágír of the archers was maintained, to be enjoyed by them. To Ahmad Khán, son of Khán Jahán, a tract was granted from the district of Kaithal, in the name of his mother, besides an annual allowance of one lac of tankas for the purchase of horses, one lac of tankas for his clothing, and another lac for betel-leaves and other miscellaneous expenses. ^{* * *}

Míán Zainu-d dín.

I shall now mention some of the moral qualities of Míán Zainu-d dín, in order to show that the officers of those days were so excellent that even divines of the present age are not equal to them. He rose so early that he bathed and read all his prayers and performed all his religious duties before sun-rise. In the daytime, he read the ten divisions of the Kur'an, standing all the time on his legs. He went over seventeen divisions of that book every day, and never sat down while he was performing this duty. He also read one of the takmílas of Ghausu-s Saklain, and the whole of Husn-i Hasín, besides other miscellaneous prayers, and went through five hundred different postures of devotion, all standing. From midnight till noonday he was always employed in worship. During this time he never spoke on worldly subjects; if there was anything necessary to be done, he directed his servant to do it by signs. While he was taking his meals he discoursed on scientific subjects. He dined always with learned and religious men, and took a little rest after his dinner. In the afternoon he used to speak on secular subjects, and give directions respecting household business, and other matters which it might be necessary for him to speak of. After this, he again attended his prayers, and performed other religious duties. He then read the evening prayers, repeating them much oftener than is enjoined by his religion. He did not obtain leisure from these religious performances till four hours and a half of the night had passed; and then he sat a little with his friends, and took as a supper some fruit or rice boiled in milk. Having done this he retired to his chamber. None of his servants of either sex neglected to read their prayers. Whenever he brought any slave from the market, he first placed him under the care of a tutor, in order that he might learn his prayers and become acquainted with the precepts of the Muhammadan law, till which time he gave him no employment. On Friday nights, from the time of evening prayer, if there was any Hindu in his assembly, he turned him out, and would not even look on the face of a Hindu during that night. One day three persons came from the Sultán to call him, but he would not go; and it was reported to His Majesty that although three men had been sent for Míán Zainu-d dín, yet he had not chosen to come. The Sultán replied that it was Friday night, and he will not come; he may be called after he has done with his prayers. He kept fast on Thursdays and Fridays, besides the common fasting days. He never neglected these duties in any season—summer or winter. He always attended public prayers on Fridays, even if he was ten kos off. His kitchen was so large that food was given to every one three times a day, whether he belonged to his own people or was a stranger, and from whatsoever place he came. In the month of Ramazán, rice boiled in milk was given to every applicant in the evening, when they broke fast, and also early in the morning. Whatever any person wanted to eat was given to him.

Every year he called all his relations, male and female, from Dehlí to Ágra, to see them. On their departure he asked them all what they wished to have, and gave them what they asked. Whenever, by way of charity, he paid the expenses of a marriage ceremony, whether the bridegroom was his relation, neighbour, or a stranger, he gave the bride money, clothes, a bed with its appurtenances, and also a pálkí if she were of sufficient rank. In short, he did all that is required of a father. If any guests came into the house of those who lived on his estate, he sent all kinds of food for them from his own kitchen in such quantity that not only was it sufficient for them, but for their servants also. During the anniversary days of the Prophet's death (may peace be to him!) food of the value of two thousand tankas was daily prepared during the twelve days. On the first and last day of the festival, victuals of all kinds, and of good flavour, and halwá were prepared in large quantities, at the expense of four thousand tankas. It should be considered what would now be the value of four thousand tankas of those days. At last, when Sultán Sikandar died, he lost his Government. Ahmad Khán, son of Khán Jahán Saiyid, and he both continued without any employment; and they had saved no money to live on. Still many people continued faithfully to serve him, and he also continued benevolent to all, according to the extent of his means; but he was often in want of money to meet his expenses.⁵⁴²

One day Shaikh Sa'du-lla, father of the writer of this book, who from infancy was attached to him, went to him unexpectedly, and saw papers before him which he tore one by one into pieces and gave to his slave, who steeped them in a basin of water. The Shaikh asked him what he was doing. The Míán replied that some great and noble persons had taken money from him which he did not give them with the intention of receiving back. They, however, had sent him the bonds. Now that he was without employment or means of subsistence, he thought that he might not be able to resist the temptation of knowing himself to be in possession of these bonds, which amounted in value to three lacs of tankas, and might wish to avail himself of them. Also that his sons after his death might come forward and claim the money, if he did not destroy these bonds during his lifetime.

His friends also had similar noble dispositions. My father, for instance (may God be merciful to him!), had a numerous family. When Zainu-d dín's expenses were reduced, my father's family and friends remonstrated with him for continuing on his establishment, observing that other persons holding offices of greater emoluments no longer remained in the service of the Míán, whereas he remained for two or three years. He replied that it was through the wise dispensation of God that he got his employment, that people who are compelled to work for their livelihood, if pay be withdrawn, will no longer serve, and that what he wished was moderate, and that his desires were satisfied. He had accumulated, he said, enough during his service to enable him to maintain himself and the Míán for two or three years. And upon his friends again remarking that they well knew he had nothing of his own, he said he would sell his houses and books, he would have no care as long as anything remained in his possession. So, without receiving any salary, he remained three years with Míán Zainu-d dín, and after his death, four years with his sons, serving the family altogether for a period of fifty-five years.

