The History of India, Volume 4

XXII.
MATLA'U-S SA'DAIN
OF
'ABDU-R RAZZÁK.

THE full title of this valuable work is Matla'u-s Sa'dain wa Majma'u-l Bahrain, “The Rising of the two fortunate Planets (Jupiter and Venus), and the Junction of the two Seas,” composed by Kamálu-d dín 'Abdu-r Razzák bin Jalálu-d dín Is'hák as Samarkandí. The author of the Habibu-s Siyar thus speaks of 'Abdu-r Razzák.

“Kamálu-d dín 'Abdu-r Razzák was a son of Jalálu-d dín Is'hák, of Samarkand, and was born at Hirát on the 12th Sha'bán, A.H. 816 (6th November, 1413 A.D.). His father Is'hák resided at the Court of Sultán Sháh Rukh, in quality of Kází and Imám, and was sometimes consulted on points of law, and desired to read learned treatises in His Majesty's presence. 'Abdu-r Razzák, after his father's death, in the year 841 (A.D. 1437), wrote a comment on Azdu-d dín Yahyá's Treatise upon Arabic Prepositions and Pronouns, and dedicated it to Sultán Sháh Rukh, on which occasion he had the honour to kiss His Majesty's hand. In the latter part of that prince's reign, he went as his ambassador to the King of Bíjánagar, and experienced various extraordinary incidents and vicissitudes on that journey, but at length returned to Khurásán in safety. After the death of Sultán Sháh Rukh, he was successively admitted to the presence of Mírzá 'Abdu-l Latíf, Mírzá 'Abdu-llah, and Mírzá Abú-l Kásím; and in the first Jumád of 877 (October, 1472), under the reign of Sultán Abú Sa'íd, he was appointed superintendent of the khánkáh of Mírzá Sháh Rukh, where he continued to the time of his death, which happened in the latter Jumád of the year 887 (August, 1482).⁹⁰ Among the excellent productions of his pen is that useful work the Matla'u-s Sa'dain, which is in every one's hand, and is universally known; and in which he has given a general history of events from the time of Sultán Abú Sa'íd Bahádur Khán down to the assassination of Mírzá Sultán Abú Sa'íd Gurgán.”

[Mr. Morley in his Catalogue of the MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society, uses the above biography, but makes the following additions: “In A.H. 850 (A.D. 1446), 'Abdu-r Razzák was sent on an embassy into Gílán, and had scarcely fulfilled his mission, when he was ordered to depart for Egypt, with the title of ambassador. The death of his master, however, prevented his journey.”

“In 856 (A.D. 1452), the Sultán Abú-l Kásím Bábar, passing through the town of Taft Yazd, had an interview with the celebrated historian Sharafu-d dín 'Alí Yazdí, and our author was present at the conference. Two years afterwards he became attached to the person of the Sultán Abú Sa'íd, who treated him with the greatest honour; and in A.H. 863 (A.D. 1458), when Sultán Husain Bahádur undertook an expedition into Jurján, our author, who had been sent on a mission into that part of the country, had an opportunity of witnessing most of the events of the war.”

CONTENTS.

“Vol. I. Commencing with the birth of Abú Sa'íd, son of Uljaitú Sultán Muhammad Khudábandah.—The history of Tímúr, from the rise of his fortunes to his death, i.e., from A.H. 704 (A.D. 1304) to A.H. 807 (A.D. 1404), giving a detailed account of his reign in 'Irák, Túrán, and other countries.^90a

“Vol. II. The history of Tímúr's descendants, from the accession of Sháh Rukh, in A.H. 807 (A.D. 1404), to that of Sultán Hasan Mírzá, in A.H. 875 (A.D. 1470), the time when the author wrote.”]

'Abdu-r Razzák's embassy to India does not seem to be related either in the Rauzatu-s Safá or the Habíbu-s Siyar, though their narrative of that period is copious.

This history is not so well known in India as in Europe. The best MS. I have seen in India is in the possession of Muhammad Raziyau-d dín, chief native judge of Allahabad. It is a well written folio in the Naskh character, containing in the first division 426, and in the second 452 pages, of thirty-one lines to a page. There are copies in the British Museum, the Imperial Library of St. Petersburg, and other public collections. [The second volume seems to be more common than the first; the Library of the East India Office has a copy, and so had⁹¹ the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society. This professed to be an autograph copy of the author, but Mr. Morley saw reason to doubt the truth of this statement. The India Office copy, which is a finely written folio with illustrations, written in the year 1601 A.D., has been used by the editor for the following Extracts respecting the Embassy to India.]

[There is among Sir H. Elliot's papers a copy of that portion of the first volume which relates the history of Tímúr's expedition to India. On comparing this account with the Malfúzát-i Tímúrí and the Zafar-náma, it proves to be a mere reproduction of Tímúr's own narrative. 'Abdu-r Razzák evidently used both the memoirs and the Zafar-náma. His narrative is less verbose than Tímúr's, and more simple in style than the language of Sharafu-d dín; still the details are essentially the same, the facts being related in the same order without addition, modification, or comment. So notwithstanding the high reputation of the Matla'u-s Sa'dain, this portion of the work proves, like the celebrated Zafar-náma, to be nothing more than another version of Tímúr's memoirs. Three short Extracts have been printed as specimens. The Extracts relating to the author's Embassy to India were translated by an English gentleman,⁹² and have been revised and annotated by Sir H. M. Elliot.]

[^92a “A fragment of the Matla'u-s Sa'dain relating to the Embassy to China, in the time of Sháh Rukh, and translated by Galland, was printed in Thevenot's collection of voyages; this fragment re-appeared in Prévost's Histoire Generale des Voyages, and was again translated into Dutch, and inserted in Witsen's great work, Noord en Oost Tartaryen. The account of the embassies and letters that passed between the Emperor of China and Sháh Rukh was published at Calcutta, in Persian an English, by W. Chambers,^92b and was afterwards translated into French by M. Langlès.^92c The latter Orientalist also gave an account of the work in the Notices et Extraits des MSS.,^92d and introduced a version of 'Abdu-r Razzák's description of India into the second volume of his Recueil portatif des Voyages. M. Charmoy has given a short notice of the Matla'u-s Sa'dain, together with the text and translation of an extract from it relating to Tímúr's expedition against Tuktamish Khán, in the Memoires de l'Academie des Sciences de St. Petersbourg.^92e The most satisfactory description of the work will be found, however, in the elaborate article by M. Quatremère, in the fourteenth volume of the Notices et Extraits des MSS.^92f The learned Academician has given a French translation of a great portion of the life of Sháh Rukh; and the text, accompanied by a version in French, of two other extracts from 'Abdu-r Razzák's history, relating respectively to the voyage of the ambassadors of Sháh Rukh to China, and to that of 'Abdu-r Razzák himself to India. M. Quatremère passes the most favourable judgment as to the merits of the work, saying, that it is incontestably one of the most curious and veracious histories that have been written in any of the Eastern languages.]⁹³

EXTRACTS.
Tímúr's passage of the Indus.

The “Sáhib Kirán” Tímúr having exterminated the Aughání forces, on the 1st of the month Muharram returned to the fort of Naghz, and appointed Sháh 'Ali Faráhí with a force of 700 cavalry and a company of foot soldiers, as guard of that place, so that if the royal army should go any distance, the ambassadors and servants of the princes might have easy ingress and egress, and be fearless of the Aughání robbers. On the 8th of the same month, Tímúr pitched his camp on the banks of the river Sindh, in the same place that Sultán Jalálu-d dín Khwárizm Sháh crossed the river in his flight from Changíz Khán, and where the latter rested without crossing the river. Tímúr ordered that boats should be collected and a bridge be made for crossing the river. Saiyid Muhammad, of Medina, who had been to Mecca and Medina, said that “the nobles of these countries having humiliated themselves, are anxiously awaiting your presence.” The ambassador of Sháh Sikandar, King of Kash-mír, according to orders, appeared before the king, and offered the service and submission of his master. Tímúr having honoured Saiyid Muhammad, dismissed him, and also having conferred royal favours on the ambassador, sent word for Sikandar Sháh to join the royal army at the city of Dípálpúr, in Hind.

The king on the 12th day of the month, having crossed the river Sindh, pitched his camp near the Chol-Jarad, which jungle is now known as the “Chol-i Jalálí.” The cause of this fame is, that Sultán Jalálu-d dín, when he fled from Changíz Khán, crossed the river and came to this chol, and so escaped. All the chiefs of the hills of Júd came and professed their subjection to Tímúr. Before this Amír Rustam Tagháí Búkáí Birlas, according to the royal order, had gone in the direction of Multán, and on account of the rain, had proceeded by the way of the mountains of Júd. The nobles of this place then supplied him with provisions, and rendered acceptable services to him. Tímúr having approved their services, showed them kindness, and conferred honours upon them.

Opposition of Shahábu-d dín.

Shahábu-d dín Mubárak was prince of an island on the side of the river Jamd; he had in his service a large number of fighting men. When Prince Pír Muhammad appeared on the frontier of Multán, Shahábu-d dín paid homage to him, and was treated with great consideration, but on his return to the island, seeing the strength of his island and the security afforded by the river, the thought of rebellion entered into his head. Tímúr having left the Chol-i Jalálí, came and encamped on the banks of the Jamd, and being aware of the rebellion of Shahábu-d dín, on the 14th day of the month, he sent Mír Shaikh Núru-d dín with a large army against him.

Massacre of Hindu Prisoners.

At this Court the princes and amírs represented to His Majesty, that between the time of his crossing the river Sindh and of his reaching this place, 100,000 infidels had been made prisoners, and it was to be feared that in the day of battle they would incline to the people of Dehlí, and would join them. On that day, Mallú Khán had come as far as the Jahán-numá. The intelligence of this movement having spread through the camp, had reached the prisoners, and they communicated the good news to each other. Tímúr listened to this considerate and wise advice, and gave orders for putting the prisoners to death. Every one who failed in the execution of this order was to be killed, and his property was to become the possession of the man who reported his dereliction of duty. In execution of this order, 100,000 Hindus were slain with the sword of holy war. Maulána Násiru-d dín, one of the chief ecclesiastics, who in all his life had never slaughtered a sheep, put fifteen Hindus to the sword.

Embassy to Hindustán.

During the course of the year 845 H. (21st May, 1441), the author of this history, 'Abdu-r Razzák, the son of Is'hák, under the orders of the sovereign of the world, prepared to set out for the province of Hormúz, and the shores of the ocean.^{* * * *}

On the 18th of Ramazán I arrived at the pure abode of Kirmán, a place of importance, as well as of delight and rapture.^{* * *}

On the 5th of Shawwál, I departed from Kirmán, and on my road had an interview with the Amír Hájí Muhammad, who was on his return from plundering the province of Banpúr,⁹⁵ and in the middle of the month I arrived on the shore of the sea of 'Umán and the port of Hormúz, the governor of which place, Malik Fakhru-d-dín Túrán Sháh, sent me a boat, in which I arrived at the city of Hormúz. He assigned me a house and all necessary appurtenances, and I was admitted to an interview with the king.

This Hormúz, which is also called Jerún, is a seaport, which has not its parallel on the face of the earth. The merchants of the seven climates resort to it, such as those of Egypt, Syria, Rúm, Ázarbáíján, the two 'Iráks Fárs, Khurásán, Máwaráu-n-nahr, Turkistán, Dasht-i-Kipchák, the Kalmak country, and all the kingdoms of the East, Chín, Máchín, and Khánbálík. Hither also those who dwell on the shores of the sea bring commodities from Chín, Java, Bengal, Ceylon, the cities of Zírbád, Tanásiri,⁹⁶ Sacotra, and the ninety cities of the islands of Díwah-Mahall,^96a the countries of Malábár, Abyssinia, Zangebar, the ports of Bíjánagar, Kulbarga, Gujarát, Kanbá (Cambay), the coasts of Arabia as far as Aden, Jiddah, and Jambó(?). All these are the bearers of such merchandize, precious and rare, as the sun and the moon and the rains contribute to embellish. Travellers come hither from all parts of the world, and without difficulty replace what they bring by articles which they require of equivalent value. They transact their business for cash or by barter. They pay on every article a custom-duty of a tenth, with the exception of gold and silver. Professors of various religions, and even infidels, abound in that city, and no measure of injustice is permitted to any one in it; hence the city is “called the abode of security (dáru-l ámán).” The inhabitants combine the courtesy of the 'Irákís with the subtlety of the Hindus.

I remained there two months, the rulers of it having searched for all kinds of excuses to detain me; insomuch, that the time favourable for proceeding to sea, viz., the beginning and middle of the monsoon, elapsed, and it was not till the end of it, when storms and tempests are to be feared, that they allowed me to depart. As men and horses could not go in one ship, they were separated and placed in different ships. So we hoisted sail and departed.

When the stink of the vessel affected my senses, and the dread of the sea was experienced, I fell into such a swoon that, for three days, my breathing alone indicated that I was alive. When I came a little to myself, the merchants, who were my intimate friends, exclaimed with one accord that the season of navigation was already past, and whoever exposed himself to the perils of the sea at such a time would alone be responsible for his own death, since he voluntarily sought it. All of them accordingly having sacrificed the sums which they had paid as freight, relinquished their design, and after some difficulties, disembarked at the port of Maskat.

