History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 4

EXTRACTS.

[Malik Ghiyásu-d dín Pír 'Alí assumed the crown after the death of his father. He threw open the gates of kindness and generosity to people of every sort, and carried on the government of Khurásán until the month of Muharram, 781 H. On this date, Sáhib-Kirán Amír Tímúr made himself master of Hirát by a treaty of peace, and taking the king prisoner, sent him to Samarkand. In the month of Ramazán, 785, the king and all his family tasted the nectar of martyrdom. Among the great and learned men who lived in the time of these kings was Abú-l Makárim Shaikh Ruknu-d dín 'Alaú-d daula (and so on with the life of the Shaikh).

Humáyún marching from Kaiwán,²¹⁷ the city of Kandahár was favoured with the light of the royal countenance on the 11th Muharram, 952 H. In the course of Jumáda-l awwal, he captured the fort of Kandahár, and there pardoned the offences of Muhammad 'Askari Mírzá. About the middle of Sha'bán, he placed himself at the head of his forces, and marched to Kábul. Mírzá Muhammad Kámrán, notwithstanding his large army, had not the courage to encounter him, but fled to Sind. On the 11th Ramazán, His Majesty entered Kábul, like the soul into the body, or a rose into its parterre, and taking the people under his care and protection, they found rest in the shadow of his benevolence.]

THE Commentaries of Bábar, originally written in Turkí, were translated into Persian in the middle of Akbar's reign, by 'Abdu-r Rahím, Khán Khánán, and are well known to the English reader by the admirable translation of Dr. Leyden and Mr. Erskine. The Persian translation was presented to the Emperor Akbar in the thirty-fourth year of his reign, 998 H. (1590 A.D.),²¹⁸ and the translator died in 1627 A.D., at the age of seventy-two.

Bábar's memoirs form one of the best and most faithful pieces of autobiography extant; they are infinitely superior to the hypocritical revelations of Tímúr,^218a and the pompous declamation of Jahángír—not inferior in any respect to the Expedition of Xenophon, and rank but little below the Commentaries of Cæsar. They are equal in simplicity, and exhibit much less dissimulation than that celebrated work. The Emperor Jahángír states that he himself added some chapters to the work in the Turkí language, in which language Captain Hawkins, on his visit to Ágra in A.D. 1609, conversed with him. The language of Bábar's original is in the purest dialect of the Turkí language, not being so much intermixed as that of the other Turkish tribes with terms derived from the Arabic and Persian.

Zahíru-d dín Muhammad, surnamed Bábar, or the Tiger, was one of the descendants of Changíz Khán and of Tímúr; and though inheriting only the small kingdom of Farghána, in Bucharia, ultimately extended his dominions by conquest to Dehlí and the greater part of Hindustán; and transmitted to his descendants the magnificent empire of the Mughals. He was born in 1482, and died in 1530. Passing the greater part of his time in desperate military expeditions, he was a great general and a profound politician; he was an educated and accomplished man, and an eminent scholar in Arabic, Persian, and Hindí; he was also an elegant poet; a minute and fastidious critic in all the niceties and elegancies of diction; a curious and exact observer of the statistical phenomena of every region he entered; a great admirer of beautiful prospects and fine flowers; and, though a devoted Muhammadan in his way, a very resolute and jovial drinker of wine. Good-humoured, brave, munificent, sagacious, and frank in his character, he might have been a Henry IV. if his training had been in Europe; and even as he is, he is less stained, perhaps, by the Asiatic vices of cruelty and perfidy than any other in the list of Asia's conquerors. The work under notice is a faithful account of his own life and transactions, written, with some considerable blanks, up to the year 1508, in the form of a narrative, from which time to 1519 there is a blank; and it is continued afterwards, as a journal, till 1529.

The translation was begun by the learned and enterprising Dr. Leyden, and was completed and the whole of the valuable commentary added by Mr. W. Erskine, on the solicitation of the Hon. Mountstuart Elphinstone and Sir John Malcolm. The greater part of the translation was finished and transmitted to England in 1817, but was only committed to the press in the course of 1826. It is illustrated by intelligent and learned notes, and by introductory dissertations, clear, masterly, and full of instruction. The preface to the translation contains a learned account of the Turkí language (in which these memoirs were written), the prevailing tongue of Central Asia—some valuable corrections of Sir William Jones's notices of the Institutes of Tímúr—and a very clear explanation of the method employed in the translation, and the various helps by which the great difficulties of the task were relieved. The first Introduction, however, contains much more valuable matter; it is devoted to an account of the great Tátár tribes, who, under the denomination of the Turkí, the Mughal, and the Manchu races, may be said to occupy the whole vast extent of Asia, north of Hindustán and part of Persia, and westward from China. The second Introduction contains a brief but clear abstract of the history of Mughalistán, from the time of Tímúr to Bábar, together with an excellent memoir of the map which accompanies the work, and an account of the geography of Bukhára.

The body of the work, independent of the historical value of the transactions which it records, abounds in statistical accounts which evidently display the monarch as a man of genius and observation. Modern travellers have agreed that his descriptions of Kábul and its environs, as well as of Farghána, and the countries to the north of Hindukush, are not to be exceeded for their fidelity and comprehensiveness.

The most remarkable piece of statistics, however, with which he has furnished us, is in his account of Hindustán, which he first entered as a conqueror in 1525. It occupies in the translation twenty-five closely printed quarto pages; and contains, not only an exact account of its boundaries, population, resources, revenues, and divisions, but a full enumeration of all its useful fruits, trees, birds, beasts, and fishes, with such a minute description of their several habitudes and peculiarities as would make no contemptible figure in a modern work of natural history—carefully distinguishing the facts which rest on his own observation from those which he gives only on the testimony of others, and making many suggestions as to the means of improving, or transferring them from one region to another.

He mentions, for instance, the introduction of the plantain at Kábul, where it was found to thrive very well, which shows the elevation at which it will grow; respecting which there has been some discussion in India. A few extracts from his graphic account, in which he exhibits all the prejudices of a fastidious Englishman, will not be deemed out of place here.

“Hindustán is situated in the first, second, and third climates, No part of it is in the fourth. It is a remarkably fine country. It is quite a different world, compared with our countries. Its hills and rivers, its forests and plains, its animals and plants, its inhabitants and their languages, its winds and rains, are all of a different nature. Although the Garmsíls (or hot districts), in the territory of Kábul, bear, in many respects, some resemblance to Hindustán, while in other particulars they differ, yet you have no sooner passed the river Sind than the country, the trees, the stones, the wandering tribes, the manners and customs of the people, are all entirely those of Hindustán. The northern range of hills has been mentioned. Immediately on crossing the river Sind, we come upon several countries in this range of mountains, connected with Kashmír, such as Pakhali and Shamang. Most of them, though now independent of Kashmír, were formerly included in its territories. After leaving Kashmír, these hills contain innumerable tribes and states, parganas and countries, and extend all the way to Bengal and the shores of the Great Ocean. About these hills are other tribes of men.”

“The country and towns of Hindustán are extremely ugly. All its towns and lands have a uniform look: its gardens have no walls; the greater part of it is a level plain. The banks of its rivers and streams, in consequence of the rushing of the torrents that descend during the rainy season, are worn deep into the channel, which makes it generally difficult and troublesome to cross them. In many places the plain is covered by a thorny brushwood to such a degree that the people of the parganas, relying on these forests, take shelter in them, and trusting to their inaccessible situation, often continue in a state of revolt, refusing to pay their taxes. In Hindustán, if you except the rivers, there is little running water. Now and then some standing water is to be met with. All these cities and countries derive their water from wells or tanks, in which it is collected during the rainy season. In Hindustán, the populousness and decay, or total destruction of villages, nay of cities, is almost instantaneous. Large cities that have been inhabited for a series of years (if, on an alarm, the inhabitants take to flight), in a single day, or a day and a half, are so completely abandoned that you can scarcely discover a trace or mark of population.”

“Hindustán is a country that has few pleasures to recommend it. The people are not handsome. They have no idea of the charms of friendly society, of frankly mixing together, or of familiar intercourse; they have no genius, no comprehension of mind, no politeness of manner, no kindness or fellow-feeling, no ingenuity or mechanical invention in planning or executing their handicraft works, no skill or knowledge in design or architecture; they have no good horses, no good flesh, no grapes or musk-melons, no good fruits, no ice or cold water, no good food or bread in their bazars, no baths or colleges, no candles, no torches, not a candlestick.”

“The chief excellency of Hindustán is, that it is a large country, and has abundance of gold and silver. The climate during the rains is very pleasant. On some days it rains ten, fifteen, and even twenty times. During the rainy season, inundations come pouring down all at once, and form rivers, even in places where, at other times, there is no water. While the rains continue on the ground, the air is singularly delightful—insomuch that nothing can surpass its soft and agreeable temperature. Its defect is, that the air is rather moist and damp. During the rainy season you cannot shoot, even with the bow of our country, and it becomes quite useless. Nor is it the bow alone that becomes useless; the coats of mail, books, clothes, and furniture, all feel the bad effects of the moisture. Their houses, too, suffer from not being substantially built. There is pleasant enough weather in the winter and summer, as well as in the rainy season; but then the north wind always blows, and there is an excessive quantity of earth and dust flying about. When the rains are at hand, this wind blows five or six times with excessive violence, and such a quantity of dust flies about that you cannot see one another. They call this an ándhí. It gets warm during Taurus and Gemini, but not so warm as to become intolerable. The heat cannot be compared to the heats of Balkh and Kandahár. It is not above half so warm as in these places. Another convenience of Hindustán is, that the workmen of every profession and trade are innumerable, and without end. For any work or any employment, there is always a set ready, to whom the same employment and trade have descended from father to son for ages. In the Zafar-náma of Mulla Sharífu-d dín 'Alí Yazdí, it is mentioned as a surprising fact, that when Tímúr Beg was building the Sangín (or stone) mosque, there were stone-cutters of Azarbáíjan, Fárs, Hindustán, and other countries, to the number of 200, working every day on the mosque. In Ágra alone, and of stone-cutters belonging to that place only, I every day employed on my palaces 680 persons; and in Ágra, Síkrí, Bayána, Dhúlpúr, Gwálior, and Koel, there were every day employed on my works 1491 stone-cutters. In the same way, men of every trade and occupation are numberless, and without stint in Hindustán.

“The countries from Bahrah to Bihár, which are now under my dominion, yield a revenue of fifty-two krors, as will appear from the particular and detailed statement. Of this amount, parganas to the value of eight or nine krors are in the possession of some Ráís and Rájás, who from old times have been submissive, and have received these parganas for the purpose of confirming them in their obedience.”

It is not only in narrative and statistical details that the work excels—it presents also what is so exceedingly rare in Asiatic history, the characters of his countrymen and contemporaries—their appearance, manners, dress, pursuits, tastes, habits, and actions, and with such minuteness and reality, that they seem to form part of our acquaintance, and to live amongst us as one of ourselves.

But the great charm of the work is in the character of the author, whom we find, after all the trials of a long life, retaining the same kind and affectionate heart, and the same easy and sociable temper with which he set out on his career, and in whom the possession of power and grandeur had neither blunted the delicacy of his taste, nor diminished his sensibility to the enjoyment of nature and imagination.

“It is a relief,” says his translator, “in the midst of the pompous coldness of Asiatic history, to find a king who can weep for days, and tell us that he wept for the playmate of his boyhood.” He speaks with as much interest of his mother and female relations as if he had never quitted their fireside; and his friends make almost as great a figure in the personal part of his narrative as he does himself. He repeats their sayings, records their accidents and illnesses, relates their adventures, and sometimes jokes on their eccentricities.

After a letter on the affairs of his government to his most confidential counsellor Khwája Kílán (then at Kábul), he tells him little anecdotes of their common acquaintances, which he thinks will amuse him, and adds, “For God's sake, excuse all these fooleries, and do not think the worse of me for them.” He endeavours afterwards to persuade Khwája Kílán to leave off wine, as he had done; and says, in substance, “Drinking was a very pleasant thing with our old friends and companions; but now that you have only Shír Ahmad and Haidar Kúli to take your wine with, it can be no great sacrifice to leave it off.” In the same letter, he says how much he envies his friend his residence at Kábul, and adds, “They very recently brought me a single musk-melon; while cutting it up, I felt myself affected with a strong feeling of loneliness, and a sense of my exile from my native country, and I could not help shedding tears while I was eating it.”

Bábar was a constant and jovial toper. Many a drinking party is recorded in his Memoirs, with at least as much interest as his battles or negociations; and unsuitable as they are to his station, they are not the least agreeable scenes in his history. The perfect ease and familiarity among the company makes one forget the prince in the man; and the temptations that generally lead to those excesses—a shady wood, a hill with a fine prospect, or the idleness of a boat floating down a river; together with the amusements with which they are accompanied, extemporary verses, recitations in Turkí and Persian, with sometimes a song, and often a contest of repartee—greatly diminish the coarseness that might attach to such scenes of dissipation. Even in the middle of a harassing and desultory campaign, there is no intermission of this excessive jollity, though it sometimes puts the parties into jeopardy; for example:

“We continued at this place drinking till the sun was on the decline, when we set out. Those who had been of the party were completely drunk. Saiyid Kásim was so drunk that two of his servants were obliged to put him on horseback, and brought him to the camp with great difficulty. Dost Muhammad Bákir was so far gone, that Amín Muhammad Tarkhán, Masti Chihrah, and those who were along with him, were unable, with all their exertions, to get him on horseback. They poured a great quantity of water over him, but all to no purpose. At this moment a body of Afgháns appeared in sight. Amín Muhammad Tarkhán, being very drunk, gravely gave it as his opinion, that rather than leave him in the condition in which he was, to fall into the hands of the enemy, it was better at once to cut off his head and carry it away. Making another exertion, however, with much difficulty, they contrived to throw him upon a horse, which they led along, and so brought him off.”

On some occasions they contrived to be drunk four times in twenty-four hours. The gallant prince contents himself with a strong ma'jún²²⁵ one day; but “next morning we had a drinking party in the same tent. We continued drinking till night. On the following morning we again had an early cup, and, getting intoxicated, went to sleep. About noon-day prayers, we left Istálíf, and I took a ma'jún on the road. It was about afternoon prayers before I reached Bahzádi. The crops were extremely good. While I was riding round the harvest-fields, such of my companions as were fond of wine began to contrive another drinking-bout. Although I had taken a ma'jún, yet, as the crops were uncommonly fine, we sat down under some trees that had yielded a plentiful load of fruit, and began to drink. We kept up the party in the same place till bed-time prayers.”