There was a Mughal by name Mámún. Having resigned his situation at some other place, he entered the service of Míán Zainu-d dín. Soon after Sultán Sikandar died, and the Míán became poor, the Mughal remained still faithfully attached to him, for he was a very good man. ^{* * *}

One day, his son was leading a mare to the river to water, and in the sand he felt something under his foot. The boy took it up, and saw that it was a scabbard of gold. He brought it immediately to his father, and showed it to him, saying that he had found it in the bed of the river. Mámún took the boy by the hand and brought the scabbard to Míán Zainu-d dín, requesting him to make it over to its owner. The Míán sent it to the wazír's office. In those days it was a rule that if any person found a thing lying in any place, he was to bring it to the police, and it was hung at the arch of the city gate. If an owner appeared, and on inquiry established his claim, it was delivered to him. It appeared, that a Hindu named Jugráj, was passing through the gate, when he recognized the scabbard, and informed the police that it belonged to him. They asked him if he remembered how much the gold on it weighed. He replied fifteen tolas. After inquiry the article was given over to him. ^{* *} On ascertaining who the discoverer was, Jugráj offered him two hundred tankas, but he would not accept them. His friends advised him to take the money, because it was offered to him as a free gift. But he strenuously declined to receive any remuneration.

On every Monday the Míán repeated the prayers khatam durúd 200,000 times; and gave boiled rice worth four hundred tankas in alms to the name of the Prophet, may peace be to him! On Thursdays he repeated the ikhlás 100,000 times, and prepared sweetmeats at the expense of four hundred tankas to be offered in the name of the Saint Ghausu-s Saklain. These oblations were made without any deviation twice every week. What a fortunate time it was when the King was so good, and the officers so worthy of him!

The second brother, whose name was Míán Zabaru-d dín, was also exceedingly pious. ^{* * *} He generally lived eight months in Dehlí, and four months in Ágra. As long as he was in the former place he every Monday invited to the Shams-i Hauz an assembly of learned and religious men, Súfís, poets, literary persons, singers, and musicians. He had a very large and liberal kitchen, from which victuals were freely distributed. On Wednesdays, an assembly of the same people was convened in the monastery of Sultánu-l Masháikh, on the banks of the Jumna. In the same manner the party assembled every Thursday at the place where the print of the Prophet's feet was preserved in one of the palaces in Fírozábád. On Fridays he attended the weekly prayers in the city. Again, on Saturdays a party was collected in a palace at the village of Múlcha, and there he amused himself with hunting for two days. He also took there his female establishment and tents with him; but if he went to any place for one night only, they never accompanied him.

Khawás Khán, who was the predecessor of Míán Bhúa, having been ordered by the Sultán to march towards Nagarkot, in order to bring the hill country under subjection, succeeded in conquering it, and having sacked the infidels' temple of Debí Shankar, brought away the stone which they worshipped, together with a copper umbrella, which was placed over it, and on which a date was engraved in Hindu characters, representing it to be two thousand years old. When the stone was sent to the King, it was given over to the butchers to make weights out of it for the purpose of weighing their meat. From the copper of the umbrella, several pots were made, in which water might be warmed, and which were placed in the masjids and the King's own palace, so that every one might wash his hands, feet, and face in them, and perform his purifications before prayers. Previous to the time when Khawás Khán was appointed, the jágírs of some people of that part of the country amounted to three lacs of tankas. He increased them to fifteen lacs. When he returned to the Court, being seized by a fatal sickness, he intimated that he had something to say to the King, and was asked whether he would send the message, or wished to speak himself. He replied he wished to speak personally. The King said if he had strength enough to come, he might, and if not he himself would go to him. Upon this, the Khán came to Court, seated in his pálkí, and informed the King that he had brought the díwán's and his own accounts, and requested that somebody might be ordered to examine them. His Majesty replied, “I had appointed you my Viceroy, invested with full power. What accounts have I to settle with you? What you did was just as if I had done it myself.” The Khán again said, “I have given some things to people without your royal orders; if you maintain the grants, it is good; if not, you may deduct their value from my pay.” There were some meritorious people who had very little maintenance, and some again were entirely destitute. Their provision formerly amounted only to three lacs of tankas, which he had increased to fifteen lacs. His Majesty said, “I have just told you that you were my Viceroy, and I know that whatever was done, was done for my advantage, and therefore I readily sanction it.” He then ordered the papers to be brought, and had them all steeped in water and obliterated.

Among the great nobles of Sultán Sikandar's time was Saif Khán Acha-khail. He had 6000 horse under him, and was deputy of 'Azam Humáyún, the jágírdár of Karra, who used to buy 2000 copies of the Kur'án every year, and had 45,000 horse under his command, and 700 elephants. There were also Daulat Khán-khání, who had 4000 cavalry; 'Alí Khán Ushí, who had 4000 also; Fíroz Khán Sarwání, who had 6000. Amongst other nobles there were 25,000 more distributed. Ahmad Khán also, the son of Jumál Khán Lodí Sárang-khání, when he was appointed to Jaunpúr, had 20,000 cavalry under him. Sultán Sikandar went twice against the infidels of Bhata, when the rájá fled, and placed the river between him and pursuit. But his country was ravaged before the Imperial troops returned.

Mughúlá and the Rájá of Champáran.