As for me, attended by my intimate friends, I went from Maskat to a place called Kariát, and there I took up my abode. The merchants of the sea, when the objects of your voyage are not accomplished, and you are compelled to sojourn in a place other than that of your destination, say you are reduced to a state of tabáhí. In consequence of the revolutions of a merciless heaven, and the ill-luck of a treacherous destiny, my heart was shattered like glass. I was tired of life, and reduced to great extremities.^{* * * *}

While I was, against my will, detained at Kariát, and on the seashore, the moon of the Muharram of 846 H. (12th May, 1442), developed the beauty of her crescent in that abode of grief. Although it was the season of the vernal equinox, the heat of the sun was so intense, that the rubies were dissolved in their mines, and the marrow was dried up in the bones.^{* * *} My eldest brother, myself, and companions fell ill through the excessive heat, [and in this situation we remained for four months.]^{* * *} Having learnt that in the neighbourhood of Kalahát there was a place called Saur, which possessed an equable temperature, and was supplied with good water, I embarked on a vessel to go to that place, notwithstanding my weakness; but when I arrived there, my illness increased.⁹⁸ ^{* * *}

At length I departed for Hindustán, and after a voyage of eighteen days and nights, [during which the freshness of the sea-breeze restored my health,] we cast anchor, by the aid of God, in the port of Kálíkot; and now I proceed to recount naturally, and without any effort, the marvels of that country, and my travels in it.

My arrival in Hindustán, and an account of the Condition,
Customs, and Marvels of that Country.

Kálíkot is a perfectly safe harbour, and like that of Hormúz brings together merchants of every city and every country. Here also one finds in abundance rarities brought from maritime countries, especially from Abyssinia, Zírbád, and Zangebár. From time to time ships arrive from the direction of the House of God (Mecca), and other parts of Hijjáz, and remain at will for some time in this port. It is a city inhabited by infidels, and therefore a legitimate object of conquest to us. Several Musulmáns reside in it, and they have built two cathedral mosques there, where they assemble on Fridays to pray. They have a kází, a religious man, and for the most part they belong to the sect of Sháfi'í. Such security and justice reign in that city that rich merchants bring to it from maritime countries large cargoes of merchandize, which they disembark and deposit in the streets and market-places, and for a length of time leave it without consigning it to any one's charge, or placing it under a guard. The officers of the custom-house have it under their protection, and night and day keep guard round it.⁹⁹ If it is sold, they take a custom duty of two and a half per cent., otherwise they offer no kind of interference. It is a practice at other ports, that if any vessel be consigned to any particular mart, and unfortunately by the decree of the Almighty it be driven to any other than that to which it is destined, under the plea that it is sent by the winds, the people plunder it; but at Kálíkot every vessel, where-ever it comes from, and whichever way it arrives, is treated like any other, and no sort of trouble is experienced by it.^99a

His Majesty, the Khákán-i Sa'íd, had sent to the ruler of Kálíkot horses and pelisses, robes of golden tissue, and caps, such as are presented at the festival of the new year. The reason of this was that the ambassadors of that emperor, on their return from Bengal, had been forced to put in at Kálíkot, and the report which they made of the greatness and power of His Majesty reached the ear of the ruler of that place. He learnt from trustworthy authorities that the Sultáns of the fourth inhabited quarter of the globe, both of the east and of the west, of the land and of the sea, despatched embassies to that monarch, and regarded his Court as the kibla of their necessities, and the ka'ba of their thoughts.

Shortly after this, the King of Bengal having complained of the hostilities he was suffering from Sultán Ibráhím of Jaunpúr, sought protection from the Court, which is the asylum of Sultáns; upon which His Majesty despatched to Jaunpúr Shaikhu-l islám Khwája Karímu-d dín Abú-al makárim Jámí, as the bearer of an imperial rescript, directing the ruler of Jaunpúr to abstain from attacking the King of Bengal, or to take the consequences upon himself. To which intimation the ruler of Jaunpúr was obedient, and desisted from his attacks upon Bengal. When the ruler of Kálíkot heard this intelligence, he collected all kinds of presents and rarities, and sent them by the hand of an envoy, representing that in his port prayers and the Muhammadan khutba were read on Fridays and on festivals; and that if His Majesty sanctioned the measure, they should be embellished and honoured by his august name and titles.

His messenger, in the company of the ambassadors who were coming from Bengal, arrived at the august Court, and the nobles made known his representation and displayed his presents. The envoy was a Musulmán, endowed with eloquence, who represented in his address that if His Majesty would enter into relations with his master, and send special ambassadors to him, who, following the sacred ordinance,—“by your wisdom and excellent advice persuade them to enter into the ways of your Lord,”—should invite him to embrace the Muhammadan religion, should open the bolt of darkness and infidelity from his unenlightened mind, and should kindle in the window of his heart the flame of the beam of faith, and the splendour of the light of knowledge, it would certainly be a holy and meritorious act. His Majesty, acceding to this request, ordered his ministers to despatch an ambassador, and the lot fell upon this humble individual. Some laboured to persuade me that I should not return from this voyage; but, dangerous as it was, I did return from it in good health after three years, when my opponents were themselves no longer alive.

Visit to Kálíkot.

In short, when I disembarked at Kálíkot, I saw a tribe of people, the like of which had never even entered my dreams.

“A strange kind of tribe, neither man nor demon,
“At the sight of which one's senses were startled;
“If I had seen anything like them in my dreams,
“My heart would have been disturbed for years.
“I have loved a moon-faced beauty,
“But I cannot fall in love with every black woman.”

The blacks of this country go about with nearly naked bodies, wearing only pieces of cloth called langots, extending from their navels to above their knees.¹⁰¹ In one hand they bear a Hindí dagger (bright) as a drop of water, and in the other a shield made of cow's hide, large as a portion of cloud. The king and the beggar both go about in this way, but the Musulmáns clothe themselves in costly garments, like the Arabs, and display various kinds of luxuries.

I had interviews with several Musulmáns and a crowd of infidels, and a convenient lodging was assigned me, and after three days they took me to see the king. I saw a man with his body naked, like the other Hindus.^101a They call the king of that place Sámurí, and when he dies, they place on the throne his sister's son, and do not bestow it upon his son, his brother, or his other relatives. No one becomes king by force of arms. The infidels are of various tribes, Brahmans, yogís, and others, who all alike participate in plural-worship and idol-worship. Every tribe has its peculiar customs.

Among them is a tribe in which one woman has several husbands, of which each one engages in a separate occupation. They divide the hours of the night and day amongst themselves, and as long as any one of them remains in the house during his appointed time, no other one can enter. The Sámurí is of that tribe.

When I had my audience with the Sámurí, the assembly consisted of 2,000 or 3,000 Hindus, clad in the manner above mentioned, and the chief Musulmáns were also there. After they had made me sit down, they read the letter of credentials sent by His Majesty, the Khákán-i Sa'íd, and the presents which I had brought were displayed. The Sámurí paid but little respect to my embassy, so leaving the Court I returned home. The party of men whom the King of Hormúz had despatched on a separate ship, with several horses and other goods collected from various quarters, were taken on their voyage by hardhearted corsairs, robbed of all their goods, and with difficulty escaped with their lives. On their arrival at Kálíkot, I was rejoiced at the sight of my old friend.

From the close of Jumáda-l ákhir to the beginning of Zí-hijja, I remained in that wretched place, a comrade of trouble and a companion of sorrow. In the middle of it, during one night of profound darkness and weary length, in which sleep, as an imperious tyrant, captivated my senses and closed the door of my eyelids, after all kinds of troubles, I was sleeping on my bed of repose, when I saw in a dream His Majesty the Khákán, who advanced towards me, with all the pomp of sovereignty, and arriving near me, said, “cease to trouble yourself.”

In the morning, after saying my prayers, the dream recurred to my mind and made me happy. Although ordinarily dreams are purely reveries of the imagination, which are rarely realized in a waking state, nevertheless, sometimes they turn out exactly true, and are considered revelations of God. No one is ignorant of the dream of Joseph, God's peace on him! or of that of the monarch of Egypt.

I reflected within myself that probably a morning of good fortune would arise, from the day-spring of the mercy of God, and that the night of vexation and sorrow would come to an end. Having communicated my dream to some clever men, I was demanding from them the interpretation of it, when suddenly some one arrived, and brought intelligence that the King of Bíjánagar, who possessed a large kingdom and an important sovereignty, had sent a herald with a letter addressed to the Sámurí, desiring that the ambassador of His Majesty the Khákán-i Sa'íd should be instantly sent to him. Although the Sámurí is not under his authority, nevertheless, he is in great alarm and apprehension from him, for it is said, that the King of Bíjánagar has 300 seaports, every one of which is equal to Kálíkot, and that inland his cities and provinces extend over a journey of three months.

Kálíkot, and certain other ports along the coast as far as Káil, which is opposite Sarandib, also called Sílán, are situated in a province called Malíbár. Ships which depart from Kálíkot to the blessed Mecca (God preserve it in honour and power!) are generally laden with pepper. The men of Kálíkot are bold navigators, and are known by the name of “sons of China.”¹⁰³ The pirates of the sea do not molest the ships of Kálíkot, and everything is procurable in that port, with this sole exception, that you cannot kill cows and eat their flesh. Should any one be known to have killed a cow, his life would infallibly be sacrificed. The cow is held in such respect, that they rub the ashes of its dung upon their forehead,—the curse of God upon them!

Visit to Bíjánagar.

This humble individual having taken his leave, departed from Kálíkot, and passing by the seaport of Bandána, which is on the Malíbár coast, arrived at the port of Mangalúr, which is on the borders of the kingdom of Bíjánagar. Having remained there two or three days, he departed by dry land, and at the distance of three parasangs from Mangalúr, he saw a temple which has not its like upon the earth. It is a perfect square of about ten yards by ten, and five in height. The whole is made of molten brass. There are four platforms or ascents, and on the highest of them there is an idol, of the figure and stature of a man, made all of gold. Its eyes are composed of two red rubies, which are so admirably set that you would say that they gazed upon you. The whole is made with the greatest delicacy and the perfection of art.

Passing on from that place, I arrived each day at a town or village well populated, until a mountain rose before me, the base of which cast a shadow on the sun, and whose sword (peak) sheathed itself in the neck of Mars: its waist was encircled with the bright stars of Orion, as with a ring, and its head was crowned with a blazing chaplet. Its foot was covered with such numbers of trees and thorny bushes that the rays of the world-enlightening sun were never able to penetrate its obscurity, and the genial clouds could never moisten its soil with their rain. On leaving this mountain and forest, I arrived at the city of Bidrúr,¹⁰⁴ of which the houses were like palaces and its beauties like houris. In Bidrúr there is a temple so high that you can see it at a distance of several parasangs. It is impossible to describe it without fear of being charged with exaggeration. In brief, in the middle of the city, there is an open space extending for about ten jaríbs, charming as the garden of Iram. In it there are flowers of every kind, like leaves. In the middle of the garden there is a terrace (kursí), composed of stones, raised to the height of a man; so exquisitely cut are they, and joined together with so much nicety, that you would say it was one slab of stone, or a piece of the blue firmament which had fallen upon the earth. In the middle of this terrace there is a lofty building comprising a cupola of blue stone, on which are cut figures, arranged in three rows, tier above tier.

Such reliefs and pictures could not have been represented upon it by the sharp style and deceptive pencil.

From the top to the bottom there was not a space of the palm of a hand on that lofty building which was not adorned with paintings of Europe and Khatá (China). The building was constructed on four terraces of the length of thirty yards, and of the breadth of twenty yards, and its height was about fifty yards.

All the other edifices, small and great, are carved and painted with exceeding delicacy. In that temple, night and day, after prayers unaccepted by God, they sing and play musical instruments, enjoy concerts, and give feasts. All the people of the village enjoy pensions and allowances from that building; for offerings are presented to it from distant cities. In the opinion of those irreligious men, it is the ka'ba of the infidels (gabrán). After remaining here two or three days, I continued my journey, and at the close of the month Zí-hijja arrived at the city of Bíjánagar. The king sent out a party to escort us, and we were brought to a pleasant and suitable abode.

Account of the city of Bíjánagar and its seven surrounding
fortifications.¹⁰⁵

From our former relation, and well-adjusted narrative, well-informed readers will have ascertained that the writer 'Abdu-r-razzák had arrived at the city of Bíjánagar. There he saw a city exceedingly large and populous, and a king of great power and dominion, whose kingdom extended from the borders of Sarandíp to those of Kulbarga, and from Bengal to Malíbár, a space of more than 1,000 parasangs. The country is for the most part well cultivated and fertile, and about three hundred good seaports belong to it. There are more than 1,000 elephants, lofty as the hills and gigantic as demons. The army consists of eleven lacs of men (1,100,000). In the whole of Hindustán there is no ráí more absolute than himself, under which denomination the kings of that country are known. The Brahmans are held by him in higher estimation than all other men. The book of Kalíla and Dimna, than which there is no other more excellent in the Persian language, and which relates to a Ráí and a Brahman, is probably the composition of the wise men of this country.