In a year or two after this, when he seems to be in a course of unusual indulgence, we meet with the following edifying remark: “As I intend, when forty years old, to abstain from wine; and as I now want somewhat less than one year of being forty, I drink wine most copiously!” When forty comes, however, we hear nothing of this sage resolution; but have a regular record of the wine and ma'jún parties as before, up to the year 1527. In that year, however, he is seized with rather a sudden fit of penitence, and has the resolution to begin a course of rigorous reform. There is something rather picturesque in his very solemn and remarkable account of this great revolution in his habits.²²⁶ It would have been well if Bábar had carried out his intention, and left off wine sooner, for there seems good reason to think his indulgence in it shortened his days.

Bábar appears to have been of a frank and generous character; and there are throughout the Memoirs various traits of singular clemency and tenderness of heart for an Eastern monarch and professional warrior. He weeps ten whole days for the loss of a friend who fell over a precipice after one of their drinking parties, and spares the lives and even restores the domains of various chieftains who had betrayed his confidence and afterwards fallen into his power. Yet there are traces of Asiatic ferocity, and of a hard-hearted wastefulness of life, which remind us that we are beyond the pale of European gallantry and Christian compassion. In his wars in Afghánistán and India, the prisoners are commonly butchered in cold blood after the action; and pretty uniformly a triumphal pyramid is erected of their skulls. These horrible executions, too, are performed with much solemnity before the royal pavilion; and on one occasion, it is incidentally recorded, that such was the number of prisoners brought forward for this infamous butchery, that the sovereign's tent had three times to be removed to a different station; the ground before it being so drenched with blood, and encumbered with quivering carcases! On one occasion, and on one only, an attempt was made to poison him—the mother of one of the sovereigns whom he had dethroned having bribed his cooks and tasters to mix death in his repast. Upon the detection of the plot, the taster was cut in pieces, the cook flayed alive, and the scullions trampled to death by elephants. Such, however, was the respect paid to rank, or the indulgence to maternal resentment, that the prime mover of the whole conspiracy, the queen dowager, is merely put under restraint, and has a contribution levied on her private fortune.

The unsettled nature of his life is shown by his observing, near the end of it, that since he was eleven years old he had never kept the fast of the Ramazán twice in any one place; and the time not spent in war and travelling was occupied in hunting and other sports, or in long excursions on horseback about the country. On his last journey, after his health had begun to fail, he rode, in two days, from Kálpi to Ágra (160 miles), without any particular motive for despatch; and on the same journey, he swam twice across the Ganges, as he said he had done with every other river he had met with. His mind was as active as his body; besides the business of the kingdom, he was constantly taken up with aqueducts, reservoirs, and other improvements, as well as introducing new fruits and other productions of remote countries. Yet he found time to compose many elegant Persian poems and a collection of Turkí compositions, which are mentioned as giving him a high rank among the poets of his own country.

The Memoirs of Bábar remained for a time unknown, until they were transposed from the Turkí into the more popular language of Persia. It is difficult to believe that they are the work of an Asiatic and a sovereign. Though copiously, and rather diffusely written, they are perfectly free from the ornamental verbosity, the eternal metaphor, and puerile exaggerations of most Oriental compositions; and though savouring so far of royalty as to abound in descriptions of dresses and ceremonies, they are yet occupied in the main with concerns greatly too rational and humble to be much in favour with monarchs. The English translation seems to have imbibed the very spirit of the original. The style is singularly happy, strikingly characteristic, though perfectly natural, and equally remote from the usual inflated language of the East, and from the imitation of scriptural simplicity into which other translators of similar works have fallen.

[In later life Mr. Erskine again took up the subject in which he had gained distinction. “Observing that most of our general histories” were based “on the brief but judicious abridgment of Firishta,” “it seemed that a nation possessing such an empire as that of the British in India, ought to have some ampler record of the transactions of the different dynasties which preceded their own in that country.” “The most natural and effectual means of supplying this want, he thought, would certainly be a general edition of the historians of India,—a Corpus Scriptorum Historiæ Indicæ,” in fact, such a work as Sir H. Elliot had projected, and of which the present is an imperfect realization. Seeing the difficulties in the way of such a work, he directed his energies “to furnish from as many of the historians of India as were accessible to the author, such a narrative of public events during the first six Emperors of the House of Tímúr, from Bábar to Aurangzíb, as might be at once more minute and more authentic, than, so far as the author knows, has yet appeared in any European language.” Death prevented the accomplishment of this design, but the history of the reigns of Bábar and of Humáyún, which the author had completed before his decease, was published afterwards in 1854, in two volumes. These contain a full and minute account of the reigns of Bábar and his son, leaving nothing to be desired for the elucidation of the history of those times. Were the present work intended only to supply new matter and to make up previous deficiencies, the reigns of Bábar and Humáyún might well be passed over: but as the book is intended to be a continuous history, the annals of these reigns must have their place in it, though there will not be the necessity of entering upon them so fully as their importance would otherwise require. Bábar is essentially the historian of his own times, and the Extracts which follow give the history of his conquest of India. They have been taken from Erskine's translation.

The foregoing article was already in type when a new translation of Bábar's Memoirs issued from the press. This translation has been made direct from the Turkí, or Jaghatai, language into French by M. Pavet de Courteille, of the Collège de France. The text employed was the edition published at Kasan in 1857 by M. Ilminski. M. de Courteille, rendering due justice to the English translation of the Memoirs, declares his sole motive for undertaking a new one was that the English version had been drawn more from the Persian translation than from the original Turkí. Though the English translators possessed the original version, they had but a limited knowledge of its language, and they “relied principally on the Persian.” Such being the case, M. de Courteille has rendered good service by supplying a new version direct from the language in which the illustrious author wrote, and thus dissipating all misgivings as to the accuracy of the Persian translation from which our English version was taken. The following extracts have been carefully compared, and in both versions they tell exactly the same story. Some differences have been noted in the following pages, as well as some passages which are wanting in one or the other version, but these are differences which are attributable to the copyists rather than to the Persian translator. M. de Courteille agrees with the English translators that Bábar wrote the Memoirs late in life, and he also accords with them in believing that he left them incomplete, as we now possess them. Indeed, it is hardly possible to think otherwise. Such an important work, by such an exalted personage, is not likely to have fallen out of notice, and to have been mutilated in the short interval between the date of its completion and of its translation into Persian. But the Turkí and Persian versions are both alike defective, and so the inference is unavoidable that the work was never completed. It is certain that, notwithstanding great search and inquiry, the missing years have never been found. Sir H. M. Elliot was encouraged in his researches by receiving an Extract purporting to be the history of 931, one of the missing years; it turns out, however, to be the narrative of the uneventful year 926, already published by Erskine.

There is a very fine copy of the Turkí text in the Library of the East India Office.²³⁰]

First Invasion.

On the 14th Safar, 925 (February 15th, 1519)], when we left Bajaur, we did it with the intention of attacking Bahrah^230a before we returned to Kábul. We were always full of the idea of invading Hindustán. This was prevented by various circumstances. For three or four months that the army had been detained in Bajaur, it had got no plunder of value. As Bahrah is on the borders of Hindustán, and was near at hand, I conceived that, if I were now to push on without baggage, the soldiers might light upon some booty. Moving on under these impressions, and plundering the Afgháns in our progress, when I reached Makám, several of my principal adherents advised me, that if we were to enter Hindustán, we should do it on a proper footing, and with an adequate force. ^{* * * *} Though the advice was perfectly judicious, we made the inroad in spite of all these objections.

Early next morning we marched towards the passage over the Sind. I despatched Mír Muhammad Jála-bán in advance, with his brothers and some troops to escort them, for the purpose of examining the banks of the river, both above and below. After sending on the army towards the river, I myself set off for Sawátí, which they likewise call Kark-khána,²³¹ to hunt the rhinoceros. We started many rhinoceroses, but as the country abounded in brushwood, we could not get at them. ^{* * *}

Next morning, being Thursday the 17th [16], we crossed the ford with our horses, camels, and baggage; the camp bázár and the infantry were floated across on rafts. The same day the inhabitants of Níláb^231a waited on me, bringing an armed horse^231b and 300 Sháh-rukhís^231c as a peshkash. As soon as we had got all our people across, that same day at noon-day prayers, we proceeded on our march, which we continued for one watch of the night, and halted at the river of Kachah-kot. Marching thence before day, we crossed the river of Kachah-kot, and the same evening surmounted the pass of Sangdákí,^231d and halted. Saiyid Kásim, Ishak Agha,^231e who brought up the rear-guard, took a few Gújars who followed the camp, cut off some of their heads and brought them in.

Marching at the dawn from Sangdákí, and crossing the river Súhán^231f about noon-day prayers, we encamped. Our stragglers continued to come in till midnight. It was an uncommonly long and severe march, and as it was made when our horses were lean and weak, it was peculiarly hard on them, so that many horses were worn out and fell down by the way. Seven kos from Bahrah²³² to the north there is a hill. This hill, in the Zafar-náma , and some other books, is called the hill of Júd. At first, I was ignorant of the origin of its name, but afterwards discovered that in this hill there were two races of men descended from the same father. One tribe is called Júd, the other Janjúhah. ^{* * *}

As I always had the conquest of Hindustán at heart, and as the conquest of Bahrah, Khusháb, Chináb and Chaniút,^232a among which I now was, had long been in the possession of the Turks, I regarded them as my own domains, and was resolved to acquire the possession of them either by war or peace. It was, therefore, right and necessary that the people of the hill should be well treated. I accordingly issued orders that no one should molest or trouble their flocks and herds, or take from them to the value of a bit of thread or a broken needle.

Marching thence rather late, about noon-day prayers, we reached Kaldah-kahár,^232b where we halted. This Kaldah-kahár is a considerable place. ^{* * *} At dawn we set out from Kaldah-kahár. On the very top of the Pass of Hambátu we met in different places men who were coming bringing in peshkashes of small value, and tendering their submission. ^{* * *} About luncheon time we reached the bottom of the pass, where we halted. ^{* * *} Having cleared the pass, and emerged from the wooded ground, I formed the army in regular array, with right and left wing and centre, and marched towards Bahrah. When we had nearly reached that place, Deo Hindu, and the son of Saktú, who were servants of 'Alí Khán,^232c the son of Daulat Khán Yúsuf Khail, accompanied by the head men of Bahrah, met us, bringing each a horse and camel as peshkash, and tendered their submission and service. Noon-day prayers were over when we halted to the east of Bahrah, on the banks of the river Behat, on a green field of grass, without having done the people of Bahrah the least injury or damage.

From the time that Tímúr Beg had invaded Hindustán and again left it, these countries of Bahrah, Khusháb, Chináb, and Chaniút had remained in the possession of the family of Tímúr Beg, and of their dependents and adherents. Sultán Mas'úd Mirza, the grandson of Sháh Rukh Mirza, and son of Siúrgh-namsh ²³³ Mirza, was, in those days, the ruler and chief of Kábul and Zábul, on which account he got the title of Sultán Mas'úd Kábulí. ^{* * *}

Next morning I sent out foraging parties in proper directions, and afterwards rode round Bahrah. ^{* * *} On Wednesday, the 22nd, I sent for the headmen and chaudharís of Bahrah, and agreed with them for the sum of 400,000 Sháh-rukhís^233a as the ransom of their property; and collectors were appointed to receive the amount. ^{* * * 233b} Having learned that the troops had exercised some severities towards the inhabitants of Bahrah, and were using them ill, I sent out a party, who having seized a few of the soldiers that had been guilty of excesses, I put some of them to death, and slit the noses of some others, and made them be led about the camp in that condition. As I reckoned the countries that had belonged to the Turks as my own territories, I therefore admitted of no plundering or pillage.

²³⁴ People were always saying, that if ambassadors were to be sent in a friendly and peaceable way into the countries that had been occupied by the Turks, it could do no harm. I therefore despatched Mulla Murshid to Sultán Ibráhím, whose father Sultán Iskandar had died five or six months before, and who had succeeded his father in the empire of Hindustán; and giving him the name and style of ambassador, sent him to demand that the countries which from old times had belonged to the Turks should be given up to me. Besides these letters for Sultán Ibráhím, I gave Mulla Murshid letters to Daulat Khán, and having also delivered to him verbal instructions, dismissed him on his mission. The people of Hindustán, and particularly the Afgháns, are a strangely foolish and senseless race, possessed of little reflection, and less foresight. They can neither persist in and manfully support a war, nor can they continue in a state of amity and friendship. This person, who was sent by me, Daulat Khán detained some time in Lahore, neither seeing him himself, nor suffering him to proceed to Sultán Ibráhím; so that my envoy, five months after, returned to Kábul without having received any answer.

On Friday, letters of submission came from the people of Khusháb. ^{* * *} We remained one day in the fort of Bahrah, which they call Jahán-numá, and on the morning of Tuesday we marched, and encamped on the rising grounds which skirt along Bahrah towards the north.^{234a * * *} Next morning, after the Díwán was dismissed, when I had finished my ride, I went on board of a boat, and had a drinking party. ^{* * *}

In the hill country between Níláb and Bahrah, but apart from the tribes of Júd and Janjúhah, and adjoining to the hill country of Kashmír, are the Jats,^234b Gújars, and many other men of similar tribes, who build villages, and settle on every hillock and in every valley. Their hákim was of the Gakkar race, and their government resembled that of the Júd and Janjúhah. The government of these tribes, which stretch along the skirt of the hills, was at that time held by Tátár Gakkar and Háti Gakkar, sons of the same family; they were cousins. Their places of strength were situated on ravines and steep precipices. The name of Tátár's stronghold was Parhálah.²³⁵ It was considerably lower than the snowy mountains. Háti's country is close adjoining to the hills. Háti had also brought over to his interest Bábá Khán, who held Kálinjar. Tátár Gakkar had waited on Daulat Khán, and was in a certain way subject to him. Háti had never visited him, but remained in an independent turbulent state. Tátár at the desire of the amírs of Hindustán, and in conjunction with them, had taken a position with his army several miles off, and in some sort kept Háti in a state of blockade. At the very time when we were in Bahrah, Háti had advanced upon Tátár by a stratagem, had surprised and slain him, and taken his country, his women, and all his property. ^{* * *}

Having arranged the affairs of the country in such a way as to give a prospect of its being kept quiet, on Sunday, the 11th of the first Rabí', I marched from Bahrah on my return to Kábul. ^{* * *} Some persons who were acquainted with the country, and with the political situation of the neighbouring territories, and particularly the Janjúhah, who were the old enemies of the Gakkars, represented to me that Háti the Gakkar had been guilty of many acts of violence, had infested the highways by his robberies,^235a and harassed the inhabitants; that therefore it was necessary either to effect his expulsion from this quarter, or, at least, to inflict on him exemplary punishment.