Míán Husain Farmulí was jágírdár (makta') of Sáran and Champáran, which are called Jal-khet, or field of water. He was a very brave man. Besides the villages comprising his jágír (muwájib), he had taken 20,000 villages from the infidels. At one time, when he himself was proceeding towards the territory of Champáran to attack the Rájá, and was encamped on the banks of the Gandak, Mughúlá Kirání, who was one of his nobles, wanted to know how far the Rájá was from there. He was told that he was in the fort on the other side of the river. He again asked how many kos it was. The people said that the river alone divided them, but that the breadth of the stream was seven kos. Mughúlá, on hearing that only the stream intervened, said, “The infidel chief is on the other bank, and I am sitting on this. What kind of Islám is this if I delay? He then made a vow that until he had attacked him he would hold every kind of food and drink as unlawful as a carcase. Saying this he rose up, and mounted his horse, exclaiming, “In the name of God!” All the people advised him not to be so precipitate, as the stream was seven kos in breadth. He said he would not mind even if it were seventy kos, because he had taken a vow upon himself, let the event be what it may! He then plunged his horse into the stream. In some places he obtained a footing on the bottom: in others, where it was deeper, he was obliged to make the animal swim. His people also followed him in the same manner. Haibat Khán, Bahádur Khán, and Ikhtiyár Khán, who were also nobles of the Kirání tribe, when they heard that Mughúlá had thrown himself into the river, followed the example, and all the soldiers of the army, wheresoever they were encamped, went and plunged into the stream.

Mián Husain, who was in his tent, asked what the uproar was about, and was told that the whole army had gone towards the river; that Mughúlá had entered it first, and afterwards every person that heard of his feat had emulated the example. The Míán also took horse, and overtook Mughúlá in the water, and urged him to go back. He replied, “You employed me for service, and now I shall do my duty. When the work cannot be done by a servant, it is time for the master to take the trouble upon himself. Today you shall see my exertion. Do you return in safety—I will not.” Although he was much dissuaded, he would not listen to anything; so the Míán was also obliged to go on, because the whole army had thrown themselves into the water. At sunset they approached the infidel Rájá, reposing happy in the thought that a large river was between him and his enemy, and that even in a whole year it would be impossible for them to cross it. Suddenly an uproar arose in the city, for it was reported from the watchtower that the Afgháns had arrived, but the Rájá would not credit it, and was engaged in his pastimes when the Afgháns were upon him, and forced him to fly for his life. By the will of God, that day Mughúlá became a martyr. Míán Husain greatly lamented his loss, and said, “Would to God that to-day there had been no victory, for that and the plunder combined are no compensation for the loss sustained in the death of Mughúlá!”

Thus, after a duration of two hundred years, destruction fell upon the kingdom of the Rájá; and all the riches and treasures which were amassed during that period were dispersed in plunder. The shoes of the infidels who lost their lives in this action were collected by Shaikh Dáúd Kambú,⁵⁴⁷ who was a shikkdár of Míán Husain; and when melted down no less than 20,000 mohurs of gold were obtained from them.

One half the whole country was assigned in jágír to the Farmulís, and the other half to the other Afghán tribes. At this time, the Lohánís and Farmulís predominated. The chief of the Sarwánís was 'Azam Humáyún, and the principal chieftains of the Lodís were four, viz. Mahmúd Khán, who had Kálpí in jágír; Míán 'Álam, to whom Etáwá and Chandwár were assigned; Mubárak Khán, whose jágír was Lucknow; and Daulat Khán who held Lahore. Amongst the Sáhú-khails, the chiefs were Husain Khán and Khán Jahán, both descended from the same ancestor as Sultán Bahlol; Bahlol, son of Kálá, son of Bahrám; Husain Khán, son of Fíroz Khán, son of Bahrám; and Kutb Khán Lodí Sáhú-khail, who flourished in the time of Sultán Bahlol.

I shall now give an account of the Farmulís. The districts (iktá') of Sáran and Champáran were held by Míán Husain; Oudh, Ambála, and Hodhna, by Míán Muhammad Kálá Pahár; Kanauj by Míán Gadáí; Shamsábád, Thánesar, and Sháhábád by Míán 'Imád; Marahra by Tátár Khán, brother of Míán Muhammad; and Hariána, Desúá, and other detached parganas by Khwájagí Shaikh Sa'íd. Each of these possessed surpassing bravery and courage, but the sons of Shaikh Sa'íd were pre-eminent above all for their learning and generosity. Shaikh Sa'íd also himself, besides his nobility, possessed a great many excellences. He was a great favourite of Sultán Sikandar, who said one day, that it was thirty years since the Khwájagí had been associated with him, and yet he had never done anything to offend him. He never told any story twice over; and every difficult question that he put to him, always met with a ready solution.

He was a saintly, courageous, and generous man. From the time of Sultán Bahlol to that of Islám Sháh, he fought in every battlefield, but always escaped without a wound. He would accept of no reward or present from any king, and would never eat food from the house of any Hindu. At the time that the Ráná of Chítor invited Míán Husain Farmulí and other nobles to an entertainment, the Ráná took a favourite dish, and stood offering it to Míán Ma'rúf, saying, “All the other nobles have honoured me by partaking of my viands, and have eaten; pray do you gratify me and do the same, by turning your hands towards this repast.” He replied, “I never yet have eaten from the house of a Hindu.” The Ráná said, “Only be so kind as to accept the hospitality of your slave.” He reiterated his refusal, “In the whole of my life I have not done such a thing, nor can I now consent to do so.” Míán Husain, addressing him in the Afghán language, said, “Many things should be done for expediency's sake. To-day, there is an object in the concession; so put your hands into the dish.” Míán Ma'rúf replied, “You are my superior, it is for you to gratify him.” At last, when all the nobles vehemently pressed him to comply, he took up a little with two of his fingers and placed it in the corner of his napkin, promising that he would eat it. But when he departed thence, he opened the napkin and threw its contents upon the ground. So determined was he, when he had once taken a notion into his head.