The city of Bíjánagar is such that eye has not seen nor ear heard of any place resembling it upon the whole earth. It is so built that it has seven fortified walls, one within the other. Beyond the circuit of the outer wall there is an esplanade extending for about fifty yards, in which stones are fixed near one another to the height of a man; one half buried firmly in the earth, and the other half rises above it, so that neither foot nor horse, however bold, can advance with facility near the outer wall. If any one wishes to learn how this resembles the city of Hirát, let him understand that the outer fortification answers to that which extends from the hill of Mukhtár and the pass of “the Two Brothers” to the banks of the river, and the bridge of Málán, which lies to the east of the village of Ghízár, and to the west of the village of Síbán.¹⁰⁶

The fortress is in the form of a circle, situated on the summit of a hill, and is made of stone and mortar, with strong gates, where guards are always posted, who are very diligent in the collection of taxes (jizyát). The second fortress represents the space which extends from the bridge of the New River to the bridge of the pass of Kará,^106a to the east of the bridge of Rangína^106b and Jákán, and to the west of the garden of Zíbanda, and the village of Jasán. The third fortress would contain the space which lies between the tomb of the Imám Fakhr-u-dín-Rází, to the vaulted tomb of Muhammad Sultán Sháh. The fourth would represent the space which lies between the bridge of Anjíl and the bridge of Kárad. The fifth may be reckoned equivalent to the space which lies between the garden of Zaghan and the bridge of the river Jákán. The sixth fortification would comprehend the distance between the gate of the king and that of Fírozábád. The seventh fortress is placed in the centre of the others, and occupies ground ten times greater than the chief market of Hirát. In that is situated the palace of the king. From the northern gate of the outer fortress to the southern is a distance of two statute parasangs, and the same with respect to the distance between the eastern and western gates. Between the first, second, and third walls, there are cultivated fields, gardens, and houses. From the third to the seventh fortress, shops and bazars are closely crowded together. By the palace of the king there are four bazars, situated opposite to one another. That which lies to the north is the imperial palace or abode of the Ráí. At the head of each bazar, there is a lofty arcade and magnificent gallery, but the palace of the king is loftier than all of them. The bazars are very broad and long, so that the sellers of flowers, notwithstanding that they place high stands before their shops, are yet able to sell flowers from both sides. Sweet-scented flowers are always procurable fresh in that city, and they are considered as even necessary sustenance, seeing that without them they could not exist. The tradesmen of each separate guild or craft have their shops close to one another. The jewellers sell their rubies and pearls and diamonds and emeralds openly in the bazar. [Eulogy of the gems.]

In this charming area, in which the palace of the king is contained, there are many rivulets and streams flowing through channels of cut stone, polished and even. On the right hand of the palace of the Sultán there is the díwán-khána, or minister's office, which is extremely large, and presents the appearance of a chihal-sutún, or forty-pillared hall; and in front of it there runs a raised gallery, higher than the stature of a man, thirty yards long and six broad, where the records are kept and the scribes are seated. These people have two kinds of writing, one upon a leaf of the Hindí nut (cocoa-nut), which is two yards long, and two digits broad, on which they scratch with an iron style. These characters present no colour, and endure but for a little while.¹⁰⁸ In the second kind they blacken a white surface, on which they write with a soft stone cut into the shape of a pen, so that the characters are white on a black surface, and are durable. This kind of writing is highly esteemed.

In the middle of the pillared hall, a eunuch, called a Danáík,^108a sits alone upon a raised platform, and presides over the administration; and below it the mace-bearers stand, drawn up in a row on each side. Whoever has any business to transact advances between the lines of mace-bearers, offers some trifling present, places his face upon the ground, and standing upon his legs again, represents his grievance. Upon this, the Danáík issues orders founded upon the rules of justice prevalent in that country, and no other person has any power of remonstrance. When the Danáík leaves the chamber, several coloured umbrellas are borne before him, and trumpets are sounded, and on both sides of his way panegyrists pronounce benedictions upon him. Before he reaches the king he has to pass through seven gates, at which porters are seated, and as the Danáík arrives at each door an umbrella is left behind, so that on reaching the seventh gate the Danáík enters alone. He reports upon the affairs of the State to the king, and, after remaining some time, returns. His residence lies behind the palace of the king.

On the left of the palace there is the mint, where they stamp three different kinds of gold coins, mixed with alloy. One is called varáha, and weighs about one miskál, equal to two kopakí dínárs. The second kind is called partáb, and is equal to half of the first. The third is called fanam, and is equal to the tenth of a partáb. The last is the most current. Of pure silver they make a coin equal to a sixth of a fanam, which they call tár, which is also in great use. The third of a tár is a copper coin, called jítal. The usage of the country is that, at a stated period, every one throughout the whole empire carries to the mint the revenue (zar) which is due from him, and whoever has money due to him from the Exchequer receives an order upon the mint. The sipáhís receive their pay every four months, and no one has an assignment granted to him upon the revenues of the provinces.

This country is so well populated that it is impossible in a reasonable space to convey an idea of it. In the king's treasury there are chambers, with excavations in them, filled with molten gold, forming one mass. All the inhabitants of the country, whether high or low, even down to the artificers of the bazar, wear jewels and gilt ornaments in their ears and around their necks, arms, wrists, and fingers.

The Elephants, and mode of catching them.

Opposite the minister's office are the elephant sheds. The king has many elephants in the country, but the large ones are specially reserved for the palace. Between the first and second enceinte of the city, and between the northern and western faces, the breeding of elephants takes place, and it is there the young ones are produced. The king has a white elephant, exceedingly large, with here and there as many as thirty spots of colour.

Every morning this animal is brought into the presence of the monarch; for to cast eye upon him is thought a favourable omen. The palace elephants are fed on kichú, which, after being cooked, is turned out from the cauldron before the elephant, and after being sprinkled with salt and moist sugar, is made into a mass, and then balls of about two mans each are dipped in butter, and are then placed by the keepers in the mouths of the animals. If any of these ingredients is forgotten, the elephant is ready to kill his keeper, and the king also severely punishes his negligence. They are fed twice a day in this way. Each has a separate stall; the walls are very strong and high, and are covered with strong wood. The chains on the necks and backs of the elephants are firmly attached to the beams above; if the chains were bound any other way, the elephants would easily detach themselves. Chains are also bound upon the fore-legs.

The manner in which they catch elephants is this: they dig a pit in the way by which the animal usually goes to drink, which they cover over lightly. When an elephant falls into it, no man is allowed to go near the animal for two or three days; at the end of that period, a man comes up and strikes him several hard blows with a bludgeon, when suddenly another man appears who drives off the striker, and seizing the bludgeon, throws it away. He then retires, after placing some forage before the elephant. This practice is repeated for several days; the first lays on the blows, and the second drives him away, until the animal begins to have a liking for his protector, who by degrees approaches the animal, and places before it the fruits which elephants are partial to, and scratches and rubs the animal, until by this kind of treatment he becomes tame, and submits his neck to the chain.

They tell the following story of an elephant that fled from his bondage, and absconded to the deserts and the jungles. His keeper, in pursuit of him, dug pits in the paths which he was likely to frequent. The elephant, apprehensive of his artifices, seizing a club, and holding it like a staff in his trunk, kept feeling and sounding the earth with great caution as he advanced; and so arrived at the drinking ford. The elephant-drivers despaired of taking him; but as the king was very anxious to have him caught, one of the keepers mounted a tree under which the elephant was likely to go, and there lay hid, till, at the moment of his passing underneath, he threw himself down on the back of the animal, and seizing the strong cord which they strap over the back and chest of those animals, and which had not yet been detached, he held it fast within his grasp. In spite of all the turnings and motions which the elephant made to escape, and in spite of his lashing with his trunk, it was all of no avail. When he began rolling upon his side, the keeper leapt upon the flank which remained uppermost, and meanwhile struck the animal several sharp blows upon the head, so that, being at last exhausted, the beast gave in, and submitted his body to the bonds, and his neck to the fetters. The keeper brought the elephant into the presence of the king, who bestowed a handsome reward upon him.

The kings of Hindustán go out hunting elephants, and remain a month or more in the jungles, and when they capture elephants, they rejoice at their success. Sometimes they order criminals to be cast down before the feet of an elephant, that they may be killed by its knees, trunk, and tusks. Merchants carry elephants from Sílán to different countries, and sell them according to their height, so much more being demanded for each additional yard.

The Brothels.

Opposite the mint is the office of the Prefect of the City, to which it is said 12,000 policemen are attached; and their pay, which equals each day 12,000 fanams, is derived from the proceeds of the brothels. The splendour of those houses, the beauty of the heart-ravishers, their blandishments and ogles, are beyond all description. It is best to be brief on the matter.

One thing worth mentioning is this, behind the mint there is a sort of bazar, which is more than 300 yards long and 20 broad. On two sides of it there are houses (khánahá) and fore-courts (safhahá), and in front of the houses, instead of benches (kursí), lofty seats are built of excellent stone, and on each side of the avenue formed by the houses there are figures of lions, panthers, tigers, and other animals, so well painted as to seem alive. After the time of mid-day prayers, they place at the doors of these houses, which are beautifully decorated, chairs and settees, on which the courtezans seat themselves. Every one is covered with pearls, precious stones, and costly garments. They are all exceedingly young and beautiful. Each has one or two slave girls standing before her, who invite and allure to indulgence and pleasure. Any man who passes through this place makes choice of whom he will. The servants of these brothels take care of whatever is taken into them, and if anything is lost they are dismissed. There are several brothels within these seven fortresses, and the revenues of them, which, as stated before, amount to 12,000 fanams, go to pay the wages of the policemen. The business of these men is to acquaint themselves with all the events and accidents that happen within the seven walls, and to recover everything that is lost, or that may be abstracted by theft; otherwise they are fined. Thus, certain slaves which my companion had bought took to flight, and when the circumstance was reported to the Prefect, he ordered the watchmen of that quarter where the poorest people dwelt to produce them or pay the penalty; which last they did, on ascertaining the amount. Such are the details relating to the city of Bíjánagar and the condition of its sovereign.

The author of this history, who arrived at Bíjánagar at the close of Zí-hijja, took up his abode in a lofty mansion which had been assigned to him, resembling that which one sees in Hirát on the high ground at the King's Gate. Here he reposed himself after the fatigues of the journey for several days, and passed under happy auspices the first day of the new moon of Muharram in that splendid city and beautiful abode.

Interview with the King of Bíjánagar.

One day messengers came from the king to summon me, and towards the evening I went to the Court, and presented five beautiful horses and two trays,¹¹³ each containing nine pieces of damask and satin. The king was seated in great state in the forty-pillared hall, and a great crowd of Brahmans and others stood on the right and left of him. He was clothed in a robe of zaitún^113a satin, and he had round his neck a collar composed of pure pearls of regal excellence, the value of which a jeweller would find it difficult to calculate. He was of an olive colour, of a spare body, and rather tall. He was exceedingly young, for there was only some slight down upon his cheeks, and none upon his chin. His whole appearance was very prepossessing. On being presented to him, I bowed down my head. He received me kindly, and seated me near him, and, taking the august letter of the emperor,^113b made it over (to the interpreters), and said, “My heart is exceedingly glad that the great king has sent an ambassador to me.” As I was in a profuse perspiration from the excessive heat and the quantity of clothes which I had on me, the monarch took compassion on me, and favoured me with a fan of Khatáí which he held in his hand. They then brought a tray, and gave me two packets of betel, a purse containing 500 fanams, and about 20 miskáls of camphor, and, obtaining leave to depart, I returned to my lodging. The daily provision forwarded to me comprised two sheep, four couple of fowls, five mans of rice, one man of butter, one man of sugar, and two varáhas in gold. This occurred every day. Twice a week I was summoned to the presence towards the evening, when the king asked me several questions respecting the Khákán-i Sa'id, and each time I received a packet of betel, a purse of fanams, and some miskáls of camphor.

The monarch addressed us through his interpreter, and said, “Your kings feast ambassadors and place dishes before them, but as I and you cannot eat together,

“This purse of gold represents the repast of an ambassador.”

The properties of the betel-leaf.

This betel is a leaf which resembles that of an orange, but is longer. It is held in great esteem in Hindustán, in the many parts of Arabia, and the kingdom of Hormúz; and indeed it deserves its reputation. It is eaten in this way: they bruise a piece of areca nut, which they also call supárí, and place it in the mouth; and moistening a leaf of betel or pán together with a grain of quick-lime, they rub one on the other; roll them up together, and place them in the mouth. Thus they place as many as four leaves together in their mouths, and chew them. Sometimes they mix camphor with it, and from time to time discharge their spittle, which becomes red from the use of the betel.

This masticatory lightens up the countenance and excites an intoxication like that caused by wine. It relieves hunger, stimulates the organs of digestion, disinfects the breath, and strengthens the teeth. It is impossible to describe, and delicacy forbids me to expatiate on its invigorating and aphrodisiac virtues. The following verses display and confirm only some of its valuable properties.

* * * * * * *

It is probably owing to the stimulating properties of this leaf, and to the aid of this plant, that the king of that country is enabled to entertain so large a seraglio; for it is said that it contains as many as 700 princesses and concubines. With respect to all these establishments no male child is permitted to remain in them after attaining the age of ten years. Two women do not dwell together in the same apartment, each one having her concerns separate. When any beautiful girl is found throughout the whole kingdom, after the consent of her father and mother has been purchased, she is brought in great state to the harem, after which no one can see her; but she is treated with great consideration.

An attempt upon the life of the King of Bíjánagar.