For effecting this object, next morning I left Khwájah Mír Mirán and Míram Násir in charge of the camp, and about breakfast time, set out with a body of light troops, to fall upon Háti Gakkar, who, a few days before, had killed Tátár, seized the country of Parhálah, and was now at Parhálah, as has been mentioned. About afternoon prayers we halted and baited our horses; and set off again about bed-time prayers. Our guide was a servant of the Malik-hast, named Súrpa.²³⁶ He was a Gújar. All night long we proceeded straight on in our course, but halted towards morning, and sent on Beg Muhammad Mughal towards their camp. When it was beginning to be light, we again mounted; and about luncheon time^236a put on our armour and increased our speed. About a kos from the place where we had made this halt, Parhálah began to appear faintly in sight. The skirmishers were now pushed forward; the right wing proceeded to the east of Parhálah. Kúch Beg, who belonged to that wing, was directed to follow in their rear, by way of reserve. The left wing and centre poured in straight towards Parhálah. Dost Beg was appointed to command the party charged to support the left wing and centre, who made the direct attack on Parhálah.

Parhálah, which stands high in the midst of deep valleys and ravines, has two roads leading to it; one of them on the southeast, which was the road that we advanced by. This road runs along the edge of the ravines, and has ravines and precipices on both sides. Within half a kos of Parhálah, the road becomes extremely difficult, and continues so up to the very gates of the city; the ravine road, in four or five places, being so narrow and steep, that only one person can go along it at a time; and for about a bow-shot it is necessary to proceed with the utmost circumspection. The other road is on the north-west.^236b It advances towards Parhálah through the midst of an open valley. Except these two roads, there is no other on any side. Although the place has no breastwork nor battlement, yet it is so situated that it is not assailable. It is surrounded by a precipice seven or eight gaz^236c in perpendicular height. The troops of the left wing having passed along the narrows, went pouring on towards the gate. Háti, with thirty or forty horsemen, all, both man and horse, in complete armour, accompanied by a number of foot soldiers, attacked and drove back the skirmishers. Dost Beg, who commanded the reserve, coming up, and falling on the enemy with great impetuosity, brought down a number of them, and routed the rest. Háti Gakkar, who distinguished himself by his courage and firmness in the action, in spite of all his exertions, could not maintain his ground, and fled. He was unable to defend the narrows; and on reaching the fort, found that it was equally out of his power to defend himself there. The detachment which followed close on his heels having entered the fort along with him, Háti was compelled to make his escape, nearly alone, by the north-west entrance. Dost Beg, on this occasion, again greatly distinguished himself. I ordered an honorary gift to be given to him. At the same time I entered Parhálah, and took up my abode at Tátár's palace. During these operations, some men, who had been ordered to remain with me, had joined the skirmishing party. Among them were Amín Muhammad Karáshi and Tarkhán Arghún. In order to punish them for this offence, I gave them the Gújar Súrpá²³⁷ for their guide, and turned them out disgracefully^237a into the deserts and wilds to find their way back to the camp. ^{* * *}

On Thursday the 15th we halted at Andarábah, which lies on the banks of the river Súhán. This fort of Andarábah depended from old times on the father of Malik-hast. When Háti Gakkar slew Malik-hast's father, it had been destroyed, and had remained in ruins ever since. ^{* * *} Háti, after despatching Tátár, had sent to me one Parbat, his relation, with a caparisoned horse and peshkash. He did not meet me, but fell in with that part of the army that had been left behind with the camp; and having arrived along with the division that accompanied the baggage, now presented his offerings and tribute, and tendered his submission. Langar Khán, who was to be left behind in Bahrah, but who had accompanied the camp in order to finish some business, also rejoined me; and having brought everything to a conclusion, took leave on his return to Bahrah, accompanied by some zamíndárs of that district. After this we marched on, crossed the river Súhán, and encamped on a rising ground. I gave a dress of honour to Parbat, Háti Khán's relation; and having written letters to confirm Háti in his good intentions, and to remove any misapprehensions he might entertain, despatched Parbat in company with a servant of Muhammad 'Ali Jang-jang. ^{* * *}

Marching at the time when the kettle-drum beats,²³⁸ we halted about luncheon time at the foot of the pass of Sangdáki. About noon-day prayers we renewed our march, and ascended the pass, crossed the river, and halted on an eminence; we again set out at midnight. In going to examine the ford by which we had passed on our way to Bahrah, we found a raft^238a loaded with grain, that had stuck fast in the mud and clay; the owners with all their exertions had not been able to extricate it. We seized this corn, and divided it among the men who were with us; the grain came very seasonably. Towards evening we halted lower down^238b than the junction of the Sind and Kábul rivers, and higher up than the old Níláb, between the two.^238c We brought six boats from Níláb, and divided them among the right and left wings and centre, who immediately began to exert themselves in crossing the river. On the Monday, being the day on which we arrived, and the night following, and on Tuesday and the night following till Wednesday, they continued passing; on Thursday, also, a few passed.

Parbat, Hátí's relation, who had been sent from the neighbourhood of Andarábah with the servant of Muhammad 'Ali Jang-jang, returned to us, while we were on the banks of the river, bringing from Háti a horse clad in armour, by way of tributary offering. The inhabitants of Níláb brought an armed horse as a peshkash, and tendered their submission. Muhammad 'Ali Jang-jang having a wish to remain in Bahrah, and Bahrah itself having been given to Hindú Beg, I bestowed on him the tract of country between Bahrah and the Sind, with the íls and ulúses in the district, such as the Karlúk Hazáras, and Háti and Ghiyásdál²³⁹ and Kíb. ^{* * *}

On Thursday, at sunrise (March 24th, 1519), we moved from the banks of the river, and resumed our march. ^{* * *} [and on the 30th March] I reached Kábul.

The last and successful Invasion.

On Friday, the 1st of Safar, in the year 932 (November 17th, 1525), when the sun was in Sagittarius, I set out on my march to invade Hindustán. ^{* * *}

^239a We made two marches from Bikrám (Pesháwar); and after the third, on Thursday, the 26th, we encamped on the banks of the river Sind. On Saturday, the 1st day of the first Rabí', we passed the Sind; and having also crossed the river of Kach-kot, halted on its banks. The Begs, paymasters, and díwáns, who had been placed to superintend the embarkation, brought me the return of the troops who were on the service. Great and small, good and bad, servants and no servants, they amounted to 12,000 persons.

To secure a proper supply of corn, we advanced along the skirts of the hills towards Siálkot. On coming opposite to the country of the Gakkars, in the bed of a brook, we found in several places a quantity of standing water. These waters were entirely frozen over. Although there was not much of it, the ice was in general a span in thickness. In Hindustán such ice is uncommon. We met with it here; but during all the years²⁴⁰ I have been in Hindustán, I have in no other instance met with any trace of ice or snow.

Advancing five marches from the Sind, the sixth brought us close by the hill of Júd, below the hill of Balinát-jogi, on the banks of a river, at the station of Bakiálán, where we encamped. ^{* * *} Marching thence we halted, after passing the river Behat, below Jilam, by the ford. ^{* * *} From this encampment I sent forward Saiyid Tufán and Saiyid Lachín, giving each of them a spare horse, with directions to push on with all speed to Lahore, and to enjoin our troops in that city not to fight, but to form a junction with me at Siálkot or Parsarúr. The general report was, that Ghází Khán had collected an army of 30,000 or 40,000 men; that Daulat Khán, old as he was, had buckled on two swords; and that they would certainly try the fate of a battle. I recollected the proverb which says, “Ten friends are better than nine.” That no advantage might be lost, I judged it most advisable before fighting to form a junction with the detachment of my army that was in Lahore. I therefore sent on messengers with instructions to the amírs, and at the second march reached the banks of the river Chináb, where I encamped. ^{* * *}

On Friday, the 14th of the first Rabí', we arrived at Siálkot. Every time that I have entered Hindustán, the Jats^240a and Gújars have regularly poured down in prodigious numbers from their hills and wilds, in order to carry off oxen and buffaloes. These were the wretches that really inflicted the chief hardships, and were guilty of the severest oppression in the country. These districts, in former times, had been in a state of revolt, and yielded very little revenue that could be come at. On the present occasion, when I had reduced the whole of the neighbouring districts to subjection, they began to repeat their practices. As my poor people were on their way from Siálkot to the camp, hungry and naked, indigent and in distress, they were fallen upon by the road with loud shouts, and plundered.²⁴¹ I sought out the persons guilty of this outrage, discovered them, and ordered two or three of the number to be cut in pieces.^241a

At this same station a merchant arrived, who brought us the news of the defeat of 'Álim Khán^241b by Sultán Ibráhím. The particulars are as follows: 'Álim Khán, after taking leave of me, had marched forward in spite of the scorching heat of the weather, and had reached Lahore, having, without any consideration for those who accompanied him, gone two stages every march. At the very moment that 'Álim Khán took leave, the whole Sultáns and Kháns of the Uzbeks had advanced and blockaded Balkh; so that immediately on his departure for Hindustán, I was obliged to set out for that city. 'Álim Khán, on reaching Lahore, insisted with such of my Begs as were in Hindustán that the Emperor had ordered them to march to his assistance, and that it had been concerted that Ghází Khán should likewise join him, and that they were all in conjunction to march upon Delhí and Ágra. The Begs answered, that situated as things were, they could not accompany Ghází Khán with any kind of confidence; but that, if he sent to Court his younger brother Hájí Khán, with his son, or placed them in Lahore as hostages, their instructions would then leave them at liberty to march along with him; that otherwise they could not; that it was only the other day that 'Álim Khán had fought and been defeated by Ghází Khán, so that no mutual confidence was to be looked for between them; and that altogether it was by no means advisable for 'Álim Khán to let Ghází Khán accompany him in the expedition. Whatever expostulations of this nature they employed, in order to dissuade 'Álim Khán from prosecuting his plan, were all ineffectual. He sent his son Shír Khán to confer with Daulat Khán and Ghází Khán, and the parties themselves afterwards met. Diláwar Khán, who had been in confinement very recently, and who had escaped from custody and come to Lahore only two or three months before, was likewise associated with them. Mahmúd Khán Khán-Jahán, to whom the custody of Lahore had been intrusted, was also pressed into their measures. In a word, it was in the end definitively arranged among them, that Daulat Khán, and Ghází Khán should take under their orders all the Begs who had been left in Hindustán, and should, at the same time themselves assume the government of all the adjacent territories;²⁴² while Diláwar Khán and Hájí Khán were to accompany 'Álim Khán, and occupy the whole of the country about Dehlí and Ágra, and in that neighbourhood. Ismá'il Jilwání,^242a and a number of other amírs, waited on 'Álim Khán, and acknowledged him. He now proceeded towards Dehlí without delay by forced marches. On reaching Indarí, Sulaimán Shaikh-záda came and likewise joined him. The numbers of the confederate army now amounted to 30,000 or 40,000 men. They laid siege to Dehlí, but were unable either to take the place by storm or to reduce it by famine.

Sultán Ibráhím, as soon as he heard that they had collected an army, and invaded his dominions, led his troops to oppose them. Having notice of his march as he approached, they raised the siege and advanced to meet him. The confederates concurred in opinion, that if the battle was fought in the daytime, the Afgháns, from regard to their reputation with their countrymen, would not flee; but that if the attack was made by night, the night is dark, and no one seeing another, each chief would shift for himself. Resolving, therefore, to attempt a night surprise, they mounted to proceed against the enemy, who were six kos off. Twice did they mount their horses at noon, and continue mounted till the second or third watch of the night, without going either back or forward, not being able to come to a resolution, or agree among themselves. The third time they set out for their surprise, when only one watch of the night remained. Their plan was merely for the party to set fire to the tents and pavilions, and to attempt nothing further. They accordingly advanced and set fire to the tents during the last watch of the night, at the same time shouting the war-cry. Jalál Khán Jaghat, and several other amírs, came over and acknowledged 'Álim Khán. Sultán Ibráhím, attended by a body of men, composed of his own tribe and family, did not move from the royal pavilion, but continued steady in the same place till morning. By this time, the troops who accompanied 'Álim Khán were dispersed, being busy plundering and pillaging. Sultán Ibráhím's troops perceived that the enemy were not in great force, and immediately moved forward from the station which they had kept, though very few in number, and having only a single elephant; but no sooner had the elephant come up than 'Álim Khán's men took to flight, without attempting to keep their ground. In the course of his flight 'Álim Khán crossed over to the Doáb side of the river, and again recrossed it towards Pánipat, on reaching which place he contrived by a stratagem to get three or four lacs²⁴³ from Mián Sulaimán,^243a and went on his way. Ismá'il Jilwání, Bábin, and Jalál Khán, the eldest son of 'Álim Khán, separating from him, betook themselves to the Doáb. A small part of the army which 'Álim Khán had collected, such as Saifu-d dín, Daryá Khán, Mahmúd Khán Khán-Jahán, Shaikh Jamál Farmúli, and some others, deserted before the battle and joined Ibráhím. 'Álim Khán and Diláwar Khán, with Hájí Khán, after passing Sirhind,^243b heard of my approach, and that I had taken Milwat; whereupon Diláwar Khán, who had always been attached to my interests, and had been detained three or four months in prison on my account, separated from the others, came on by way of Sultánpúr and Kochí, and waited upon me in the neighbourhood of Milwat, three or four days after the taking of that town. 'Álim Khán and Hájí Khán having passed the river Satlet,²⁴⁴ at length reached Kinkúta, the name of a strong castle in the hills between Dún and the plain, and threw themselves into it. One of my detachments, consisting of Afgháns and Hazáras, happening to come up, blockaded them, and had nearly succeeded in taking the castle, strong as it was, being only prevented by the approach of night. These noblemen then made an attempt to leave it, but some of their horses having fallen in the gateway, they could not get out. Some elephants that were along with them were pushed forward, and trampled upon and killed a number of the horses. Although unable to escape on horseback, they left the place during a dark night on foot, and after incredible sufferings, joined Ghází Khán, who, in the course of his flight, finding that he could not get refuge in Milwat, had directed his course towards the hills, where they met. Ghází Khán did not give 'Álim Khán a very friendly reception, which induced him to wait on me, below Dún in the neighbourhood of Palhúr,^244a where he came and tendered me his allegiance. While I was at Siálkot, some of the troops whom I had left in Lahore arrived to inform me that they would all be up by the morning.