In the action between Sher Sháh and Mál Deo, he was wounded with a sword. At that time he was one hundred and seven years old. One of the anecdotes related of him on this occasion is illustrative of his usual self-denial. Sher Sháh sent him 300,000 tankas as a recompense for the wound he had received. But he sent it back with the remark, that he had never accepted remuneration from the King, and still less could he do so now, as the infliction of a wound had been sustained solely in the cause of God.

[During the reign of Sher Sháh many regulations were made, and many forts built. He resumed the rent-free tenures, and made new grants on his own part. No person of high or low degree who went into his presence departed empty and without receiving something. He fixed a daily payment of 500 tolchas of gold upon the poor-house (langar-i fukará), and night and day he was considerate and liberal to the needy. He settled allowances upon the blind and helpless of every place and village and city. Two institutions were kept up during his reign without any interruption: one, the religious establishments ('imárat khánah), and the other the houses for the poor; for these two institutions confer a general benefit. His private kitchen was very extensive, for several thousand people fed there every day. Whoever wanted food went to his kitchen and ate under an order which he had issued. He himself used to take his meals with learned men and shaikhs. There was such security in the country during his reign that thefts and highway robbery were unknown. When such a thing occurred, the mukaddams of all the surrounding villages were seized, and restitution for the robbery was exacted from them. Examinations were held in the villages, and precautions taken that the like should not occur again. From Gaur to the confines of his dominions, in every direction, he had built saráís and halting places at every kos; and pots of water were placed at the doors of the saráís for the use of Musulmáns and Hindus. At every saráí a masjid, a royal chamber (khánah-i bádsháhi), and a well were constructed; and to every mosque a mu'azzin (crier), an imám (priest), and shikkdár (manager) were appointed, and lands were allotted at the place for their support. From Gaur to the confines of Oudh,⁵⁵⁰ a road was made having saráís, gardens, and shady and fruit-bearing trees. Another road with gardens and saráís from Benares to the country of Mándú near to Burhánpúr. Another road with gardens and saráís from A'gra to Júdhpúr. Another from Bayána to Jaunpúr and to Ajmír. There were 1700 saráís, and at every saráí there were pairs of horses ready, so that news travelled 300 kos in one day. [Here follows the story quoted in the note on page 418.]

Sher Sháh was occupied night and day with the business of his kingdom, and never allowed himself to be idle. At the end of night he arose, performed his ablutions, and said his prayers. Afterwards he called in his officers and managers to report all the occurrences of the day. For four hours he listened to the reading of reports on the affairs of the country or on the business of the Government establishments. The orders which he gave were reduced to writing, and were issued and acted upon; there was no need of further discussion. Thus he remained engaged till morning (fajar) arrived. When it was time for prayers, he performed his devotions in a large congregation, and went through all the forms of prayer. Afterwards he received his nobles and soldiers, and made inquiries as to the horses brought to receive their brands. Then he went out and made a personal inspection of his forces, and settled the allowances of each individual by word of mouth until all was arranged. He then attended to many other affairs and audited accounts. He summoned to his presence the officers of every country from which he received revenue and tribute, and received their accounts. Petitions were received from every quarter, and replies were sent; he himself dictated them in Persian, and the scribes committed them to writing. Every person who came to wait upon him was received in the palace. He kept money (khazána) and revenue (kharáj) in all parts of his territories, so that, if necessity required, soldiers and money were ready. The chief treasury was in Rohtás, under the charge of Ikhtiyár Khán. In the country of the Gakhars he had a fort upon the top of a hill, and he maintained a large force there, to the command of which the three great chiefs Masnad-i 'Ali Khawás Khán, Haibat Khán Niyází, and 'Ísá Khán Niyází and other amírs were (at different times) appointed. He had 3000 elephants in his stables, and the number was daily increasing. The whole of the territories in his possession contained 13,000 parganas, for which shikkdárs were appointed. His forces were numerous, and of every kind of horse and foot. Every man who came was entertained. 25,000 infantry and lafgandárs were attached to his person; 7000 lafgandárs were in the fort of Handu (Mandú?); 3000 lafgandárs were at Chítor; 1800 at the fort of Rantambhor; 500 at the fort of Bayána; 1000 lafgandárs at Gwaliyar (Gwálior); and 1000 infantry at the fort of Rohtás. It was known that a suitable garrison was maintained in every fort in the country. The force of horse under the royal command consisted of 150,000, some of whom were appointed on service, and others were sent to their own homes. In every pargana there was a shikkdár, a munsif, a treasurer, a Persian writer, and a Hinduwí writer, and in every sarkár there was a chief shikkdár and a chief munsif. At the branding time every man came forward and showed his horse⁵⁵¹ and rendered his account. Munsifs were appointed for examining the brands in the armies on the frontiers, and the King himself occasionally made visits to different parts for this purpose. He kept one army in the upper country, as has been already mentioned, one army in Bengal, one at Rohtás, one in Málwá, one at the fort of Chítor, one in Khajwára, one in the country of Dhandhera, one in Nágor and Júdhpur, and in the fort of Rantambhor and Bajwára. No fort in the country was without a garrison or a commandant.]

