History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 4

waste their villages and their property, and made prisoners of many of the inhabitants. Among these he carried off to his own house the daughter of Kherú, who was a dependent of Allah-dád, and filled the post of shahna among the Sambhals. The chiefs of the Sambhals came in a body to Mubáriz Khán, and said: “The honour of our women and yours is one. Release the daughter of Kherú the shahna, and respect the honour of our women.” But although the Sambhals humbly and earnestly entreated him, he would not listen to them, for his predestined time was near at hand. When the Sambhals were driven to despair, they said to Mubáriz Khán:—“You were born in Hindustán, and do not understand the habits of the Afgháns. The crane has never yet overpowered or domineered over the hawk. We have paid the reverence due to the king and to yourself. Leave us alone, and do not oppress and injure us beyond all bounds, and let this helpless one go free.” Mubáriz Khán in a passion replied:—“You talk of the honour of this dependent of yours; you will know what it is when I tear Allah-dád's daughter by force from her house, and bring her away.” The chiefs of the Sambhals fell into a passion also, and said to Mubáriz Khán:—“Have respect to your own life, and do not step beyond your own bounds. If you so much as look towards our women, we will slay you; though, in return for your life, they will put several of our chiefs to death.” Mubáriz Khán, on hearing this angry reply of the Sambhals, told his Hindustání doorkeepers to beat the chiefs of the Sambhals out of his house, for they were insulting him. When the Hindustání doorkeepers lifted up their sticks to beat the Sambhals out of the house, a tumult arose. The gallant Sambhals, who had, by Mubáriz Khán's violence and oppression, been driven to extremities, grew enraged, and, in the twinkling of an eye, killed Mubáriz Khán and most of his followers.

When Sher Sháh heard the news, he wrote to 'Azam Humáyún, saying:—“The Súrs are a tribe the least quarrelsome of the Afgháns, and if every Afghán was to kill a Súr not one would be left in the world. The Sambhals are of your own tribe. Do you bring them to order, and chastise them, that they may not set a bad example to others, and may refrain from killing their governors for the future.” When this order reached 'Azam Humáyún Níází, he collected an army against the Sambhals. They hearing that 'Azam Humáyún was coming in person against them, left their country, and took to the hills, where they occupied fortified positions, intending to go with their families to Kábul.

When 'Azam Humáyún heard that it was the intention of the Sambhals to go to Kábul, he was overwhelmed with anxiety and grief, and took counsel with his people, saying:—“The Sambhals are my brethren, and a numerous tribe and race: we cannot seize them by force. If they go to Kábul, Sher Sháh will think that I have been negligent in seizing them, and that they have escaped from these parts by my connivance. We must get hold of them by some stratagem or contrivance.” He sent his vakíl to them, and said:—“I have ascertained you are not to blame. You were much injured and oppressed by Mubáriz Khán. I will send you to Sher Sháh, and beg him to forgive your fault. According to the Afghán custom, the Níázís shall give several of their daughters in marriage to the Súrs, or Sher Sháh may put to death two or three of your chiefs. It is not fitting that the whole tribe should be exiled, and compelled to go to other countries.” The Sambhals wrote in their reply:—“We are in difficulties. If the Súrs come to fight with us, we will do our best against them, that it may be remembered in the world, how the Níázís combated, and how they went into exile! If you come and fight with us, on both sides Níázís will be killed; and if we are cast out, you will even then be disgraced—for it was your own tribe who were driven out, and you had no pity. But if you will bind yourself by promises and oaths, that you will not seek to injure or persecute us, we will come in and make our submission. 'Azam Humáyún replied:—“Have I no regard for my kin, that I should injure or persecute you?” So 'Azam Humáyún made the most solemn promises and oaths to the Sambhals; and the whole tribe, with their wives and families, came to him. When he saw that he had deceived the whole tribe of Sambhals, and that they had come in with their wives and families, he took measures to prevent their escape, and slew 900 persons. While he was putting them to death, the Níázís said to several of their friends among the Sambhals, “We will let you escape, fly!” But the Sambhals maintained the Afghán honour, and said:—“It is better to die with our wives and families than to live dishonoured; for it is a well-known proverb, ‘The death of a whole tribe is a solemn feast.’” When 'Azam Humáyún had slain most of the Sambhals, he sent their wives and families to Sher Sháh. Sher Sháh, who wished no man evil, disapproved of 'Azam Humáyún's cruelty, and said: “Never before has such a shameful thing been done among the race of Afgháns; but 'Azam Humáyún in fear of the King has slain so many of his own tribe. It is only from his affection for the King that he would thus uselessly shed so much blood of his own tribe.” He had intended to remove 'Azam Humáyún from his government of the Panjáb, but had no time before he was glorified in martyrdom. After his death, 'Azam Humáyún displayed great loyalty, which shall be narrated in its proper place.

From the day that Sher Sháh was established on the throne, no man dared to breathe in opposition to him; nor did any one raise the standard of contumacy or rebellion against him; nor was any heart-tormenting thorn produced in the garden of his kingdom; nor was there any of his nobles or soldiery, or a thief or a robber, who dared to direct the eye of dishonesty to the property of another; nor did any theft or robbery ever occur in his dominions. Travellers and wayfarers, during the time of Sher Sháh's reign, were relieved from the trouble of keeping watch; nor did they fear to halt even in the midst of a desert. They encamped at night at every place, desert or inhabited, without fear; they placed their goods and property on the plain, and turned out their mules to graze, and themselves slept with minds at ease and free from care, as if in their own house; and the zamíndárs, for fear any mischief should occur to the travellers, and that they should suffer or be arrested on account of it, kept watch over them. And in the time of Sher Sháh's rule, a decrepit old woman might place a basket full of gold ornaments on her head and go on a journey, and no thief or robber would come near her, for fear of the punishments which Sher Sháh inflicted. “Such a shadow spread over the world, that a decrepit person feared not a Rustam.” During his time, all quarrelling, disputing, fighting, and turmoil, which is the nature of the Afgháns, was altogether quieted and put a stop to throughout the countries of Roh and of Hindustán. Sher Sháh, in wisdom and experience, was a second Haidar. In a very short period he gained the dominion of the country, and provided for the safety of the highways, the administration of the Government, and the happiness of the soldiery and people. God is a discerner of righteousness!

[THIS history bears no date, and the author says nothing about himself; but he incidentally calls himself 'Abdu-lla, and mentions the name of the Emperor Jahángír; so the book must have been written after the accession of that monarch, which took place in the year 1605 A.D. The author gives the following account of his work in the Preface:—

“History is not simply information regarding the affairs of kings who have passed away; but it is a science which expands the intellect, and furnishes the wise with examples. Since this humble individual has spent a considerable portion of his life in studying historical works pregnant with instructive examples, and has examined the conditions of things under many sovereigns; and it appeared that the records of the reigns of the Afghán kings (of Hindustán), who were one of the dynasties of the times, existed only in a scattered form; I involuntarily conceived the design of collecting them, with the aid of the Almighty, in one volume. I therefore undertook the work, and in a very short time completed it. I commenced with the reign of Bahlol Lodí, who was the first king of the Afghán dynasty, and brought my history down to the (end of the) reign of Muhammad 'Adalí Súr [and] Dáúd Sháh, who was the last ruler of this race, and I entitled it the Táríkh-i Dáúdí.”⁴³⁴ Dáúd Sháh was beheaded by order of the Khán-khánán, and a chronogram at the end of this work gives the date as 983 H. (1575 A.D.).

Like all historians of this period, 'Abdu-lla is very deficient in dates, and is fond of recording stories and anecdotes, many of them not a little marvellous. All the writers attribute to the Sultán Sikandar Lodí great intelligence and justice, and a shrewd way of settling mysterious disputes. Anecdotes of his acumen are numerous, and many of them have been reproduced by later writers, and attributed to the monarchs of their own times. A few only of the stories recorded under the reign of Sikandar have been printed as specimens. The history of his reign, as given in this book, is very fragmentary and disjointed, and amounts to little more than desultory memoirs: but this is the prevailing character of all the works upon the Afghán dynasty. They are valuable as affording materials from which a history might be compiled; but the dynasty has no special historian. The earlier and the later extracts were translated by Sir H. M. Elliot; but the narratives of the reigns of Sikandar and Islám Sháh were translated by Ensign Charles F. Mackenzie, and approved by Sir H. M. Elliot. The notes are the work of the latter.]

Hamíd Khán escaped and fled to Dehlí, and pondered how he should elevate some one else to the throne in lieu of 'Aláu-d dín. He summoned two competitors for the crown—Kiyám Khán and Malik Bahlol. Both obeyed the summons with alacrity. Bahlol was at Sirhind, and hastened with the quickness of the wind towards Dehlí, accompanied by a countless army. Kiyám Khán, hearing that Bahlol had the start of him, abandoned the journey on which he had set out.

Malik Bahlol paid his respects to Hamíd Khán, who, on his very first interview, congratulated him upon obtaining the empire of Dehlí, expressing his own determination to retain the wazárat. Malik Bahlol replied:—“I am a mere soldier, and cannot manage even my own country. You should be king, and I will be the commander of your troops, and obey any other injunctions you may have to issue.” * * *

At last, after engagements had been entered into, he placed the keys of the fort before Bahlol, who acknowledged himself ready to undertake the service assigned to him. He professed to take charge of the city and its gates, leaving the government in the hands of Hamíd Khán, and although the latter retained all the shadow of power, yet in reality all the royal establishments were usurped by Bahlol. So long as Hamíd Khán retained any power, Sultán Bahlol thought it expedient to pay him extreme marks of deference, and went every day to pay his respects.

Sultán Bahlol was, indeed, a king who fostered religion, and evinced courage and generosity. His mercy and benevolence were habitual: he observed the rules of honesty, and had exceeding respect for the law, to the injunctions of which he strictly adhered in all his undertakings. He spent most of his time in the assemblies of the wise, and in the society of holy men; and made special inquiries respecting the poor and necessitous. He never turned away a suppliant; and he read his prayers in public five times every day. He devoted excessive care to the administration of justice; himself heard the petitions of his subjects, and left them not to be disposed of by his ministers. He was wise, experienced, considerate, kind, friendly, condescending, and just. Whatever came into his possession, in money, goods, or new parganas, he distributed it all among his troops, and reserved nothing whatever for himself. He accumulated no treasure, and executed his kingly functions without parade and ostentation. At the time of his meals, he satisfied himself with farinaceous food; but any one who entered might partake of other viands. In his social meetings he never sat on a throne, and would not allow his nobles to stand; and even during public audiences he did not occupy the throne, but seated himself upon a carpet. Whenever he wrote a farmán to his nobles, he addressed them as “Masnad 'Álí;” and if at any time they were displeased with him, he tried so hard to pacify them that he would himself go to their houses, ungird his sword from his waist, and place it before the offended party: nay, he would sometimes even take off his turban from his head, and solicit forgiveness, saying:—“If you think me unworthy of the station I occupy, choose some one else, and bestow on me some other office.” He maintained a brotherly intercourse with all his chiefs and soldiers. If any one was ill, he would himself go and attend on him. Before he ascended the throne, it was the custom in Dehlí to distribute, every third day, sharbat, pán leaves, sugar-candy, and sweetmeats. But Sultán Bahlol put an end to this, and positively declined to maintain the practice, observing, that, with respect to Afgháns, if one poor man should die, a hundred thousand of his tribe would come forward, and how could he provide for such a multitude, and satisfy them? He was exceedingly bold, and on the day of battle, immediately he saw the enemy appear, he would dismount from his horse, fall on his knees, and pray for the success of Islám and the safety of Musul-máns, and confess his own helplessness. From the day that he became king, no one achieved a victory over him; nor did he once leave the field of battle until he had gained the day, or been carried off wounded: or, from the first he avoided an engagement.

It is said that, during the first week of his accession, he was present at worship in the Masjid-i jámi', when Mullá Fázin, who was one of the elders of the city, ascended the pulpit to read the khutba. When he had concluded, and had come down again, he exclaimed:—“Praised be God! we have an extraordinary tribe of rulers; nor do I know whether they are the servants of the arch-fiend or arch-fiends themselves. Their language is so barbarous, that they call a mother, múr; a brother, rúr; a nurse, shúr; a soldier, túr, and a man, núr.” When he said this, Sultán Bahlol put his handkerchief to his mouth, and smilingly said: “Mullá Fázin, hold, enough! for we are all servants of God.” * *

The Reign of Sultán Sikandar Lodí.

Historians who have written concerning the reign of Sultán Sikandar say, that before his accession to the throne he was called Nizám Khán, and that he was remarkable for his beauty, which was unsurpassed, and that whoever looked on him yielded his heart captive. Shaikh Hasan, the grandson of the Shaikh Abú Lálá whose memory is revered in Raprí, was captivated by his appearance. This Shaikh Hasan was one of the most distinguished men of the period. One winter day, Prince Nizám Khán was sitting in his private chamber, when Shaikh Hasan was seized with a desire of beholding him, and he found no difficulty in reaching him, on account of the respect in which men of his pure mode of life are held. Sultán Sikandar was much astonished at seeing him enter, and asked him how he had come in without permission, in spite of the doorkeepers. The Shaikh answered, “You know best how and when I came.” The Sultán said: “You consider yourself fond of me?” He replied, “I cannot hinder myself from being so.” The Sultán ordered him to come forward; he did so, and there was a stove before the Sultán: the Sultán placed his hand on the Shaikh's head, and pressed it towards the burning coals; notwithstanding which, the Shaikh did not make the slightest movement or resistance. They remained in this position for a short time, when Mubárak Khán Lohání arrived: he wondered much at what he saw, and asked who that person (the Shaikh) was. The Sultán replied that it was Shaikh Hasan. Mubárak Khán said: “O man who fearest not God, what are you doing? Shaikh Hasan has suffered no damage or injury from the fire; tremble, lest you yourself should!” The Sultán said, “He calls himself my admirer!” Mubárak Khán answered: “You ought to be thankful for his doing so, and that you are pleasing in the sight of so holy a man: if you would obtain felicity in this world and the next, obey him.” Prince Nizám Khán then withdrew his hand from the Shaikh's neck; and every one saw that, notwithstanding the dreadful heat of the fire, neither the face nor hair of the Shaikh had been injured. In spite of all this, the Sultán ordered the Shaikh to be chained, neck and foot, and cast into a dungeon. This was also done; and a week afterwards they informed Sultán Sikandar, that Shaikh Hasan was dancing in the bázár; he ordered him to be seized and brought before him. When he came into the presence, the Sultán said to him: “You call yourself my admirer; why have you escaped from the captivity in which I placed you?” Shaikh Hasan answered:—“I did not do so of my own accord; my grandfather, Shaikh Abú Lálá, led me forth by the hand.” The Sultán ordered the room in which the Shaikh had been confined to be inspected; the door was opened, and the chains found lying on the ground; and the Shaikh had, nevertheless, been found dancing in the bázár! Thenceforth the Sultán did not treat the Shaikh with disrespect.⁴³⁹

It is also related of this prince, that before his accession, when a crowd of Hindus had assembled in immense numbers at Kurkhet, he wished to go to Thánesar for the purpose of putting them all to death. One of his courtiers represented to him that it would be better to consult the learned before doing this. Sultán Sikandar caused the doctors to assemble, and questioned the chief of them, whose name was Míán 'Abdu-lla, of Ajodhan. This Maliku-l Ulamá asked the King what there was in that place (Thánesar). He replied, “There is a tank in which all the infidels are accustomed to bathe.” The Maliku-l Ulamá said, “Since when have they been in the habit of doing so?” Nizám Khán replied that it was an ancient custom. Míán 'Abdu-lla asked what the Muhammadan sovereigns who had preceded him had been in the habit of doing. The Sultán answered, that up to his time they had left the Hindus unmolested. The Maliku-l Ulamá then assured the King that it would be very improper for him to destroy an ancient idol-temple, and that he ought not to forbid the accustomed rite of performing their ablutions in the tank. When this conversation had lasted a short time, the Sultán placed his hand on his dagger, and exclaimed, “You side with the infidels. I will first put an end to you, and then massacre the infidels at Kurkhet!” Míán 'Abdu-lla said, “Every one's life is in the hand of God—no one can die without His command: whoever enters the presence of a tyrant must beforehand prepare himself for death, let what may happen! When you asked me, I gave you an answer in conformity with the precepts of the Prophet; if you have no reverence for them, what is the use of inquiring?” Sultán Sikandar's wrath was slightly appeased, and he said, “If you had permitted me to do this, many thousands of Musulmáns would have been placed in easy circumstances by it.” Míán 'Abdu-lla replied: “I have said my say; you know what you intend doing:

What I say to you is dictated by eloquence.
Either take advice or be vexed.”