Next morning I marched, and halted at Parsarúr, where Muhammad 'Alí Jang-Jang, Khwája Husain, and some others,^244b accordingly came and waited on me. As the enemy's camp was on the banks of the Ráví, towards Lahore, I sent out Bújkah with his party to reconnoitre and bring in intelligence. About the end of the third watch of the night they came back with information that the enemy, immediately on getting notice of their approach, had fled away in consternation, every man shifting for himself.

On the following morning, leaving Sháh Mír Husain, and some other officers, to guard the camp and baggage, I separated from them, and pushed on with all possible speed. We reached Kalanúr about the middle of afternoon prayers and halted. Muhammad Sultán Mirza, 'Ádil Sultán, and the other amírs, came here and waited on me.

Marching before daybreak from Kalanúr,²⁴⁵ we discovered on the road certain traces that Ghází Khán and the fugitives were not far off. Muhammadí and Ahmadí, with several of the Begs about my person, whom I had recently at Kábul promoted to the rank of Beg, were detached to pursue the fugitives without halting. Their orders were, that, if they could overtake the flying enemy, it was well; but, if not, they should carefully guard every approach and issue of the fort of Milwat, that the garrison might not be able to effect their escape. Ghází Khán was the object that I principally aimed at in these instructions. Having sent forward this detachment under the Begs, we crossed the river Biyáh opposite to Kanwahín, and there halted. From thence, after three marches, we encamped in the mouth of the valley in which lies the fort of Milwat. The Begs, who had arrived before us, and the amírs of Hindustán, were directed to encamp and lay siege to the fort. Ismá'il Khán, who was Daulat Khán's grandson (being the son of 'Alí Khán, Daulat Khán's eldest son), having arrived in our quarters, was sent into the fort to offer terms of capitulation, and with a message in which we mingled promises and threats. On Friday I made the camp advance, and take ground half a kos nearer.^245a I myself went out, reconnoitered the fort, and after having assigned to the right and left wing, and to the centre, their respective stations, returned back to the camp.

Daulat Khán now sent a person to inform me that Ghází Khán had escaped and fled to the hills; but that if I would excuse his own offences, he would come as a slave and deliver up the place. I therefore sent Khwája Mír Mírán to confirm him in his resolution, and to bring him out. His son, 'Alí Khán, accompanied that officer. In order to expose the rudeness and stupidity of the old man, I directed him to take care that Daulat Khán should come out with the same two swords hung round his neck, which he had hung by his side to meet me in combat. When matters had come this length he still contrived frivolous pretexts for delay, but was at length brought out. I ordered the two swords to be taken from his neck. When he came to offer me obeisance, he affected delays in bowing; I directed them to push his leg and make him bow. I then made him sit down before me, and desired a man who understood the Hindustání language to explain to him what I said, sentence by sentence, in order to re-assure him; and to tell him—“I called you Father; I showed you more respect and reverence than you could have desired or expected. ^{* * *} The countries held by Tátár Khán, to the amount of three krors, I bestowed on you. What evil have I ever done you, that you should come in this style against me?” ^{* * *} It was settled that he and his family should retain their authority in their own tribes and possession of their villages,²⁴⁶ but that all the rest of their property should be sequestrated. ^{* * *}

'Abdu-l 'Azíz and ^{* * *} with several other of the Begs about my person were directed to enter the fort, and to take possession of and secure their treasures and all their property. ^{* * *} I examined Ghází Khán's library, and found in it a number of valuable books. ^{* * *} There was also a number of theological books, but I did not, on the whole, find so many books of value as, from their appearance, I had expected.

I stayed in the fort all night, and next morning returned to the camp. We had been mistaken in imagining that Ghází Khán was in the fort. The traitorous coward had escaped to the hills, with a small number of followers, leaving his father, his elder and younger brothers, his mother, his elder and younger sisters, in Milwat. ^{* * *}

After advancing one kos from the station at the gorge of Milwat, we halted in a valley. ^{* * *} I gave the fort of Milwat to Muhammad 'Alí Jang-Jang, who left his brother Arghún in the place on his part with a body of troops. ^{* * *}

Marching thence, and passing the small hills of Áb-kand by Milwat, we reached Dún. In the language of Hindustán they call a Júlga (or dale) Dún. ^{* * *}

As we could nowhere get any certain intelligence of Ghází Khán, I sent Tardíka with Barim Deo Malinhat,²⁴⁷ with orders to pursue him wherever he might go; to engage him, and bring him back a prisoner. In the country, composed of small hills, that has been mentioned as lying around the Dún, there are some wonderfully strong castles. To the north-east is a castle called Kútila. It is surrounded by a rock seventy or eighty gaz^247a in perpendicular height. At its chief gate, for the space of about seven or eight gaz,^247b there is a place that admits of a drawbridge being thrown across. It may be ten or twelve gaz wide. The bridge is composed of two long planks, by which their horses and flocks pass out and in. This was one of the forts of the hill country, which Ghází Khán had put into a state of defence and garrisoned. The detachment that had been pushed on attacked the place vigorously, and had nearly taken it, when night came on. The garrison then abandoned the castle and fled away. Near the Dún is another strong castle, called the fort of Kinkúta, the country around which is all hilly, but it is not so strong as the former. 'Álim Khán in his flight had thrown himself into this fort, as has been already mentioned.

After sending a detachment in pursuit of Ghází Khán, I placed my foot in the stirrup of resolution, and my hand on the reins of confidence in God, and marched against Sultán Ibráhím, the son of Sultán Iskandar, the son of Sultán Bahlol Lodí Afghán, in whose possession the throne of Dehlí and the dominions of Hindustán at that time were; whose army in the field was said to amount to 100,000 men, and who, including those of his amírs, had nearly 1000²⁴⁸ elephants. ^{* * *}

The detachment which had proceeded into Milwat,^248a advanced against Harúr, Kahlúr and the forts in that part of the country, among which, from the natural strength of the ground, no enemy had penetrated for a long time before, took the whole of them and returned and joined me, after having plundered the inhabitants of the district. It was at this time that 'Álim Khán, being reduced to great distress, came naked and on foot to meet me. I directed several Begs and some noblemen of my Court to go out to receive him, and also sent him some horses. He waited upon me in this neighbourhood, and made his submission. ^{* * *}

After marching from Dún we came to Rúpúr. While we stayed at Rúpúr it rained incessantly, and was so extremely cold that many of the starving and hungry Hindustánís died. After marching from Rúpúr, we had halted at Karil,^248b opposite to Sihrind (Sirhind), when a Hindustání presented himself, assuming the style of an ambassador from Sultán Ibráhím. Though he had no letters or credentials, yet as he requested that one of my people might accompany him back as my ambassador. I accordingly did send back a Sawádí Tinkatár^248c along with him. These poor men had no sooner arrived in Ibráhím's camp than he ordered them both to be thrown into prison. The very day that we defeated Ibráhím, the Sawádí was set at liberty and waited on me.

After two marches more we halted on the banks of the stream of Banúr and Sanúr. This is a running water, of which there are few in Hindustán, except large rivers. They call it the stream of Kagar. Chitar stands on its banks. ^{* * *} At this station we had information that Sultán Ibráhím, who lay on this side of Dehlí, was advancing; and that the shikkdár²⁴⁹ of Hisár-Fírozah, Hámíd Khán Khasah-khail, had also advanced ten or fifteen kos towards us, with the army of Hisár-Fírozah and of the neighbouring districts. I sent on Kittah Beg towards Ibráhím's camp to procure intelligence, and despatched Múmin Atkah towards the army of Hisár-Fírozah to get notice of its motions.

On Sunday, the 13th of the first Jumáda, I marched from Ambála, and had halted on the margin of a tank, when Múmin Atkah and Kittah Beg both returned on the same day. The command of the whole right wing I gave to Humáyún, who was accompanied by ^{* * *}. Next morning, being Monday, the 14th, Humáyún set out with his light force to attack Hámíd Khán by surprise. Humáyún despatched on before him 100 or 150 select men, by way of advanced guard. On coming near the enemy, this advanced body went close up to them, hung upon their flanks, and had one or two rencounters till the troops of Humáyún appeared in sight following them. No sooner were they perceived than the enemy took to flight. Our troops brought down 100 or 200 men, cut off the heads of one half, and brought the other half alive into the camp, along with seven or eight elephants. ^{* * *} On Monday, the 21st, Humáyún reached the camp that was still at the same station, with 100 prisoners and seven or eight elephants, and waited on me. I ordered Ustád 'Alí Kúlí and the matchlockmen to shoot all the prisoners as an example. This was Humáyún's first expedition, and the first service he had seen. It was a very good omen. Some light troops having followed the fugitives, took Hisár-Fírozah the moment they reached it, and returned after plundering it. Hisár-Fírozah which, with its dependencies and subordinate districts, yielded a kror, I bestowed on Humáyún, with a kror in money as a present.

Marching from that station, we reached Shahábád. I sent fit persons towards Sultán Ibráhím's camp to procure intelligence, and halted several days in this station. ^{* * *} In this station, on Monday, the 28th of the first Jumáda, the sun entered Aries; we now began also to receive repeated information from Ibráhím's camp, that he was advancing slowly by a kos or two at a time, and halting two or three days at each station. I, on my side, likewise moved on to meet him, and after the second march from Shahábád, encamped on the banks of the Jumna, opposite to Sirsáwah. Haidar Kúlí, a servant of Khwája Kilán, was sent out to procure intelligence. I crossed the Jumna by a ford, and went to see Sirsáwah. ^{* * *}

From this station we held down the river for two marches, keeping close along its banks, when Haidar Kúlí, who had been sent out to collect intelligence, returned, bringing information that Dáúd Khán and Haitim Khán had been sent across the river into the Doáb with 6000 or 7000 horse, and had encamped three or four kos in advance of Ibráhím's position on the road towards us. On Sunday, the 18th of the second Jumáda, I despatched against this column Chín Tímúr Sultán, ^{* * *} with the whole of the left wing commanded by Sultán Juníd, ^{* * *} as well as part of the centre under Yúnas 'Alí, ^{* * *} with instructions to advance rapidly and fall upon them by surprise. ^{* * *} Next morning, about the time of early prayers, they arrived close upon the enemy, who put themselves in some kind of order, and marched out to meet them: but our troops no sooner came up than the enemy fled, and were followed in close pursuit and slaughtered all the way to the limits of Ibráhím's camp. The detachment took Haitim Khán, Dáúd Khán's eldest brother, and one of the generals, with seventy or eighty prisoners, and six or eight elephants, all of which they brought in when they waited on me. Several of the prisoners were put to death, to strike terror into the enemy.

Marching thence, I arranged the whole army in order of battle, with right and left wing and centre, and after reviewing it, performed the vím.²⁵¹ The custom of the vím is, that the whole army being mounted, the commander takes a bow or whip in his hand, and guesses at the number of the army, according to a fashion in use, and in conformity with which they affirm that the army may be so many. The number that I guessed was greater than the army turned out to be.

At this station I directed that, according to the custom of Rúm,^251a the gun-carriages^251b should be connected together with twisted bull-hides, as with chains. Between every two gun-carriages were six or seven túrás^251c or breast-works. The match-lockmen stood behind these guns, or túrás, and discharged their matchlocks. I halted five or six days in this camp, for the purpose of getting this apparatus arranged. After every part of it was in order and ready, I called together all the amírs, and men of any experience and knowledge, and held a general council. It was settled that as Pánipat was a considerable city, it would cover one of our flanks by its buildings and houses, while we might fortify our front by túrás, or covered defences and cannon, and that the matchlockmen and infantry should be placed in the rear of the guns and túrás. With this resolution we moved, and in two marches, on Thursday, the 30th of the last Jumáda, reached Pánipat. On our right were the town and suburbs. In my front I placed the guns and túrás which had been prepared. On the left, and in different other points, we drew ditches and made defences of the boughs of trees. At the distance of every bowshot, a space was left large enough for 100 or 150 men to issue forth. Many of the troops were in great tremor and alarm. Trepidation and fear are always unbecoming. Whatsoever Almighty God has decreed from all eternity cannot be reversed; though, at the same time, I cannot greatly blame them; they had some reason; for they had come two or three months' journey from their own country; we had to engage in arms a strange nation, whose language we did not understand, and who did not understand ours.

The army of the enemy opposed to us was estimated at 100,000 men; the elephants of the Emperor and his officers were said to amount to nearly 1000.²⁵² He possessed the accumulated treasures of his father and grandfather, in current coin, ready for use. It is a usage in Hindustán, in situations similar to that in which the enemy now were, to expend sums of money in bringing together troops who engage to serve for hire. These men are called Badhindi. Had he chosen to adopt this plan, he might have engaged 100,000 or 200,000 more troops. But God Almighty directed everything for the best. He had not the heart to satisfy even his own army; and would not part with any of his treasure. Indeed, how was it possible that he should satisfy his troops, when he was himself miserly to the last degree, and beyond measure avaricious in accumulating pelf? He was a young man of no experience. He was negligent in all his movements; he marched without order; retired or halted without plan, and engaged in battle without foresight. While the troops were fortifying their position in Pánipat and its vicinity, with guns, branches of trees, and ditches, Darwesh Muhammad Sárbán said to me, “You have fortified our ground in such a way that it is not possible he should ever think of coming here.” I answered, “You judge of him by the Kháns and Sultáns of the Uzbeks. ^{* * *} But you must not judge of our present enemies by those who were then opposed to us. They have not ability to discriminate when it is proper to advance and when to retreat.” God brought everything to pass favourably. It happened as I foretold. During the seven or eight days we remained in Pánipat, a very small party of my men, advancing close up to their encampment and to their vastly superior force, discharged arrows upon them. They did not, however, move, or make any demonstration of sallying out. At length, induced by the persuasion of some Hindustání amírs in my interest, I sent Mahdí Khwája and ^{* * *} with 4000 or 5000 men on a night attack. They did not assemble properly in the first instance, and as they marched out in confusion, did not get on well. The day dawned, yet they continued lingering near the enemy's camp till it was broad daylight, when the enemy, on their side, beat their kettledrums, got ready their elephants, and marched out upon them. Although our people did not effect anything, yet, in spite of the multitude of troops that hung upon them in their retreat, they returned safe and sound without the loss of a man. Muhammad 'Alí Jang-Jang was wounded with an arrow, and though the wound was not mortal, yet it disabled him from taking his place in the day of battle. On learning what had occurred, I immediately detached Humáyún with his division a kos or a kos and a half in advance, to cover their retreat, while I myself, remaining with the army, drew it out, and got in readiness for action. The party which had marched to surprise the enemy fell in with Humáyún, and returned with him. As none of the enemy came near us, I drew off the army, and led it back to the camp. In the course of the night we had a false alarm; for nearly one gharí the call to arms and the uproar continued. Such of the troops as had never before witnessed an alarm of the kind were in great confusion and dismay. In a short time, however, the alarm subsided.