Sultán Mahmúd of Mandú.⁵⁵²

[The beginning of this passage is defective.] One day a merchant arrived with a large company. Amín Sháh, according to his custom, demanded a present. The merchant replied that he was a trader under Sultán Fíroz, who had strengthened the fort of Karnál, and that he was taking grain thither. Amín Sháh said, no matter who he was, he must pay the regular due, and go on his way. The merchant told Amín Sháh he was going to the King, and that if he would forego the duty, he (the merchant) would induce the King to grant him the country of Mandú, and to send him a horse and a robe. Did he prefer this or the custom duty? Amín Sháh said, that if this were done, he also would become one of the servants of the King, and would serve him to the best of his power. So he allowed the merchant to pass. When the merchant came into the presence of the King, he represented that there was a man by name Amín Sháh, who was zamíndár of Mandú, and had all the roads in his power. If the King were to send a farmán conferring on him the territory of Mandú, which was entirely desolate, he would secure tranquillity. The King sent a robe and a horse by that same merchant, who proceeded to Amín Sháh, and presented them to him, and expressed his devotion. From this day forth Amín Sháh gave up walking on foot, and took to riding. He also made his friends ride, enlisted horsemen, and promoted the cultivation of the country.

After his death, his son named Hoshang succeeded him. He became King, and assumed the style of royalty. The country of Mandú became prosperous, forts were built at different places, and armies were raised.

A man by name Mahmúd Mughís Khiljí came to Hoshang, and entered his service. He advised him to confer eighteen places in jágír on his (the King's) eighteen sons, so that no stranger might obtain admission, and that they might acquire power during the King's lifetime. Hoshang acted accordingly. This Mahmúd was a treacherous man, and aspired to sovereignty. He first separated the King's sons from him. Afterwards he became his minister, and gave his daughter in marriage to the King, in order to secure a position by this relationship. Thus he first became minister, and afterwards a relation of the King. Twelve years he cherished his schemes without imparting them to any one. He consulted only with himself. He had constructed a place in his house where he used to sit. When he came from the King's Court, he went into it, and there he talked to himself about what he had done, and what he must do if the result were as he expected. One day his father remarked that whenever Mahmúd returned from the King's Court, he attended to nothing else, but went straight into that room. He was curious to know what his son did there. So when Mahmúd went into that place, his father also secretly repaired thither, and listened to what he said. He heard him speaking of sovereignty. So the father stepped in, and struck him on the head with both his hands, demanding why he entertained designs of royalty, and asking if he wished to ruin himself and all his family. Mahmúd said, “O imprudent man! you have disconcerted my scheme of twelve years, and have broken down a throne.” His father went out from the place, and told the King his son's insane design, and warned him against the intended treachery. Hereupon Mahmúd feigned sickness' hung up curtains at his door, and took to his bed. When it was daybreak, the King sent some servants to see him. The King sent some physicians to ascertain the facts. Mahmúd drew the curtains close, and made the room dark. He placed a pot near him, and having caused an animal to be butchered, he drank its blood. When the physicians came, he called them to him, but they could not see anything through the darkness. It is customary for physicians when they pay a visit, after waiting a little while, to feel the pulse of the patient. As it was very dark, they required a little light that they might see him and feel his pulse. He arose hastily and asked for the basin. When it was placed before him, he forced himself to vomit, and then called for the lamp that they might see what he had thrown up. He then drew back his head, and rolled about as if in pain. When the lamp was lighted, and the basin was put before the physicians, they saw it was full of blood. So they did not feel his pulse, but went and told the King that he was in a very bad state. Whether he was loyal or unloyal, he had only a few minutes to live, for he must die in a short time. The King sent his wife to take a last look of her father. When she came, he (Mahmúd) told her that Hoshang had numerous sons, and that what he had done was to obtain the throne for his grandson. She, however, must help him in one matter. When she asked what that was, he said she must give some deadly poison to Hoshang. She confessed she had such a thing, and promised to give it to him. So he sent her back, and she went and performed her task.

On the night when Sultán Hoshang died, Mahmúd arose and placing his grandson upon his knee he seated him upon the throne. He surrounded him with men on whom he could rely, and raised the canopy over his head. He issued a proclamation to the nobles, and had robes of honour prepared. Then he called them before him one by one. Every one that recognized him received a robe, and was dismissed by another door; but every one that refused was killed there and then, and his body put out of sight, so that at length all his adversaries were removed. After a time he killed his grandson also, and himself became King. So he who had been wázír was now King. In the course of his reign he made his eldest son, (afterwards) Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín, his wázír.

Account of Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín Khiljí, King of Mandú.

He was a religious and righteous king. He was a careful observer of religion, but he also enjoyed the pleasures of the world. It was his custom that he kept every night some thousand gold mohurs under his pillow, and in the day he gave them away to deserving people. In his haram there were seventy women who knew the Kur'án by heart, and it was the rule that when the Sultán was dressing they were to read it out, and not to leave off till he had finished putting on his clothes.

One day a person brought a hoof of an ass, and said it was the hoof of the ass of Christ (may peace be to Him!). He gave him 50,000 tankas, and took it from him. Well, four persons brought four hoofs. He took them all, and granted 50,000 tankas to each one of them. Afterwards another person came and brought another hoof, and the same sum was ordered to be given to him. One of his courtiers observed, “My lord, an ass has only four feet, and I never heard that it had five, unless perhaps the ass of Christ had five.” He replied, “Who knows? It may be that this last man has told the truth, and one of the others was wrong. Go and give this man also 50,000 tankas.”