At the time that the writer of this history was detained at the city of Kálíkot an extraordinary circumstance and singular transaction occurred in the city of Bíjánagar. The details are these. The brother of the king had constructed a new house, and invited the king and the nobles of state to an entertainment. The custom of the infidels is, not to eat in the presence of one another. The guests were seated in a large hall, and, from time to time, the host, or some one that he sent, invited one of the nobles to come forward and partake of the viands prepared for him. He had taken care to collect together all the drums, tymbals, trumpets, and horns in the city, which were beaten and blown together with great force and dissonance. As each guest was summoned and conducted to the proper apartment, two assassins advanced from the place of their concealment behind the door, and, wounding him with a dagger, cut him to pieces. When his remains were carried off, another one was summoned and treated in like manner, and whoever entered that slaughter-house was never heard of more, for he became like a traveller on the road of eternity; and the tongue of fortune addressed the murdered man in these words—

“You will never return; having gone, you have gone for ever.”

From the noise of the drums and the clangour and the tumult, not a soul knew what had occurred, except a few who were in the secret: and in this manner every one who had a name and position in the State was murdered. While the assembly was yet reeking with the blood of its victims, the murderer went to the palace of the king, and, addressing the guards with flattering language, invited them also to the entertainment, and sent them to follow the others; and thus, having denuded the palace of the guards, he advanced to the king, bearing in his hand a tray of betel, in which there was a brilliant dagger concealed beneath the leaves, and thus addressed the monarch: “The entertainment is prepared, and only waits your august presence.” The monarch, according to the saying, powerful princes are divinely inspired, said that he was indisposed, and begged that his attendance might be excused.

When this unnatural brother despaired of the king's attendance, he drew forth the poignard, and wounded him several times severely, so that the monarch fell down behind the throne; and the perfidious wretch, believing that he was dead, left one of his myrmidons behind to cut off the king's head. He himself rushed out to the portico of the palace, and exclaimed, “I have killed the king, his brothers, the nobles, the ministers, and the other chiefs, and I am now your king.” But when the bravo advanced to fulfil his murderous orders, the king, seizing the seat behind which he had fallen, dealt with it such a blow upon the breast of the villain, that he felled him to the ground, and, assisted by one of his guards, who in alarm had concealed himself in a corner, put him to death, and ran out of the chamber by the way of the female apartments. While his brother, seated at the head of the tribunal of justice, was inviting the people to recognize him as their sovereign, the king himself came forward and exclaimed, “Behold, I am alive and safe, seize the assassin.” The multitude immediately bore him down, and slew him. The king then summoned to his presence his other brothers, and all the nobles; but every one had been slain except the minister, the Danáík, who, previous to this dreadful tragedy, had gone to Sílán. A courier was despatched to summon him, and inform him of what had transpired. All those who had been concerned in that plot, were either flayed alive, or burnt to death, or destroyed in some other fashion, and their families were altogether exterminated. The person who had brought the invitation¹¹⁶ was also put to death. When the Danáík had returned from his tour, and had become acquainted with all that had transpired, he was astounded, and after being admitted to the honour of kissing the royal feet, he offered up his thanks for the safety of the king's person, and made more than usual preparations to celebrate the festival of Mahanáwí.¹¹⁷

The celebration of the Mahanáwí.

The infidels of this country, who are endowed with power, are fond of displaying their pride, pomp, power, and glory, in holding every year a stately and magnificent festival, which they call Mahanáwí. The manner of it is this: The King of Bíjána-gar directed that his nobles and chiefs should assemble at the royal abode from all the provinces of his country, which extends for the distance of three or four months' journey. They brought with them a thousand elephants, tumultuous as the sea, and thundering as the clouds, arrayed in armour, and adorned with howdahs, on which jugglers and throwers of naphtha were seated; and on the foreheads, trunks, and ears of the elephants extraordinary forms and pictures were traced with cinnabar and other pigments.

[Verses.]

The chiefs of the army and the powerful men of each province, and the wise Brahmans and the demon-like elephants, were assembled at the Court of the ruler of the world at the appointed time, which was at the full moon of Rajab (September, 1446), on a broad plain. This wonderful expanse of ground, from the numbers of people and the huge elephants, resembled the waves of the green sea, and the myriads which will appear on the Plains of the Resurrection.

[Verses.]

On that beautiful plain were raised enchanting pavilions of from two to five stages high, on which from top to bottom were painted all kinds of figures that the imagination can conceive, of men, wild animals, birds, and all kinds of beasts, down to flies and gnats. All these were painted with exceeding delicacy and taste. Some of these pavilions were so constructed, that they revolved, and every moment offered a different face to the view. Every instant each stage and each chamber presented a new and charming sight.

In the front of that plain, a pillared edifice was constructed of nine stories in height, ornamented with exceeding beauty. The throne of the king was placed on the ninth story. The place assigned to me was the seventh story, from which every one was excluded except my own friends. Between this palace and the pavilions there was an open space beautifully laid out, in which singers and story-tellers exercised their respective arts. The singers were for the most part young girls, with cheeks like the moon, and faces more blooming than the spring, adorned with beautiful garments, and displaying figures which ravished the heart like fresh roses. They were seated behind a beautiful curtain, opposite the king. On a sudden the curtain was removed on both sides, and the girls began to move their feet with such grace, that wisdom lost its senses, and the soul was intoxicated with delight.

[Verses.]
The Showmen and Jugglers.

The jugglers performed astonishing feats; they set up three beams joined one to the other; each was a yard long and half a yard broad, and about three or four high. Two other beams were placed on the top of the first two beams, which are of about the same length and breadth. They placed another beam a little smaller on the top of the second beams, which were already supported by the lower beams, so that the first and second series formed two stages supporting the third beam, which was placed on the top of them all. A large elephant had been so trained by them, that it mounted the first and second stages, and finally to the top of the third, the width of which was less than the sole of the elephant's foot. When the elephant had secured all four feet on this beam, they removed the remaining beams from the rear.¹¹⁹ Mounted thus on the top of the third beam, the elephant beat time with his trunk to every song or tune that the minstrels performed, raising his trunk and lowering it gently in accord with the music.

They raised a pillar ten yards high, through a hole at the top of the pillar they passed a beam of wood, like the beam of a balance; to one end of this they attached a stone about the weight of an elephant, and to the other they attached a broad plank about one yard in length, which they fastened with strong cords. The elephant mounted this plank, and his keeper by degrees let go the cord, so that the two ends of the beam stood evenly balanced at the height of ten yards; at one end the elephant, and at the other his weight in stone, equal as two halves of a circle. In this way it went (up and down) before the king. The elephant in that high position, where no one could reach him, listened to the strains of the musicians, and marked the tune with motions of his trunk.

All the readers and story-tellers, musicians and jugglers, were rewarded by the king with gold and garments. For three continuous days, from the time that the world-enlightening sun began to glow like a peacock in the heavens, until that when the crow of evening's obscurity displayed its wings and feathers, this royal fête continued with the most gorgeous display. One cannot, without entering into great detail, mention all the various kinds of pyrotechny and squibs, and various other amusements which were exhibited.

Audience of the King of Bíjánagar.

On the third day, when the king was about to leave the scene of the festival, I was carried before the throne of His Majesty. It was of a prodigious size, made of gold inlaid with beautiful jewels, and ornamented with exceeding delicacy and art; seeing that this kind of manufacture is nowhere excelled in the other kingdoms of the earth. Before the throne there was placed a cushion of zaitúní satin, round which three rows of the most exquisite pearls were sewn. During the three days the king sat on the throne upon this cushion, and when the celebration of the Mahanáwí was over, he sent for this humble individual one evening at the time of prayer. On arriving at the palace, I saw four stages laid out about ten yards square. The whole roof and walls of the apartment were covered with plates of gold inlaid with jewels. Each of these plates was about the thickness of the back of a sword, and was firmly fixed with nails of gold. On the first stage, the king's royal seat was placed. This was formed of gold, and was of great size. The king sat upon it in state. He asked after His Majesty the Khákán-i Sa'íd, his nobles, his armies, the number of his horses, and the peculiarities of the cities, such as Samarkand, Hirát, and Shíráz. He treated me with a kindness which exceeded all bounds, and observed, “I am about to send a certain number of elephants and two tukúz of eunuchs, besides other rarities, accompanied by a prudent ambassador, whom I shall despatch to your Sovereign.

In that assembly one of the courtiers asked me, by means of an interpreter, what I thought of the beauty of the four embroidered sofas, implying that such could not be made in our country. I replied, that perhaps they might be made equally well there, but that it is not the custom to manufacture such articles. The king approved highly of my reply, and ordered that I should receive several bags of fanams and betel, and some fruits reserved for his special use.

Malice of the Hormúzians.

A set of people from Hormúz, who were residing in the country, when they heard of the kindness of the monarch, and of his intention of sending an ambassador to the Court of the asylum of Sultáns, were extremely vexed, and did what they could to destroy this edifice of friendship. From their exceeding turpitude and malevolence they spread abroad the report that this poor individual was not really accredited by His Majesty, the Khákán-i Sa'íd. This assertion reached the ears, not only of the nobles and ministers, but of the king himself, as will be hereafter mentioned. Please God!

Expedition to Kulbarga.

About this time the Danáík, or minister, who had treated me with the greatest consideration, departed on an expedition to the kingdom of Kulbarga, of which the cause was, that the king of Kulbarga, Sultán 'Aláu-d dín Ahmad Sháh, upon learning the attempted assassination of Deo Ráí, and the murder of the principal officers of State, was exceedingly rejoiced, and sent an eloquent deputy to deliver this message: “Pay me 700,000 varáhas, or I will send a world-subduing army into your country, and will extirpate idolatry from its lowest foundations.” Deo Ráí, the King of Bíjánagar, was troubled and angered at this demand, and said, “Since I am alive, what occasion for alarm is there if some servants have been slain?

‘If a thousand of my servants die, what should I be afraid of?’ In one or two days I can collect a hundred thousand more such as they.

‘When the sun is resplendent, innumerable atoms are visible.’ If my enemies have conceived that weakness, loss, insecurity, and calamity have fallen upon me, they are mistaken. I am shielded by a powerful and auspicious star, and fortune is favourable to me. Now let all that my enemy can seize from out my dominions be considered as booty, and made over to his saiyids and professors; as for me, all that I can take from his kingdom I will make over to my falconers and brahmans.” So on both sides armies were sent into the other's country, and committed great devastations.¹²²

Hambah Nurír.^122a

—Despatch of Embassy.

The king had appointed as a temporary substitute of the Brahman Danáík a person named Hambah Nurír, who considered himself equal to the wazír. He was diminutive in stature, malignant, low-born, vile, savage, and reprobate. All the most odious qualities were united in him, and he had not a single estimable trait in his composition. When the seat of the administration was polluted by that wretch, he stopped my daily allowance without any cause. The Hormúzians having found an opportunity of showing their malice, displayed the devilry which forms the leaven of their disposition; and conformity of vice having ingratiated them with Hambah Nurír, they declared that I was not accredited by His Majesty the Khákán-i Sa'íd, but that I was a mere merchant, who had carried in my hand the diploma of His Majesty. They spread several other lies in the hearing of the infidels, which produced such an impression upon them, that for some time, in the middle of this unholy country, I was reduced to a state of misery and uncertainty. But while labouring under this anxiety, I met the king several times on the road, who treated me with great condescension, and asked how I was going on. In very truth, he possessed excellent qualities.

The Danáík, after ravaging the territory of Kulbarga, and bringing some wretched people away with him as captives, returned to Bíjánagar. He reproached Hambah Nurír for having stopped my daily rations, and gave me an assignment for 7,000 fanams on the mint the very day of his arrival. Khwája Mas'úd and Khwája Muhammad of Khurásán, who were also residing in Bíjánagar, were appointed to go upon the embassy, carrying with them presents and stuffs. Fath Khán, one of the descendants of Sultán Fíroz Sháh, who had been King of Delhí, also sent a deputy, named Khwája Jamálu-d dín, with presents and a petition.

On the day of my audience of leave, the monarch said to this poor individual, “They have represented that you are not really the envoy of His Majesty Mírzá Sháh Rukh; otherwise we would have paid you greater respect. If you should come again into this country, and I should ascertain that you are really sent on a mission by His Majesty, I will pay you such attention as becomes the dignity of my empire.”

[Verse.]

In the letter addressed to His Majesty, the monarch communicated the malicious aspersions which had been spread by the Hormúzians, and observed, “It was our intention to commend myself to His Sacred Majesty by royal presents and gifts, but certain parties represented that 'Abdu-r Razzák is not His Majesty's servant.” * * *

The humble author, having completed his preparations, took his departure for the shore of the sea of 'Umán.

The return from Hindustán, and an account of a storm.

The sun of Divine Benevolence arose from the horizon of prosperity, and the star of fortune ascended from the Orient of hope, and the brilliant lights of joy and content showed themselves in the midst of the dark night, conformably to the saying, “God is the friend of those who trust in Him. He will bring them forth from darkness into light.” The nights of trouble and affliction in that abode of idolatry and error vanished at the rising of the morning of good fortune and the appearance of the sun of prosperity; and the evening of sorrow and helplessness was changed into days of festivity and rejoicing.

“The duration of night that was longer than the day is now reversed.

“The latter has grown longer, the former has decreased.”