By the time of early morning prayers, when the light was such that you could distinguish one object from another, notice was brought from the advanced patrols, that the enemy were advancing, drawn up in order of battle. We too, immediately braced on our helmets and our armour, and mounted. The right division was led by Humáyún, accompanied by ^{* * *}; the left division was commanded by Muhammad Sultán Mirza. ^{* * *} The right of the centre was commanded by Chín Tímúr Sultán ^{* * *}; the left of the centre by Khalífa. ^{* * *} The advance was led by Khusrú Gokultásh. ^{* * *} 'Abdu-l 'Azíz, master of horse, had the command of the reserve. On the flank of the right division I stationed Walí Kízíl, ^{* * *} with their Mughals, to act as a tulughmah (or flanking party). On the extremity of the left division were stationed Kara-Kúzí ^{* * *} to form the tulughmah or flankers, with instructions, that as soon as the enemy approached sufficiently near, they should take a circuit and come round upon their rear.

When the enemy first came in sight, they seemed to bend their force most against the right division. I therefore detached 'Abdu-l 'Azíz, who was stationed with the reserve, to reinforce the right. Sultán Ibráhím's army, from the time it first appeared in sight, never made a halt, but advanced right upon us at a quick pace. When they came closer, and, on getting a view of my troops, found them drawn up in the order and with the defences that have been mentioned, they were brought up, and stood for a while as if considering, “Shall we halt or not? shall we advance or not?” They could not halt, and they were unable to advance with the same speed as before. I sent orders to the troops stationed as flankers on the extremes of the right and left divisions, to wheel round the enemy's flank with all possible speed, and instantly to attack them in the rear; the right and left divisions were also ordered to charge the enemy. The flankers accordingly wheeled on the rear of the enemy, and began to make discharges of arrows on them. Mahdí Khwája came up before the rest of the left wing. A body of men with one elephant advanced to meet him. My troops gave them some sharp discharges of arrows, and the enemy's division was at last driven back. I despatched from the main body Ahmadí Parwánchí ^{* * *} to the assistance of the left division. The battle was likewise obstinate on the right. I ordered Muhammadí Gokultásh ^{* * *} to advance in front of the centre and engage. Ustád 'Alí Kúlí also discharged his guns²⁵⁵ many times in front of the line to good purpose. Mustafa, the cannoneer, on the left of the centre, managed his artillery^255a with great effect. The right and left divisions, the centre and flankers, having surrounded the enemy and taken them in rear, were now engaged in hot conflict, and busy pouring in discharges of arrows on them. They made one or two very poor charges on our right and left divisions. My troops, making use of their bows, plied them with arrows, and drove them in upon their centre. The troops on the right and left of their centre, being huddled together in one place, such confusion ensued, that the enemy, while totally unable to advance, found also no road by which they could flee. The sun had mounted spear-high when the onset of battle began, and the combat lasted till mid-day, when the enemy were completely broken and routed, and my friends victorious and exulting. By the grace and mercy of Almighty God, this arduous undertaking was rendered easy for me, and this mighty army, in the space of half a day, laid in the dust. Five or six thousand men were discovered lying slain in one spot near Ibráhím. We reckoned that the number lying slain in different parts of the field of battle, amounted to 15,000 or 16,000 men. On reaching Ágra, we found from the accounts of the natives of Hindustán, that 40,000 or 50,000 men had fallen in this field. After routing the enemy, we continued the pursuit, slaughtering and making them prisoners. Those who were ahead began to bring in the amírs and Afgháns as prisoners. They brought in a very great number of elephants, with their drivers, and offered them to me as peshkash. Having pursued the enemy to some distance, and supposing that Ibráhím had escaped from the battle, I appointed Kismai Mirza, ^{* * *} with a party of my immediate adherents, to follow him in close pursuit down as far as Ágra. Having passed through the middle of Ibráhím's camp, and visited his pavilions and accommodations, we encamped on the banks of the Siyáh-áb (Káliní).

It was now afternoon prayers when Táhir Tabarí, the younger brother of Khalífa, having found Ibráhím lying dead amidst a number of slain, cut off his head, and brought it in.

That very day I directed Humáyún Mirza ^{* * *} to set out without baggage or encumbrances, and proceed with all possible expedition to occupy Ágra, and take possession of the treasuries. I at the same time ordered Mahdí Khwája and ^{* * *} to leave their baggage, to push on by forced marches, to enter the fort of Dehlí, and seize the treasuries.

Next morning we marched, and having proceeded about a kos, halted on the banks of the Jumna, in order to refresh our horses. After other two marches, on Tuesday I visited the mausoleum of Nizám Auliyá,²⁵⁶ and at the end of the third march encamped near Dehlí, on the banks of the Jumna. The same night being Wednesday, I circumambulated the tomb of Khwája Kutbu-d dín, and visited the tomb and palaces of Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín Balban, of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín Khiljí, and his minaret, the Shams tank, the royal tank, the tombs and gardens of Sultán Bahlol and Sultán Sikandar, after which I returned into the camp, and went on board of a boat, where we drunk arak. I bestowed the office of shikkdár (or military collector) of Dehlí on Walí Kízíl; I made Dost the díwán of Dehlí, and directed the different treasuries to be sealed and given into their charge.

On Thursday we moved thence, and halted hard by Tugh-likábád, ²⁵⁷ on the banks of the Jumna. On Friday we continued to halt in the same station. Maulána Mahmúd, Shaikh Zain, and some others went into Dehlí to Friday prayers, read the khutba in my name, distributed some money among the fakírs and beggars, and then returned back. On Saturday we marched from our ground, and proceeded, march after march, upon Ágra. I went and saw Tughlikábád; after which I rejoined the camp.

On Friday, the 22nd Rajab, I halted in the suburbs of Ágra, at the palace of Sulaimán Farmulí. As this position was very far from the fort, I next morning moved and took up my quarters at the palace of Jalál Khán Jaghat. The people of the fort had put off Humáyún, who arrived before me, with excuses; and he, on his part, considering that they were under no control, and wishing to prevent their plundering the treasure, had taken a position to shut up the issues from the place.

Bikramájít, a Hindu, who was Rájá of Gwálior, had governed that country for upwards of 100 years.^257a Sikandar had remained several years^257b in Ágra, employed in an attempt to take Gwálior. Afterwards, in the reign of Ibráhím, 'Azím Humáyún Sirwán invested it for some time, made several attacks, and at length succeeded in gaining it by treaty, Shamsábád being given as an indemnification. In the battle in which Ibráhím was defeated, Bikramájít was sent to hell.^257c Bikramájít's family, and the heads of his clan, were at this moment in Ágra. When Humáyún arrived, Bikramájít's people attempted to escape, but were taken by the parties which Humáyún had placed upon the watch, and put in custody. Humáyún did not permit them to be plundered. Of their own free will they offered Humáyún a peshkash, consisting of a quantity of jewels and precious stones. Among these was one famous diamond, which had been acquired by Sultán 'Aláu-d dín. It is so valuable that a judge of diamonds valued it at half of the daily expense of the whole world.²⁵⁸ It is about eight miskáls. On my arrival Humáyún presented it to me as a peshkash, and I gave it back to him as a present. ^{* * *}

A pargana of the value of seven lacs was bestowed on Ibráhím's mother. Parganas were also given to each of her amírs. She was conducted with all her effects to a palace, which was assigned for her residence, about a kos below Ágra.

On Thursday, the 28th Rajab, about the hour of afternoon prayers, I entered Ágra, and took up my residence in Sultán Ibráhím's palace. From the time when I conquered the country of Kábul, which was in the year 910, till the present time, I had always been bent on subduing Hindustán. Sometimes, however, from the misconduct of my amírs and their dislike of the plan, sometimes from the cabals and opposition of my brothers, I was prevented from prosecuting any expedition into that country, and its provinces escaped being overrun. At length these obstacles were removed. There was now no one left, great or small, noble or private man, who could dare to utter a word in opposition to the enterprise. In the year 925 I collected an army, and having taken the fort of Bajaur by storm in two or three gharís, put all the garrison to the sword. I next advanced into Bahrah, where I prevented all marauding and plunder, imposed a contribution on the inhabitants, and having levied it to the amount of 400,000 Sháh-rukhís in money and goods, divided the proceeds among the troops who were in my service, and returned back to Kábul. From that time till the year 932, I attached myself in a peculiar degree to the affairs of Hindustán, and in the space of these seven or eight years entered it five times at the head of an army. The fifth time the Most High God, of his grace and mercy, cast down and defeated an enemy so mighty as Sultán Ibráhím, and made me the master and conqueror of the powerful empire of Hindustán. ^{* * *}

The capital of all Hindustán is Dehlí. From the time of Sultán Shahábu-d dín Ghorí to the end of Sultán Fíroz Sháh's time, the greater part of Hindustán was in the possession of the Emperor of Dehlí. At the period when I conquered that country five Musulmán kings and two Pagans exercised royal authority. Although there were many small and inconsiderahle Ráís and Rájás in the hills and woody country, yet these were the chief and the only ones of importance. One of these powers was the Afgháns, whose government included the capital, and extended from Bahrah to Behár. Jaunpúr, before it fell into the power of the Afgháns, was held by Sultán Husain Sharkí. This dynasty they called the Púrbí (or eastern). Their forefathers had been cupbearers to Sultán Fíroz Sháh, and that race of Sultáns. After Sultán Fíroz Sháh's death, they gained possession of the kingdom of Jaunpúr. Dehlí was at that period in the hands of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín, whose family were saiyids. When Tímúr Beg invaded Hindustán, before leaving the country, he had bestowed the country of Dehlí on their ancestors. Sultán Bahlol Lodi Afghán, and his son Sultán Sikandar, afterwards seized the throne of Dehlí, as well as that of Jaunpúr, and reduced both kingdoms under one government.

The second prince was Sultán Muhammad Muzaffar, in Gujarát. He had departed this life a few days before Sultán Ibráhím's defeat. He was a prince well skilled in learning, and fond of reading the hadís (or traditions). He was constantly employed in writing the Kurán. They call this race Tang. Their ancestors were cupbearers to the Sultán Fíroz that has been mentioned, and his family. After the death of Fíroz Sháh, they took possession of the throne of Gujarát.

The third kingdom is that of the Bahmanís in the Dekhin, but at the present time the Sultáns of the Dekhin have no authority or power left. All the different districts of their kingdom have been seized by their most powerful nobles; and when the prince needs anything, he is obliged to ask it of his own amírs.

The fourth king was Sultán Mahmúd, who reigned in the country of Málwá, which they likewise call Mándú.²⁶⁰ This dynasty was called the Khiljí. Ráná Sanka, a Pagan, had defeated them and occupied a number of their provinces. This dynasty also had become weak. Their ancestors, too, had been originally brought forward and patronized by Sultán Fíroz Sháh, after whose demise they occupied the kingdom of Málwá.

The fifth prince was Nusrat Sháh, in the kingdom of Bengal. His father had been king of Bengal, and was a saiyid of the name of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín. He had attained this throne by hereditary succession. It is a singular custom in Bengal, that there is little of hereditary descent in succession to the sovereignty. There is a throne allotted for the king; there is, in like manner, a seat or station assigned for each of the amírs, wazírs, and mansabdárs. It is that throne and these stations alone which engage the reverence of the people of Bengal. A set of dependents, servants, and attendants are annexed to each of these situations. When the king wishes to dismiss or appoint any person, whosoever is placed in the seat of the one dismissed is immediately attended and obeyed by the whole establishment of dependents, servants, and retainers annexed to the seat which he occupies. Nay, this rule obtains even as to the royal throne itself. Whoever kills the king, and succeeds in placing himself on that throne, is immediately acknowledged as king;^260a all the amírs, wazírs, soldiers, and peasants, instantly obey and submit to him, and consider him as being as much their sovereign as they did their former prince, and obey his orders implicitly. The people of Bengal say, “We are faithful to the throne; whoever fills the throne we are obedient and true to it.” As for instance, before the accession of Nusrat Sháh's father, an Abyssinian,²⁶¹ having killed the reigning king, mounted the throne, and governed the kingdom for some time. Sultán 'Aláu-d dín killed the Abyssinian, ascended the throne, and was acknowledged as king. After Sultán 'Aláu-d dín's death, the kingdom devolved by succession to his son, who now reigned. There is another usage in Bengal; it is reckoned disgraceful and mean for any king to spend or diminish the treasures of his predecessors. It is reckoned necessary for every king, on mounting the throne, to collect a new treasure for himself. To collect a treasure is, by these people, deemed a great glory and ground of distinction. There is another custom, that parganas have been assigned from ancient times to defray the expenses of each department, the treasury, the stable, and all the royal establishments; no expenses are paid in any other manner.