The Sultán then rose up from the assembly, and all the learned went with him, with the exception of Míán 'Abdu-lla, who remained standing in his place. The Prince requested that he would visit him occasionally, and then gave him leave to depart.

Another anecdote related of him is, that, in the time of Sultán Bahlol, when Tátár Khán and Saif Ján, grandees of the State, had rebelled, and seized many districts,⁴⁴⁰ the revenues of which they applied to their own private use, it so happened that at the same period Prince Nizám Khán had seized Pánípat without the permission of Sultán Bahlol, and made it a jágír of his own. Certain nobles laid a complaint about this before the Sultán, who caused a farmán to be written to Khwájagí Shaikh Sa'íd, the Prince's díwán, to this effect: “The Prince has behaved thus at your instigation. If you have such a desire to display your courage, take forcible possession of Tátár Khán's estates! What courage do you show when you plunder my territory?” The Shaikh went to the Prince with the farmán in his hand, and on the Prince's inquiring if all went well, he answered that it did, inasmuch as Sultán Bahlol had himself made over the regal power to the Prince. The Prince asked why he spoke in that way. He answered, “Look at this farmán which he has written and sent.” The Prince opened it, and found that its contents were to the effect that if he possessed the courage and power, he should take possession of Tátár Khán's lands. The Sultán said, “O Khwájagí, they have given us a strange sort of kingdom.” The Khwájagí observed: “A kingdom is not to be gained easily. If you can perform what has been ordered, you are certain to succeed to the throne. The King commands you to take the management of important business, which he ought to transact himself; and by so doing he hints to you that he intends you to succeed him.” “Well,” said the Prince, “what must I do then?” He replied, “Arise, and try your fortune! As it is said in this verse:

No one receives a land as his heritage,
Unless he arms each of his hands with a sword!”

At that period, when the Prince Nizám Khán was staying at Pánípat, he had 1500 horsemen with him, all of whom were as much attached to him as Khwájagí Shaikh Sa'íd Farmulí, and his relations. Among these adherents were Míán Husain and his five brothers, Daryá Khán, Sher Khán Lohání, 'Umar Khán Sarwání, and others. One day the Prince mustered this force in Pánípat, and after consulting with all the chiefs about his affairs, they came to the conclusion that the best course would be to send a portion of the 1500 men he had with him against the parganas in the neighbourhood of Sirhind, and order them to take possession of them. When strife had thus commenced, Tátár Khán collected a large army, and Prince Nizám Khán advanced from Pánípat with the before-mentioned troops to meet him. They encountered each other in the pargana of Ambála, on the plain where subsequently the battle was fought between Salím Sháh and Haibat Khán Níází, whose title was 'Azam Humáyún.

Nizám Khán and his troops turned their faces towards the field with the same courage which their predecessors had displayed on the day of the fight. The Prince was accompanied by a body of his most valiant warriors well armed, and the Khwájagí Sa'íd went beforehim on horseback. The Khwájagí glanced two or three times at the Prince, who asked him what he noticed. He replied: “Your slave sees that you are surrounded by gallant youths: if you lead them well, you may hope for victory; if you do not choose to do this, you are, of course, at liberty to do what you please. Just consider what your troops are capable of performing. Tátár Khán may have 15,000 horsemen, but he does not possess ten such as these. If the Most High be pleased to grant victory to your troops, your wishes will be accomplished; if not, you can easily effect your escape, for you are mounted on a swift horse, and could never be overtaken.” When the Prince heard this speech, he laughed, and said to the Khwájagí, “In my imagination I can picture to myself your horse's feet scampering above the surface of the ground; but as for mine, I see him buried in the enemy's gore up to his very chest, so that he cannot move.” The Khwájagí alighted from his horse, and gave his right hand to the Prince, saying, “This is a sign of victory; such a chief ought always to possess bravery and resolution.”

When the hostile parties had come to close quarters, the first person who rode towards the foe was Daryá Khán Lohání, accompanied by thirty men, who placed himself between the two armies; and in order that these horsemen might act effectively, he desired that they should all direct their attack together against the same quarter. From the other side, 500 horsemen advanced to meet them, and Daryá Khán attacked these 500 with his thirty troopers, and fought so fiercely that sparks flashed from the steel in the sight of both armies. Daryá Khán vanquished and defeated them, and they fled back to their comrades, whilst Daryá Khán returned to his position. It is said that 500 horsemen came out three several times against Daryá Khán, who put them on each occasion to flight, and then went back to his post; after the third trial no enemy advanced, and Daryá Khán said to his companions, “The fear which I have caused and the fortune of my lord have appalled them; you, O friends, remain here whilst I hasten against them in person.” Daryá Khán penetrated their army three times, and three times returned to his place. After which Míán Husain, with 700 troopers,⁴⁴³ sallied forth from the army of the Prince, and was attacked by 1500 horsemen of Tátár Khán's. Míán Husain was three times successful in the same manner as Daryá Khán had been; and he also went three times singly in amongst the foe, and escaped three times. After Míán Husain, 'Umar Khán Sarwání with 500 horse, receiving permission from the Prince, advanced in the direction of Míán Husain, and when near him, an interchange of civilities took place, after which 'Umar Khán said to the Míán, “May a thousand mercies be with you and Daryá Khán! You have behaved with a valour which elicits the praises of every one. I have as yet done nothing, and I have come to consult you as to what I ought to do. You have already done more than your duty; now it is my turn!”

Just at this time, Ibráhím Khán, the son of 'Umar Khán, galloped up to his father, and said, “I adjure you by the Kurán and the salt of the Prince not to advance your horse. As you looked on whilst Daryá Khán the son of Mubárak Khán, and Míán Husain the son of Khwájagí, were fighting, look also at what your own son does!” 'Umar Khán said, “I am ready to witness your valour, and will hold back.” Ibráhím Khan said, “Nothing can be perceived in a crowd; you ought, therefore, to see me advance singly.” After saying this to his father, he attacked the enemy's 15,000 horsemen three times, overthrowing on each occasion two or three hostile cavaliers with his spear, whilst their horses fled riderless. 'Umar Khán, when he beheld this, raised the battle-cry of the followers of Islám, and charged the division attached to Tátár Khán himself. Tátár Khán was slain, and Hasan Khán his brother fell alive into his hands, and the whole army of Tátár Khán was routed. This victory, which no one expected the Prince to gain, caused him to be admired by all the people and nobles. After this, Sultán Bahlol also became thoroughly convinced that Nizám Khán was the ablest of his sons, so much so that he appointed him his successor.

When the news of Bahlol's death reached Prince Nizám Khán in Dehlí, he left at Dehlí one of his nobles, Jamál Khán, in whom he placed confidence, and determined to set forth himself. On the day he quitted Dehlí, he first went to Shaikh Samáu-d dín, one of the holy men of that age, for the purpose of requesting him to repeat the fátiha, and said, “O Shaikh! I desire to study orthography and prosody with you.” He commenced accordingly, and began repeating these words by direction of his instructor, “May God render you fortunate in both worlds.” The Sultán said, “Say that again.” He did so three times successively in Arabic. Then the Sultán kissed that reverend person's hand, and explained that he was about to set forth at the summons of the nobles to assume the kingdom, and so he went away, considering this benediction as a favourable omen:

“The assertions of the pure are the interpretation of Fate,
For their hearts resemble the tablet and pen.”

Prince Nizám Khan, by the advice of the principal chiefs, advanced with all expedition from Dehlí to the town of Jalálí, and sent the corpse of his father to Dehlí.

On Friday, the 7th Sha'bán, A.H. 894, he was raised to the throne by the assistance of Khán Jahán, the Khán-khánán Farmulí, and other great chiefs, on an eminence near the Black River, or as it is called by the inhabitants of that district Kálí nai. On that spot there is a building called the palace of Sultán Fírúz, and there he became king in the eighteenth year of his age, with the title of Sultán Sikandar Ghází.⁴⁴⁵ Sultán Sikandar was a most illustrious monarch and of a benevolent disposition; he was famous for his liberality, honour, and politeness; he had no affection for pomp and ceremonies, and cared not for processions and magnificent dresses. No one who was profligate or a bad character had access to him; he always associated with men of religion and the virtuous, and was both inwardly pious and outwardly handsome; he did not give way to his desires, and was exceedingly God-fearing and benevolent to the people. He was very just and courageous, his equity beheld the weak and the strong with the same eye, and he was constantly employed in balancing evidence, deciding suits, arranging the affairs of the Empire, and trying to render his subjects happy; he personally assisted the wretched. After the afternoon prayer, he went into an assembly of Mullás, and then read the Holy Book. After being present at public prayer and the conclusion of the evening thanksgiving, he was in the habit of going to his harem, where he remained an hour. He then proceeded to his private chamber, where he seated himself, and remained awake the entire night, but slept at mid-day. He generally preferred the night for listening to the petitions of the needy; he also devoted a portion of it to regulating the affairs of the Empire, and in causing farmáns to be written to the governors of provinces and letters to the monarchs of the time. Seventeen accomplished and learned men of tried merit were constantly with him in his private apartment. After midnight he was in the habit of calling for food, when these seventeen learned men, after washing their hands, seated themselves in front of the Sultán, who was himself seated on his couch. A large chair was then brought close to the bed, and the different dishes being placed on it the Sultán commenced eating; food was also placed before his seventeen companions, who were, however, forbidden to partake of it in his presence. When the King had finished, they carried their plates away to their houses, and ate there. Some writers assert that His Majesty, in order to keep himself in health, was then in the habit of secretly drinking wine.

He founded masjids throughout all his dominions, and appointed a preacher, a reader, and a sweeper to each; to all of whom he gave regular stipends. Every winter he sent clothes and shawls for the benefit of the needy, and distributed a certain amount of money to them every Friday. Cooked and uncooked victuals were daily given to the poor at various places in the city by his command. During the blessed season of the month of Ramazán, and on the day of the Prophet's decease, he rejoiced the hearts of the necessitous and poor, and behaved towards them with royal liberality. He ordained that twice a year he should be furnished with detailed accounts of the meritorious poor of his Empire, whom he then supplied with means sufficient to support them for six months, each receiving according to his wants. During his reign, nobles, shaikhs, and men of learning from the lands of Arabia and Persia, of Hind and Bukhára, induced to do so by his favour and benevolence, took up their residence at Ágra, where the King himself generally dwelt. During the fortunate reign of this monarch the fields were in a high state of cultivation, and merchants, peasants, and all God's creatures were enabled without danger to perform the duties of their respective occupations in ease and contentment. He always inquired strictly into the particulars of the lineage and ancestors of any one who came to him for service, and gave him an appointment corresponding to the dignity of his forefathers, bestowing a jágír without inspecting the applicant's horse and arms, and commanding him to equip himself from its revenues. The military profession was in his time a very honourable one. The public roads in his territory were so well secured that there was not a sign of highwaymen and robbers throughout all his dominions. He allotted lands to the infidels who submitted to the followers of Islám in their respective countries; and whoever rebelled or was contumacious, was considered guilty of treason, and was either slain or banished.

He was so zealous a Musulmán that he utterly destroyed divers places of worship of the infidels, and left not a vestige remaining of them. He entirely ruined the shrines of Mathurá, the mine of heathenism, and turned their principal Hindu places of worship into caravanserais and colleges. Their stone images were given to the butchers to serve them as meat-weights,⁴⁴⁷ and all the Hindus in Mathurá were strictly prohibited from shaving their heads and beards, and performing their ablutions. He thus put an end to all the idolatrous rites of the infidels there; and no Hindu, if he wished to have his head or beard shaved, could get a barber to do it. Every city thus conformed as he desired to the customs of Islám. In each quarter prayers were performed in public, and high and low were everywhere seized with a desire of acquiring knowledge. In Sikandar's time many tradesmen were wealthy, and so much rivalry in consequence existed amongst them, that each tried to exceed the other in his expenditure. One of the King's commands was, that twice a year money should be distributed from the royal treasury to the deserving poor of the different cities, and certain God-fearing persons were sent to inquire into the state and administer to the necessities of the unfortunate. He ordained that each jágírdár should possess all the revenues of his tenure, with the exception of those proceeding from imlák and wazáif. Thus were the holders of aíma released by this single order of the Sultán, as no one now required to have his farmán renewed. There was no interference in the concerns of any of the chiefs who went to the wazír's díwán and settled their accounts with him, having drawn them up in the manner most convenient to themselves. No one was allowed to press cattle from the villagers for the purpose of carriage.

It was the custom for every chief, when he heard of the coming of a royal order, to go out two or three kos to meet its bearer;⁴⁴⁸ a terrace was then erected, on which the messenger placed himself, whilst the nobleman standing beneath received the farmán in the most respectful manner with both hands, and placed it on his head and eyes; if it was to be read privately he did so, and if it was to be made known to the people, it was read from the pulpit of the Mosque. The annual procession of the spear of Sálár Mas'úd he abolished in every province of his dominions, and peremptorily enjoined its discontinuance. Women also were forbidden to perform pilgrimages to tombs.^448a Grain, merchandize, and goods of all descriptions were so cheap during his reign, that but small means enabled their possessor to live comfortably. On the festivals, or 'Íds, and on the anniversary of the death of the Prophet (on whom be the peace and blessing of God!), he, by order, was furnished with a list of all the prisoners in his dominions, and he then released, by a written command, all those who were confined on account of balances of public revenue. If any one who had been oppressed demanded justice whilst he was out riding, he immediately demanded who the petitioner was. The agents of the various chiefs being always in attendance on him, would take the man by the hand, and use their best exertions to give him satisfaction. If he made any one a grant of a jágír he never removed him until a fault was proved against him. When a person had once been convicted of a crime, he never again gave him anything, but at the same time he did not cease to treat him with honour and kindness. If singers or performers greatly skilled in the science of music came to his Court, he never allowed them to display their talents in his presence. Mírán Saiyid Rúhu-lla and Saiyid Ibn-i Rasúl, two men who were great favourites, were commanded to station themselves in the neighbourhood of the Sultán's tent, and before them all the musicians used to come and perform. The Sultán was, however, in the habit of listening to the surná, and ten performers on it, called sháhnáís, played every night in the royal darbár, commencing at nine o'clock; they were ordered only to play these four tunes: 1 Málíkúr, 2 Kalíyán, 3 Kánra, 4 Husaini, and then cease for the evening; if they ever played other tunes, they were chastised.⁴⁴⁹

Every business had its appointed time, and an established custom was never changed; no one could possibly have found fault with any of his actions, with the exception of his shaving his beard. When he had once allowed an individual meat and drink, he never, till the close of his reign, made any alteration in the allowance. It is related that Shaikh 'Abdu-l Ghaní, a man of eminence, came from Jaunpúr to visit the Sultán during the hot weather, and that a portion of food was allotted to him, which, in consequence of the heat of the weather, was accompanied by six jars of sharbat, and that even when he came in winter-time the same quantity of sharbat was sent to him. He always behaved to the nobles and great men of his time in the way he did on the first day of the interview, whether they revisited him after the lapse of years, or remained with him doing daily service. The Sultán's conversation was under discipline, and he was never desultory. Every chief had his appointed post in his presence, where he always stood. He possessed a retentive memory. He daily received an account of the prices of all things, and an account of what had happened in the different districts of his Empire. If he perceived the slightest appearance of anything wrong, he caused instant inquiries to be made about it. He generally resided at Ágra; it is said by some that Ágra became a city in his time, before which it had been a mere village, but one of old standing. The Hindus, indeed, assert that Ágra was a strong place in the days of Rájá Kans, who ruled in Mathurá, and who confined every one who displeased him in the fort at that place, so that in course of time it had become the established State prison. In the year when the army of Sultán Mahmúd of Ghazní invaded Hindustán, he so ruined Ágra, that it became one of the most insignificant villages in the land; after this, it improved from the time of Sultán Sikandar, and at length, in Akbar's time, became the seat of government of the Empire of Dehlí, and one of the chief cities of Hindustán.