Bíjánagar is a city in the most remote territory of Hindustán, and the whole country is idolatrous; the resources which I had accumulated for my travels were consumed during the misfortunes to which I had been exposed. But why should I speak of that which is not worthy of mention? But in consequence of my wretched condition, I had no hope of getting provision for my journey—all I could do was to throw myself on the mercy of God.

With a stout heart and expanded hopes, I set out on my road; I confided myself to the kindness and mercy of God. On the 12th of Sha'bán, accompanied by the ambassadors, I took my flight on the wings of travel for the city of Bíjánagar, and after being eighteen days on the road, we arrived, on the 1st of Ramazán (January, 1444), at the port of Mangahúr,¹²⁴ and there I was honoured with being admitted to an interview with Amír Saiyid-'Aláu-d dín Mashhadí, who was 120 years old. For several years he had been venerated by the faithful, as well as the infidels, and in that country his sayings were regarded as oracles, for no one dared to refuse obedience to his precepts. One of the ambassadors of Bíjánagar, Khwája Mas'úd, unfortunately died while we were in this place.

“On this sinful earth, over which the vault of heaven extends,
Who knows in what place his head will rest beneath the
tomb?”

After having celebrated in the port of Mangahúr the feast which follows the fast of Ramazán, I went to the port of Hanúr, to arrange about fitting out a vessel, and I laid in provisions for twenty people for a voyage of forty days. One day, near the time when I was about to embark, I consulted the book of presages compiled by Imám Ja'far Sádik, which comprises verses taken from the Kurán, when I opened it at a passage of fortunate omen, containing this verse, “Be not afraid, you have been saved from the tribe of wicked men.” I was exceedingly struck with a passage so appropriate to my situation, the anxiety which beset my heart from fear of the sea vanished altogether, and all at once trusting in a happy deliverance, I embarked on the 25th of the month Zi-l ka'da.

Sometimes we engaged in conversation on the extraordinary names and wonderful appearances which had come under our observation, and our hearts enjoyed peace and contentment. Sometimes, from the effect of contrary winds, which resembled drunkards, the cup of vicissitude found its way into the vessel, and its planks, which were so joined as to resemble a continuous line, were on the point of becoming separate like isolated letters of the alphabet.

* * * * * * *

The raging storm was changed into a favourable wind, the foaming tempest ceased, and the sea became as calm as my heart desired. The passengers, after having celebrated on the sea the festival of azhá, at the end of Zí-hijja, sighted the mountain of Kalahát,¹²⁵ and rested in security from the dangers of the ocean. At that time, the new moon of the Muharram of the year 848 (of April, 1444), showed itself in the sea like the image of a friend's eyebrow. * * *

Concluding events of the voyage, and the arrival at Hormúz by
God's favour.

The narrative of my voyage has reached that point, when the new moon of the blessed Muharram showed its beautiful image in the sea. The ship remained out at sea for several days more, but on arriving at Maskat we cast anchor; where, after the damages sustained at sea by the storm were repaired, we reembarked, and continued our route.

The vessel, after leaving Maskat, arrived at the port of Khúr-fakán, ¹²⁶ where she remained for two days, during which the night was so hot, that when it was dawn, you might have said that the sky had set the earth on fire; for the strong-winged bird at the summit of the air, and the fish at the bottom of the sea, were equally consumed by the heat. * * * *

After re-embarking, we left the port of Khúrfakán, and arrived at the city of Hormúz on the forenoon of Friday, the 12th of the month of Safar. From the port of Hanúr to that of Hormúz, our voyage lasted seventy-five days.

XXIII.
RAUZATU-S SAFÁ
OF
MÍRKHOND.

THE full title of this work is Rauzatu-s Safá fí Síratu-l Ambiá wau-l Mulúk wau-l Khulafá, “The Garden of Purity, containing the History of Prophets, Kings, and Khalifs.” It was composed by Mírkhond, or more correctly Mír Kháwand, whose true name at length is Muhammad bin Kháwand Sháh bin Mahmúd. He was born towards the close of the year 836 H., or the beginning of 837—A.D. 1433.

We gather some few particulars of him and of his family from the account of his patron, the minister, 'Alí Shír, and of his son, Khondamír. The father of Mírkhond was Saiyid Burhánu-dín Kháwand Sháh, a native of Máwaráu-n nahr, who traced his pedigree to Hasan, the son of 'Alí. When his father died, Kháwand Sháh was young, and being compelled by circumstances to abandon his country, he fixed his residence in the town of Balkh, where he indulged himself in the study of literature and science, and after an intermediate residence at Hirát, returned to Balkh, and died there.

Of Mírkhond himself very little is known. When he was only thirteen years of age he accompanied his father on a political embassy, which was not only entirely unsuccessful, but the negociators were unfortunately pillaged by the Turks and deprived of every thing they took with them. On another occasion, he tells us, that he was on a hunting expedition, when, for leaving his post to join in mid-day prayer, he was reprimanded by some of the royal servants, and was so much alarmed at the reproaches and at the extortions to which he was exposed in consequence, that he fell ill and remained in a bad state for seven days. “Frightful dreams troubled him during the night, and before his departure the humble author of this history took God to witness, and vowed that on no account would he ever be induced to join another hunting expedition.”

These luckless adventures seemed to have indisposed him towards an active and public life, and he devoted himself early to literature. His son tells us that Mírkhond having employed his early life in acquiring all that was attainable in Eastern science, in which he soon outstripped all his contemporaries, he applied himself with equal assiduity and success to the study of history. “Through the seductions of a convivial disposition, however, and too unrestrained an intercourse with the votaries of pleasure, it never occurred to him to engage in the labours of composition, until, by the goodness of Providence and the influence of his better destiny, he found means to be introduced to the excellent 'Alí Shír, from whom he immediately experienced every mark of kindness and encouragement.” He assigned to Mírkhond apartments in the Khánkáh Akhlásía, a building erected by him “to serve as a retreat and asylum to men of merit distinguished by their attainments,” and cheered him with intellectual converse when exhausted with the labours of composition.

'Alí Shír himself, in the biographical article which he devotes to Mírkhond, vaunts in pompous terms the distinguished talents of the historian, and greatly applauds himself for having by his counsels and urgent remonstrances overcome the modesty of this honourable man, and for having thus contributed to enrich Persian literature with a production so remarkable as the Rauzatu-s Safá.

A great portion of this work was composed on a bed of sickness, and the author has himself given an account of the painful circumstances under which he was compelled to write. It is fortunate that writing was found rather to relieve than aggravate his disease. “I wrote all, chapter by chapter, lying on my right side; and because of the violent pains I felt in my loins, I was not able to write a single page sitting down. Clever physicians assured me that this occupation would relieve me of the malady, or at least prevent its becoming worse. If on any night I happened to neglect my usual labour, and wished to abandon myself to repose, I had troublesome dreams, woke up in affright, or an excessive heat came over me which prevented my sleeping. If, on the contrary, I set myself to write as usual, I had a good sleep and agreeable dreams.”

For a whole twelvemonth before his death he gave himself up entirely to religious duties, while his malady increased upon him every day, and after a lingering illness he expired in the month Zí-l ka'da, 903, corresponding with June, 1498—aged sixty-six years.¹²⁹

There is no Oriental work that stands higher in public estimation than the Rauzatu-s Safá. The author has availed himself of no less than nineteen Arabic and twenty-two Persian histories, besides others which he occasionally quotes. His work forms the basis of many other compilations, and the greater portion of Hájí Khalfa's History may be considered to be founded upon it. It must be confessed, however, that the Rauzatu-s Safá is very unequal in its execution, some portions being composed in great detail, and others more compendiously. It is most copious in what concerns the kings of Persia.

CONTENTS.

Introduction.—On the study of History in general, and its advantages, especially to Rulers.

Book I.—Gives an account of the Creation of the World, and of the Deluge; details the lives of the Patriarchs and Prophets; and contains the ancient History of Persia, to the conquest of that country by the Muhammadans, A.D. 636; the Life of Alexander, and several Grecian Philosophers.—339 pages.

Book II.—Details the History of Muhammad and the four first Khalifs, Abú Bakr, 'Umár, 'Usmán and 'Alí, with a particular account of their conquests to A.D. 664.—368 pages.

Book III.—Contains the lives of the twelve Imáms. This section comprises also the History of the Ummayide and Abbá-side Khalifs.—232 pages.

Book IV.—Includes Memoirs of the Dynasties of Táhirides, Saffárides, Sámánides, Búwaihides, Saljúkides, Ghaznivides, Ghorians, Atábaks, etc., who reigned over Persia, Transoxiana, 'Irák, etc., from about the year 800 to 1263 A.D.—pages 293.

Book V.—Presents the History of the celebrated conqueror Changíz Khán, who was born A.D. 1154, and died at the age of 73; also Memoirs of his descendants, who reigned over Irán and Túrán till A.D. 1335.—pages 253.

Book VI.—Exhibits the History of Tímúr; also of his sons and successors to the year 1426.—pages 408.

Book VII.—In this section are preserved the Memoirs of Sultán Husain Mirzá Abú-l Ghází Bahádur, fourth in descent from Tímúr, who reigned with great repute over Khurásán for thirty-four years, and died A.D. 1505—pages 166.

Conclusion.—Contains a description of the city of Hirát (then the capital of Khurásán), and of several other places of that kingdom.—pages 75.

Size.—Folio, 2 vols., containing respectively 939 and 1195 pages, of 29 lines each.

This accords with the Table of Contents given by the author himself, and copied by Stewart in his “Catalogue of Tippú Sultán's Library,” but differs from the Latin Catalogue of the MSS. of Erpenius, at page 27 of the Appendix to Hottingeri Promptuarium.

A very full list of Contents will be found in the Vienna Jahrbücher, Nos. lxix. and lxx. Anzeige-Blatt, where the Rubrics of the entire work are given. Baron Hammer-Purgstall has also given a detailed account of its contents in Handschriften Hammer-Purgstalls , Wien, 1840.

M. Jourdain, in his elaborate article in the ninth volume of Notices et Extraits des MSS. observes that additions were subsequently made to the seventh book by the author's son, Khondamír, because the author died A.H. 903, and events are recorded in it of A.H. 911. He consequently is disposed to ascribe the whole book to another hand. Major Price concurs in this opinion,¹³¹ but Sir W. Ouseley^131a is of opinion that Mírkhond wrote at least the first part of that book. His son Khondamír distinctly observes, that of his father's work the seventh book remained incomplete for want of materials, or, as has been suggested, more probably through the delicacy of engaging in a narrative of the passing events of the reign of Abú-l Ghází. This omission he pledged himself at a future period to supply, should the requisite materials be procurable, and heaven be propitious to his hopes, This he accordingly did, and the seventh book is composed of extracts taken from the Habíbu-s Siyar, and contains the biography of Mírkhond. The preface leaves it very doubtful whether any portion of the seventh book was written by Mírkhond, for the names of both father and son occur in it in a very strange combination.

The Conclusion, or Geographical Appendix, is more rarely to be found than the other portions. In this also there are several interpolations by Khondamír. There is an excellent copy of it in the Asiatic Society's Library.

The entire text of Mírkhond's history was published in lithography at Bombay in the year 1848, and the first part of a Turkish translation was issued at Constantinople in 1842.

We have no entire translation of this work, but at different times, and in different languages, several portions of the History have been made available to the European reader.^131b The early volumes of the Modern Universal History derive the history of Persia from the Rauzatu-s Safá,—a portion of the work which has been attributed by some to Dr. Hunt, by others to George Psalmanazar.¹³² It is alluded to in the Dictionnaire Historique of Moreri, under the name of Tarik Mirkon.

Major Price has used the Rauzatu-s Safá more copiously than any other work in his Retrospect of Mahommedan History, and in his History of Arabia. The substance of a great portion of the history has been presented by Pedro Texeira, a learned Portuguese, in his Relacion de los Reyes de Persia, and more accurately in a French work, entitled Les Etats, Empires, et Principautés du Monde, Paris, 1662. A translation was published at Paris subsequently by Cotolendi, in 1681, which is characterized in the Biographie Universelle as “assez mauvaise.” It was translated into Italian by Alfonso Lasor, and into English by Captain J. Stevens, in 1715.

The following is a list of the publications drawn from this History:—

Historia priorum regum Persarum, post firmatum in regno Islamismum Pers. et Lat. cum notis geographicis et litterariis. Auct. M. Jenisch. Viennæ, 1782.

Memoires sur diverses antiquités de la Perse, et sur les médailles des rois de la dynastie des Sassanides, suivis de l'histoire de cette dynastie, trad. du persan de Mirchond. Silvestre de Sacy. Paris, 1793.

Historia Samanidarum, Pers. et Lat. F. Wilken. Göttingen. 1808.

Notice de l'histoire universelle de Mirchond, suivie de l'histoire de la dynastie des Ismaëliens de Perse extrait du même ouvrage, en persan et en français, par M. A. Jourdain. Paris, 1812.

Mirchondi historia Taheridarum, Pers. et Lat. E. Mitscher-lich. Göttingen, 1814; Berlin, 1819.

Mirchondi historia Ghuridarum, regiæ, Persiæ Indiæque atque Carachitajorum imperatorum Tatariæ, Pers. et Lat., ed. et anno-tavit Dr. E. Mitscherlich. Frankfort, 1818.