He had ordered his private servants and personal attendants that when he was in the enjoyment of pleasure or engaged in any worldly pursuit, they should place a piece of cloth before him, and tell him it was his coffin shroud. This they did, and he took warning from it. He would rise up, perform his ablutions, beseech forgiveness from Almighty God, and then engage in worship. He had also enjoined the attendants in his haram to awake him from sleep; and if he did not arise, to throw water on him, or pull him off from the bed, so that he might not neglect the night prayers. Also, that if he were even sitting in a pleasure party, and the time for the night prayer arrived, they should take him by the hand and lead him away. He never uttered to them any improper or querulous words. Intoxicating liquors he would never look upon with his eyes nor hear of. One day a potion (ma'jún) was made for him, and when it was ready he was informed of it. He said it was not to be brought to him until he had heard the names of the ingredients in it. Accordingly, the list was brought and read to him. He heard it. There were three hundred and more ingredients in it, and among them was one drachm of nutmeg. He said the medicine was of no use to him. More than a lac of tankas had been spent for it, but he ordered it to be brought and thrown into the drain. A person begged that it might be given to somebody else; but he replied, what he could not allow himself to take, he would not give to others. One day, the horse on which he used to ride fell sick. On it being reported to him, he ordered medicine to be given to it. Next morning, the horse was well. He asked if it was better, and the people replied yes. He then asked if it recovered of itself, or if medicine had been administered. He was told that medicine had been given. He then asked what medicine. The people said, what the physicians prescribed. The King thought it might be something that was prohibited by religion, and therefore they would not tell what it was He ordered the horse to be turned out of his stable, and left free in the jungle. He was told that such a horse should not be set at large in the forest, but should be given to somebody. The King again said, why should he allow to others what he did not approve of for himself.

On one occasion one of the neighbours of Shaikh Mahmúd Nu'mán, who was with the Sultán, left the city of Dehlí, as other people had left that city and had returned successful. He told Shaikh Mahmúd that, having remembered the King, he had come from Dehlí; for he had his daughter to marry, and he wanted the Shaikh to get the King to give him something. The Shaikh said he would give him as much as he required. But the man refused, saying that as other people had received the King's bounty, he also hoped to obtain something from him, and that he would gain respect among the people of his tribe by obtaining the bounty of the King of Mandú. The Shaikh said, what he was going to give, the recipient might represent as having been received from the King; for who would know that the King had not given it? The man replied that he had set his heart upon gaining his object, and that he would do it himself without the intervention of another. The Shaikh replied, the other people who had come there were the descendants of great men, and he had obtained property for them through their ancestors' names, or they themselves possessed some merit which he could praise. But, said the Shaikh, “You are neither noble nor eminent. How can I recommend you to the King?” The man replied that he did not know, but that he had come to the Shaikh, and that he must by some means or other introduce him to the King; for His Majesty was very generous, and would give him whatever fate had ordained. The Shaikh was in a great difficulty. When he went to His Majesty's Court, this man also went after him. When they reached the palace gate, wheat was being dispensed in alms to fakírs and women. The Shaikh said, “Take a handful of wheat.” The man went and brought it. The Shaikh gave him his handkerchief to keep the grains in it, and the man took it and did accordingly. When the Shaikh went before His Majesty, this man also followed him thither. The King asked who the man was that was standing behind him. The Shaikh replied, he had learnt the Kur'án by heart; that he had come from Dehlí, and had brought some grains of wheat, over each of which he had read the whole Kur'án. The King said, “Then I ought to go to him; why have you brought him here?” The Shaikh replied that the man was not worthy that His Majesty should go to him. “Let him be what he is,” said the King, “but the present which he has brought is such that I should go on my head.” The Shaikh observed that His Majesty would act according to his goodness, but that, as a servant of his Court, he was afraid he should be blamed by the ministers of the age for taking his Sovereign to the house of an unworthy person. The King told him not to consider the outward appearance, but to have regard to what concerned religion and the soul. At last the Shaikh decided that the man should be in the jámi' masjid on Friday, and that His Majesty might take the present from him there. This was approved of by the King, and on Friday the man came. The Shaikh, when the prayers were over, reminded the King, who ordered him to tell the man to ascend the pulpit. When he did so, the King spread out the lower part of his garment, and the man cast down the grains.

This work is quoted in the Histories of Firishta and Nizámu-d dín Ahmad Bakhshí as one of the authorities on which their statements are founded; but it does not appear for what particular period of Indian History they are indebted to it for information. The only knowledge I have of it is derived from the account of Sir W. Ouseley, who describes it thus:—

“The Zainu-l Akhbár is a very curious and extraordinary work; containing the ancient history of Persia, of the Jewish, Christian, Magian, and Hindu religious fasts and ceremonies, Annals of the Muhammadan kings and Khalífas, Geographical notices, anecdotes, and chronological tables,” etc.

“A most valuable work in illustrating the history and antiquities of Asia. Of this excellent work I have never seen another copy.”⁵⁵⁸

Size—Small folio, containing 527 pages.