The noble who had the general direction of affairs in the reign of Sikandar⁴⁵⁰ bestowed districts and charitable gifts upon the learned and religious to an extent that had never been known in former reigns, notwithstanding the great extent of territory and the vast treasures. In his reign, business was carried on in a peaceful, honest, straightforward way. A new sort of life obtained, for people high and low were polite, and self-respect, integrity, and devotion to religion prevailed, like as had never been the case in former reigns. The study of the belles lettres was not neglected, and a general respect was paid to integrity and piety. Factory establishments were so encouraged that all the young nobles and soldiers were engaged in useful works (kasb). Under the orders of Sultán Sikandar, the Argar-mahá-bedak ,⁴⁵¹ on the science of medicine and the treatment of disease, was translated, and received the name of Tibb-i Sikandarí. The book is the foundation of the practice of the physicians of Hind, and was thus brought into general use.^451a

Sultán Sikandar had six sons: the eldest, Ibráhím Khán; succeeded his father, with the title of Sultán Ibráhím, in the Empire of Dehlí; the second, Jalál Khán, became King of Jaunpúr, and was styled Sultán Jalálu-d dín; the third, Isma'íl Khán; the fourth, Husain Khán; the fifth, Mahmúd Khán; the sixth, 'Azam Humáyún. As for the nobles of note, who were all men of dignity and might, and were unequalled in their day in valour and skill, how can I give a list of them? During his reign, innumerable Afghán chiefs attached themselves to him, and he treated the Afgháns and those of his own tribe with the greatest kindness. Whenever he granted an allowance to one of his chiefs to supply his wants, he from that day placed confidence in him, and said, “I have sown good seed, I shall lose nothing by it!” His nephews had no equal in bravery and liberality. All the nobles and soldiers of Sikandar were well satisfied; each of his chiefs was appointed to the government of a district, and it was his especial desire to gain the goodwill and affections of the body of the people. For the sake of his officers and troops, he put an end to war and disputes with the other monarchs and nobles of the period, and closed the road of contention and strife. He contented himself with the territory bequeathed him by his father, and passed the whole of his life in the greatest safety and enjoyment, and gained the hearts of both high and low. An account of several of the chiefs of Sikandar will be found in its proper place, after the completion of the relation of what happened during this reign.

It is said that in the Sambhal district a person was digging, and found an earthen jar, containing 5000 gold mohurs. Míán Kásim, the governor of Sambhal, took all of it away from him; upon which the sufferer sent a petition to the King, informing him of all that had happened. Sultán Sikandar, being a benevolent and excellent monarch, commanded all the gold to be given back to the finder. Míán Kásim then represented that he was not a proper person to receive so large an amount of money; upon which the King addressed a farmán to Míán Kásim, saying, “O fool, He who has given it to him would not have done so had he been unworthy of it: all men are the servants of God, and He knows who is worthy, and who is not!” So all the gold was restored.

In the same way a husbandman, who was ploughing a field in Ajodhan, belonging to the holy Shaikh Muhammad, turned up a very large block of stone; he left his work, and went and related this to the Shaikh, who sent some persons to inquire into the matter. On digging up the earth they found the stone, raised it up, and discovered a well beneath it. They then replaced the stone in its former position, and informed Shaikh Muhammad, who mounted his horse and came to the spot in person, and removed the stone. On descending into the well, they perceived it to be full of treasure, which the Shaikh caused to be carried away to his own dwelling. Some of the golden plates and vessels bore the seal of Sultán Sikandar Zú-l-karnain (Alexander the Great). This led people to suppose that the treasure had been buried during the reign of that monarch. 'Alí Khán, the name of the chief who governed the territories of Lahore and Dibálpúr, wrote a letter, and sent it to the Shaikh, saying: “This country is in my charge, as also any hidden treasure found in it.” The Shaikh replied, “If the great God had given it to you, I should not have had anything to say to you; as He has been pleased to bestow it on me, no portion of it belongs to you.” 'Alí Khán wrote an account of this affair to the Sultán, and represented that “a royal treasure had been discovered on the lands of Shaikh Muhammad.” Sultán Sikandar said: “What have you got to do with it? Why do you relate what has happened to the darwesh?” Shaikh Muhammad also sent one of his men with some gold vessels, stamped with the seal of “Zú-l-karnain,” to the King, telling how they had been found, and asking for orders how to dispose of them. Sultán Sikandar wrote in reply, desiring him to keep them all, and said, “You and I have each an account to render to the most High God, who is the owner of the world, and who gives to whomsoever He will.”⁴⁵³

If Sultán Sikandar commanded his ministers to make over a jágír of a lac of tankas to any individual, and if after seizin he received information that its revenue amounted to ten lacs of tankas, he always inquired whether the person had received it from him, or had taken possession of it himself; and when told that His Majesty had bestowed it, he replied, “Let his good fortune remain untouched.” A jágír worth seven lacs of tankas was ordered to be given to Malik Badru-d dín Bahlím, and he received a pargana yielding that amount. In the first year its revenue amounted to nine lacs of tankas, and he informed the King that he had collected more than the assigned revenue— seeing that a jágír which was said to produce only seven lacs had given nine—and requested instructions relative to its disposal. The Sultán said, “Keep it yourself.” In the next year the revenue reached eleven lacs, and Malik Bahlím again sent to tell His Majesty, who ordered him to keep it. In the third year he collected fifteen lacs, and again sent information to the King, who replied, “The jágír is yours, as is also all the money it produces; why, therefore, are you always mentioning the subject to me?” Marvellous was the integrity of the Kháns of that period, and the magnanimity and benevolence of the monarch of the age.

So great was Sultán Sikandar's justice, that no man could even look sternly at another. His vakíl, Daryá Khán Lohání, was directed to remain all day, until the first watch of the night, on the seat of justice; the Kází with twelve of the 'Ulamá were always present within the King's own palace. All cases brought before the court of law were tried before these twelve wise men, who decided them and wrote decisions, of the nature of which the Sultán received immediate information. Certain young slaves were specially appointed for this service, and from morning until the close of the sitting, reports of everything that occurred in court were brought to His Majesty the instant it happened.

One day a saiyid from the district of Ardal, which is twenty or thirty kos from Panna on the Ágra side, sought redress, because Míán Malik, the jágírdár of that pargana, had resumed his land, and withheld it from him. The Sultán commanded Míán Bhúá⁴⁵⁴ to inquire into the matter, and make known who was in the right. This dispute lasted two months; after which period the Sultán asked, “What has happened to you, that you cannot settle this affair? Until it is answered let no one leave the court to-day.” Míán Malik, and the wazír's díwán, and the 'Ulamá, discussed the matter until the third watch of the night, and accounts of what they were doing were constantly sent to the Sultán, until the case was determined, and the right discovered to be on the saiyid's side, who had been oppressed. The Sultán directed Míán Malik to be asked why he had disobeyed the Sultán's orders by tyrannizing over the weak, and resuming wazáif and imlák tenures, which he had expressly reserved in all jágír grants. Míán Malik being ashamed hung down his head, and said: “I have committed a fault.” He was then obliged to repeat this three times, “Malik is guilty and a tyrant, and the saiyid is an oppressed person.” When he had said this three times, the Sultán said, “You have been disgraced in the hall of justice, and that is your punishment.” He then had his jágír taken. from him, and he never received another as long as he lived.

In the first year of his reign Sultán Sikandar had a design of conquering Bayána,⁴⁵⁵ which task he effected, like a mighty monarch, in a very short time, and then returned speedily to Dehlí. On the third day after his arrival, he was playing at chaugán. Whilst he was in the chaugán ground, news was brought from Jaunpúr that Bárbak Sháh was coming from that city with a numerous army. Sultán Sikandar sent Isma'íl Khán Lohání to Bárbak Sháh at Jaunpúr, to make pacific overtures, and then started after him in person, in the direction of Kampila and Patíálí. 'Ísá Khán, the governor of that district came forth to oppose him. When both parties were engaged, 'Ísá Khán received a wound, from the effects of which he died in a few days.^455a

Sultán Sikandar advanced thence towards Bárbak Sháh, who also had collected his troops and prepared to encounter him, leaving Jaunpúr for that purpose. Both sides met and engaged.^455b During the fight, a holy kalandar appeared, who seized Sultán Sikandar's hand, and said, “The victory is with thee!” The Sultán withdrew his hand with an expression of disgust. The darwesh said, “I give you a glad omen, and the joyful tidings of success! Why do you withdraw your hand?” The Sultán said, “When there is strife between two parties of the religion of Islám, you ought not to side with one, but to say that the victory will remain with those whose success will produce the greatest benefit to religion, and you ought to solicit the Almighty to grant victory to him who will treat the servants of the Lord best!”

After a fierce battle, Bárbak Sháh's army was defeated, and he fled thence to Badáún, to which place he was pursued by Sultán Sikandar, who besieged him there.⁴⁵⁶ Bárbak Sháh excused himself and submitted, and Sultán Sikandar conciliated him, and took him to Jaunpúr, where he seated him again on the throne of the Eastern monarchy as before; but he distributed the parganas of the Jaunpúr country amongst his nobles, and left governors of his own everywhere; he also appointed men of trust to remain with Bárbak Sháh. Thence he went to Kálpí, which place he resumed from his nephew 'Azam Humáyún, and bestowed it upon Mahmúd Khán Lodí. He then advanced for the purpose of securing possession of the countries and districts belonging to Bayána.^456a After seizing the whole of that territory, he returned in a short time to Dehlí.

On the third day after his arrival, he was again playing at chaugán, and was standing with the bat in his hand, intending to proceed with the game, when news arrived that the zamíndárs of the district of Jaunpúr, led by a Hindu named Júgá,⁴⁵⁷ and numbering nearly 100,000 men, horse and foot, had attacked and defeated Mubárak Khán Lohání, and slain his brother, and that Mubárak Khán had been seized by Mullá Khán at the ferry of Illahábás, which at that time was called Pyág, and that Bárbak Sháh, learning how powerful these people were, had gone to Míán Muhammad Farmulí, nicknamed “the Black Mountain,” at Daryábád.

When Sultán Sikandar heard of these events, he threw down the chaugán bat, and went from the field to Khán Jahán Lodí, and told him all that happened, at the same time asking what he ought to do. Khán Jahán said, “Food is just ready, eat a little of it as a good omen, and then set out for Jaunpúr.” The King replied: “I will eat after the first stage.” On quitting Khán Jahán's house, he went to the royal palace; and then causing the scarlet tents to be pitched, he proceeded with such celerity, that he came up with Júgá on the tenth day. When he encamped near the water of Kúdí, a scout brought information concerning the rebel army. The Sultán asked how many kos Júgá was from this place, and he was told that he was near at hand. On this, the Sultán ordered an immediate attack; some of the chief nobles recommended waiting until the arrival of the army, and the Sultán inquired how many troops had kept pace with him. The Bakhshí answered that there were only 500 horsemen. He said, “The fortune of Islám is in the ascendant; these men will suffice.” He then repeated the Fátiha-i Khair, and mounted his horse. After proceeding a short distance, another messenger arrived, from whom the King inquired how far Júgá was off. He answered, “Not more than three kos.” The King asked what force he had with him? The man replied, 300,000 foot and 15,000 horse. The Sultán said, “Has he received intelligence of my coming?” He answered, “Not as yet.”

The Sultán directed those who were with him to advance with all possible speed, saying, “If he does not seek safety in flight, by God's favour he will fall into my hands.” They advanced quietly two kos farther; when they were only one kos distant from the enemy, another spy came to tell His Majesty that Júgá and the other rascals, having just heard of the Sultán's coming, had run away and taken nothing away with them. The Sultán said, “If he had remained after being told, he would have seen what he would have seen.” The King, on arriving at Júgá's tent, found even his clothes lying there; for the dread of His Majesty caused the assembly of the rebels to disperse, and much booty fell into the hands of the victorious army. Sultán Sikandar followed him as far as the fort of Júnd,⁴⁵⁸ where Sultán Husain Sharkí was, and with him the Hindu Júgá took refuge.

Sultán Sikandar encamped at a short distance from the fort, and wrote thus to Sultán Husain, “You are in the place of my uncle; all that happened between you and Sultán Bahlol has passed. I bear no enmity to you, and would treat you with respect; may this fort and land which you have taken possession of always belong to you. I have come hither to punish and chastise the rebel Júgá; if you undertake his chastisement yourself, so much the better! If not, turn him out, that I may give him the punishment he merits; he is an infidel, and I am therefore convinced that you will not side with him.” When this reached Sultán Husain Sharkí, he sent one of his chief nobles, Mír Saiyid Khán, as an ambassador to Sultán Sikandar with this answer, “Júgá is my servant, and thy father Bahlol was a soldier; I fought with him sword in hand! You are a silly child, and if you are guilty of any folly, I will strike you with my shoe instead of my sword.” When Sultán Sikandar had heard these words, he said, “At first, I styled him my uncle, and I still adhere to that piece of civility. I desire to punish the infidel; if he assists him, I shall then be obliged to act. I have never boasted, and all Musulmáns know it. With the blessing of God, the mouth that has uttered the word shoe, will itself be stricken with a shoe.”

Sultán Sikandar said to Mírán Saiyid Khán, “You are children of the Prophet (on whom be the mercy of God!), why do you not teach him to be reasonable, since he will afterwards have cause to repent?” Mírán answered, “I am his servitor; what he chooses is my choice.” Sultán Sikandar said, “Fortune and Sense are the servants of each other; whosoever suffers a change of fortune, also loses his sense! you are excused. Tomorrow, please God, after his flight, when you come a captive before me, I will cause you to recollect what I have said; but it will be better that you should understand at once all I have said to you.” After speaking thus, he gave Saiyid Khán permission to depart, and went to consult with his nobles; they all advised war, and after repeating the Fátiha, went to their places. Whilst all the great chiefs were present Sultán Sikandar had said, “You acted for Sultán Bahlol, as was proper for brethren and faithful subjects to do; in this affair of mine, I am certain you will not fail to do your best for me.”

On the following day, when both armies were ranged in order of battle, the skirmishers consisted of men of the Lodí and Sáhú-khail tribes, whilst the men of the Farmulí tribe were stationed on the right and left. The Sarwánís were in the rear of the force. 'Umar Khán Sarwání, one of the bravest men of the time, commanded the vanguard of the army. Sultán Sikandar was mounted on an elephant, in order that he might behold the enemy's forces; and while he was encouraging his men, suddenly his eye fell on the fort of Júnd; and he exclaimed, “Is this the citadel which has made him so proud? I will yet forbear, if he will understand his position.” But shortly after, Sultán Husain brought forth his army from the fort, and attacked the advanced troops of the force. In a brief space of time, after the commencement of the encounter, and after a short contest, Sultán Husain fled, and Mírán Saiyid Khán, who had acted as ambassador, was, with other nobles, taken prisoner, and brought with disgrace before Sultán Sikandar. When the Sultán beheld him, and saw that he was bare-headed and on foot, he turned his face away from him, and said, “Give him a turban, and bring him mounted on a horse into my presence.” When this was done as had been ordered, the Sultán said to Mírán Saiyid Khán and the other chiefs, “May mercy be with you, since you have shown the utmost fidelity in this matter. As your master was void of sense, what could you do? Now, set your minds at ease.” He gave two curtains, one tent, and a canopy supported on four poles, two horses, ten camels, and a bed and its appurtenances, to each of the chiefs of Sultán Husain who had been captured. When the tents had been erected, he ordered that the chiefs should be conducted to him.

When Sultán Sharkí had fled after his defeat at Júnd, Mubárak Khán Lohání requested permission to pursue him. The King ordered inquiries to be made regarding the direction he had taken. Mubárak Khán stated that some of his men who had been despatched by him for the purpose of inquiry, were aware of the direction of his flight. Upon this the King commanded him to wait until the men who had also been sent by himself should return with information. Again Mubárak Khán spoke, and said, “Peace be with the monarch of the universe! Delay is not good.” The King answered, “He hath not fled from you, but from the wrath of God; he is the same Sultán Husain who routed you at the ferry of Kunjh. That Deity who has smitten him to the ground, and raised you from it by giving you success, still watches over his affairs. Boast not, but have patience. Sultán Husain's pride has reduced him to his present condition.” These words were spoken by Sultán Sikandar at the early age of eighteen or nineteen years. He who gives without asking, had endowed him with wonderful meekness and forbearance.