The Peshdadians and Early Kings of Persia, with the Introduction. David Shea. London, 1832.

Historia Ghasnavidarum, Pers. et Lat., annotationibus historicis illustravit. F. Wilken. Berlin, 1832.

Geschichte der Sultane aus dem Geschlechte Bujeh, Pers. und Deutsch. F. Wilken. Berlin, 1835.

Erläuterung und Ergänzung einiger Stellen der von Mirchond verfassten Geschichte des Stammes Buweih durch Franz von Erdmann. Kasan, 1836.

Historia Seldschukidarum, Persice. Dr.J.A.Vullers. Giessen, 1837.

Historia Seldschukidarum, translated into German. Vullers. Giessen, 1838.

Vie de Djenghiz Khan, Texte Persan. M. Am. Jaubert. Paris, 1841.

Histoire des Sultans de Kharezm, Texte. Defrémery. Paris, 1842.

Histoire des Samanides, Texte et Traduction. Defrémery. Paris, 1845.

History of the Atabeks of Syria and Persia from Mirkhond. H. Morley. London, 1850.

Histoire des Soultans Ghourides, Texte et Trad. Defrémery. Paris, 1843. (Journal Asiatique.)

Sur le Kiptchak et les Chirwanchahs. Journal Asiatique, iv. série, tome xvii.

Besides these, some extracts will be found in the Notices et Extraits, vol. vii., 1799, by Langlès; in Wilken's Auctarium ad Chrestomathiam, Leipsic, 1805; in the Appendix to Stewart's “Catalogue;” in Extraits des MSS.; in Sur les Origines Russes, by Hammer-Purgstall, St. Petersburg, 1825; in Dorn's History of the Afghans, London, 1829; and in the Mem. de l'Acad. Imp. de St. Pétersbourg, tome iii., by M. Charmoy.¹³³

The names of the numerous authors used by Mírkhond in the compilation of his history, are not given by him, but two are named in the Habíbu-s Siyar and Firishta. One of them is the famous Abú Ríhán al Bírúní. Briggs (Firishta, i., 113) has strangely perverted the name, transcribing it as Anvury Khan, but the Persian original, lithographed at Bombay, gives it correctly.

There are several manuscripts of the Rauzatu-s Safá in India and in Europe, but few are perfect. M. Jourdain, in his article in tome ix. of Notices et Extraits des MSS., quotes no less than eight different copies; and the prefaces to the several translations noticed above give an account of several valuable MSS. which contain portions of the Rauzatu-s Safá in the different Libraries of Europe. The one lithographed at Bombay in 1848, in two folio volumes, is the most perfect copy known to me. It contains the Seventh Book and the Conclusion. The execution of so laborious and expensive an undertaking, reflects great credit on the Native Press of Bombay, but it is to be regretted that the work was not critically edited, with notices of the variants.

EXTRACTS.
Death of Mahmúd.

Sultán Mahmúd was ill for two years. Opinions differ as to his disease: some say it was consumption, others a disease of the rectum, and others dysentery. During the time of his illness he used to ride and walk about just as he did when in health, although the physicians forbad his doing so.

It is said that two days before his death he ordered all the bags of gold and silver coins which were in his treasury, and all the jewels, and all the valuables which he had collected during the days of his sovereignty, to be brought into his presence. They were accordingly all laid out in the court-yard of his palace, which, in the eyes of the spectators, appeared like a garden full of flowers of red, yellow, violet, and other colours. He looked at them with sorrow, and wept very bitterly. After shedding many tears, he ordered them to be taken back to the treasury, and he did not give a farthing to any deserving man, notwithstanding he knew that in a day or two he must depart from this world. When the compiler of this book read this account in history, he was much disgusted with this victorious king, and has never since been able to listen to any excuse for him. It is for the same reason that he has occasionally made mention of this glorious king in the course of his narrative simply by the name of Mahmúd. When the king had seen the valuable contents of his treasury, he sat in a litter and went out to the field. There he reviewed all his personal slaves, his cattle, Arab horses, camels, etc., and after casting his eye upon them, and crying with great sorrow and regret, he returned to his palace.

Abú-l Hasan 'Alí Maimandí says that one day Sultán Mah-múd, having asked Abú Táhir Sámání what quantity of precious stones the Sámánian kings had collected in their treasury, he was told, in reply, that Amír Kází Núh bin Mansúr possessed seven ratls¹³⁵ in weight. On this he placed his face on the earth, and said, “Thanks be to God, who hath bestowed on me more than a hundred ratls.”

Abú Bakr 'Alí, son of Hasan, clerk of Muhammad bin Mah-múd bin Subuktigín, relates that Sultan Mahmúd departed from this perishable world to the eternal abode on Thursday, the 23rd of Rabí'u-l ákhir, A.H. 421, in the sixty-third year of his age. Even during his illness he sat upon the throne and gave audience to the people. His remains were buried in the palace of Fíroza, at Ghaznín, in a dark night, when rain was falling. He was very bigoted in religion. Many authors have dedicated their works to him. He undertook repeated expeditions against India, a brief account of which we have given in these pages. It was a great blemish on his character that he was exceedingly covetous in seizing the riches of wealthy people. On one occasion it was reported to him that a person in Naishapúr was possessed of immense riches, so he called the man to Ghaznín, and told him that he had learnt that he was an infidel Karmatian. The man replied he was not, but that the Almighty had bestowed much wealth of this world upon him, and he would rather that the king should take it all from him than stain his character by that name. The Sultán took his property, and ordered a royal certificate to be given of his orthodoxy.

It is said that one day, as Sultán Mahmúd was sitting in his palace, his eye suddenly fell on a reckless fellow, who had a pair of fowls in his hand. Seeing that the Sultán was looking at him, he made a signal. The Sultán disregarded it, but asked himself what he could mean by it. The next time Mahmúd looked at him he made the same signal again, and the king again overlooked it; but on the third signal he called him into his presence, and asked him who he was, and what he was doing with the pair of fowls. The man answered, “I am a gamester; to-day I gambled in my own and the Sultán's name, and have won two pairs of fowls, so I have brought one pair for His Majesty.” The Sultán ordered the fowls to be received from him. The next day the man came again, and brought another pair. The Sultán asked himself what the fellow could mean by such partnership. The third day the man came in the same manner; but on the fourth he came empty-handed, and stood looking very sorrowful under the king's window. The Sultán, having looked at him, knew that some misfortune had befallen his partner, because the signs of distress were visible in his face. He called him, and asked him the reason of his grief. The man replied, “I played to-day in partnership with the king and have lost one thousand dirams.” The Sultán smiled, and ordered five hundred dirams to be given to him, but added, “Do not make me your partner in future unless I am present.” Many stories and anecdotes are told of this king, but they are not worth relating in an historical work.

Deposition of Mas'úd.

Sultán Mas'úd having reached Ghazní in a state of great distraction and embarrassment, imprisoned certain of the chief officers of the State, and put some of them to death, under the suspicion of their having misconducted themselves in the war with the Saljúkís. He then despatched towards Balkh his son, named Maudúd, at the head of a detachment of his army, accompanied by Wazír Abú Nasr Ahmad, son of Muhammad, son of 'Abdu-s Samad, while he himself, attended by his brother Muhammad Makhúl,¹³⁷ and the sons of the latter, named Ahmad 'Abdu-r Rahman and 'Abdu-r Rahím, as well as by all his relatives, proceeded to Hindustán with a view to pass the cold season there. In the spring he assembled a very large army, and marched towards Khurásán for the purpose of expelling the Saljúkís. After Sultán Mas'úd had crossed the Indus, the royal treasure, which was in the rear on the other side of the river, was plundered by Noshtigín and the household troops of the Sultán, who afterwards waited upon Muhammad Makhúl, and saluted him as their sovereign.

On his refusing to comply with their request to ascend the throne, they said that they had rebelled with a view to the advancement of his interests, and they threatened at the same time, that in the event of his non-compliance, they would put him to death, and enter into an understanding with some other chief. Muhammad Makhúl was thus compelled to agree to their demands, and crossing the river with him, they fought a battle against Mas'úd. The army of Mas'úd, which was very small, was defeated, and he was compelled to take shelter in a neighbouring saráí. He was at length taken prisoner, and brought into the presence of his brother, who assured him that he had no intention to take his life, and desired him to name any place which he might select to reside in with his family.

Mas'úd chose the Fort of Kírí,¹³⁸ to which place Muhammad sent him and all his family, and set a guard over them.

It is said that when Mas'úd was about to set out for that fort, he begged of Muhammad a certain sum to meet his expenses. The parsimonious^138a Muhammad sent him only 500 dirams, on the receipt of which Mas'úd wept, and exclaimed, “Yesterday I could command three thousand loads of treasure, but to-day I have not a single diram which I can call my own.” Upon this, the bearer of the 500 dirams gave to Mas'úd 1,000 dínárs out of his own private resources. This liberal act led to the prosperity of the donor, who met with his reward in the reign of Maudúd, son of Mas'úd.

As Muhammad had been deprived of the blessing of sight, he left the administration of the country to his son Ahmad, and reserved for himself merely the name of king.^138b Ahmad, whose mind was somewhat deranged, in concert with the son of Yúsuf Subuktigín, and with the son of 'Alí Khesháwand, went to the fort of Kírí, and, without the consent of Muhammad, put Mas'úd to death, which circumstance afflicted Muhammad very much. Some say that Ahmad instigated his father to procure the death of Mas'úd.

Mas'úd reigned nine years and eleven months. He was brave, affable, generous, and fond of the company of the learned, whom he placed under manifold obligations to him; on which account many authors dedicated their works to him. He was very profuse in his charity. A story is told of him that on one occasion, during the Ramazán fast, he directed that a million dirams should be distributed among the deserving. During his reign so many colleges, mosques, and other religious edifices were built in various parts of his dominions, that it is impossible to enumerate them. After Mas'úd was killed, Muhammad Makhúl wrote to Maudúd, son of Mas'úd, naming the persons who had slain Mas'úd, in retaliation for blood spilt by him, and declaring that he himself had taken no part in the murder. Maudúd answered to the effect that he hoped God would give the king's mad son sense to live better in future, for he had engaged in great matters, and had shed royal blood. The king, too, had called him Chief of Princes and Kings; but vengeance would soon fall upon him. After the murder of Mas'úd the country went to decay, and neither soldiers nor people had any confidence in Muhammad or his sons. All the property and possessions of the people of Persháwar, which is a wide and extensive province, went to ruin. In that country slaves were then sold at one diram each, and one man of wine realized the same price, and there were more purchasers for the wine than for the slaves.

CHAPTER XXII.
Victory of Maudúd.

When the news of the murder of Mas'úd reached his son Maudúd, he set out from the vicinity of Balkh towards Ghazní. Muhammad also came to the confines of Ghazní from the neighbourhood of the Indus. There they met in battle, and Maudúd gained the victory. Muhammad himself, with his two sons, Noshtigín Balkhí who had been the prime mover in the conspiracy, and the son of 'Alí Kh'esháwand, all fell into the hands of Maudúd, and all were put to death: no one found mercy except 'Abdu-r Rahím, son of Muhammad. The reason why he was spared was this: When Mas'úd was kept a prisoner, his nephews, 'Abdu-r Rahman and 'Abdu-r Rahím, went to see him. The former snatched the cap from the head of Mas'úd, but 'Abdu-r Rahím took it from the hands of his brother and replaced it on the head of his uncle, at the same time reproving and condemning his brother's conduct. This graceful act saved him from death, while 'Abdu-r Rahman threw himself with the others into the abyss of destruction.

XXIV.
KHULÁSATU-L AKHBÁR.
OF
KHONDAMÍR.

THIS work may be considered an abridgment of the Rauzatu-s Safá. It was written by Mírkhond's son, Khondamír, whose full name is Ghiyásu-d dín Muhammad bin Humámu-d dín.¹⁴¹

Khondamír was born at Hirát, about the year 880 H. (A.D. 1475), for he states in the Preface to the Habíbu-s Siyar, that when he commenced it in the year 927 H., he had advanced through seven or eight stages beyond the fortieth year of his life.

From his early youth he showed a predilection for history, and perused with indefatigable ardour books which treated of that science; and guided by the example and advice of his illustrious father, he prepared himself for the composition of some work by which he might attain equal celebrity. In this purpose he was assisted by the learned minister 'Alí Shír,^141a who, having collected a valuable library of the most esteemed works, placed our author in charge of it. According to Hájí Khalfa, it was about the year 900 H.,^141b that Khondamír completed the Khulásatu-l Akhbár, and at the close of it he gratefully acknowledges that, had it not been for 'Alí Shír's considerate kindness in placing him in charge of the library, he could not have completed in six years a tenth part of what he had concluded in as many months, and to that excellent minister he gratefully dedicated his work.

Khondamír was occasionally employed in a public capacity. In the year 909 H., when Sultán Badí'u-z Zamán resolved on repelling the Uzbeks, who were preparing to make an attack upon Khurásán, under the command of Muhammad Shaibání Khán, he despatched an embassy to Khusrú Sháh, the chief of Kundúz, in order to invite him to join the common cause, and to second the preparations which were making for the destruction of this formidable enemy. Our author joined this embassy, and was deputed by the head of the mission to convey certain important intelligence to the Sultán.