The five kings who have been mentioned are great princes, and are all Musulmáns, and possessed of formidable armies. The most powerful of the Pagan princes, in point of territory and army, is the Rájá of Bíjanagar. Another is the Ráná Sanka, who has attained his present high eminence, only in these later times, by his own valour and his sword. His original principality was Chítúr. During the confusion that prevailed among princes of the kingdom of Mándú, he seized a number of provinces which had depended on Mándú, such as Rantpúr (Rantambhor), Sárangpúr, Bhílsán, and Chánderí. In the year 934, by the divine favour, in the space of a few hours, I took by storm Chánderí, which was commanded by Maidání Ráo, one of the highest and most distinguished of Ráná Sanka's officers, put all the Pagans to the sword, and from the mansion of hostility which it had long been, converted it into the mansion of the faith, as will be hereafter more fully detailed. There were a number of other Ráís and Rájás on the borders and within the territory of Hindustán; many of whom, on account of their remoteness, or the difficulty of access into their country, have never submittted to the Musulmán kings. ^{* * *}

The countries from Bahrah to Bihár, which are now under my dominion, yield a revenue of fifty-two krors, as will appear from the particular and detailed statement.²⁶² Of this amount, parganas to the value of eight or nine krors are in the possession of some Ráis and Rájás, who from of old times have been submissive, and have received these parganas for the purpose of confirming them in their obedience. ^{* * *}

When I first arrived in Ágra, there was a strong mutual dislike and hostility between my people and the men of the place. The peasantry and soldiers of the country avoided and fled from my men. Afterwards, everywhere, except only in Dehlí and Ágra, the inhabitants fortified different posts, while the governors of towns put their fortifications in a posture of defence, and refused to submit or obey. Kásim Sambalí was in Sambal, Nizám Khán in Bayána, the Rájá Hasan Khán Mewáttí himself in Mewát. That infidel was²⁶³ the prime mover and agitator in all these confusions and insurrections. Muhammad Zaitún was in Dhúlpúr, Tátár Khán Sárang-Khání in Gwálior, Husain Khán Lohání in Rábrí, Kutb Khán in Etáwa, and in Kalpí 'Alí Khán. Kanauj, with the whole country beyond the Ganges, was entirely in the possession of the refractory Afgháns, such as Nasír Khán Lohání, M'arúf Farmúlí, and a number of other amírs who had been in a state of open rebellion for two years before the death of Ibráhím. At the period when I defeated that prince, they had overrun, and were in possession of Kanauj and the countries in that quarter, and had advanced and encamped two or three marches on this side of Kanauj. They elected Bihár Khán,^263a the son of Daryá Khán, as their king, and gave him the name of Sultán Muhammad. Marghúb, a slave, was in Mahában. ^263b This confederation, though approaching, yet did not come near for some time. When I came to Ágra it was the hot season. All the inhabitants fled from terror, so that we could not find grain nor provender, either for ourselves or our horses. The villages, out of hostility and hatred to us, had taken to rebellion, thieving and robbery. The roads became impassable. I had not time, after the division of the treasure,^263c to send proper persons to occupy and protect the different parganas and stations. It happened, too, that the heats were this year uncommonly oppressive. Many men about the same time dropped down, as if they had been affected by the Simúm wind, and died on the spot.

On these accounts, not a few of my Begs and best men began to lose heart, objected to remaining in Hindustán, and even began to make preparations for their return. ^{* * *} I no sooner heard this murmuring among my troops, than I summoned all my Begs to a council. I told them that, ^{* *} by the Divine favour, I had routed my formidable enemy, and achieved the conquest of the numerous provinces and kingdoms which we at present held, “and now, what force compels, and what hardship obliges us, without any visible cause, after having worn out our life in accomplishing the desired achievement, to abandon and fly from our conquests, and to retreat back to Kábul with every symptom of disappointment and discomfiture? Let not any one who calls himself my friend ever henceforward make such a proposal. But if there is any one among you who cannot bring himself to stay, or to give up his purpose of returning back, let him depart.” Having made them this fair and reasonable proposal, the discontented were of necessity compelled, however unwillingly, to renounce their seditious purposes. Khwája Kilán not being disposed to remain, it was arranged that as he had a numerous retinue, he should return back to guard the presents. ^{* * *}

Although Ráná Sanka,²⁶⁴ the Pagan, when I was in Kábul, had sent me an ambassador with professions of attachment, and had arranged with me, that, if I would march from that quarter into the vicinity of Dehlí, he would march from the other side upon Ágra; yet when I defeated Ibráhím, and took Dehlí and Ágra, the Pagan, during all my operations, did not make a single movement. After some time, he advanced and laid siege to Kandhár,²⁶⁵ the name of a fort which was held by Hasan, the son of Makon. Hasan Makon had several times sent me envoys, though Makon himself had not waited on me with his submissions. The forts around, such as Etáwa, Dhúlpúr, Gwálior, and Bayána were not yet in my possession. The Afgháns to the eastward were in a state of rebellion and contumacy; they had even advanced two or three marches from Kanauj towards Ágra, and had then encamped and fortified their position. I was by no means secure of the fidelity of the country immediately about us. It was impossible for me, therefore, to send any detachment to his relief; and Hasan, in the course of two or three months, having been reduced to extremity, entered into a capitulation, and surrendered the fort of Kandár. ^{* * *}

YEAR 933.

[In Muharram, Nizám Khán, of Bayána], as soon as he had certain information of the approach of Ráná Sanka, the Pagan, seeing no remedy, sent for Saiyid Rafa', and by his mediation delivered up the fort to my troops; after which he accompanied the Saiyid to the presence, and was graciously received and taken into my service. ^{* * *} Tátár Khán Sárang-khání, who held Gwálior, had repeatedly sent messengers with professions of submission and attachment. After the Pagan had taken Kandhár, and when he was approaching Bayána, one of the Rájás of Gwálior, Darmankat, and one Khán Jahán, a Pagan, came into the city of Gwálior, and began to attempt, by raising an insurrection and gaining a party, to produce a defection and seize the fortress. Tátár Khán finding himself in considerable difficulty was willing to deliver up the fort to me. ^{* * *} I despatched Rahím-dád with a party of Bahrah men and Lahorís, ^{* * *} who were directed to return after establishing Rahím-dád in Gwálior. When they got near Gwálior, Tátár Khán had changed his mind, and would not suffer them to enter the fort. ^{* * *} Rahímdád sent in notice that he was afraid to remain without from dread of the Pagans; and proposed that he should be allowed to enter the fort with a few of his men, while the rest stayed without the walls. After much entreaty, Tátár Khán assented to this arrangement. Rahím-dád had no sooner secured his own admission, and that of a few of his men, than he requested that some of his people might be permitted to attend at the gate, which was granted; and accordingly some of his people were stationed at the Hastiapol or elephant-gate. That very night he introduced the whole of his men by that gate. In the morning Tátár Khán, seeing that there was no help for it, surrendered the fort very unwillingly, and came and waited upon me at Ágra.

* * * * * * *

Humáyún, who had proceeded against the rebels of the East, having taken Jaunpúr, marched expeditiously to Gházípúr, for the purpose of attacking Nasír Khán.²⁶⁶ The Afgháns in that quarter, on getting notice of his approach, passed the river Sarú.^266a The light detachment of the army that had advanced marched back again, after plundering the country. Humáyún then arranged everything as I had directed. ^{* * *} He crossed the Ganges at Karra-Manikpúr, and marched by way of Kalpí to join me. ^{* * *} On Sunday, the 3rd of the last Rabí', he waited on me in the garden of the Hasht-bihisht.

At this time messengers began to come close upon each other from Mahdí Khwája, to announce that the Ráná Sanka was undoubtedly on his march, and had been joined by Hasan Khán Mewáttí. ^{* * *} In order, therefore, to harass the Ráná's army, I pushed on before me, towards Bayána, a light force. ^{* * *} On the 9th of the first Jumáda, ^{* *} we received information that Ráná Sanka had pushed on with all his army nearly as far as Bayána. The party that had been sent out in advance were not able to reach the fort, nor even to communicate with it. The garrison of Bayána had advanced too far from the fort and with too little caution, and the enemy having unexpectedly fallen upon them in great force, completely routed them. ^{* * *} It occurred to me that, situated as I was, of all places in this neighbourhood, Síkrí being that in which water was most abundant, was upon the whole the most desirable station for a camp; but that it was possible that the Pagans might anticipate us, take possession of the water and encamp there. I therefore drew up my army in order of battle, with right and left wing and main body, and advanced forward in battle array. ^{* * *} I had directed that the different Begs should have charge of the advance and scouts in turn. When it was 'Abdu-l 'Azíz's day, without taking any precautions, he advanced as far as Kanwáhah, which is five kos from Síkrí. The Pagans were on their march forward, when they got notice of his imprudent and disorderly advance, which they no sooner learned than a body of 4000 or 5000 of them at once pushed on and fell upon him. 'Abdu-l 'Azíz and Mulla Apák had with them about 1000 or 1500 men. Without taking into consideration the numbers or position of the enemy, they immediately engaged. On the very first charge, a number of their men were taken prisoners and carried off the field. The moment this intelligence arrived, I despatched Muhib 'Alí Khalífa, with his followers, to reinforce them. Mulla Husain and some others were sent close after to their support, being directed to push on each according to the speed of his horse. I then detached Muhammad Jang-Jang to cover their retreat. Before the arrival of the first reinforcement, consisting of Muhib 'Alí Khalífa and his party, they had reduced 'Abdu-l 'Azíz and his detachment to great straits, had taken his horse-tail standard, and taken and put to death ^{* * *} and Mulla Apák's younger brother, besides a number of others. No sooner did the first reinforcement come up, than Táhir Tabarí, the maternal uncle of Muhib 'Alí, made a push forward, but was unable to effect a junction with his friends, and got into the midst of the enemy. Muhib 'Alí himself was thrown down in the action, but Baltú, making a charge from behind, succeeded in bringing him off. They pursued our troops a full kos, but halted the moment they descried Muhammad 'Alí Jang-Jang's troops from a distance.

Messengers now arrived in rapid succession to inform me that the enemy had advanced close upon us. We lost no time in buckling on our armour; we arrayed our horses in their mail, and were no sooner accoutred than we mounted and rode out. I likewise ordered the guns²⁶⁸ to advance. After marching a kos, we found that the enemy had retreated. There being a large tank on our left, I encamped there, to have the benefit of the water. We fortified the guns in front, and connected them by chains. Between every two guns we left a space of seven or eight gaz, which was defended by a chain. Mustafa Rúmí had disposed the guns according to the Rúmí fashion. He was extremely active, intelligent, and skilful in the management of artillery. As Ustád 'Alí Kúlí was jealous of him,^268a I had stationed Mustafa on the right with Humáyún. In the places where there were no guns, I caused the Hindustání and Khurásání prisoners to run a ditch. * * * In order to re-assure my troops, and to add to the apparent strength of my position, wherever there were not guns, I directed things like tripods to be made of wood, and the spaces between each of them, being seven or eight gaz, to be connected and strengthened by bulls' hides twisted into ropes. Twenty or twenty-five days elapsed before these machines and furniture were finished. * * *

On Monday, the 23rd of the first Jumáda, I had mounted to survey my posts, and, in the course of my ride, was seriously struck with the reflection that I had always resolved one time after another to make an effectual repentance. * * * Having sent for the gold and silver goblets and cups, with all the other utensils used for drinking parties, I directed them to be broken, and renounced the use of wine, purifying my mind. The fragments of the goblets, and other utensils of gold and silver, I directed to be divided among darweshes and the poor. * * *

At this time, as I have already observed, in consequence of preceding events, a general consternation and alarm prevailed among great and small. There was not a single person who uttered a manly word, nor an individual who delivered a manly opinion. The wazírs, whose duty it was to give good counsel, and the amírs, who enjoyed the wealth of kingdoms, neither spoke bravely, nor was their counsel or deportment such as became men of firmness. During the whole course of this expedition Khalífa conducted himself admirably, and was unremitting and indefatigable in his endeavours to put everything in the best order. At length, observing the universal discourag-ment of my troops, and their total want of spirit, I formed my plan. I called an assembly of all the amírs and officers and addressed them: “Noblemen and soldiers! Every man that comes into this world is subject to dissolution. * * * How much better is it to die with honour than to live with infamy! * * * Let us, then, with one accord, swear on God's holy word, that none of us will even think of turning his face from this warfare, nor desert from the battle and slaughter that ensues, till his soul is separated from his body.”

Master and servant, small and great, all, with emulation, seizing the blessed Kurán in their hands, swore in the form that I had given. My plan succeeded to admiration, and its effects were instantly visible, far and near, on friend and foe.

The danger and confusion on all sides were particularly alarming at this very moment. Husain Khán Lohání had advanced and taken Rábrí.²⁷⁰ Kutb Khán's people had taken Chandwár.^270a A man of the name of Rustam Khán, having assembled a body of Doáb bowmen, had come and taken Koel,^270b and made Kachak 'Alí prisoner. Zahíd had been compelled to evacuate Sambal, and had rejoined me. Sultán Muhammad Duldai had retired from Kanauj, and joined my army. The Pagans of the surrounding country came and blockaded Gwálior. 'Álim Khán, who had been sent to the succour of Gwálior, instead of proceeding to that place, had marched off to his own country. Every day some unpleasant news reached us from one place or another. Many Hindustánís began to desert from the army. Haibat Khán Garg-andáz fled to Sambal. Hasan Khán Báriwál fled and joined the Pagans. Without minding the Pagans, we continued to mind only our own force. On Tuesday, the 9th of the latter Jumáda, on the day of the Nauroz, I advanced my guns^270c and tripods that moved on wheels, with all the apparatus and machines which I had prepared, and marched forward with my army, regularly drawn up and divided into right and left wing and centre, in battle order. I sent forward in front the guns^270d and tripods placed on wheel carriages. Behind them was placed Ustád 'Alí Kúlí, with a body of his matchlockmen, to prevent the communication between the artillery and infantry, who were behind, from being cut off, and to enable them to advance and form into line.^270e After the ranks were formed, and every man stationed in his place, I galloped along the line, animating the begs and troops of the centre, right and left, giving each division special instructions how they were to act, and to every man orders how to conduct himself, and in what manner he was to engage; and, having made these arrangements, I ordered the army to move on in order of battle for about a kos, when we halted to encamp. The Pagans, on getting notice of our motions, were on the alert, and several parties drew out to face us, and advanced close up to our guns²⁷¹ and ditch. After our army had encamped, and when we had strengthened and fortified our position in front, as I did not intend fighting that day, I pushed on a few of our troops to skirmish with a party of the enemy, by way of taking an omen. They took a number of Pagans and cut off their heads, which they brought away. Malik Kásim also cut off and brought in some heads. He behaved extremely well. This incident raised the spirits of our army excessively, and had a wonderful effect in giving them confidence in themselves.

Next morning I marched from that station, with the intention of offering battle, when Khalífa and some of my advisers represented to me that as the ground on which we had fixed for halting was near at hand, it would be proper, in the first place, to throw up a ditch and to fortify it, after which we might march forward and occupy the position. Khalífa accordingly mounted to give directions about the ditch, and rejoined us, after having set pioneers to work on the different parts of it, and appointed proper persons to superintend their progress.