Sultán Husain fled towards Bihár, and Sultán Sikandar went to Jaunpúr; and leaving there Bárbak Sháh, the Sultán took his departure to Oudh, where he spent nearly a month in hunting and amusing himself. About this time, fresh news arrived to the effect that Bárbak Sháh, on account of the superior force of the zamíndárs, was unable to hold Jaunpúr. Sultán Sikandar commanded that Muhammad Farmulí, 'Azam Humáyún, and the Khán-khánán Lohání should go to Jaunpúr by the road of Oudh, whilst Mubárak Khán Lohání should proceed through Karra, for the purpose of making Bárbak Sháh prisoner and sending him to Court. He was accordingly seized and brought before the King, after which he was given in charge to Haibat Khán Sarwání and 'Umar Khán. The Sultán then proceeded to the fort of Chunár, with the intention of chastising the rebels of that district. When the Sultán's army arrived there, the Rájá, after a slight resistance, thought fit to fly; during his flight, this fugitive Rájá, by name Bhed, went to hell. His Majesty desired to advance farther, but opium and poppy-heads had become excessively dear, and he had lost many of the horses used during this expedition; in fact, each man possessing a stable of 100 horses had lost ninety. Sultán Sikandar halted some months at Jaunpúr to recruit his army.^{461 * * *}

During Sultán Sikandar's stay at Jaunpúr, his army became totally disorganized, and the zamíndárs of that place wrote to Sultán Husain, saying, “Since no horses are left in Sikandar's army, and there is no cavalry to oppose you, you ought to take advantage of so favourable an opportunity.” Sultán Husain accordingly advanced against Sultán Sikandar with a vast force and 100 elephants. The latter, perceiving the unprepared state of his troops, sent the Khán-khánán to Sálbáhan to persuade him to join him. When the enemy were thirteen kos off, Sultán Sikandar, notwithstanding the condition of his army, proceeded against Sultán Husain. Meanwhile, Sálbáhan also arrived with his troops to the assistance of Sultán Sikandar. After a contest between the two parties, Sultán Husain was defeated and pursued by Sultán Sikandar as far as Bihár, where he received intimation that Sultan Husain had gone to Kahal-gánw, in the country of Lakhnautí.⁴⁶² The province of Bihár fell into the hands of Sikandar, and after establishing his officers in that territory, he went on a pilgrimage to the shrine of Shaikh Sharafu-d dín Yahyá, of Munír, and having caused the fakírs and dwellers of that place to rejoice, he arrived at Patná. About this time, Khán Jahán, one of his chief nobles, yielded up his life into the hands of the angel of death, and his eldest son Ahmad Khán was distinguished by the title of 'Azam Humáyún.

His Majesty having issued orders for his troops to assemble again, he marched against the King of Bengal, by name Sultán 'Aláu-d dín, who sent his own son with a strong army to oppose him. When the hostile parties approached each other, proposals of peace were made, and it was agreed that neither party should injure the other's possessions, and that 'Aláu-d dín should deny refuge to any of Sikandar's enemies. Sultán Sikandar returned thence to Darweshpúr, where he stayed some months, and assigned that district to 'Azam Humáyún. At this period grain became very dear, and to relieve the people he released them throughout all his dominion from furnishing the usual zakát of corn, and issued orders for its abolition. From that time it was forbidden, until the reign of the Khalífa of the age, King Jahángír.

From that place Sultán Sikandar appointed a large force to proceed against the Rájá of Bhata,^462a which he followed in person. Previous to this, the Sultán had demanded the Rájá's daughter, but he refused to give her to the King, who, to avenge himself for this old grievance, now invaded his country, and entirely destroyed all signs of cultivation. His most valiant soldiers showed their courage at the fort of Bándhú, the strongest castle of that district, and Sultán Sikandar having utterly devastated and ruined the whole of that territory, went back to Jaunpúr, where no foe remained. He thence directed his course towards Sambhal, where he abode during four years, during which time he was chiefly employed in pageants and festivities.^{463 * * *}

Whilst Sultán Sikandar was staying in the district of Sambhal, he passed most of his time in playing at chaugán. One day, when the Sultán went forth to amuse himself at chaugán, the bat of Daryá Khán Sarwání struck Sulaimán's head and broke it. This caused a quarrel amongst them. Khizr, Sulaimán's brother, to avenge his brother, seized the bat and struck Haibat Khán's head, so that there arose a great tumult and uproar. The Khán-khánán consoled Haibat Khán, and took him home. The Sultán quitted the field, and returned to the palace. Four days after he again went to play at chaugán. In the middle of the road he found Shams Khán, a relative of Haibat Khán, standing furiously enraged; who, when he saw Khizr, Sulaimán's brother, struck him over the head with the bat. For this, Shams Khán was severely beaten by order of the King, who then turned back home. After this he became suspicious of the Afghán chiefs.^463a Certain loyal nobles were in the habit of keeping guard over His Majesty every night; but twenty-two individuals of rank and name conspired together, and formed treacherous and malicious designs. They proposed to raise Prince Fath Khán, the son of Sultán Bahlol, to the throne, and mutually swore to effect this. The aforesaid Prince related the circumstance to Shaikh Táhá and to his own mother, and made known the names of the conspirators. Shaikh Táhá and the Prince's mother, by means of good advice, dissuaded the Prince from engaging himself in the plot; and it was agreed that he should take the list of names to the King, and thus cleanse his skirt from the accusation of rebellion. He did so, and gave Sultán Sikandar information of the evil intentions of those people. The King, with the aid of his ministers, ferreted them out, exiled them to different parts of his dominions, and thus put an end to their seditious designs.

It is related in the Akbar Sháhí, that there came a Bráhman,⁴⁶⁴ by name Laudhan, who dwelt in the village of Kaner, who had one day asserted in the presence of Musulmáns that Islám was true, as was also his own religion. This speech of his was noised abroad, and came to the ears of the 'Ulamá. Kází Píyára and Shaikh Badr, who resided at Lakhnautí, gave fatwas which did not coincide respecting the merits of the case. Consequently 'Azam Humáyún, the governor of that district, sent the Bráhman, the Kází, and Shaikh Badr, all three into the King's presence at Sambhal. Sultán Sikandar took great pleasure in disputations on religious questions, and on this occasion summoned all the wise men of note from every quarter. Mullá 'Abdu-lla, the son of Mullá Ilahdád, Saiyid Muhammad, and Míán Kádan, from Dehlí, all the Mullás in short of his empire, were summoned to Sambhal, and the assembly of the learned who were always attached to the stirrup of His Majesty were also present on this occasion. After investigating the matter, the 'Ulamá determined that he should be imprisoned and converted to Muhammadanism, or suffer death, and, since the Bráhman refused to apostatize, he was accordingly put to death by the decree of the 'Ulamá. The Sultán, after rewarding the learned casuists, gave them permission to depart.

In that year, the Sultán sent Khawás Khán to take possession of the fort of Dhúlpúr. The Rájá of that place advanced to give battle, and daily fighting took place.⁴⁶⁵ The instant His Majesty heard of the firm countenance shown by the ráí of Dhúlpúr in opposing the royal army, he went there in person; but on his arrival near Dhúlpúr, the ráí made up his mind to fly without fighting; and, after leaving a body of his retainers in the fort, he went to Gwálior. Those Hindus who remained in the fort, finding themselves unable to maintain their position, quitted the fort at midnight and fled, and Sultán Sikandar entered the place at sunrise. He offered up suitable thanksgivings for his success, and the royal troops spoiled and plundered in all directions, rooting up all the trees of the gardens which shaded Dhúlpúr to the distance of seven kos. Sultán Sikandar stayed there during one month, erected a mosque on the site of an idol temple, and then set off towards Ágra. When he arrived at that seat of government, he allowed all the chiefs to depart to their jágírs. About this period, on Sunday the 3rd of Safar, 911 H. (July, 1505 A.D.), a dreadful earthquake occurred at Ágra, the very hills trembled, and large and substantial buildings were utterly destroyed. The living thought that the day of judgment had arrived, and the dead that their resurrection was at hand. A poet has written some verses on the subject of this earthquake; this is one of them:

“In 911 an earthquake rendered the Ágra territory a desert.”

Such an earthquake had never been witnessed in Hindustán. From the days of Adam to the time of Sultán Sikandar, no one could remember a similar one; and from that period earthquakes have been frequent in Hind. Sultán Sikandar passed the rainy season of that year at Ágra. After the rising of the star Canopus, he assembled his army, and set forth to take possession of Gwálior and the territories belonging to it. In a short space of time he took most of the Gwálior districts; and after building mosques in the places of idol-temples, returned towards Ágra. But the troops were much harassed by the narrowness and unevenness of the roads, and at one spot where he was compelled to halt, in order to admit of the people passing at their leisure, the want of water was so severely felt, that, both on that account, and the crowding together and jostling of a vast number of cattle, many people perished. It is said, that on that day a jar of water sold for fifteen tankas. Some people, when in their excessive thirst they found water, drank to such an extent that they died, whilst others expired from the want of it. They were counted by order of the Sultán, and found to number 800 persons.

Sultán Sikandar, after the lapse of two years, in 913 A.H. (1507 A.D.), wrote a farmán to Jalál Khán, the governor of Kálpí, directing him to take possession of the fort of Narwar, and to assemble his troops and besiege it with all possible expedition. It was the custom of Sultán Sikandar, whenever he appointed an army to proceed on a distant expedition, to send daily two farmáns to it; one used to arrive in the morning, directing the troops to march and to halt at a certain place indicated; towards evening another used to arrive, pointing out what they were to do where they were encamped. When the army was at a distance of even 500 kos, this rule was never infringed, and post-horses (dák-chaukí ) were always kept ready at each saráí. Jalál Khán Lodí, by the Sultan's command, besieged Narwar, where Sultán Sikandar also joined him with great expedition. On the second day the King rode forth to see the strength of the besieged fortress, and the operations carrying on against it. Jalál Khán divided his men into three divisions, and placed them in the King's way, that he might be satisfied with the appearance of his troops; one division of foot, another of horsemen, a third of elephants. Sultán Sikandar inspected them, and was not a little astonished at their numbers. He consequently made up his mind gradually to subvert the power of Jalál Khán, and remove him from his government. The siege of the fort was protracted for one year; it was no less than eight kos in length. Men were daily slain on either side. After the time above mentioned, the defenders of the place were compelled, by the want of water and scarcity of grain, to ask for mercy, and they were allowed to go forth with their property; but the Sultán destroyed their idol-temples, and erected mosques on their sites. He then appointed stipends and pensions for the learned and pious who dwelt at Narwar, and gave them dwellings there. He remained six months encamped below the fort.

The Sultán having satisfied himself that the citadel of Narwar was a very formidable stronghold, one that could not be retaken if it fell into the hands of an enemy, he raised another fortified wall all round it, so as effectually to preserve it from the attempts of a foe. And having thus freed his mind from the apprehension of danger, he turned his face towards the fort of Ágra.⁴⁶⁷ On his return march, Nia'mat Khátún, the consort of Kutb Khán, Sultán Bahlol's cousin, arrived, in company with Prince Jalál Khán, in the camp of Sultán Sikandar, who went to visit them, and tried to gain their good-will. Some days after, he appointed the sarkár of Kálpí to be the Prince's jágír, and at the time of his departure favoured him with a present of 120 horses and fifteen elephants, together with dresses of honour and ready money; he then dismissed the Prince and Khátún, and directed them to proceed to Kálpí, after which he continued his route in the direction of Ágra.

During his reign everything was cheap, and safety and security prevailed. He was busied with affairs from daybreak until evening and sleeping time. During his reign the hand of oppression was not stretched out over the zamíndárs of Hind, and all obeyed and submitted to him. The reign of Sikandar was an extraordinary one, and the people of that age were born under a fortunate star to possess such a ruler as the Sultán.

“Upon every nation of which God approves
He bestows a virtuous ruler.
If He desires to render a land desolate,
He places it in the grasp of a tyrant.”

The death of Sultán Sikandar.

As men live not eternally, and as no confidence can be placed in earthly possessions, at this time the Sultán fell ill. It is said the origin of his disease was this. One day Hájí 'Abdu-l Waháb said to Sultán Sikandar, “You are a Musulmán monarch, and yet wear no beard; it is contrary to the institutions of Islám, and particularly improper in a king.” Sultán Sikandar replied, “I intend wearing one; and if it please the Most High, I will do so.” His excellency Shaikh 'Abdu-l Waháb said:

“In doing what is right make no delay.”

The Sultán said, “My beard is thin; if I allow it to grow, it will look ill, and men will scoff at me, and will be thus guilty of sin. I do not desire that Musulmáns should commit sin, especially when I am the cause.” Hájí 'Abdu-l Waháb answered, “I will pass my hand over your face, and if it please God, your beard will become a fine one; all other beards will salute it, and who will dare laugh at it then?” Sultán Sikandar hung down his head, and made no reply. The Hájí said, “O King of the Universe, I speak what is right in your presence, why do you not answer?” The Sultán said, “When my pír, or spiritual guide, orders me, I will wear one.” “Who is your pír?” returned the Hájí. “He is a man,” said the Sultán, “who occasionally comes to see me. He resides in the jungle of Manga Sassú, in the pargana of Jalesar.” Hájí 'Abdu-l Waháb said: “Does he wear a beard?” “No,” replied the King. The Hájí said, “When I see him I will convince him that he is in the wrong; you pay speedy attention to this.” The Sultán gave no answer, but turned away from the Hájí, and closed his lips with the seal of silence. The Hájí arose and left the assembly, repeating the salám alaik. The Sultán said, after the Hájí's departure, “The Shaikh mistakes his position in reading me lectures; and presumes upon the favour which I show him. He thinks that the people who present themselves before him and kiss his feet do it of themselves. He cannot understand this, that were I to cause any one of my slaves to sit down on a litter, and command all the nobles to place it on their shoulders, they would do so without hesitation.” Shaikh 'Abdu-l Jalál, the son of Saiyid Ahmad, was present when this occurred, and he reported this speech to Hájí 'Abdu-l Waháb. The Hájí placed his hand on 'Abdu-l Jalál's shoulder, and said, “This speech of his, in which he compares me, a descendant of the prophet, with one of his own slaves, will one day, please God, stick in his throat, rest assured of that.”⁴⁷⁰ The Hájí left Ágra and went to Dehlí, without taking leave of the King; and a short time after his departure, Sultán Sikandar was taken ill with a disease of the throat, which daily became worse.

The Sultán perceived the alteration in his health, and asked Shaikh Ládan Dánishmand, who acted as his imám, what was the expiation of these sins—the omission of prayer and fasting, the shaving the beard, drinking wine, and cutting off men's noses and ears, and requested him to write his opinion and send it. Shaikh Ládan wrote it in detail, and sent it to the Sultán, who commanded the historiographers (wáki'-navís) to search in the histories of his reign, from its very commencement, for any record of the commission by His Majesty of any sins of these descriptions, and after taking an account of their frequency and degree, to draw up, with Shaikh Ládan's assistance, a careful estimate as to how much gold he was required to give in order to make proper atonement for these transgressions. Shaikh Ládan made the necessary researches, and informed the Sultán, who ordered the treasurer to give to the 'Ulamá such gold as did not belong to the public treasury. The 'Ulamá were astonished, and said to the treasurer, “How was this sum, kept apart from the public treasury, acquired?” The treasurer replied, “The neighbouring sovereigns were in the habit of sending rarities to the Sultán, and some of the nobles used to send presents along with their petitions. An account of these was made yearly, and presented to the King, who directed that the sums realized by them should be kept separate, in order that the money might be made use of at his pleasure. This day he has commanded these reserved funds to be expended.” Upon hearing this, the whole of the 'Ulamá began to praise and extol his virtues.⁴⁷¹

Sultán Sikandar became weaker every day, but his zeal stimulated him to continue the discharge of the duties of the empire. However, by degrees, his illness arrived at such a pitch that his throat would allow him neither to swallow food nor to drink, and the passage of his breath was stopped. His death took place on Sunday, the 7th Zí-l ka'da, A.H. 923^471a (November, 1517 A.D.).

“Sikandar, King of the seven climes, has ceased to exist,
And no one resembling Sikandar has survived him.”

The length of the reign of that illustrious monarch was twenty-eight years and five months.

“The world belongs to God, who is One and Almighty.”