Under the reign of this Sultán, the last of the descendants of Tímúr who sat on the throne of Persia, we find Khondamír appointed to the office of sadr, or Judge of the Ecclesiastical Court, a post which had been held by his uncle Nizámu-d dín Sultán Ahmad; and shortly after he was commissioned by the Sultán to proceed to Kandahár, to induce its ruler to join the general league; but the death of one of the Sultán's daughters at that time put a stop to his journey. Khurásán was soon invaded by the Uzbeks, and in the year 913 (1507-8), the capital itself, not being able to make any effectual resistance, offered terms of submission. Khondamír drew up the conditions, and his nephew was commissioned to negociate the surrender.

Under the rule of the Uzbeks, our author had to submit to great indignities, and he was not sorry to see it overthrown by the victorious arms of Sháh Isma'íl in 916 H. (1510 A.D.). During the troubles of this period he went to reside at Basht, a village in Georgia, and there devoted his leisure to literary pursuits. While in this retreat, he seems to have composed the Ma-ásiru-l Mulúk, the Akhbáru-l Akhyár, the Dastúru-l Wuzrá, the Makárimu-l Akhlák and the Muntakhab Táríkh-i Wassáf.¹⁴² He is found again as a negociator in 922 (1516 A.D.).

After the death of this monarch, A.H. 932 (1525-6), Khonda-mír seems to have found little inducement to reside in Persia, for in the year 935 H. (1528-9 A.D.), he was introduced to the Emperor Babar at Ágra, and that monarch and our author concur in mentioning the very day of the interview. At the conclusion of the first volume of the Habíbu-s Siyar he tells us, “Under the unavoidable law of destiny, the writer was compelled in the middle of Shawwál, 933 H., to leave Hirát, his dear home (may it ever be protected from danger!), and bend his steps towards Kandahár. On the 10th of Jumáda-s sání, 934 H., he undertook a hazardous journey to Hindustán, which, in consequence of the great distance, the heat of the weather, the setting in of the rainy season, and the broad and rapid rivers which intervened, it took him seven months to complete. On Saturday the 4th of Muharram, 935 H., he reached the metropolis of Ágra, and on that day had the good fortune to strengthen his weak eyes with the antimonial dust of the high threshold of the Emperor, the mention of whose name in so humble a page as this would not be in conformity with the principles of respect. He was allowed, without delay, to kiss the celestial throne, which circumstance exalted him so much, that it placed the very foot of his dignity over the heads of the Great and Little Bears in the Heavens.”

He accompanied the Emperor on his expedition to Bengal, and upon his death attached himself to Humáyún, in whose name he wrote the Kánún-i Humáyúní, which is quoted by Abú-l Fazl in the Akbar-náma. He accompanied that monarch to Guzerát, and died in his camp in the year 941 H. (1534-5), aged sixty-one or sixty-two years. At his own desire, his body was conveyed to Dehlí, and he was buried by the side of Nizámu-d dín Aulyá and Amír Khusrú.¹⁴⁴ For the saint and the poet he entertained a high veneration, and of both he speaks in most eulogistic terms in the Habíbu-s Siyar.

The Khulásatu-l Akhbár is a most able compendium of Asiatic history, brought down to A.H. 875 (A.D. 1471), but events are recorded in it as late as A.D. 1528. It is held in high repute both in Asia and Europe. A portion of the first book has been translated in the first volume of the Asiatic Miscellany, and the history of the Saljúkians has been given in original, with a French translation, by M. Dumoret, in Nouv. J. As. xiii. pp. 240-256. Major Price is largely indebted to it in his Retrospect of Mahommedan History and his History of Arabia, and D'Herbelot's^144a obligations to it are still greater.

M. Charmoy has published the text, with a translation, of Tímúr's expedition against Tuktamish Khán, of Kipchak, in the Mem. de l'Acad. Imp. de St. Pétersbourg, 6me série, tome iii.

The chapters relating to the Ghaznivides, the Ghorians, and the kings of Dehlí, are contained in the eighth Book, and the Indian occurrences are narrated down to A.H. 717 (A.D. 1317). But we derive no information from his short abstract, he himself referring for fuller accounts to the Tabakát-i Násirí, the Táríkh-i Wassáf, and the Rauzatu-s Safá.

The Khulásatu-l Akhbár comprises an introduction, ten books, and a conclusion. Size, large 8vo., 734 pages of 19 lines each.

CONTENTS.

Introduction—Gives an account of the Creation of the world, the Deluge, Jinns, Iblís, etc. pages 5—13.

Book I.—The History of the Patriarchs and Prophets. pp. 13—116.

Book II.—Of Philosophers and illustrious personages, pp. 117—123.

Book III.—Of the ancient kings of Irán and adjacent countries, pp. 123—212.

Book IV.—Of Muhammad and his conquests, pp. 212—285.

Book V.—Of the twelve Imáms and the descendants of 'Alí, pp. 285—346.

Book VI.—Of the Ummayide Khalifs, pp. 347—399.

Book VII.—Of the 'Abbáside Khalifs, pp. 399—460.

Book VIII.—Of the kings who were contemporary with the 'Abbásides, and of a few subsequent to them, pp. 460—579.

Book IX.—Of the posterity of Japhet, the life of Changíz Khán and his successors, pp. 579—624.

Book X.—The history of Tímúr, and of his descendants who reigned in Khurásán to A.D. 1471, pp. 624—680.

Conclusion.—Description of Hirát—Memoirs of its celebrated inhabitants, pp. 680—743.

[Mr. Morley has given a more detailed statement of the contents in his Catalogue of the MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society.]

In Europe there are several good copies of this work, of which the best known are those of St. Petersburg, Vienna, the British Museum, and Sir W. Ouseley.¹⁴⁵ The work is common in India. In the Asiatic Society's Library there is an excellent manuscript, but by far the most beautiful copy I have seen is in the possession of Muhammad Razíu-d dín, chief native Judge of Allahábád, though a little defective at the end.

EXTRACT.
Regarding the slaves of the Ghorian Kings, who attained regal
dignity.

Sultán Shahábu-d-dín took considerable delight in purchasing Turkish slaves and educating them. He bestowed the government of the territories of Kirmán and Túrán, dependencies of Sind, upon one of these slaves, named Táju-d dín Yaldúz, who, upon the death of Sultán Shahábu-d dín, ascended the throne of Ghazní. He reigned a short time, but in a war with Sultán Shamsu-d dín Altamsh, King of Dehlí, he was taken prisoner and put to death.

Kutbu-d dín I'bak was likewise one of the slaves of Shahábu-d dín. He was distinguished for his great courage and liberality. Having had the reins of the government of Dehlí entrusted to him by the Sultán, he prosecuted many religious wars in India, the particulars of some of which are recorded in the Táju-l Ma-ásir.¹⁴⁶ Kutbu-d dín I'bak ruled twenty years, during fourteen years of which period he held himself independent of the Sultán, and had the Khutba read in his own name.

Upon his death, his son A'rám Sháh ascended the throne, but owing to his want of ability, he was deposed after a few days, and was succeeded by Sultán Shamsu-d dín I'bak (Altamsh).

Malik^146a Násiru-d dín Kubáj (Kubácha), after the death of his master Sultán Shahábu-d dín, took possession of U'ch, Multán, and several towns in Sind. When Changíz Khán committed great depredations and massacres in Persia, the people of Khurásán sought refuge in great numbers in the territories of Násiru-d dín, under whose protection they were treated with great munificence and consideration. Malik Násiru-d dín, in the latter years of his reign, assumed a hostile attitude towards Sultán Shamsu-d dín Altamsh The latter marched an army towards U'ch and Multán, and Násiru-d dín being defeated, fled to the fort of Bakar. On receiving intelligence of the intended attempt on that fort by the wazír of Shamsu-d dín, named Nizámu-l Mulk Muhammad, son of Abú Sa'íd, he tried to get away in a boat, and thus escape from that whirlpool of danger to the shore of safety; but in the river he sank into the ocean of mortality.

Some say Sultán Shamsu-d dín was one of the slaves of Sultán Shahábu-d dín; others again say he was one of Kutbu-d dín I'bak's slaves. However this may be, it is certain that after the death of Kutbu-d dín I'bak, the kingdom devolved upon Shamsu-d dín, who administered even-handed justice for twenty-six years, conquered a great number of forts and territories in India, and died in 633 A.H. (1235-6). The Jámi'u-l Hikáyát, which was dedicated to Wazír Nizámu-l Mulk Muhammad, son of Abú Sa'íd, was composed during the reign of this king.

Sultán Ruknu-d dín Fíroz Sháh, son of Shamsu-d dín Altamsh, ascended the throne, and was exceedingly liberal in his largesses and donations, but in consequence of his inordinate addiction to wine, he altogether disgusted and alienated the nobles and ministers of the State. They at length seized him and put him in prison. He reigned only seven months.

XXV.
DASTU'RU-L WUZRA'
OF
KHONDAMI'R.

THIS biographical account of famous Asiatic ministers is by the same author, Khondamír, and may fairly claim a place among the General Histories. There is a later and shorter work on the same subject, by Sadru-d dín Muhammad, son of Zabardast Khán, written in India, in Muhammad Sháh's reign, under the name of Irshádu-l Wuzrá. The latter contains notices of the wazírs of India, which are not included in the former, but it is very brief. Both works are to be found in the Farah-bakhsh Library at Lucknow.¹⁴⁸ The Dastúru-l Wuzrá is not an uncommon work in India. The copy used is a 4to. volume, containing 234 pages of 19 lines each.

EXTRACTS.

There were ten wazírs of note during the reigns of the Ghaznivides.

Abú-l'Abbás Fazl bin Ahmad Isfaráíní.^148a

In the beginning of his career he was secretary to Fáik, one of the nobles of the Sámání court, and when the fortunes of that noble declined, he attached himself to Amír Násiru-d dín Subuk-tigín. Upon the death of that king, his son Mahmúd greatly favoured Abú-l 'Abbás Fazl, and appointed him to the post of wazír. It is related in the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh, that Abú-l Fazl was neither a man of learning, nor of good manners, and that he was ignorant of the Arabic language; but his political and administrative abilities were marvellous. God had given him a son called Hajjáj, who was blessed with such an excellent disposition, and endowed with such extraordinary mental faculties, that he surpassed all his contemporaries. He composed most excellent Arabic verses, and was a perfect master of the traditionary sayings of the Prophet; and many writers on the traditions have quoted him as an authority.

When Abú-l 'Abbás had been minister for ten years, the star of his destiny fell from the firmament of prosperity into the pit of adversity. Some historians have thus related the cause of his dismissal:

Sultán Mahmúd had an intense love for slaves (possessing faces as fair as that of the planet Jupiter). Fazl bin Ahmad followed his example, which accords with the saying, that “men follow the opinion of their master.” Fazl, on hearing the reputation of the beauty of a boy in Turkistán, deputed a confidential person to purchase that boy (whose countenance was beautiful as that of the planet Venus), and bring him to Ghazní, according to the mode of conveyance usually adopted for females. When an informer represented to the king these circumstances, his most august Majesty demanded that slave (who was as white as silver) from the minister (whose glory and dignity were raised as high as the planet Mercury). The minister made evasive replies, and pertinaciously refused to part with the slave, notwithstanding His Majesty's absolute power. The king one night visited the minister at his house, where the minister entertained him with the respect and hospitality due to the dignity of a sovereign. When the slave (who looked as beautiful as a virgin of paradise) came into the presence of the king, high words passed between him and his minister, and so greatly was the king's anger kindled, that he issued orders to seize the minister and plunder his house. Soon after this the king departed for Hindustán, and certain evil-disposed amírs tortured the minister so severely with the rack that he lost his life. “No man can secure himself from the frowns of fortune, nor can any one look upon fortune as permanent.”

Ahmad bin Hasan Maimandí.¹⁵⁰

He was a foster-brother and a fellow-student of Sultán Mah-múd. His father Hasan Maimandí, during the lifetime of Amír Násiru-d dín Subuktigín, was employed in collecting the revenue at the town of Bust; but Amír Násiru-d dín was led by the secret machinations of his enemies to entertain an unfavourable opinion of him. Hasan, however, did not live long. It is stated by some that he was one of the ministers of Sultán Mahmúd. This statement is altogether incorrect and unfounded, as it is not maintained by any great historian.

Ahmad bin Hasan, in consequence of his beautiful handwriting, excellent qualities, proficiency in eloquence and great wisdom, became the most conspicuous man of his time, and was regarded with affection by several eminent persons. The king, taking him into favour, appointed him secretary, and continued to promote him, time after time, to higher dignities, till at last, in addition to his former offices, he was nominated the chief legal authority of the State, as well as invested with the superintendence of the concerns of the army. A short time after, he was further entrusted with the additional duty of conducting the affairs of Khurásán. All these duties he discharged in a manner that could not be excelled. At length, when Abú-l 'Abbás Isfaráíní fell into disgrace, the king conferred on Ahmad the office of minister. He held the office of minister without any control for a period of eighteen years, when a number of the chief amírs, such as A'ltúntíásh, the chamberlain, Amír 'Alí Khesháwand and others, brought before the Court of the king scandalous imputations and false charges against him. According to the saying that “whatever is listened to will make an impression,” these injurious words did not fail to take effect on the heart of the king. So the minister was deposed, and imprisoned in one of the forts of Hind. When Sultán Mas'úd ascended the throne of Ghaznín after the death of his father Sultán Mahmúd, he released Ahmad and reinstated him in the responsible office of minister, which he held again for a long period. He died in the year 444 A.H. “It is finally ordained as the lot of all creatures, that nobody should live for ever in this world.”