On Saturday, the 13th of the latter Jumáda, having dragged forward our guns,^271a and advanced our right, left, and centre in battle array for nearly a kos, we reached the ground that had been prepared for us. Many tents were already pitched, and they were engaged in pitching others, when news was brought that the enemy's army was in sight. I immediately mounted, and gave orders that every man should, without delay, repair to his post, and that the guns and lines should be properly strengthened. ²⁷² As the letter announcing my subsequent victory contains a clear detailed account of the circumstances of the Army of the Faith, the number of the Pagan bands, the order of battle and arrangements of both the Musulmán and Pagan armies, I shall therefore subjoin the official despatch announcing the victory, as composed by Shaikh Zain, without adding or taking away.

[This is a long and elaborate document in the grand style. Bábar gained a complete victory; Hasan Mewáttí and many Hindu chiefs were slain, and great numbers of the enemy's men were killed, wounded, or made prisoners.]

After this victory, I used the epithet of Ghází in the imperial titles. Having defeated the enemy, we pursued them with great slaughter. Their camp might be two kos distant from ours. On reaching it, I sent on Muhammadí and some other officers, with orders to follow them in close pursuit, slaying and cutting them off, so that they should not have time to re-assemble. In this instance I was guilty of neglect; I should myself have gone on, and urged the pursuit, and ought not to have intrusted that business to another. * * * Next day we continued on the same ground. I despatched Muhammad 'Alí Jang-Jang and * * * with a large force against Ilyás Khán, who had made an insurrection in the Doáb, surprised Koíl, and taken Kachak 'Alí prisoner. On the arrival of my detachment, the enemy, finding that they could not cope with them, fled in all directions in confusion and dismay. Some days after my return to Ágra, Ilyás was taken and brought in; I ordered him to be flayed alive.

The battle was fought within view of a small hill, near our camp. On this hillock I directed a tower of the skulls of the infidels to be constructed. From this encampment the third march brought us to Bayána. Immense numbers of the dead bodies of the Pagans and apostates had fallen in their flight, all the way to Bayána, and even as far as Alwar and Mewát. * *

The country of Mewát lies not far from Dehlí, and yields a revenue of three or four krors. Hasan Khán Mewáttí had received the government of that country from his ancestors, who had governed it, in uninterrupted succession, for nearly 200 years. They had yielded an imperfect kind of submission to the Sultáns of Dehlí. The Sultáns of Hind, whether from the extent of their territories, from want of opportunity, or from obstacles opposed by the mountainous nature of the country, had never subdued Mewát. They had never been able to reduce it to order, and were content to receive such a degree of obedience as was tendered to them. After my conquest of Hind, following the example of former Sultáns, I also had shown Hasan Khán distinguished marks of favour. Yet this ungrateful man, whose affections lay all on the side of the Pagans, this infidel, regardless of my favours, and without any sense of the kindness and distinction with which he had been treated, was the grand promoter and leader of all the commotions and rebellions that ensued, as has been related. The plan for marching into the country of the Pagans having been abandoned, I resolved on the reduction of Mewát. I advanced four marches, and after the fifth, encamped six kos from the fort of Alwár, which was the seat of government, on the banks of the river Manisni. Hasan Khán's ancestors had made their capital at Tajára. * * * A person named Karm Chand, one of Hasan Khán's head men, who had come to visit Hasan Khán's son while he was a prisoner in Ágra, now arrived from the son, commissioned to ask a pardon. I sent him back, accompanied by 'Abdu-l Rahím Shagháwal, with letters to quiet his apprehensions, and promising him personal safety;²⁷³ and they returned along with Náhir Khán, Hasan Khán's son. I again received him into favour, and bestowed on him a pargana of several lacs for his support. * * * I bestowed on Chín Tímúr Sultán the city of Tajára, which was the capital of Mewát, granting him at the same time a settled provision of fifty lacs. To Tardíka, who in the battle with Ráná Sanka commanded the tulughma (or flanking division) on the right, and had distinguished himself more than any other, I gave an appointment of fifteen²⁷⁴ lacs, with the charge of the fort of Alwár. I bestowed the treasure of Alwár, with everything in the fort, on Humáyún.

I marched from this station on Wednesday, the 1st of Rajab, and having come within two kos of Alwár, went and examined the fort, where I stayed all night, and returned back to the camp in the morning.

On Sunday [29th Safar] Ustád 'Alí Kúlí fired a large ball from a cannon; though the ball went far, the cannon burst in pieces, and every piece knocked down several men, of whom eight died. * * *

On Monday the 14th of the first Rabí', I set out, in pursuance of a vow, on a holy war against Chánderí, and marching three kos, halted at Jalesar. * * * On Friday, the 24th [of the second Rabí'], we encamped near Kachwah. * * * Having halted one day, I sent on a number of overseers and pioneers to level the inequalities of the road, and to cut down the jungle, to admit of the guns and carriages^274a passing without difficulty. * * * * Leaving Kachwah, the second day's march brought us within three kos of Chánderí, where we encamped, having previously crossed the river of Barhánpúr.

The citadel of Chánderí is situated on a hill. The outer fort and town lie in the middle of the slope of the hill. The straight road, by which cannon^274b can be conveyed, passes right below the fort. After marching from Barhánpúr, we passed a kos lower down than Chánderí, on account of our guns,^274c and at the end of the march, on Tuesday, the 28th, encamped on the banks of Bahjat Khán's tank, on the top of the mound. Next morning I rode out and distributed the different posts around the fort to the different divisions of my army, to the centre and to the right and left wings. In placing his battery, Ustád 'Alí Kúlí chose a piece of ground that had no slope.²⁷⁵ Overseers and pioneers were appointed to construct works on which the guns were to be planted. All the men of the army were directed to prepare túrás and scaling-ladders, and to serve the túrás which are used in attacking forts. Chánderí had formerly belonged to the Sultáns of Mandú. After the death of Sultán Násiru-d dín one of his sons, Sultán Mahmúd, who is now in Mandú, got possession of Mandú and the neighbouring countries; another of his sons, Muhammad Sháh, seized on Chánderí, and applied to Sultán Sikandar for protection. Sultán Sikandar sent several large armies and supported him in his dominions. After Sultán Sikandar's demise, in Sultán Ibráhím's reign, Muhammad Sháh died, leaving a young son of the name of Ahmad Sháh. Sultán Ibráhím carried off Ahmad Sháh, and established one of his own people in his stead. When Sanka advanced with an army against Ibráhím as far as Dhúlpúr, that prince's amírs rose against him, and on that occasion Chánderí fell into Sanka's hands. He bestowed it on one Mediní Ráo, a Pagan of great consequence, who was now in the place with 4000 or 5000 Pagans. * * I sent to him to assure him of my favour and clemency, and offering him Shamsábád in exchange for Chánderí. Two or three considerable people about him were averse to conciliation, * * and the treaty broke off without success. On the morning of Tuesday, the 6th of the first Jumáda, I marched from Bahjat Khán's tank, for the purpose of attempting Chánderí by force, and encamped on the banks of the middle tank, which is near the fort. The same morning, just as we reached our ground, Khalífa brought me a letter or two. The tenor of them was, that the army which had been sent to the eastward (púrab), while marching in disorder, had been attacked and defeated; that it had abandoned Lucknow, and fallen back to Kanauj. * * * The enemy had garrisoned every part of the citadel [of Chánderí] strongly, but had placed only a few men, by ones and twos, in the outer fort to defend it. This very night my troops entered the outer fort on every side. There being but few people in the place, the resistance was not obstinate. They fled, and took shelter in the citadel.

Next morning, being Wednesday, the 7th of the first Jumáda, I commanded the troops to arm themselves, to repair to their posts, and prepare for an assault, directing that as soon as I raised my standard and beat my kettledrum, every man should push on to the assault. I did not intend to display my standard, nor beat the kettledrum, till we were ready to storm, but went to see Ustád 'Alí Kúlí's battering-cannon play. He discharged three or four shot; but his ground having no slope, and the works being very strong, and entirely of rock, the effect produced was trifling. It has been mentioned that the citadel of Chánderí is situated on a hill; on one side of it they have made a covered way, which runs down to the water. The walls of this covered way reach down below the hill, and this is one of the places in which the fort is assailable with most hopes of success. This spot had been assigned to the right and left of the centre, and to my own household troops, as the object of their attack. The citadel was attacked on all sides, but here with particular vigour. Though the Pagans exerted themselves to the utmost, hurling down stones from above, and throwing over flaming substances on their heads, the troops nevertheless persevered, and at length Sháham Núr Beg mounted, where the wall of the outer fort joined the wall of the projecting bastion. The troops, likewise, about the same time, scaled the walls in two or three other places. The Pagans, who were stationed in the covered way, took to flight, and that part of the works was taken. They did not defend the upper fort with so much obstinacy, and were quickly put to flight; the assailants climbed up and entered the upper fort by storm. In a short time the Pagans, in a state of complete nudity, rushed out to attack us, put numbers of my people to flight, and leaped over the ramparts.²⁷⁷ Some of our troops were attacked furiously, and put to the sword. The reason of this desperate sally from their works was, that, on giving up the place for lost, they had put to death the whole of their wives and women, and, having resolved to perish, had stripped themselves naked, in which condition they had rushed out to the fight; and, engaging with ungovernable desperation, drove our people along the ramparts.^277a Two or three hundred Pagans had entered Mediní Ráo's house, where numbers of them slew each other, in the following manner: One person took his stand with a sword in his hand, while the others, one by one, crowded in and stretched out their necks eager to die. In this way many went to hell; and by the favour of God, in the space of two or three gharís, I gained this celebrated fort, without raising my standard, or beating my kettledrum, and without using the whole strength of my arms. On the top of a hill, to the north-west of Chánderí, I erected a tower of the heads of the Pagans. * * *

Next morning, being Thursday, I marched round the fort, and encamped by the fort of Mallú Khán. When I came it was my design, after the capture of Chánderí, to fall upon Ráí Sing,^277b and Bhílsán (Bhílsa), and Sárangpúr, which is a country of the Pagans that belonged to Saláhu-d dín, the Pagan; and I intended, after conquering them, to advance to Chítúr against Sanka. On the arrival of the unfavourable news that has been alluded to, I convened the Begs and held a council, in which it was decided that it was necessary, first of all, to proceed to check the rebellion of the insurgents. I gave Chánderí to Ahmad Sháh, who has been mentioned, the grandson of Sultán Násiru-d dín, and fixed a revenue of fifty lacs to be paid from it to the imperial treasury. * *

On Sunday, the 11th of the first Jumáda, I set out on my expedition. * * * On Saturday, the 24th, having halted at the passage of Kinár,²⁷⁸ I ordered the troops to lose no time in crossing with all possible speed. At this time I received intelligence that the detachment which I had sent forward, after abandoning Kanauj, had fallen back to Rábrí, and that a strong force had advanced and stormed the fort of Shamsábád, which had been garrisoned by the troops of Abú-l Muhammad Niza-báz. We were detained three or four days on the two banks of the river, while the army was passing. Having transported the whole army across, I proceeded, march after march, for Kanauj, and sent on a party of light troops before us, in order to gain intelligence of the enemy. We were still two or three marches from Kanauj, when they returned with information that, instantly on discovering from a distance the troops who had advanced to reconnoitre, the son of M'arúf had fled from Kanauj and abandoned it, and that Biban and Báyazíd, as well as M'arúf, on hearing of my motions, had recrossed the Ganges, and occupied the east side of the river opposite to Kanauj, hoping that they would be able to prevent my passage.

On Thursday, the 6th of the latter Jumáda, I passed Kanauj, and encamped on the western bank of the Ganges. My troops went out and seized a number of the enemy's boats, which they brought in. From above and from below they collected about thirty or forty boats in all, of different sizes. I sent Mír Muhammad Jálahbán to throw a bridge over the river. He accordingly went and marked out a situation, about a kos below our encampment. I appointed commissaries to provide everything requisite for the bridge. Near the place pitched on, Ustád 'Alí Kúlí brought a gun for the purpose of cannonading, and having pitched upon a proper spot, began his fire. * * * Having planted a swivel on an island, at a place below where the bridge was constructing, a fire was commenced from it. Higher up than the bridge a breastwork was raised, over which the matchlockmen fired with great execution. * * * For several days, while the bridge was constructing, Ustád 'Alí Kúlí played his gun remarkably well. The first day he discharged it eight times; the second day sixteen times; and for three or four days he continued firing in the same way. The gun which he fired was that called Deg-ghází (the victorious gun). It was the same which had been used in the war with Sanka, the Pagan, whence it got its name. Another gun, larger than this, had been planted, but it burst at the first fire. * * *

As soon as the bridge was nearly completed, on Wednesday, the 19th of the last Jumáda, I moved and took post at the end of it. The Afgháns, amazed at our attempt to throw a bridge over the Ganges, treated it with contempt. On Thursday, the bridge being completed, a few of the infantry and Lahorís crossed and had a slight action with the enemy. On Friday, part of my household troops, the right of the centre, the left of the centre, my best troops, and foot musketeers crossed over. The whole Afgháns having armed themselves for battle, mounted, and advancing with their elephants attacked them. At one time they made an impression on the troops of the left, and drove them back, but the troops of the right and of the centre stood their ground, and finally drove from the field the enemy opposed to them. * * * The fight continued sharply till afternoon prayers. The whole night was employed in bringing back across the bridge such as had passed to the other side. If that same Saturday eve I had carried over the rest of my army, it is probable that most of the enemy would have fallen into our hands. But it came into my head, that last year I had set out on my march from Síkrí to attack Sanka on New Year's Day, which fell on a Tuesday, and had overthrown my enemy on a Saturday. This year we had commenced our march against these enemies on New Year's Day, which fell upon a Wednesday, and that if we beat them on a Sunday it would be a remarkable coincidence. On that account I did not march my troops. On Saturday, the enemy did not come out to action, but stood afar off, drawn up in order of battle. That day we conveyed over our artillery,²⁸⁰ and next morning the troops had orders to cross. About the beat of the morning drum, information reached us from the advanced guard, that the enemy had gone off and fled. I commanded Chín Tímúr Sultán to push on before the army, in pursuit of the enemy. * * * I also crossed over about the time of early morning prayers. * * * The detachment which had been sent on to harass the enemy, had little success. * * * On Saturday, the 29th of the latter Jumáda, I reached Lucknow; and having surveyed it, passed the river Gumti, and encamped. * * * On Saturday, the 7th Rajab, I encamped two or three kos above Oudh, at the junction of the Gogar and Sirwú.^280a Till that day, Shaikh Báyazíd had kept his station not far from Oudh, on the other side of the Sirwú. * * * [Chín Tímúr] Sultán began to make preparations for passing the river. When Karáchah had joined Sultán, they passed the river without delay. * * * Those who had passed over first, continued till evening prayers in pursuit of Shaikh Báyazíd, who threw himself into a jungle and escaped. * * I halted some days in this station, for the purpose of settling the affairs of Oudh and the neighbouring country, and for making the necessary arrangements.