Hájí Khálfa mentions (No. 2340) a work under this title, composed by Muhammad bin Yúsuf Hirwí. He says that it contains an account of the notable things in the country of Hind, and he adds, “To this Title are to be referred the histories of New West India, which a late author has translated into Turkí from the lingua franca, with additions. In it he has given a full account of the country known by the name of Yangí Dunyá, “the new world.” The Táríkh-i Hind is no doubt the same work as Risálu-i 'Ajáib wa Gharáib-i Hindustán, since the author of that treatise also bears the name of Muhammad Yúsuf Hirwí. This Risála is twice quoted in the Haft Iklím under “Kálpí.”

It is probably the same Táríkh-i Hind which is quoted in the Táríkh-i Alfí, the Habíbu-s Siyar, and the Nafahátu-l Ins. As the last two in their quotation from the Táríkh-i Hind show the author to have been contemporary with, and to have conversed with Khwájá Hasan Dehliví, who was a disciple of Nizámú-d dín Ahmad, he must have flourished about the beginning of the eighth century of the Hijra, for Nizámu-d dín died A.H. 725.

The first work is described in Stewart's Catalogue (p. 17) as an abridged history of the Muhammadan kings of Hindustán till the accession of the Emperor Akbar. It is probably the same as the work of that name noticed by James Fraser (Catalogue of Manuscripts collected in the East, 1742), as well as by Von Hammer (Gesch. d. red. Pers., p. 411).

The second is the title of a work in the Catalogue of Capt. Jonathan Scott's Library (Ouseley, Oriental Collections, vol. i., p. 370).

I.—AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF TÍMÚR.

[In a very kind and appreciative review of the Third Volume of this work,⁵⁵⁹ Dr. Sachau, of Vienna, has re-opened the question as to the authenticity of the Malfúzát-i Tímúrí. The old arguments for and against were noticed in the account given of the book in Vol. III.; but as it is a matter of some literary interest, Dr. Sachau's objections are here quoted in full.

“The last two works in the series of chronicles described in this volume refer to Timur. The first of them, Malfûzât-i-Tîmurî, pretends to be an autobiography of Timur. The reader will be astonished to learn how that monster—who knew so well how to sack and burn cities, to slaughter hundreds of thousands of his fellow-creatures, to lay waste almost one-half of the then civilized world in a marvellously short time—in his leisure hours received inspirations from Clio; that he, in short, was a Tatar Cæsar. Even admitting that he knew how to write, we cannot believe in his authorship of the book in question, and that for the following reasons.

“A certain 'Abû Tâlib Husainî presented to the Emperor Shâhjahân a Persian translation of an autobiography of Timur, from his 7th to his 74th year, written originally in Chagatâî. The original, he stated, had been found in the library of a Pasha of Yaman. This story sounds strongly apocryphal. First of all, it is not very likely in itself that Timur should have written his own history. But Bâbar had done so, likewise Jahângîr. Why should not also the father of the family, Timur himself, have had this ‘family predilection’? Certainly it was a very good business to produce such a work at the court of Shâhjahân. It is not necessary to suppose that this prince himself believed in the authenticity of the book, but probably he deemed it in his interest to adopt the story as it was produced, and to make people believe in it.

“Professor Dowson shows (p. 390), from the preface of the Zafar-nâma , composed by Shâraf-aldîn Yazdî, A.H. 828, only thirty years after Timur's death, that certain officers in the suite of Timur were always employed to write down everything that happened to him, in fact to compose court-chronicles both in Turkî and Persian. There is no reason to doubt this statement of Yazdî; it is from these materials that he composed his eulogy, not to say history, of Timur. But were these materials ever gathered and formed into one coherent composition, into a book? This we can hardly believe to have been the case if we remember the statement of Yazdî, that his patron Ibrahim, Timur's grandson, tried to procure for him ‘from all parts of his dominions copies of the works relating to the life of Timur’ (p. 391). But admitting that such a book existed, how then, did it happen that it remained unnoticed for centuries under the reigns of all Timur's descendants as far as Shâhjahân? If, after the death of Timur, another dynasty had come into power, it would be only natural that they should have tried to destroy every memorial of their predecessors. But that was not the case; members of his family were sitting on the thrones of Persia, Transoxiana, and India. Further, are those court-chronicles identical with the Malfûzât-i-Tîmurî , as Professor Dowson seems to believe (p. 340)? The editor states quite correctly with regard to Yazdî's Zafar-nâma and the Malfûzât, that one is a mere reproduction of the other. And from this fact we conclude that the Malfûzât are forged upon the basis of Yazdî's work. In the first instance, the Malfûzât are composed in the strict form of an autobiography (‘I said,’ ‘I ordered,’ etc.), and we can scarcely assume that this was the form of the abovementioned court-chronicles. Secondly, if Timur had been an author himself, Yazdî would certainly have mentioned it, and would, page after page, have enlarged on his stylistic attainments. But such is not the case.”

Dr. Sachau, in the first place, deems it to be incredible that a monster like Tímúr ever wrote his memoirs, even if he were able to write at all. It has never been contended that they were actually written by Tímúr with his own hand, but that the book was produced under his personal direction and superintendence, and that he intended it to pass as his autobiography. That Tímúr was “a monster” is certain, but why this should disqualify him from writing a history of his life is not manifest. Other monsters have taken a pride in the record of their iniquities and atrocities, but then their opinions of themselves and of their deeds differed widely from the verdict passed upon them by mankind.

That the story of the discovery of the book “sounds strongly apocryphal,” has been admitted from the first. It gives ground for very great suspicion, but it would not be conclusive, even if the book were entirely destitute of evidence as to its authenticity.