An account of certain of Sikandar's chief nobles.^471b

There were many of the chiefs of Sultán Sikandar whose history is worthy of being written, such as Asad Khán, the son of Mubárak Khán Yúsuf-khail, who was endowed with the most exalted notions of generosity. Whenever the cloth was spread before him at meal-times he first filled large china plates with food, on which he placed great quantities of bread and pickles of every description, and on them a betel leaf, and on that a gold mohur, all of which he gave to beggars, and then began to eat himself. He addressed every one as a noble, even if he happened to be a servant of his own; if he chanced to be a stranger, he presented him with a lac of tankas. One day a person related to the Khán that Shaikh Muhammad Farmulí, the vakíl, from the badness of the times, had been unable to marry his daughter. Asad Khán sent for him into his presence, and ordered a young slave to fill both his hands with gold pieces, and cast them into the Shaikh's skirt. The slave did as the Khán commanded, and then took him to the díwán, to see how much money he had received. After counting it, they found it amounted to 70,000 tankas. This was related to Asad Khán, and he commanded the same slave to give him as many more gold pieces as were required to make up the sum to 100,000 tankas.⁴⁷²

One day, whilst the Khán was hunting, a person brought curdled milk to him, prepared after the fashion of the villagers. Asad Khán ordered the dish in which he had brought it to be filled with gold pieces. One day a woman, a dweller of Chanderí, brought some ním leaves on a plate to Asad Khán, who saw that they were very green and fresh, and said to the woman, “What is the good of bringing ním leaves?” She replied, “I have cooked them as vegetables in such a manner that while they have not changed their appearance, they have all the flavour the best garden products can boast of.” Asad Khán directed one of his companions to taste a small quantity, who perceived it was so tasty and well-cooked that it no longer retained the least flavour of ním leaves. Her plate was likewise filled with gold pieces, and returned to her.^472a

One day, some horses were being shown to Asad Khán. Sadr Khán Sarsí, who was one of the chief nobles and his intimate friend, was seated. When the first horse was shown to the Khán, he asked Sadr Khán what sort of an animal it was. Sadr Khán expatiated upon the excellences of the horse, and praised it exceedingly. Asad Khán said, “Give this horse in charge to Sadr Khán's men.” A second horse came, and he again asked Sadr Khán what he thought of it. Sadr Khán again spoke well of the horse. Asad Khán said, “Give this horse also to Sadr Khán's people.” He gave no less than eight horses to Sadr Khán in this way. When the ninth arrived, he again said to Sadr Khán, “What kind of a horse is this?” Sadr Khán remained silent. On Asad Khán's inquiring the reason, Sadr Khán replied, “Your generosity has exceeded all bounds.” Asad Khán smiled, and asked the man who was the stable-accountant, “How many horses had that day been brought for inspection?” He answered, “One hundred and eight are present.” The Khán said to Sadr Khán, “Has taking one horse at a time distressed you? Lo! I have given all the horses brought for me to look at to Sadr Khán.” In this manner he actually presented 108 horses on one day to the same individual.⁴⁷³

One day, three jewels had been brought for him to look at. The price of one was 700,000 tankas, the second 500,000, the third 300,000. Asad Khán said to one of his associates, who happened to be present at the time, “Tell me truly which of these three precious stones have you selected as that which you expect to receive from me?” He answered, “In truth, I never thought of such a thing.” The Khán said, “Make up your mind then on the subject now.” He said, “The jewel which is worth 300,000.” Asad Khán smiled, and said, “You pass over the stones of great value, and choose the smallest. You have preferred the least expensive one, and I have chosen the most valuable one. The third alone remains. I give all these to you.”^473a

Once on a time Sultán Sikandar appointed Asad Khán for the performance of a particular service, and he proceeded by uninterrupted marches into the district of Chanderí. The backs of all the baggage-animals carrying the treasure were galled. The chiefs informed him of this, saying, “If you give the order, we will distribute the treasure amongst the troops, and afterwards deduct it from their jágírs, and make it over to the government.” He approved of this proposal, and seven lacs of tankas were thus distributed, and their receipts shown to the Khán. Asad Khán said, “Have I become a saráf, that I should lend and then take back?” He tore up the documents with his own hands, and said, “I have given this trifle to the army.” May the Most High God shield and cover him with his mercy!

Another of the nobles of Sikandar was the Khán-i 'azam Lád Khán, the son of Ahmad Khán. He was a youth of high courage. To every one whom he wished to reward, he presented as much gold and silver as his shield would hold; he never mentioned a tolcha or a dirham, and could only count as far as ten. He knew not what even one and a half was, or two and a half;⁴⁷⁴ and it was his custom to make over the presents which were brought to him to the officers on duty at the time. Thus, it is said, that on a Friday he was inspecting the armoury. At that time the Rájá of Bhata sent him an elephant, and some presents of merchandize: he gave all these to Shaikh Muhammad, the keeper of the armoury. And so, if anything came whilst he was drinking water, the ábdár received it. During the wintertime he daily wore two outer garments, which he gave away on the second day, and was in the habit of supplying every soldier with four or five dresses every winter. Whenever he went out to the game of chaugán, or was on a journey, if he supplied any person with a horse as a beast of burden or to ride on, he never again permitted it to be fastened in his stable, but still gave the animals their daily food at his own expense. If the person sold the horse, the daily allowance was not withdrawn, although the beast was no longer in his possession. If travellers arrived at his darbár, he gave each man one tanka, and a buffalo was daily slaughtered for their use; and they received the above-mentioned provision so long as they stayed in the Khán's darbár; on leaving, 200 tankas were given to them, and then they received permission to depart. Many of the nobles of Sultán Sikandar spent vast sums of money. Diláwar Khán, the son of Míán Bhuwá, daily purchased 500 tankas worth of roses for his harem.⁴⁷⁵

To what extent could I not write the praises of Sikandar's chiefs? But these few instances must suffice.

It was a wonderful age! All enjoyed peace.
In every house was pleasure and festivity.
There was no thief to twist the noose round your neck.
No one saw rebellion, even in his dreams.
The Musulmáns were dominant, the Hindus depressed,
And no one knew the tribe of Mughals even by name.
He was a king, who protected Islám like Alexander,
And therefore he has obtained the title of Sikandar Sání.^475a

One of the most extraordinary phenomena of Sultán Ibráhím's time was, that corn, clothes, and every kind of merchandize were cheaper than they had ever been known to be in any other reign, except perhaps in the time of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín Khiljí; but even that is doubtful. Moreover, in the time of the latter, the cheapness was occasioned by every kind of disgusting interference and oppression, and by a hundred thousand enforcements and punishments; whereas the cheapness of this reign was occasioned by abundant harvests. In the time of Sikandar, also, the markets were very cheap, but still not so much so as in the time of Ibráhím. Ten mans of corn could be purchased for one bahlolí; five sírs of clarified butter, and ten yards of cloth, could be purchased for the same coin. Everything else was in the same exuberance; the reason of all which was, that rain fell in the exact quantity which was needed, and the crops were consequently luxuriant, and produce increased ten-fold beyond the usual proportion. The Sultán had likewise issued an edict that his chiefs and nobles of every degree should take nothing but corn in payment of rent, and no money was to be taken from the cultivators on any account. The consequence was, that countless quantities of grain accumulated in the several jágírs, and as ready money only was necessary for maintaining the personal expenses of the nobles, they were eager to sell their grain at any price which was procurable. The abundance of God's blessings reached such a height, that ten mans of corn would sell for a bahlolí. Gold and silver were only procurable with the greatest difficulty. A respectable man with a family dependent on him might obtain wages at the rate of five tankas a month. A horseman received from twenty to thirty as his monthly pay. If a traveller wished to proceed from Dehlí to A'gra, one bahlolí would, with the greatest ease, suffice for the expenses of himself, his horse, and escort.

After the conquest of Multán by Haibat Khán, Sher Sháh went (from A'gra) to Dehlí in the year 947 H. (1540 A.D.); and actuated by unworthy feelings he destroyed the fort of 'Aláu-d dín, which stood in Sírí, conspicuous for its strength and loftiness, and built on the bank of the Jún, between Fírozábád and Kílú Kharí, in the village of Indrapat, a new city, about two or three kos distant from the old one. He filled it with inhabitants, as it remains to this day. He also laid the foundations of a magnificent masjid, which was very quickly completed. The name of this fort he called “Sher-garh,” and the walls of it were of great breadth, length, and height; but on account of the shortness of his reign, he did not live to complete it. Within the fort was a small palace, also left incomplete, which he called “Sher-mandal.”

Whilst he was so occupied in building Dehlí, the thieves of Pálí and Páhal, who are of the Gújar tribe, began to be exceedingly audacious in their depredations; insomuch that Sher Sháh himself marched towards the hills occupied by that tribe. The Gújars were completely reduced to subjection, and he left orders that they should be expelled from that country. Consequently, not a vestige of their habitations was left.

Sher Sháh, on his return from Bengal (in 948 H., 1541 A.D.), came to Patna, then a small town dependent on Bihár, which was the seat of the local government. He was standing on the bank of the Ganges, when, after much solid reflection and sage determination, he said to those who were standing by, “If a fort were to be built in this place, the waters of the Ganges could never flow far from it, and Patna would become one of the great towns of this country; because this place is situated to the west, on the banks of the Ganges which flows from the north. The strength of the stream is broken, and it cannot advance towards the north.” He therefore ordered skilful carpenters and bricklayers to make out immediately an estimate for building a fort, where he then stood. These experienced workmen submitted an estimate of five lacs, which on the spur of the moment was made over to trustworthy persons. The fort was completed, and was considered to be exceedingly strong. Bihár from that time was deserted, and fell to ruin; while Patna became one of the largest cities of the province.

We have now come to the history of the sons of Sher Sháh, the enthronement of Jalál Khán, the younger son of Sher Sháh, and the account of his reign, under the title of Islám Sháh. It is related in the Akbar Sháhí, that when Sher Sháh rendered up his life to the angel of death in Kalinjar, Jalál Khán, his youngest son, was in the town of Rewán, in the province of Bhata, and his eldest son 'A'dil Khán, the heir-apparent, in the fort of Runthúr (Rantambhor). The nobles perceived that 'A'dil Khán would be unable to arrive with speed, and as the State required a head, they despatched a person to summon Jalál Khán who was nearer. He reached Kalinjar in five days, and by the assistance of 'I'sá Hajjáb and other grandees,⁴⁷⁸ was raised to the throne near the fort of Kalinjar, on the 15th^478a of the month Rabí'u-l awwal, 952 A.H. (25th May, 1545 A.D.). He assumed the title of Islám Sháh, and this verse was engraved on his seal:^478b

“The world, through the favour of the Almighty, has been
rendered happy,
Since Islám Sháh, the son of Sher Sháh Súr, has become
king.”

The common people call him Salím Sháh.⁴⁷⁹ After ascending the throne, and inquiring concerning the ordinances of Sher Sháh, he left some as they were, and changed others to suit his own ideas.

On the day of his accession to the throne, he ordered two months' pay to be distributed in ready money to the army: one month of this he gave them as a present; the other as subsistence money. Moreover, he resumed all the jágírs in the provinces of his government, and allowed their holders a stipend in money from his treasury instead. He entirely abolished, with one stroke of the pen, all former regulations respecting jágírs. After his accession, he ordered the Rájá of Kalinjar, who had been captured with seventy of his adherents, to be put to death, and directed that not one of them should be spared. Islám Sháh resembled his father in his pomp and splendour, and in his desire of dominion and conquest. He possessed great power, ability, and good fortune, and he had an immense number of horses and elephants, and a numerous artillery, together with a multitude of horse and foot soldiers beyond all calculation. He settled the wazífas and the aima villages and lands. His father had erected saráís at a distance of one kos^479a one from the other. Islám Sháh built others between them, so that there was a saráí at every half kos. He caused two horses and some footmen to be stationed at each saráí, for the purpose of acting as posts, and bringing him every day the news from Bengal, after the manner of dák-chaukís.^479b During the time of Sher Sháh a place had always been established in the royal camp for the distribution of alms to the poor. Instead of this, Islám Sháh directed that arrangements for the giving of alms should be made at each of the saráís, and that indigent travellers should be supplied with whatever they needed, and that mendicants should receive a daily pittance, in order that they might be contented and at ease. In certain districts he issued entirely new ordinances, and allowed stipends of fifty, two hundred, two hundred and fifty, five hundred, and a thousand. (In each of these districts) he appointed Persian and Hindí writers.⁴⁸⁰ He portioned his troops into divisions of five, ten, and twenty thousand men, to each of which he allotted one sardár, one Afghán munsif, one Hindústání judge, and two eunuchs of the palace. To those who had received stipends during the reign of Sher Sháh he gave lands and parganas.^480a

From the borders of Sunárgáon to those of Bengal, and from Bengal to Kábul, he garrisoned the entire country with his troops. He had, whilst Prince, 6000 horsemen with him, and he now promoted all of them, each according to his deserts. He made privates (fard) officers (girohdár), and officers nobles. These regulations of Islám Sháh caused those of Sher Sháh to fall into disuse. Many of Sher Sháh's principal nobles were disgusted at what they regarded as acts tending to dishonour them, and became ill-disposed towards Islám Sháh. He, in his turn, was likewise suspicious of these grandees, and thus the relations which existed between the great chiefs and the King were changed in their nature.

When Islám Sháh received intimation of the secret disposition of the nobles, he marched from Kalinjar towards A'gra. Whilst he was on the road, Khawás Khán also came from his jágír to pay his respects. A grand festival was given to celebrate Islám Sháh's accession to the throne; after which he proceeded by uninterrupted marches to A'gra, the seat of government, and took possession of the throne.

Islám Sháh, being a monarch of vindictive disposition, wrote to his elder brother, saying, “Because I was near, and you were distant, to prevent disorder in the affairs of the State, I have taken charge of the army until your arrival. I have nothing to do but obey you, and attend to your orders.” He feigned to wish to gratify his affection by a personal interview with his brother. 'A'dil Khán wrote in reply to Islám Sháh, saying, “If these four persons, viz. Kutb Khán the náíb, 'I'sá Khán Níází,⁴⁸¹ Jalál Khán Jalú, and Khawás Khán come and insure my safety, I will proceed to visit you.” 'A'dil Khán wrote thus to these four nobles, “I leave myself to your guidance. What is your advice? Ought I to go, or remain?” Islám Sháh sent all of these nobles to his brother; and after removing his fears for his safety by oaths and protestations, they promised him that he should be permitted to depart after the first interview, and that he should be allowed to choose any jágír in Hindustán which suited him. 'A'dil Khán went, accompanied by the nobles, to see his brother. When he reached Fathpúr Síkrí, Islám Sháh came forth to meet him in the village of Singárpúr, the place prepared for the meeting of the two brothers, and they had an interview there. They made professions of affection one to the other, and after sitting together for a short time, set off for A'gra. Islám Sháh, intending treachery towards his brother,^481a had given directions that only two or three persons were to be allowed to enter the fort with 'A'dil Khán. When they arrived at the gate of the fort of A'gra, Islám Sháh's men forbade their entry; to this 'A'dil Khán's people paid no attention, and a great number of them went in with 'A'dil Khan.⁴⁸²

When Islám Sháh saw that his plot against his brother had been unsuccessful, he was obliged to speak courteously to him. He said, “I have a number of Afgháns in my service, who are very unruly, and whom I will now make over to you.” After which, Islám Sháh seated his brother on the throne, and treated him with all possible civility. 'A'dil Khán was a man who loved ease and comfort. He was aware of the deceit and cunning of Islám Sháh, and would not consent to this. He rose up, and after causing Islám Sháh to seat himself on the throne, he first of all made him an obeisance and did homage, and congratulated him on his accession to the throne. The chief nobles, after paying their customary compliments, retired to their appropriate places. The four nobles before mentioned then informed the King that an oath and a promise had been made that 'A'dil Khán should be allowed to depart after the first interview, and that a jágír should be allotted to him.