[The remaining transactions of this year are not to be found.]

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 935 (1528-9 A.D.).

On Sunday, the 5th Muharram, intending to visit Gwálior, which in books they write Gáliár,^280b I passed the Jumna and entered the fort of Ágra. * * * On the 10th I alighted at a Chárbágh, a kos from Gwálior to the north, * * and next morning I entered Gwálior by the Hatipúl gate, which is close by Rájá Man Sing's palace, and proceeded to Rájá Bikramájít's palace. * *

On Tuesday, the 14th, messengers arrived from Bikramájít, the second son of Ráná Sanka, who, with his mother Padmávatí, was in Rantambhor. Before setting out to visit Gwálior, a person had come from a Hindu named Asok, who was high in Bikramájít's confidence, with offers of submission and allegiance, expressing a hope that he would be allowed seventy lacs as an annuity. The bargain was concluded, and it was settled that, on delivering up the fort of Rantambhor, he should have parganas assigned him equal to what he had asked. After making this arrangement, I sent back his messengers. When I went to survey Gwálior, I made an appointment to meet his men in Gwálior. They were several days later than the appointed time. Asok, the Hindu, had himself been with Padmávatí, Bikramájít's mother, and had explained to the mother and son everything that had passed. They approved of Asok's proceedings, and agreed to make the proper submissions, and to rank themselves among my subjects. When Ráná Sanka defeated Sultán Mahmúd and made him prisoner, the Sultán had on a splendid crown-cap and golden girdle, which fell into the hands of the Pagan, who, when he set Sultán Mahmúd at liberty, retained them. They were now with Bikramájít. * * * By the persons who came from him to wait on me, he now sent me this crown and golden girdle, and asked Bayána in exchange for Rantambhor. I diverted them from their demand of Bayána, and Shamsábád was fixed on as the equivalent for Rantambhor.

* * * * * * *

On Thursday, the 3rd of the first Jumáda, I received letters forwarded by Khalífa from Ágra, which contained intelligence that Mahmúd, the son of Iskandar, had taken Bihár. The moment I received this information, I resolved to join the army. Next morning I mounted at six gharís, and reached Ágra at evening prayers. Next morning being Saturday, I called the amírs to a council. * * * On Thursday, the 10th of the first Jumáda, I set out for the Púrab (east). * * * On Saturday, the 17th of the second Jumáda, we marched eight kos, and halted at Dakdaki, a pargana of Karra, on the banks of the Ganges. * * While in this neighbourhood, intelligence reached us in rapid succession, that Sultán Mahmúd had gathered round him 100,000 Afgháns; that he had detached Shaikh Báyazíd and Bában with a large army towards Sirwár, while he himself and Fath Khán Sarwáni occupied the banks of the Ganges, and were moving upon Chunár; that Sher Khán Súr, on whom I had bestowed marks of favour, to whom I had given several parganas, and whom I had left in command in that quarter, had now joined these Afgháns; that with some other amírs he had passed the river, and that Sultán Jalálu-d dín's people, being unable to defend Benares, had abandoned it and retreated. They excused themselves by saying, that they had left a sufficient force in the castle of Benares, and had advanced in order to meet the enemy on the banks of the Ganges. * * *

On the 24th, Sultán Muhammad Bakhshí came in a boat from the other side of the river. He brought accounts of the ruin of the affairs of Mahmúd Khán, the son of Sultán Sikandar, whom the rebels had dignified with the title of Sultán Mahmúd. * * * It appeared that the rebels had come and laid siege to Chunár, and had even made a slight attack; but that, on getting the certain news of my approach, they were filled with consternation, broke up in confusion, and raised the siege; that the Afgháns who had passed over to Benares had also retired in great confusion; that two of their boats sank in the passage, and that several of their men were drowned in the river. * * *

On Monday, the 4th Rajab, I marched from the banks of the Jumna against Bihár. * * * On the 13th, I visited the fort of Chunár. * * * Here Bábi Khán brought information that Mahmúd Khán was on the banks of the river Son. I immediately convened the amírs, and consulted them about attempting to fall upon the enemy by surprise, when it was finally settled that we should advance by very long marches without a moment's loss of time. * * * On Wednesday, the 20th, I embarked on the river, and halted at a kos below Gházípúr. * * * On the 22nd, I embarked on the river as usual, and landed opposite to Chusah (Chowsar). * * The army encamped on the banks of the Karmnás. The Hindus rigorously avoid this river. The pious Hindus did not pass it, but embarked in a boat and crossed by the Ganges so as to avoid it. They hold that if the water of this river touches any person, his religion is lost; and they assign an origin to its name corresponding with this opinion.²⁸³ * * *

On Saturday, the 8th Sha'bán, a messenger from Dúdú and his son Jalál Khán Bihár Khán arrived in my camp. It appeared that the Bengális had watched them with a jealous eye. After having given me notice of their intentions that I might expect their arrival, they had come to blows with the Bengális, had effected their escape, crossed the river, and reached the territory of Bihár, whence they were now on their way to tender me their allegiance. The same day I sent word to the ambassador of Bengal, Isma'íl Míta, that there was great delay on the part of his Court, in answering the three articles which had formerly been given to him in writing, and which he had forwarded; that he must therefore despatch a letter, requiring an immediate and categorical answer; that if his master had really peaceable and friendly intentions, he could find no difficulty in declaring so, and that without loss of time. * * *

On Sunday, I marched and halted in the pargana of Arra. Here we received information that the army of Kharíd^283a was encamped at the junction of the Ganges and Sarú on the farther side of the river Sarú, where they had collected 100 or 150 vessels. As I was at peace with Bengal, and had always been the first to enter into any understanding that had a tendency to confirm a friendly state of things, though they had not treated me well in placing themselves right in my route, yet from a consideration of the terms on which I had long been with them, I resolved to send Mulla Muhammad Mazhib along with Isma'íl Míta the ambassador of Bengal; and it was settled that the Mulla should have leave to return back to me, after making the same three proposals I had formerly offered.

On Monday, the ambassador of Bengal came to wait on me, when I sent him notice that he had leave to return. It was at the same time intimated to him, that I would be guided entirely by my own pleasure, in moving backwards or forwards, as seemed best for the purpose of quelling the rebels wherever they were to be found, but that his master's dominions should sustain no harm, either by land or water; that as one of the three articles was, that he should order the army of Kharíd to leave the tract in which I was marching, and return to Kharíd, I was willing to send some Turks to accompany them on their march; that I would give the Kharíd troops a safe conduct, and assurances of indemnity, and suffer them to go to their own homes. If he²⁸⁴ refused to leave the passage open, and neglected to listen to the remonstrances which I made, that then whatever evil fell on his head, he must regard as proceeding from his own act; and he would have himself only to blame for any unpleasant circumstance that occurred.

On Thursday, the 19th Sha'bán, I called the amírs, both Turkí and Hindu, to a council, and took their opinion about passing the river. It was finally settled that Ustád 'Alí should plant his cannon, his firingí pieces and swivels (zarb-zín), on a rising ground between the Ganges and Sarú, and also keep up a hot fire with a number of matchlockmen from that post; that a little lower down than the junction of the two rivers, opposite to an island, where there were a number of vessels collected, Mustafa on the Bihár side of the Ganges^284a should get all his artillery and ammunition in readiness, and commence a cannonade: a number of matchlockmen were placed under his command. * * * That Askarí and the Sultáns and Kháns named for the duty should set out expeditiously, and pass the Sarú at the ghát of Haldi, in order that when the batteries were completed, they might be in readiness to fall upon the enemy, who might thus be attacked in different quarters at the same time. * * * On the morning of Sunday the army began to cross the Ganges. I embarked and crossed over about the first watch. * * * On Tuesday we marched from the place where we had crossed the river, advanced towards the field of action, which is near the confluence of the two rivers, and encamped about a kos from it. I myself went and saw Ustád 'Alí Kúlí employed in firing his firingís and artillery. That day Ustád 'Alí Kúlí struck two vessels with shot from his firingí and sank them. * * * The same day a messenger arrived from Askarí, with information that his army had now all crossed the river, and that early next morning, being Thursday, they would be ready to fall upon the enemy. I immediately issued orders that all the rest of our troops who had effected their passage should co-operate with Askarí, and fall upon the enemy in conjunction with him. About noon-day prayers, a person came from Ustád with notice that the bullet was ready to be discharged, and that he waited for instructions. I sent orders to discharge it, and to have another loaded before I came up.

About afternoon prayers, I embarked in a small Bengáli boat, and proceeded to the place where the batteries had been erected. Ustád discharged a very large stone bullet once, and fired the firingís several times. The Bengális are famous for their skill in artillery. On this occasion we had a good opportunity of observing them. They do not direct their fire against a particular point, but discharge at random. * * * On Thursday morning, I received intelligence from the men in the batteries, that the ships which were higher up the river were all sailing down, and that the enemy's whole cavalry had mounted, and were now moving against our troops, who were advancing. I set out with the utmost expedition, and repaired to the vessels which had passed up by night. * * * I ordered Ishán Tímúr Sultán and Tukhta Bugha Sultán, who were protecting the vessels, to lose no time in crossing. On this occasion Ishán Tímúr Sultán embarked with about thirty or forty of his servants in a boat; they swam over their horses by the side of the boat, and so effected a passage; another boat got across after him. * * * The vessels now began to cross in uninterrupted succession. The Lahorís and Hindustánís also began to pass separately, some by swimming and others on bundles of reeds, each shifting for himself.

On observing what was going on, the Bengáli ships, which lay opposite to the batteries down the river, began to flee. * * * I despatched a messenger to the Sultáns desiring them to keep together in a body such as had crossed, and that as the enemy's army drew near, they should take post upon its flank, and skirmish with them. The Sultáns accordingly formed such as had crossed into three or four divisions, and advanced towards the enemy. On their approach, the enemy pushed forward their infantry to attack them, and then moved from their position to follow and support their advance. Koki arrived with a detachment from Askarí's division on the one side, and the Sultáns advancing on the other direction, they both charged. They fell furiously on the enemy, whom they bore down, taking a number of prisoners, and finally drove them from the field. * * *

Intelligence arrived again and again that the insurgents had passed the Sarú and Gogra, and were marching on Lucknow. * * * On Friday, the 19th Ramazán, I received letters announcing the taking of Lucknow. It appeared that on Saturday, the 13th of Ramazán, the enemy had made an attack, but could effect nothing. During the assault, some hay that had been collected, being set on fire by the fireworks, turpentine, and other combustibles that were thrown on it, the inside of the fort became as hot as an oven, and it was impossible to stand on the parapet, and consequently the fort was taken. Two or three days afterwards, on hearing of my return, the enemy marched towards Dalamú. This day also, we advanced ten kos, and halted hard by a village named Jalesar, in the pargana of Síkrí, on the banks of the river Sarú. * * * On the 18th Shawwál, I at midnight reached the garden of the Hasht-bihisht at Ágra.

[Shortly after this, with the 3rd Muharram, 936, Bábar's Memoirs come to an abrupt termination.]

[THERE is among Sir H. Elliot's MSS. an old worm-eaten MS., of small size, entitled Tabakát-i Bábarí. This is described by a Persian note upon a fly-leaf as being “an account of Bábar's fifth invasion of Hindustán, written by Shaikh Zain, one of the associates of the Pádsháh, whose name is often mentioned in the Túzak-i Bábarí.” The Nigáristán-i Gítí-numá quotes this work under the title of Futúhát-i Hind, written by Shaikh Zainu-l 'ábidín. Sir H. Elliot's MS. has no introduction, but opens abruptly with “His Majesty's fifth expedition to Hindustán;” and it ends still more abruptly in the middle of the occurrences of the 15th Jumáda-l awwal, 933 H. (page 352 of Leyden and Erskine's translation). The MS. was written in the year 998 H. (1589-90 A.D.), and the scribe tells us that he had copied to the end of his taswíd, or rough draft. So this MS. would seem to have been transcribed from the author's own copy, and we may fairly conclude that the work was never finished. It is a curious coincidence that this year 998 is the very one in which 'Abdu-r Rahím's Persian translation of Bábar's Memoirs was presented to the Emperor Akbar.

The work itself affords indirect corroboration of its having been written by Shaikh Zain. Bábar (p. 291 of Erskine) describes a party of literary men who were with him in his boat on a particular occasion, and amused themselves with making verses; and among the names of his companions he mentions Shaikh Zain. The author of the Tabakát gives an account of this party, and also records the names of the guests; but instead of Shaikh Zain, he says this “insignificant and ignorant servant,” leaving no doubt of his and Shaikh Zain's identity. Shaikh Zain was Bábar's secretary, and wrote the Farmán, which is translated by Erskine (p. 359) and by Pavet de Courteille (vol. ii., p. 287). Both translators remark upon the extreme magniloquence of this document. “Nothing,” says Erskine, “can form a more striking contrast to the simple, manly, and intelligent style of Bábar himself, than the pompous learned periods of his secretary. Yet I have never read this Farmán to any native of India who did not bestow unlimited admiration on the official bombast of Zainu-d dín, while I met with none but Turks who paid due praise to the calm simplicity of Bábar.” This description of the style of the Farmán applies equally to the present work. It is not so much a translation as a paraphrase, in the lofty style, of Bábar's own Memoirs, and those scenes and occurrences are brought into prominence which offer the most tempting opportunities for a display of the author's eloquence and ingenuity, such as a description of a beautiful garden, or the charms of a pleasant party. It omits much that Bábar himself deemed worthy of record, such as the description of the natural productions of Hindustán; and it appears neither to add any new facts, nor to throw any additional light upon the transactions of which it treats. There is sufficient difference, however, to show that the author was not wholly dependent upon Bábar's writings, but that he had also some personal knowledge of the various events. Two passages have been translated which will show the author's style, and the general agreement of his work with that of his master.]