It would certainly have been “a very good business to produce such a work at the court of Sháh Jahán,” if the work had been written in the prevailing style. But the book in question tells a plain straightforward tale, devoid of all that varnish and tinsel which a forger, in accordance with the prevailing taste, would have lavished upon his work to make it acceptable. The reception it met with shows what was thought of it: Another writer was commissioned to assimilate it to the Zafar-náma.

“The Malfúzát are composed in the strict form of an autobiography (‘I said,’ ‘I ordered,’ etc.), and we can scarcely assume that this was the form of the above-mentioned court-chronicles;” but why not? and in what form should an autobiography be written? The Memoirs of Bábar, Tímúr's descendant, are written in the very form objected to, as the pages of the present volume show. It may even be that these very memoirs were the incentive and the model of Bábar's. Both are written in a similar style; plain, out-spoken, and free from reticence or apology. Bábar's character is plainly impressed upon his memoirs. Is not Tímúr's equally manifest in the Malfúzát?

“Lastly, Dr. Sachau thinks that if Tímúr had been an author, Yazdí would certainly have mentioned it, and would, page after page, have enlarged on his stylistic attainments.” Perhaps so. But, “if Tímúr had been an author,” Yazdí employed himself in reproducing his work in an improved style. He could not very well have lavished praises on the style of a work which he so laboriously endeavoured to supersede. On the other hand, it would have been somewhat dangerous, at the court of Tímúr's grandson, to boast of having improved the writings of such a redoubtable character. Yazdí, however, distinctly tells us that Memoirs of Tímúr's life were written under the direction of Tímúr himself, that they were read in his presence, and received “the impress of his approval.”⁵⁶² Under such circumstances the autobiographical form is very likely to have been employed, even though Tímúr never wrote a line himself.

Dr. Sachau agrees that the Memoirs and the Zafar-náma are reproductions the one of the other; but his view is, that the Memoirs are derived from the Zafar-náma. Against this it may be urged, first, that Yazdí confesses that he used writings which had “received the impress of Tímúr's approval,” and so acknowledges the preexistence of something in the shape of Memoirs. Secondly, the Zafar-náma comprises neither “the Institutes of Tímúr” nor his “Testament,” which form one part of the Memoirs; so, these at least were not taken from the Zafar-náma. Lastly, the Memoirs contain many little matters of detail which are not to be found in the Zafar-náma. So, if the one work “is a mere reproduction of the other,” the larger work full of minor details cannot have been reproduced from the lesser work, in which those details do not appear. The Zafar-náma may have been entirely derived from the Memoirs, but it is scarcely possible that the Memoirs were wholly drawn from the Zafar-náma.

The Tabakát-i Bábarí noticed in this volume reproduces Bábar's Memoirs with all the graces of Persian rhetoric, and stands in the same relation to Bábar's Memoirs as the Zafar-náma does to the Malfúzát-i Tímúrí. There is no question as to the priority of Bábar's writings. In this case at least, the natural course prevailed, and the simple narrative preceded the highly elaborate and polished composition. Are not the two cases of Tímúr's and Bábar's Memoirs more likely to be similar than contrary?

In the present volume there are two or three short extracts of the History of Tímúr, as given by 'Abdu-r Razzák in his Matla'u-s Sa'dain. Sir H. Elliot's Library contains only some portions of this part of the work, and no perfect copy of the MS. is accessible, so at present it cannot be ascertained whether 'Abdu-r Razzák acknowledges the source from which he derived the History of Tímúr. That he borrowed it or translated it from a previous writer is apparent—for nothing can be more dissimilar in style than the two volumes of the Matla'u-s Sa'dain. The History of Tímúr is as simple and plain as Tímúr's own Memoirs: the Embassy to India is narrated in the high style, in language almost as florid and ornate as that of the Zafar-náma. It is easy to see which style the author preferred. Where then did he get his History of Tímúr? If he translated or adapted Tímúr's Memoirs as given in the Malfúzát, the simplicity of style will be accounted for. It can never be believed that he drew his history from the Zafar-náma, transferring it from a style which he himself cultivated and must have admired, into a plain narrative, uncongenial to his taste and unsatisfactory to him as an ambitious writer. If 'Abdu-r Razzák did not use the Malfúzát, he must have used some work remarkably similar to it. No such work is known.

Tímúr's Memoirs profess to have been written in Turkí, and the translation into Persian was not made until long after the date of the Matla'u-s Sa'dain. A careful collation of several pages of the Persian version of the Memoirs and of the Matla'u-s Sa'dain shows no identity of language. So the latter work may have been derived from the original Turkí version of the Memoirs, but the Persian version of the Memoirs was not stolen from the Matla'u-s Sa'dain.

The chief and only tenable arguments against the authenticity of the work are the time and place of its discovery, and the fact of the original Turkí version never having come to light. The force of these objections is fully acknowledged; but they are not and cannot be decisive. The considerations above urged must have some weight in countervailing them, but a more forcible argument than all may be drawn from the Memoirs themselves. These seem to bear the impress of originality and authenticity. The style of the work is such as no forger would have been likely to adopt; while the personal and family matters, the petty details, the unreserved expression of the ferocious thoughts and designs of the conqueror, and the whole tenor of the work, seem to point to Tímúr himself as the man by whom or under whose immediate direction and superintendence the Memoirs were written.—J.D.]