Islám Sháh ordered this to be done, and 'I'sá Khán and Khawás Khán were directed to accompany 'A'dil Khán to Bayána.^482a Two months afterwards, Islám Sháh sent Ghází Mahalí, one of his attendants, with golden chains, and ordered him to seize 'A'dil Khán.^482b 'A'dil Khán, hearing this ill-news, fled to Khawás Khán in Mewát, before Ghází Mahalí arrived, and informed him of the perjury of Islám Sháh. In the mean time, Ghází Mahalí reached that place. Khawás Khán was enraged. He sent for Ghází Mahalí, and caused the fetters to be fastened on his own legs, and thus raised the standard of rebellion. He wrote in private to the chiefs who were with Islám Sháh in A'gra, and gained them over to his party, and then marched towards A'gra at the head of a powerful force. Kutb Khán and 'I'sá Khán, who had been concerned with him in the business of the oath, stimulated him to advance, and advised him to manage so that 'A'dil Khán should reach A'gra a little before daybreak, in order that the people might, without feeling ashamed, forsake Islám Sháh and join him.⁴⁸³

When 'A'dil Khán and Khawás Khán reached Fathpúr Síkrí, they went to visit Shaikh Salím, one of the holy men of the age. By chance, that night happened to be the Shab-i Barát, and the performance of the prayers appointed for that occasion delayed Khawás Khán. They did not, therefore, arrive in the neighbourhood of A'gra until the forenoon. Islám Sháh, having learnt their arrival, and being informed of the evil disposition of the nobles, was sorely distressed, and said to Kutb Khán, “If I have ill-treated 'A'dil Khán, why did not Khawás Khán write to me on the subject, that I might give up my intention.” Kutb Khán, perceiving the King's distress, said, “Be not cast down, the business is not yet irremediable. I will undertake to suppress this disturbance.” Islám Sháh sent away Kutb Khán, and other chiefs who inclined to the side of 'A'dil Khán, and told them to go to 'A'dil Khán. His design was to place these people at a distance from himself, and then to proceed towards the fort of Chunár, where he might collect his treasures, and afterwards, after having made new arrangements, advance to the attack of his enemies. 'I'sá Khán endeavoured to dissuade him from doing this, and said, “If you place no confidence in the nobles of your father and others, you ought at least to trust those 5000 men who have served the King since he was a Prince. Possessing such a force as you do, it would be madness to shrink from the contest which is before you; and although certain of the nobles have secret ill-will towards you, yet it shows a want of caution to send them to the enemy. Your best course will be to lead the army into battle in person, and to show yourself foremost in the field. In this way no one will desert to the foe.” Islám Sháh's heart was strengthened, and he determined to remain where he was. He sent for Kutb Khán and the other chiefs, to whom he had granted permission to depart, and said to them, “Why should I make you over to the enemy with my own hands? Perhaps they are ill-disposed towards you.” After this he prepared for war, and posted himself on the field of battle. When those who intended to join 'A'dil Khán saw Islám Sháh fully prepared for action, they refrained from going. The two armies met face to face, and a battle took place in the neighbourhood of A'gra.⁴⁸⁴ The decree of the Almighty granted victory to Islám Sháh, and the army of 'A'dil Khán was defeated. 'A'dil Khán fled alone and unaccompanied towards the hills of Bhata,^484a and no one knew what had become of him. Khawás Khán and 'I'sá Khán Níází went to Mewát. Islám Sháh despatched a powerful force in pursuit of Khawás Khán,^484b and a second battle took place at Fírozpúr (Jharka), near Mewát. Islám Sháh's troops were routed; but Khawás Khán, perceiving his inability to continue the war, went to the skirts of the Kamáún hills, and for a long time devastated the territories of Islám Sháh in their vicinity.

After these events, Islám Sháh became mistrustful of all his father's nobles, and took measures to overthrow them. He put some of them in prison, and deprived others of all their possessions. He also placed his own nephew, Mahmúd Khán, the son of 'A'dil Khán, under surveillance,⁴⁸⁵ and ruined^485a first Kutb Khán Súr, then Barmazíd Súr, Jalál Khán Súr, and Zain Khán Níází. He slew Jalál Khán Súr, as well as his brother, by binding them to the feet of an elephant, after which he caused the aforesaid nobles to be placed on the elephant, and paraded through the camp. The hearts of the nobles of Sher Sháh were filled with terror and consternation. After this he put many others to death, amongst whom was Khawás Khán, who bore the title of Masnad 'A'lí, who was impaled on some frivolous pretext.^485b He continued for a long time to distress the whole of his subjects, and to make God's servants miserable; but towards the end of his reign he behaved towards the people with liberality and generosity. He gained the good-will of the poor by granting them pensions and stipends. Bent upon destroying his father's nobles, he went towards Chunár, and on the road put Jalál Khán, who was a friend of 'A'dil Khán, to death. He removed all the treasure from Chunár, and sent it to Gwálior.^485c He then returned to A'gra, and remained there.

When some time had elapsed, many of Sher Sháh's nobles became convinced that Islám Sháh intended to ruin them. Sa'íd Khán, the brother of Haibat Khán Níází, fled from A'gra to Haibat Khán, and induced him to rebel against Islám Sháh. Kutb Khán, one of the great chiefs and a principal grandee, who had been concerned in 'A'dil Khán's first sedition, escaped in the greatest alarm, and joined 'Azam Humáyún Níází at Lahore. Islám Sháh wrote a farmán to 'Azam Humáyún, demanding the surrender of Kutb Khán. 'Azam Humáyún, by deceitful representations, contrived to send him to Islám Sháh, who imprisoned him, with fourteen other chiefs, such as Sháhbáz Khán Lohání the son-in-law of Sher Khán, Barmazíd Súr, and other persons. He then sent them to Gwálior, after which he took measures for the seizure of 'Azam Humáyún and Shujá' Khán,⁴⁸⁶ and sent these two grandees a summons to appear before him. 'Azam Humáyún wrote from Lahore, to excuse himself from coming; and Shujá' Khán came from Málwá and paid his respects to Islám Sháh; but as Islám Sháh desired to obtain possession of the persons of these two chiefs at the same time, he allowed Shujá' Khán to return to his jágír. He went back to his fief in Málwá, and Islám Sháh turned his face towards Rohtás and Chunár.

On the road, 'Azam Humáyún's brother, who had always been an attendant at Court, fled to Lahore. On account of his flight, Islám Sháh went back to A'gra, where he collected his troops and marched thence towards Dehlí. When Shujá' Khán received intelligence of these occurrences, he hastened to Dehlí with all possible speed, without being summoned by Islám Sháh. The King gratified him by treating him with distinction, and after arranging his army, and halting some days at Dehlí, he proceeded in the direction of Lahore. 'Azam Humáyún and the whole of the King's enemies had an interview with Khawás Khán and his friends, and despatched a powerful force from the Panjáb to encounter His Majesty. They came up with each other near Ambála; and as Islám Sháh was encamped very near the Níází troops, a fight was imminent. On the night preceding the day of battle, 'Azam Humáyún and his brothers met in Khawás Khán's tent, and consulted together concerning the appointment of another Sovereign. Khawás Khán said, that the best course would be to raise 'A'dil Khán, the eldest son of Sher Sháh, to the throne, as he was the rightful heir. Upon this all the Níázís said unanimously, “What advice is this? No one obtains a kingdom by inheritance; it belongs to whoever can gain it by the sword.” Khawás Khán was vexed at their intentions, and on the same night he secretly sent a verbal message to one of the confidential servants of Islám Sháh, requesting him to inform the King, that although His Majesty looked on him (Khawás Khán) as an unfaithful servant, yet that his heart had always inclined towards Sher Sháh's family and offspring; and that although he had sided with 'A'dil Khán, who were the Níázís that he should be guilty of disloyalty to his benefactor on their account, and for the sake of their alliance? That his wish to be of service should, with the consent of the Almighty, be made manifest on the day of battle.

When Islám Sháh became aware of the disagreement which had taken place amongst the chiefs of the enemy, and of the friendly feeling of Khawás Khán, he rejoiced exceedingly, and became confident of success. Meanwhile, news was brought that the Níází troops had advanced to within a very short distance of the royal camp.⁴⁸⁷ Islám Sháh said: “The Afgháns have no sense.” He made an inclosure with all his wheeled carriages, like a fortress, into which he caused the whole of his army to enter, and then went in person to reconnoitre the Níázís from an elevated position. When he beheld the foe, he said, “I shall be disgraced if I do not fight the rebel troops,” and ordered the chains, with which the carriages were fastened together to be removed. At that moment, he ranged his troops in battle array, and made ready for the fight. The war drums were beaten on both sides. Khawás Khán sent to tell 'Azam Humáyún and his brothers to advance when they saw him do so on his elephant with his standard displayed, and not to forsake him. With this intention they turned their faces towards the field. Khawás Khán started from his post, but attacked no one, and succeeded in making his way into the open country. The Níázís fought to the best of their ability, but as no benefit is ever derived from disloyalty, and as it always occasions distress and regret, they were routed, and the victory remained with Islám Sháh.

“Who can resist him whom fortune assists?”

Whilst these events were occurring, Sa'íd Khán, the brother of 'Azam Humáyún, came armed to the teeth, under the pretext of congratulating the King; hoping, as no one knew him, to find an opportunity of slaying His Majesty.⁴⁸⁸ He mixed with the royal guards. Islám Sháh was at the time standing surrounded by a circle of war elephants, and Sa'íd Khán was, consequently, unable to reach him immediately. He was shortly afterwards recognized by one of the elephant-drivers, who gave the alarm, and was slain by a thrust of Sa'íd's spear.^488a Sa'íd's valour and strength enabled him to make good his escape from the place where the royal guards were. The Níázís fled to Dinkot, which is near Roh. After their defeat, they were hindered in their flight by the marshy ground in the neighbourhood of Ambála,^488b which prevented their horses from proceeding, and consequently Islám Sháh's troops who were in pursuit coming up with them, made a great slaughter of the Níázís. Islám Sháh followed them in person as far as New Rohtás, and there appointed Khwája Wais Sarwání, with an immense army, to prosecute the war with the Níázís, after which he turned back towards A'gra and Gwálior. He proceeded by uninterrupted marches from Rohtás to A'gra,^488c where he halted two or three days, and then went on to Gwálior, and remained there.

At this time many of his father's nobles, who had been appointed to different districts, came into the presence. Although Islám Sháh had secretly an ill-feeling towards Shujá' Khán, yet as Daulat Khán Ujíálá, the adopted son of Shujá' Khán, was much beloved by the King, for whom he had done good service, on his account he behaved outwardly with great kindness to Shujá' Khán, and treated him with honour and consideration. He gave him the government of the entire province of Málwá. One day an Afghán, named 'Usmán Khán, came intoxicated into the díwán-kháná of Shujá' Khán, and spat repeatedly on the carpet. When forbidden to do this by the faráshes, he arose and struck them with his fist. There was a great outcry, and the faráshes informed Shujá' Khán of what had taken place. Shujá' Khán said, “He has been guilty of three offences: firstly, he has drunk wine; secondly, he has entered the díwán-kháná; thirdly, he has beaten the faráshes.” He then ordered both 'Usmán Khán's hands to be cut off. 'Usmán Khán went to Gwálior, and complained to the King, who said nothing, on account of the high rank which Shujá' Khán had held in Sher Sháh's time, and of the faithful services of Daulat Khán.

After some time, Shujá' Khán came to Gwálior, and one day 'Usmán Khán again petitioned Islám Sháh concerning the injury which he had suffered. The King, becoming angry with the petitioner, said, “You also are an Afghán, go and revenge yourself on him.” When 'Usmán Khán heard this, he began to take measures to accomplish his wishes. Shujá' Khán was vexed when he heard what the King had said, and made use of unbecoming language. As both 'Usmán Khán's hands had been amputated, he had a hand made of iron. One day, an attendant of Shujá' Khán's told him that 'Usmán Khán was seated in a cutler's shop, causing a knife to be sharpened, and speaking in a violent manner. Shujá' Khan's courage prevented this information from making any impression on him, until one day, as he was going in a litter to pay his respects to the King in the castle of Gwálior, and had reached the Hathyápúl gate, he saw 'Usmán Khán seated in a shop with one hand concealed in his dopatta. Shujá' Khán desired to inquire something concerning him, when 'Usmán Khán suddenly rose up, and running from the shop, wounded Shujá' Khán. He was instantly seized by the armed men who surrounded the litter, who then perceived that he had an iron hand fastened to the stump, by means of which he had inflicted a slight wound in Shujá' Khán's left side, only grazing the skin. He was slain immediately, and they then took Shujá' Khán's litter back to his house. After Shujá' Khán had been wounded, and when 'Usmán Khán had met with his reward, an uproar and disturbance arose amongst the people. When news of this event reached the King, he sent some of his courtiers and men of note to Shujá' Khán, to inquire how he fared, and intended likewise to go in person.

Shujá' Khán being aware that his own friends and con-nexions were of opinion that 'Usmán Khán had attacked him at the instigation of Islám Sháh, and seeing their hostile disposition, he thought it better to oppose the King's coming, in order to prevent them from acting rashly. He sent, therefore, a message to say, “Your servant was the dependent of Your Majesty's father, and never shrank from performing any service he required of him, although by so doing he placed his life in danger. Your servant is one of those thirty-five persons who were appointed by your father, and who were bound to him by the ties of affection, as all men know. I have this time escaped with life, and shall yet be able to do you service. Do not trouble yourself to come on your slave's account. It is sufficient that I should have been honoured by your kind inquiries after my health.” When this was told to Islám Sháh, he understood his reasons for what he said. Nevertheless, as Shujá' Khán was one of the pillars of the State, and deserved well of his sovereign on account of his great services, after waiting for one day, Islám Sháh went to visit him in person. Fath Khán, the son of Shujá' Khán, whose strength was remarkable, and against whom no person could contend, saw Islám Sháh entering Shujá' Khán's tent alone, and wished to stay him. Míán Báyazíd, another son of Shujá' Khán, perceived his brother's intention, and felt certain that he would commit some act of violence; he therefore sent Fath Khán to prepare the customary presents. Islám Sháh honoured Shujá' Khán's abode by entering it. They remained together for a short time; and when Islám Sháh was about to depart, Shujá' Khán said, “May the King prosper! I entreat you not to take the trouble of coming again. Your slave is afraid that if you do, the remembrance of his past services will be effaced, and that the banner of the King and the dignity which I have raised with so much trouble will be overthrown in an instant. Your Majesty knows better than any other how rude and intemperate the Afgháns are.” Islám Sháh returned thence to the royal dwelling, and became ten times as ill-disposed towards Shujá' Khán as he had been before.

Shujá' Khán recovered from his wound in a short time, and after performing his ablutions, and giving alms to the poor, went one day to pay his respects to Islám Sháh, who presented him with 101 horses and 101 bales of merchandize of Bengal, and treated him with great favour and kindness in a right royal manner. Shujá' Khán was convinced that the King's excessive politeness only concealed a wish to injure him. He passed that day without taking any particular steps, and returned home. Next day he ordered his servants to place his camp equipage on beasts of burden. The people of the city thought that he was going to a fresh encamping ground, on account of the filthy state of that in which he then was. When the property of all his men had been laden, and his troops were armed and equipped, he ordered the drum to beat for the march, and departed towards Sárangpúr.⁴⁹¹ When Islám Sháh learnt this circumstance, he was very angry, and sent a body of troops in pursuit; and after arranging his army, set off himself in the direction of Sárangpúr. Shujá' Khán reached Sárangpúr, and began to look after the equipments of his soldiery, who, when they heard that Islám Sháh was coming, incited Shujá' Khán to give him battle. He said, “Islám Sháh is my benefactor, and the son of my patron. I will never fight against him. Whoever thinks that I have any such intention had better leave off doing so, and quit my service.”

When Islám Sháh arrived in the vicinity of Sárangpúr,⁴⁹² Shujá' Khán left the city, after sending his family on a-head, and went in the direction of Bánswára. Islám Sháh resumed Málwá, and after leaving 'I'sá Khán Súr in the district of Ujjain, with 22,000 horsemen, went himself to Gwálior. Shujá' Khán, notwithstanding his power, and the means which he had at his disposal, made no attempts on Málwá.^492a Islám Sháh was at this time engaged in checking the rebellion of the Níázís. As he had hitherto been unsuccessful, he marched a second time towards Lahore, for the purpose of punishing that tribe. Daulat Khán Ujíálá, the adopted son of Shujá' Khán, who was one of the select associates of Islám Sháh, entreated him to pardon the transgressions of Shujá' Khán. There was no person in whom the King placed so much confidence or liked so well as Daulat Khán; for this reason his petition was successful, and Shujá' Khán was enabled to come with the speed of the wind into the presence of Islám Sháh, who pardoned his faults and granted him Sárangpúr, the country of Ráísín, and several other districts; he, moreover, presented him a gold ewer and a basin of the same material, and then gave him permission to depart. Daulat Khán Ujíálá remained with His Majesty. He was called Ujíálá,^492b because at night time torches were always placed on both sides of the road between his dwelling and that of the King. He was one of the most celebrated men of his time, on account of his family, his courage, and his liberality.

We have now come to the remainder of the history of the Níázís. 'Azam Humáyún and Khwája Wais fought together on several occasions. In the last action 'Azam Humáyún defeated the Khwája, and turned his face towards Sirhind. When Islám Sháh heard this news, he raised a large force, and sent it against the Níázís, on which 'Azam Humáyún retraced his steps and went to Mánkot. Islám Sháh's troops came up with him near Sambhal, and a battle took place, in which the Níázís were again routed. The children and mother of 'Azam Humáyún were made captive, and brought before Islám Sháh.⁴⁹³

After their defeat, the Níázís took refuge with the Ghakkars, in the hill-country bordering on Kashmír. Islám Sháh advanced in person with a large army for the purpose of quelling the Niází rebellion,^493a and during the space of two years was engaged in constant conflicts with the Ghakkars, whom he desired to subdue. He strove by every means in his power to gain possession of the person of Sultán A'dam Ghakkar, who had been a faithful friend of the Emperor Humáyún, without success; but he caught Sárang Sultán Ghakkar, who was one of the most noted men of his tribe, and caused him to be flayed alive, and confined his son, Kamál Khán, in the fort of Gwálior. When Islám Sháh had thus taken a proper revenge of Sultán A'dam Ghakkar, and destroyed many of his tribe, many of the zamíndárs whose possessions were at the foot of the hills submitted themselves to him. Skirting the hills, he went thence towards Múrín, and all the Rájás of the Siwálik presented themselves, and expressed their intention of being obedient and faithful in their allegiance to him. Parsurám, the Rájá of Gwálior, became a staunch servant of the King, and was treated with a degree of consideration which far exceeded that shown to the other zamíndárs. Gwálior⁴⁹⁴ is a hill, which is on the right hand towards the south amongst the hills, as you go to Kángra and Nagarkot. Islám Sháh erected some buildings there. The inhabitants of Gwálior are not particularly good-looking, and Islám Sháh composed these lines in jest:

“How can I sing the praises of the beloved ones of Gwálior?
I could never do so properly if I tried in a thousand ways!
I do not know how to salute Parsurám,
When I behold him, I am distracted, and exclaim, Rám! Rám!”

Táj Khán Kirání, one of the King's attendants and companions, wrote and presented this verse:

“I style myself your slave!
What better employment can I find than your service?”

Islám Sháh stayed some time at Gwálior, and then set about building the fort of Mánkot. He went thither and caused five forts to be erected: one of which he named Shergarh, a second Islámgarh, a third Rashídgarh, a fourth Fírozgarh, the fifth retained its original names of Mánkot and Mángarh. The performances of Islám Sháh at this period can only be compared with the works done by the genii, by order of Hazrat Sulaimán (on whom be peace!). Those who have beheld these forts know better than any other how miraculously they have been constructed. ^494a

But Islám Sháh at this time behaved harshly towards the people, and gave no money to the nobles and the army for three years. Certain nobles agreed together to act treacherously, and instructed a certain individual, who was careless of his life, thus, “The King will go forth to-day from the red tents for the purpose of inspecting the fort of Mánkot; approach him, where the path is narrow, under the pretext of demanding justice, and then kill him!” This person went to the summit of a hill, and posted himself in a place where only one man could pass at a time. When Islám Sháh reached that narrow passage, he was preceded by some of his attendants and followed by others. The aforesaid assassin approached the King, demanding a hearing. As he did so, and when he was close to him, he drew a short sword which he had kept concealed, and struck at Islám Sháh, who was slightly wounded in the neck and fingers. Islám Sháh's extraordinary valour induced him to spring from his horse, and grapple with his assailant, whom he threw down, and then wrested his weapon from him. Daulat Khán Ujíálá beheld all that took place from the rear, and came as swift as the wind to the assistance of His Majesty. He took the man out of the King's hands, saying, “If you will allow me, I will take charge of this person.” Islám Sháh replied, “He will be the cause of the ruin of many. Put him quickly to death. He is sure to accuse many people falsely of having instigated him to act thus. There is no benefit to be derived from keeping him.” Daulat Khán accordingly killed him on the spot.

There arose a great disturbance amongst the troops on account of the wound which the King had received, and the people said amongst themselves, “The King has been killed by a paik.” Islám Sháh returned immediately to his camp, and remained seated for some time on the throne. He sent for the sword with which the man had wounded him, and threw it down before the nobles. They all, as well as the King, perceived that the weapon was one which he had himself given to Ikbál Khán. This Ikbál Khán was called Karamu-lla, and had served in the King's infantry. Islám Sháh had patronized him and promoted him to the rank of a noble. The King summoned him, and thus addressed him, “I raised you to your present station, because I believed you to be faithful and trustworthy; and I made you extremely wealthy. I am ashamed to put you to death, because you are a person whom I have raised and treated kindly. Thus I punish you. I degrade you from your dignity and position as a noble, and send you back to the salary which you formerly received as a foot soldier. Take your old place again.” The King then repeated this verse:

“I am so vexed with my friends,
I will never take one even to save myself from ruin!”

Certain nobles desired to place Mubáriz Khán, who possessed the title of 'Adalí, on the throne. The King summoned him to the presence, but said nothing to him, for the sake of Bíbí Báí. From that date, the suspicions which he entertained of his nobles led him to treat them with open enmity, and to take measures to overthrow them. He directed that the war elephants and those nobles in whom he placed confidence should keep watch and ward over his tent.

He then set seriously to work to exterminate the Níázís. When the Ghakkars had been rendered powerless, 'Azam Humáyún went into the hill-country of Kashmír. Islám Sháh encamped beneath Kaitálí-shahr, and designed to pursue the Níázís into Kashmír; while Mirzá Haidar, the Governor of Kashmír, in order to gain Islám Sháh's good-will, blocked up the road against the Níázís.⁴⁹⁶ 'Azam Humáyún perceived that the King was coming in his rear, and that the Governor of Kashmír had closed the path on ahead; being, therefore, unable to effect anything, he went to Rájaurí. Islám Sháh pursued the Níázís with the choicest of his troops as far as the village of Madad, in the territory of Naushahra, where he was terrified by the dangers and difficulties of the mountain passes, and thought that his best plan would be to make peace. With this view he sent Saiyid Khán and 'Abdu-l Malik, who were two of his most trusted and confidential courtiers, with a letter to 'Azam Humáyún and the other Níázís, counselling them to take a course by which their interests would be best benefited. 'Azam Humáyún's son and mother were then surrendered as hostages to Islám Sháh, and he, taking them with him, quitted the defiles of the hills, and encamped at Ban, a village near Síálkot.

Muhammad Nazr and Sabr 'Alí, the King of Kashmír's governors in Rájaurí, plotted to carry 'Azam Humáyún into Kashmír, and expel Mirzá Haidar thence. 'Azam Humáyún consulted the Afgháns who had accompanied him with reference to the propriety of this proceeding, and the greater portion of them counselled him to consent to what was evidently a decree of the Almighty. 'Azam Humáyún, however, refused to agree to this arrangement, and sent a bráhman to Mirzá Haidar, with proposals for accommodation, at the same time begging for assistance, and giving an account of his distressed condition. Mirzá Haidar, who was a youth of a magnanimous disposition, sent a large sum of money to 'Azam Humáyún, with a civil message. 'Azam Humáyún marched from his encampment to the village of Buzurg. When the faithless Kashmírís saw that 'Azam Humáyún was unsuccessful, they turned against him and deserted him. Some of them went over to Islám Sháh. Ghází Khán Chak went to Mirzá Haidar and told him that 'Azam Humáyún was coming with a body of Afgháns for the purpose of seizing Kashmír, and had reached the pargana of Báníhál, and the hills of Lohkot and Málwakot. 'I'dí Ratna, Husain Mákarí, Bahram Chak, and Yúsuf Chak, were ordered to attack the Níázís with a force of Kashmírís. Both sides prepared for action, and a fierce contest took place. Bíbí Rábí'a, the wife of 'Azam Humáyún, fought like a man, and smote Lálí Chak with her sword. The Kashmírís were very numerous, and were victorious over the discomfited Afgháns. 'Azam Humáyún, Sa'íd Khán, and Bíbí Rábí'a were killed in the battle, and the men of Kashmír returned successful to Sirínagar. Mirzá Haidar sent the heads of the Afgháns, by the hand of Ya'kúb Mír, to Islám Sháh, who was in the village of Ban, near the river Chináb, and who, well pleased at the termination of the Níází rebellion, marched back homewards.

About this time Mirzá Kámrán fled from King Humáyún's Court, and sought refuge with Islám Sháh. Kámrán Mirzá was an excellent poet, and this fact had repeatedly been a subject of conversation in Islám Sháh's presence. At their first interview, Islám Sháh, with the view of testing Kámrán's skill, repeated three couplets: one composed by a poet of 'Irák, the second by one of the learned of Hindustán, the third was an Afghán production. He then asked for an explanation of them. Kámrán Mirzá said, “Do you question me concerning the beauties of the poetry, or do you wish to know who the poets are?” After this Kámrán Mirzá said “The first couplet which you recited was written by a Mughal of 'Irák; the second by a poet of Hind; the third is by an Afghán poet.” Islám Sháh praised the excellence of Mirzá Kámrán's knowledge and understanding before all that assembly. After this occurrence, Islám Sháh, although he meant him no good, by the advice of certain nobles, continued to treat that prince with fitting distinction. Nevertheless, the Mirzá fled from Islám Sháh's presence into the Siwálik hills, and from thence went into the Ghakkar country. All this is related in detail in the histories of King Humáyún's reign.

Islám Sháh proceeded by uninterrupted marches from the village of Ban to Dehlí, where he remained for some months.⁴⁹⁸ One day when in Dehlí Islám Sháh had applied leeches to his neck, when intelligence reached him that Humáyún had crossed the Níláb and entered Hindustán. At this moment an Afghán musician was singing this verse, and accompanying himself on the rubáb:

“When the whole universe is inimical to me,
If you befriend me, why should I be afraid?”

Islám Sháh said to those who were present, “This good news, which my guardian angel has sent me, is the best omen of success I can have.” He paid no attention to the selection of an auspicious moment for departure, nor did he consult the astrologers, but immediately freed his neck from the leeches, and mounted his horse, and determined to sustain the royal honour. On the first day he made a march of three kos. He was always accompanied by his artillery; but on account of the haste with which he started on this expedition, oxen were not procurable in the villages near Dehlí. He did not, however, wait for their arrival, but directed that the common people should pull the gun carriages. He had 300,000 of these individuals employed on this service; 150,000 of whom were provided with mattocks for the purpose of entrenching the camp. Each gun was pulled by 2000 men on foot.⁴⁹⁹ He went in person, with great speed, to Lahore; but King Humáyún had, previous to Islám Sháh's arrival, received his brother Kámrán Mirzá from Sultán A'dam Ghakkar, and returned with him to Kábul.

Islám Sháh advanced as far as Lahore, and returned from that place to Gwálior, where he amused himself with hunting.^499a He was one day hunting in the district of Antrí, when certain Afghán nobles, who were ill-disposed towards him, laid an ambuscade on his road, with the intention of injuring him; but as his life was not destined to close so soon, he went back by another route, and was informed the same evening of the meditated treachery. He caused Baháu-d din, Mahmúd, and Madáka, the chiefs of the conspirators, to be seized and punished. After this Islám Sháh became more mistrustful than ever of his nobles, and seized and imprisoned or put to death all those whom he chiefly suspected. One day he said to his wife Bíbí Báí, “I have cleared the road for your son, but your brother Mubáriz Khán is still a thorn in his way. If you wish for your son's life, say that you desire your brother to be put out of the way.” Bíbí Báí answered, “My brother is a man who loves his pleasure and dissipation, and has always passed his life in looking after musical instruments, and listening to tunes; he has no head for government.”⁵⁰⁰ Islám Sháh endeavoured with great skill and ability, by adducing strong proofs, and by beneficial advice, to induce her to be of his opinion; but this ignorant woman refused to consent to what Islám Sháh said, although it was all for her benefit.^500a

When Islám Sháh saw that his wife had followed her own foolish opinion, he despaired, and said, “You know best. Your son is in great danger from Mubáriz Khán, and you will in the end understand what I have just said.” Saying this, he left the apartment, and ordered the Gwálior captives to be punished in the following way. He directed them to be placed in a building filled with gunpowder, which was then to be fired. This was done in the manner commanded by His Majesty. All the prisoners were blown into the air, and their limbs scattered, with the exception of Kamál Khán Ghakkar, who was seated in a corner of the dwelling, and who was preserved by the favour of the Almighty. When Islám Sháh was told of this wonderful circumstance, Kamál Khán was brought from that place into the presence by the royal command, and an oath was administered to him that he would in future be a loyal subject, and only think how he could best benefit His Majesty's service. Kamál Khán consented to everything that Islám Sháh said, and was set at liberty. After this, Islám Sháh advanced Kamál Khán Ghakkar, and in a short time made him one of the chief grandees, appointed him to perform special and important services, and exalted and made him joyful by heaping royal favours on his head. His prosperity and dignity were vastly increased.

Nearly at the same time he sent one of his courtiers, who was in an indigent condition, to perform a certain service, in the hope that his circumstances would thus be bettered. This person acted throughout the business with conscientious integrity, and after transacting it, returned. On another occasion he told the King how honestly he had behaved. Islám Sháh was at that time severely disposed towards every one, and only repeated the following verse in reply:

“When you bestrode the horse of good fortune,
If you did not put him to his speed, what can a man do for you?”⁵⁰¹

They say that during Islám Sháh's reign a darwesh, Shaikh 'Aláí by name, created a great disturbance by openly professing the religion of the Mahdí, and led many people astray. He collected an innumerable host of fakírs and darweshes about him, and was in the habit of traversing the bázárs, and forbidding by every means in his power all acts contrary to the precepts of the Kur'án. His sect had its head-quarters at Bayána. At length, by the advice of his murshid, he set forth, accompanied by six or seven thousand followers, with the intention of performing the pilgrimage to Mecca. When he arrived at Khawáspúr, which is in the Júdhpúr territory, Khawás Khán, who has before been mentioned, came forth to meet him, and joined him. When Islám Sháh heard of these events, he summoned him to the presence. The Shaikh perceived that the King was attended by a select party of his nobles; nevertheless, he did not behave as it is becoming to do in the presence of royalty. He merely made the customary salutation, at which the King was displeased, and showed his disgust by the manner in which he answered “'Alaiku-s Salám.” The courtiers were very wroth at this conduct. Mullá 'Abdu-lla Sultánpúrí, who was entitled Makhdúmu-l Mulk, opposed the doctrines of Shaikh 'Aláí, and decreed that he should be imprisoned.⁵⁰² Islám Sháh assembled a great number of the learned, and directed them to inquire into the matter. Shaikh 'Aláí's great eloquence enabled him to overcome all his opponents in argument. Islám Sháh said, “O Shaikh, forsake this mode of procedure, in order that I may appoint you censor (muhtasib) of all my dominions. Up to the present time you have taken upon yourself to forbid without my authority; henceforth you will do so with my consent.” Shaikh 'Aláí would not agree to this; and Islám Sháh, refusing to listen to the suggestions of Makhdúmu-l Mulk with reference to the Shaikh's punishment, sent him to Hindia.

Bihár Khán Sarwání, who governed that district, embraced, with all his troops, Shaikh 'Aláí's views. Makhdúmu-l Mulk related this circumstance in his most urgent manner, and gave the King intimation of the disturbances which were taking place. Islám Sháh again summoned the Shaikh from Hindia, and this time ordered a larger assembly of Mullás than the former to meet and investigate his doctrines. Makhdúmu-l Mulk said, “This man desires to rule the country, he wishes to attain the rank of Mahdí, and the Mahdí is to govern the whole world. The entire army of His Majesty has taken part with him; it is very likely that in a short time this country will be much injured.”

Islám Sháh, for the second time, paid no attention to what Makhdúmu-l Mulk said, and sent Shaikh 'Aláí into Bihár, to Shaikh Badh, a learned physician, in whom Sher Sháh had placed much confidence, and respected him so much that he always assisted him in putting on his shoes by placing them before him. Islám Sháh did this with the intention of acting according to whatever decree Shaikh Badh might give. At this time Islám Sháh was in the Panjáb, busied with the erection of the fort of Mánkot. Shaikh Badh gave a decision similar to that of Makhdúmu-l Mulk, and made it over to the King's messengers. Whilst this was transpiring, Shaikh 'Aláí was seized by the pestilence which then prevailed, and his throat became ulcerated to such an extent that the instrument used for applying the salve penetrated the abscess to the depth of a finger. When they brought him before Islám Sháh, he was too weak to speak. Islám Sháh whispered in his ear, and advised him to confess that he was not the Mahdí in order that he might be pardoned; but Shaikh 'Aláí would not listen to what the King said. His Majesty, losing all hope of persuading him, ordered him to be scourged, and he rendered up his soul to the angel of death at the third blow, in the year 956 [1549 A.D.], as is shown by the chronogram “Zikru-l Allah.”⁵⁰³ It is commonly reported that Shaikh 'Aláí repeated a stanza in the presence of Islám Sháh, and said, “If you desire to comprehend my motives for these actions, meditate on this verse of Shaikh Auhadu-d dín Kirmání:

I have one soul, and a thousand bodies!
But both soul and bodies belong entirely to me.
It is strange I have made myself another.”

* * * *

Islám Sháh was at this time so desirous of overthrowing the great chiefs, that he thought of nothing else even for a single moment.⁵⁰⁴ Some of the great nobles conspired together, with the intention of dethroning Islám Sháh, and raising Mubáriz Khán to the government. Islám Sháh was informed of the treason of these people, and immediately endeavoured to assemble them in one place, and there punish them. The aforesaid chiefs, being warned of his intention, met together, and entered into an agreement not to present themselves at the darbár all at once, but to go one by one. They thus contrived to go there without danger. Islám Sháh was day and night thinking and planning how he might best put them to death. But the decrees of Providence do not change to suit human wishes and counsels, and he was taken suddenly ill and confined to his bed in the fort of Gwálior, by a painful retention of urine, and a disease of the bladder. People say that he was afflicted by an imposthume in his privy parts. He never mentioned this circumstance to any one, and cauterized it with his own hand; but by doing this, he injured his health, and brought on great suffering and weakness. While in this state Islám Sháh abused and spoke harshly to some of his most intimate friends and companions; and when the King came to his senses, Táj Khán Kirání, one of his principal nobles, said to him, “May the King prosper; this day I have heard words issue from his lips which he has not been accustomed to use.” Islám Sháh said, “O Táj Khán, I had great confidence in my own strength, and I have subdued all men; but this thing is stronger than I am, and I find myself weaker and more helpless than the ant. I now know myself!” After this he summoned Bíbí Báí, and said, “I have the reins still in my hand, and have as yet lost nothing. If you desire your son to reign after me, tell me to do it, and I will cause your brother Mubáriz Khán to be removed.” On this Bíbí Báí began to weep. Islám Sháh said, “You know best.” And then suddenly, as he was speaking, he gave up the ghost in the twinkling of an eye, and departed to the next world in the year 961 H.⁵⁰⁵ Many of the troops who were not aware of the King's illness, on receiving the unexpected intelligence of his decease, were much perturbed and distressed, as it threw their affairs into confusion. In the same year Sultán Mahmúd Gujarátí and Nizámu-l Mulk, of the Dekhin, also died, and the chronogram “Zawál-i Khusrawán” gives the date of the deaths of these three sovereigns, viz. A.H. 961.

Death vanquished three kings like Khusrú in one year,
Through whose justice the land of Hind was the abode of security.
One, Islám Sháh, the monarch of Dehlí,
Who was during his life-time a Sáhib-Kirán;
The second, Mahmúd Sháh, the Sultán of Gujarát,
Whose age was as immature as his reign;
The third, Nizámu-l Mulk Bahrí,
Who was a reigning sovereign in the Dekhin.
If you ask for the date of the deaths of these princes,
You will find it in the words “Ruin of Sovereigns.”^505a

Sher Sháh and Islám Sháh together reigned fifteen years and some months, and then quitted the world.^505b

* * * * * * *

On Táj Khán's hasty departure from the council at Gwálior 'Adalí despatched an army in pursuit of him, and prepared to follow it in person. 'Adalí came up with him at Chhabrá-man, forty kos from Ágra,⁵⁰⁶ and gave him a defeat, which compelled him to fly towards Chunár. On his way thither, he had seized various provincial officers of 'Adalí, and obtained from them whatever he could, either in money or goods. He also obtained 100 of the public elephants which he had found foraging in the parganas near the river. Táj Khán then went to 'Imád and Sulaimán and Khwája Ilyás, his brothers, who governed in Khawáspúr Túnda, and other parganas on the banks of the Ganges, and who were encouraged in their disaffection by all the Afgháns of the neighbourhood.^506a 'Adalí also went to Chunár, with the view of bringing away his treasure, and despatching an army against the revolted Kiránís. Hímú desired that a large body of elephants might be attached to him during these operations, in order that he might at once cross the river and punish the rebels. Accordingly, a large number of these animals were left at his disposal, as well as a powerful force placed under his absolute command. Hímú drew out his troops in battle array, and through the effect of some skyey influences, gave a complete defeat to the Kiránís, and returned glorious and triumphant to his master, who received him with great honour, bestowing upon him the title of Rájá Bikramájít. From that period, the whole management of the State devolved upon him, and so entirely did he assume the mastery, that no public order emanated from 'Adalí, who, however, remained free to regulate his own bread and water, and retained still the treasury and elephants in his own charge.^506b

* * * * * * *

Ibráhím on his flight to Sambhal, after his defeat by Sikandar near Ágra, organized a new force, and again put himself in motion towards Kálpí. 'Adalí, when he heard of Ibráhím's arrival at Kálpí, sent Hímú his minister, who had been a corn-chandler, at the head of 500 elephants and an immense park of artillery, towards Ágra and Dehlí, with directions that he should first punish Ibráhím, and then advance subsequently to Ágra. Hímú met Ibráhím at Ágra; a severe battle ensued, in which the former was again victorious, and Ibráhím fled to his father at Bayána. Thither he was pursued by Hímú, who invested Bayána for a period of three months.

Meanwhile, Muhammad Khán Súr, ruler of Bengal, raised the standard of opposition, and at the head of a large army advanced with the intention of conquering Jaunpúr, Kálpí, and Ágra. 'Adalí, on being informed of this, ordered Hímú to raise the siege of Bayána, and return to his presence. When he had reached Marhákhar, six kos from Ágra, Ibráhím came up and forced him to action, but was again put to flight, and being ashamed to return to his father, went to Patna, where he fought with Rámchand, Rájá of that place, and was taken prisoner. His captor seated him on a throne, and appeared in attendance upon him as a menial servant, with joined hands.⁵⁰⁷ Ibráhím remained there a long time, and then went to Orissa, which is on the extreme borders of Bengal, where he was treacherously put to death by Míán Sulaimán Kirání, who had sworn before God to protect him.

Hímú, after his victory over Ibráhím, returned to 'Adalí, who fought a severe action with Muhammad Khán Gauria, ruler of Bengal, at Chapparghatta, eleven kos from Kálpí;^507a who being deserted by his troops, was left to maintain the conquest alone, and, consequently, soon fell a victim to their treachery.

* * * * * * *

Surrender and Death of Sikandar Khán Súr.—Death of 'Adalí. —Defeat of his son by the Mughals of Jaunpúr, and his subsequent seclusion.—Míán Sulaimán.—Báyazíd.—Dáúd Sháh.—His murder of Lodí.—His flight from Patna.—Death of Mun'im Khán and of Dáúd Sháh.—Conclusion.

Sikandar Khán being reduced to great extremities, sent his son 'Abdu-r Rahmán from Mánkot in the Siwálik hills, to Akbar Bádsháh, representing that he had committed many offences, on account of which he dared not present himself at Court, that he sent the few rarities he had with him as a peace-offering, and requested leave to be allowed to retire to Bengal and pass the remainder of his life in retirement. Akbar assented to all his solicitations, and gave him leave to depart to Bengal. Sikandar died three years after this surrender.

As for 'Adalí, at the time of Hímú's death he was at Chunár, and at that juncture the son of Muhammad Khán, by name Khizr Khán, ruler of Bengal, who had assumed the name of Sultán Bahádur, advanced with a large army to avenge the blood of his father; and 'Adalí proceeded into Bihár to meet him as far as Mungír. Meanwhile, after leaving Patna, the river Panpan, which is in Málúrúsa(?), flows with so tortuous a course that it became necessary to cross it several times. The sun had not yet risen when Sultán Bahádur, with his army in array, made an attack upon 'Adalí, and sounded the kettle-drums of war. 'Adalí had only a few men with him, but behaved with considerable gallantry. The action was fought at the stream of Súrajgarh, about one kos, more or less, from Mungír, and about twelve kos from Patna, and there 'Adalí was defeated and slain, in consequence of the paucity of his numbers, in the year 968 H. (1560 A.D.), after a reign of eight years.

When the news of this calamity reached his son at Chunár, the Afghán nobles unanimously seated him on the Masnad. He assumed the title of Sher Sháh, and all the sipáhís and nobles renewed their oaths of allegiance. They represented that if they were now to go out and demand vengeance for the death of 'Adalí, the Mughals would spread over Hindustán, and subjugate the whole country. They should first of all conquer Jaunpúr, and having repulsed the Mughal armies from that quarter, after that, please God! they would inflict condign punishment upon Sultán Bahádur. With this intent, having first read the fátiha, the son of 'Adalí set forth, with 20,000 cavalry, 50,000 infantry, and 500 elephants, to capture Jaunpúr. At that time Khán Zamán held the government of that place under Akbar Bádsháh, and conceiving himself quite unable to cope in the open field with so large a force, he collected all the means necessary for defensive operations, and suffered himself to be invested without opposition. The Afgháns, seeing the distress of the Mughals, crossed the river Sye, on which Jaunpúr is built, in full force. Hasan Khán Bachgotí and Rukn Khán Lohání leading the advance, made an immediate attack upon Khán Zamán; who, putting his trust solely on Him who could defend him in the hour of need, sallied from the fort, with 4000 cavalry, and fell upon the Afgháns. Fortune had so far entirely deserted the latter, that their splendid army of 20,000 cavalry and 50,000 infantry fled before the 4000 Mughals in such a crippled state that not a vestige of them remained. Immense booty fell into the hands of Khán Zamán. The son of 'Adalí adopted the life of a recluse after this signal calamity, and no one knew anything further about him.

The tribe of Afgháns was dispersed—some became fakírs, and some attached themselves to Míán Sulaimán Kirání. The Míán styled himself Hazrat 'Álí, and brought the greater portion of Bengal under his sway. Kings and other chiefs sent offerings to him, and Akbar Bádsháh offered no opposition to his claims. On the death of Sulaimán, his eldest son Báyazíd succeeded his father. This prince, being of a haughty disposition, not only neglected to imitate his father in his kindly method of treating his self-sufficient Afgháns, but did his best to distress and humiliate them. He showed a desire of getting rid of his father's courtiers. On this account, several of the nobles joined themselves with the son-in-law and nephew of Hazrat 'Álí, the latter of whom, by name Hasú, was of weak intellect, and put Míán Báyazíd to death. Míán Lodí, a grandee of Míán Sulaimán, who held the chief authority in the State, gained over the Afgháns, and raised Dáúd, the youngest son of Hazrat 'Álí, to the throne, with the title of Dáúd. Dáúd Sháh, having opened the door of enjoyment, indulged in intoxicating drinks, and thus sowed the seeds of dissension. He would often repeat this verse:

“If my father is dead, I am the guardian of the world!
I am the inheritor of the crown of Sulaimán.

He then proceeded to attack Jaunpúr with his Afgháns, and despatched Lodí before him with an innumerable force. Lodí first attacked Zamánia, which had been built by Khán Zamán. It was reduced to a desert, and no signs of cultivation remained. Mun'im Khán quitted Jaunpúr, and when he saw that the Afghán army was large, and the Mughals few in number, he opened, by way of augury, the Díwán of Khwája Háfiz, who is called the Lisánu-l Ghaib, or “tongue of the inscrutable,” and found this verse:

“O King, amongst the beautiful, render justice to the grief of
my loneliness,
My heart is sorely distressed through your absence, it is time
that you should return.”

Mun'im Khán⁵¹⁰ sent this couplet, together with an account of what had occurred, to King Akbar, who despatched an immense army to Mun'im Khán's assistance, and also followed it in person. Dáúd Sháh arrived in Mungír from Bengal, and there he allowed unjustifiable suspicions to enter his head. Many persons endeavoured to impress on him that Lodí would certainly try to make Táj, the nephew of Hazrat 'Álí, king, because Lodí had been long attached to that family, and had, moreover, betrothed his own daughter to him. Dáúd Sháh caused his own cousin Yúsuf to be slain at Mungír, and became very suspicious of Lodí.

When Lodí perceived the evil disposition of Dáúd, he made peace with Mun'im Khán, and expressed a wish to be taken to King Akbar. Jalál Khán Sádhaurí, and Rájú, surnamed the “Black Mountain,” deserted Lodí, presented themselves before Dáúd, and related what had happened. Dáúd Sháh then opened his father's treasury to the army, and, by the advice of Gújar Khán, addressed a farmán to Lodí, in which he said, “You are in the place of my father Míán Sulaimán. All my power depends on your wisdom and valour. My army, treasury, and artillery are all at your command. Endeavour by all the means in your power to put this race of Mughals to shame.” When Lodí learned the contents of this farmán, his heart was moved by the soft and flattering words of Dáúd, and he again joined his party. Thus deceived Lodí left the Mughals, and allied himself to Dáúd, who being a young and hasty man, possessed of but little sense, desired to kill him, and thought that his doing so would be beneficial to the State. After a short time, Dáúd wrote to Lodí, and told him that he required his presence immediately, as he wished to consult him on some important business, and that he must come quickly, accompanied only by his two vakíls. On receiving this letter, Lodí said to his friends, “I perceive an odour in this summons which portends no good to me.” Having said this, he went to Dáúd, who at first treated him with great respect, but afterwards determined to imprison him, which he effected by treachery. ^{* * *} Dáúd Sháh thoughtlessly listened to the advice of Katlú, who recommended the death of Lodí, and causing that pillar of the State to be put to death, he thus destroyed his empire with his own hands.

A still greater dispersion of the Afgháns took place after the murder of Lodí, and Mun'im Khán took advantage of the opportunity to advance against the Súba of Bihár. Sháh Akbar proceeded from Ágra to Patna, the inhabitants of which place he put to the sword. Sháh Dáúd remained a few days in the fort of Patna. At last Katlú gave him some narcotic draught,⁵¹² put him into a boat, and then escaped with him on the river Ganges. At this period Akbar captured many elephants. Many Afgháns, who were with Gújar Khán, were drowned in the Panpan river, about two kos from Patna. Akbar pursued Dáúd as far as Daryápúr, and returned from thence, having first laid the foundation of a mosque in that place; whilst Mun'im Khán, accompanied by the best officers, continued the pursuit of Dáúd. Several encounters took place between Sháh Dáúd and Mun'im Khán. My heart urges me to give a detailed relation of these events, but I must be brief. At last Dáúd and Mun'im Khán made peace, and met at Mun'im Khán's tents, confirming the truce by the grasping of hands.

The changeful climate of Bengal caused the plague to break out in the Mughal army which remained at Gaur; many distinguished officers gave up their lives into the hands of the angel of death. Mun'im Khán also died of that epidemic.^512a Sháh Dáúd again issued forth after the death of Mun'im Khán, in whose place Khán Jahán Khán was appointed governor. War again broke out between these two chiefs; and on the 15th day of the month Rabí'u-s sání, in the year of the Hijra 988,^512b the army of the Mughals being firmly determined either to slay Dáúd or fall themselves, met him in the battle-field; where, after many valiant rencontres, the Kálá Pahár, or “Black Mountain,” who led the advanced guard of the Afgháns, was repulsed and slain. The Afgháns were then put to flight.⁵¹³ Dáúd Sháh Kirání was brought in a prisoner, his horse having fallen with him. Khán Jahán, seeing Dáúd in this condition, asked him if he called himself a Musulmán, and why he had broken the oaths which he had taken on the Kur'án and before God. Dáúd answered that he had made the peace with Mun'im Khán personally; and that if he had now gained the victory, he would have been ready to renew it. Khán Jahán ordered them to relieve his body from the weight of his head, which he sent to Akbar the King.^513a

The date of this transaction may be learnt from this verse.— Mulk i Sulaimán zi Dáúd raft (983 H., 1575 A.D.).

From that period the dominion of Hindustán departed from the tribe of Afgháns, and their dynasty was extinguished for ever. In lieu of which arose the star of Akbar Sháh's supremacy over the whole country.