Abú Alí Husain bin Muhammad, alias Hasnak Míkál.¹⁵¹

From his early youth he was in the service of Sultán Mahmúd. He was very agreeable in his conversation, well-behaved, energetic and quick in apprehension, but he was not a good writer, nor was he well versed in arithmetic and accounts.

^151a It is recorded in the Rauzatu-s Safá, that when Sultán Mah-múd, in accordance with the solicitation of Núh bin Mansúr Sámání, was on his march to Khurásán against Abú 'Alí Samjúr, it was represented to him that there was in the neighbourhood of the place where he was then encamped a darwesh distinguished for abstinence and devotion, and called Záhid-áhúposh (a devotee wearing a deer-skin). The king had a firm belief in the power of darweshes, and paid him a visit. Hasnak Míkál, who had no faith in the sect of súfís, was in attendance, and the king said, “Although I know that you have no belief in súfís, still I wish you to go with me and see this devotee.” So Hasnak Míkál accompanied him. The king having had a long interview with the darwesh, when he was about to go away, offered to bestow upon him anything of which he might stand in need. The devout man stretched forth his hand into the air, and placed a handful of coins in the palm of the king, with the remark, that whoever could draw such wealth from an invisible treasury had no need of the treasure of this world. The king handed those coins to Hasnak, who found that they were struck in the name Abú 'Alí Samjúr. The king on his way back, asked Hasnak how he could refuse to accord his belief to such miracles as this. Hasnak answered, that whatever the king observed in respect to miracles was very correct and proper, but at the same time he would suggest that His Majesty should not venture to contend against a man in whose name the coins had been struck in the invisible world. The king asking him whether indeed the coins were struck in the name of Abú 'Alí, he showed them to him; upon which the king was astonished and put to the blush.

In fact, Hasnak was a constant attendant of the king, whether on journeys or at home. The circumstances which led to his appointment to the office of chief minister are as follows:

On the dismissal of Ahmad bin Hasan from the post, the king issued orders to the other ministers for the nomination of some great man to fill up that office. The ministers accordingly nominated Abú-l Kásim, Abú-l Husain Akbalí, Ahmad bin 'Abdu-s Samad, and Hasnak Míkál, and sent their names to the king to make his selection. The king, in reply, observed that the appointment of Abú-l Kásim to the office of minister would interfere with his present duty of 'áriz; that it would be impolitic to confer this office on Abú-l Husain Akbalí, as he was too avaricious; that Ahmad bin 'Abdu-s Samad was indeed fit for this post, but he had been entrusted with the duty of arranging the important affairs of Khwárizm; and that Hasnak, though he was of a good family, and had a quicker apprehension than the rest, yet his youthful age offered an obstacle to his appointment. The amírs, on weighing these sentiments of His Majesty, concluded that he was inclined to nominate Hasnak his minister. They, therefore, unanimously represented to the king, that preference should be given to Hasnak Míkál. The king, in compliance with their recommendation, appointed Hasnak to the office of minister. This post he held during the reigns of the king and his son Sultán Muhammad, who did not interrupt his enjoyment of all the powers delegated to him by his father. Hasnak, with the view of ingratiating himself with Sultán Muhammad, frequently made use of disrespectful language, in speaking of Sultán Mas'úd, who was then in 'Irák; insomuch, that one day in full Court he expressed his apprehensions, that when Sultán Mas'úd ascended the throne, he would impale him (Hasnak). Accordingly, when Sultán Mas'úd came to Khurásán, and took possession of the dominions of Sultán Muhammad, he summoned Hasnak, (and inflicted condign punishment on him).

XXVI.
HABI'BU-S SIYAR
OF
KHONDAMI'R.

THIS famous history is also by Khondamír, and was written subsequent to the Khulásatu-l Akhbár, and in a much more extended form, though Stewart (Descriptive Catalogue, p. 4) strangely characterizes it as an abridgment of that work.

The Habíbu-s Siyar was written at the desire of Muhammad al Husainí, who wished to have the facts of universal history collected into one volume. He died shortly after the work was begun, and the troubles which ensued induced our author for some time to suspend his labours, until an introduction to Karímu-d dín Habíbu-llah, a native of Ardabíl, encouraged him to prosecute them again with ardour. Habíbu-llah was a great cultivator of knowledge; all his leisure hours were devoted to its acquisition, and he was particularly partial to history. It was after the name of this new patron that he entitled his work Habíbu-s Siyar. It may be supposed that, as he travels over nearly the same ground as his father, he has made great use of the Rauzatu-s Safá, of which in many parts he offers a mere abridgment; but he has added the history of many dynasties omitted in that work, and the narrative is generally more lively and interesting. He has added, moreover, the lives of the celebrated men who flourished during each period that he brings under review.

The Habíbu-s Siyar was commenced in A.H. 927 (1521 A.D.), when the author was about forty-eight years of age. It is not known in what year it was completed, but M. Quatremère (Journ. des Savants, 1843, p. 393) has not ced that the year 930 (1523-4) is mentioned in it, and that the occurrences of Persian history are brought down to that time;—but Khondamír perhaps continued his labours long after that period, even down to 935 H. (1528-9), because, in an interesting passage at the close of the first volume, of which part has already been quoted in a preceding article,¹⁵⁵ he says, “Be it known unto the intelligent and enlightened minds of readers that the writing of these histories which form the first volume of Habíbu-s Siyar, has been completed for the third time by the movement of the fingers of the composer, according to the saying that ‘a thing attaineth perfection on its third revisal.’ The compiler, while on his travels in Hindustán, finished this volume, to the entire satisfaction of all his friends, ‘stopping every day and every night at a different place.’ The pen, ‘whose production is as sweet as a parrot's imitation of human speech, and which, by dipping into the ink like a diver into the sea, brings forth to light different narratives as precious gems from the dark caves of the deep, and displays them to the world, threads certain remarkable incidents as valuable pearls in the following manner.’

“The writer had not been long in Hindustán when he fell sick, and became weaker day by day. The regimen which he underwent for three or four months, with respect to drink and light food as well as medicines, proved ineffectual, so that he was reduced to so slender a skeleton, that even the morning breeze was capable of wafting him to a different country. Heat consumed his body as easily as flame melts a candle. At length Providence bestowed upon him a potion for the restoration of his health from that dispensary, where ‘When thou fallest sick, it is He that cureth thee.’ The compiler lifted up his head from his sick bed, as the disposer of all things opened the doors of convalescence towards his life. At this time, under the shadow of the victorious standard of his august Majesty, Bábar (may God maintain his kingdom till the day of judgment!), the compiler had occasion to proceed to Bengal, and at every march where there was the least delay, he devoted his time to the completion of this volume, which was finished at Tírmuháná, near the confluence of the Sarjú and Ganges.”¹⁵⁶

This passage is taken from a copy written A.H. 1019, but I cannot trace it in any others, all of which end with the verses which precede this conclusion; and it was most probably not in the copy consulted by M. Quatremère, or it could scarcely have escaped the penetration of that learned scholar. It seems, therefore, to have been a postscript written for his Indian friends, and the work which he imposed upon himself may, after all, have been the mere copying, for the third time, of that which he had already composed.

It has been hitherto customary to translate the name of this History as the “Friend of Travelling,”^156a under the impression that the name of the original is Habíbu-s Sair; but it has been shown by M. Von Hammer and Baron de Sacy (Not. et Extr. ix., ii. 269), that Siyar is the word, signifying “biographies, lives.” The reason advanced for this is, that the clause, fí akhbár-i afrádu-l bashar, follows immediately after the title; and rythmical propriety, so much studied amongst Orientals, demands that the word should therefore be Siyar, rather than Sair. Further confirmation of the correctness of this view will be found in the third line of the conclusion, where Habíbu-s Siyar follows immediately after Arjimandu-l asar, showing that two syllables are necessary to compose the word Siyar. The entire name signifies, “The Friend of Biographies, comprising the history of persons distinguished among men.”

The Habíbu-s Siyar contains an Introduction (Iftitáh), three Books (Mujallad), each subdivided into four Chapters (Juzv), and a Conclusion (Ikhtitám).

CONTENTS.¹⁵⁷

The Introduction contains the history of the Creation of heaven and of earth, as well as of its inhabitants.

Book I.—Contains the history of the Prophets, Philosophers, and Kings who existed before the dawn of Islámism, with some account of Muhammad and the first Khalifs—860 pages.

Chapter 1.—The history of the Prophets and Philosophers.

Chapter 2.—The history of the kings of Persia and Arabia.

Chapter 3.—An account of Muhammad.

Chapter 4.—The events which occurred in the time of the first four Khalifs.

Book II.—Contains the history of the twelve Imáms, the Ummayides, 'Abbásides, and those kings who were contemporary with the 'Abbásides—710 pages.

Chapter 1.—An account of the twelve Imáms.

Chapter 2.—The events which occurred in the time of the Ummayides.

Chapter 3.—An account of the events which occurred in the time of the 'Abbásides.

Chapter 4.—Gives an account of several kings who were contemporary with the 'Abbásides, as the Ghaznivides, Ghorians, Sámánides, Saljúks, Atábaks, etc.

Book III.—Contains the history of several other dynasties— 784 pages.

Chapter 1.—An account of the kings of Turkistán, and of the reigns of Changíz Khán and his descendants.

Chapter 2.—The history of the Kings contemporary with Changíz Khán.

Chapter 3.—Gives an account of Tímúr and his descendants, down to the time of the author.

Chapter 4.—An account of his patron, the reigning monarch.

The Conclusion mentions the wonders of the world, with a brief account of learned and holy men, poets, etc.

Size.—Small Folio, of 2318 pages, with 20 lines to a page.

The parts relating to India are the sections on the Ghazni-vides, the Ghorians, and the kings of Dehlí, down to the death of 'Aláu-d dín. Tímúr's invasion is described at great length, but the Tughlik dynasty is not mentioned.

The work is very rarely met with in a perfect state, but single books and chapters abound everywhere.

The Habíbu-s Siyar has not met with so many translators as the Rauzatu-s Safá. Major Price has abstracted a portion of it in his Chronological Retrospect, and the tragic events of Karbalá have been translated in the Oriental Quarterly Review. The History of the Mongols has been translated by M. Grigorieff. St. Petersburg, 1834, 8vo. The Life of Avicenna has been translated by M. Jourdain in the Mines de l'Orient, tome iii., and the text of the code of Gházán Khán was published, with a translation by Major Kirkpatrick, in vol. ii. of the New Asiatic Miscellany . A portion relating to the invention of paper-money was printed, with a translation, by M. Langlès, in the Memoires de l'Institut, tome iv. M. Charmoy extracted and published, with a translation in French, the passages relating to Tímúr's expedition against the Khán of Kipchak (Mem. de l'Acad. de St. Pétersbourg, vi^me. série, tome iii.), and in the same periodical (tome viii.), Dr. Bernhard Dorn has given the text, with a German translation, of the Geschichte Tabaristans und der Serbedare. Lastly, M. Defrémery has extracted and translated many passages relating to the Kháns of Kipchak, and the history of Chaghatái Khán and his successors, in the Journal Asiatique, iv. série, tome xvii., xix.

EXTRACTS.¹⁵⁸

Amír Subuktigín.

The best historians derive the lineage of all the Sultáns of Ghaznín from Násiru-d dín Subuktigín, who was the slave of Alptigín.

During the period of the prosperity of the princes of the house of Sámání, Alptigín raised himself from a low origin to a state of authority, and in the reign of 'Abdu-l Malik bin Núh he was appointed Governor of Khurásán, but during the reign of Mansúr bin 'Abdu-l Malik, owing to some mistrust which he had formed of that prince, Alptigín left Khurásán, and exalted the standard of his desire towards Ghaznín, and conquered that country. According to Hamdu-lla, Alptigín passed there full sixteen years in prosperity, and, when he died, he was succeeded by his son Abú Is'hák, who delivered over all the affairs of the country, both civil and criminal, to Subuktigín, who was distinguished above all the ministers of Alptigín for his bravery and liberality. Abú Is'hák had lived but a short time, when he died.¹⁵⁹ The chief men of Ghaznín saw the signs of greatness and nobility, and the fires of felicity and prosperity in the forehead of Subuktigín, who widely spread out the carpet of justice, and rooted out injury and oppression, and who, by conferring different favours on them, had made friends of the nobles, the soldiers, and the leading men of the State. He several times led his army towards the confines of Hindustán, and carried off much plunder from the infidels. In the year 367 H. he took Bust and Kusdár, and, after these events, according to the request of Sultán Núh Sámání, he turned his attention towards Khurásán.

Amír Subuktigín died at the city of Balkh, in the month of Sha'bán, 387 H. (A.D. 997), and fourteen of his descendants^159a occupied the throne after him. Historians reckon the sovereignty of the Ghaznivides as beginning with the conquest of Bust, and they calculate that they flourished for 188 years.

Account of the taking of Bust and Kusdár, and of the arrival of
Amír Subuktigín at the summit of power.

In the Rauzatu-s Safá, written by an elegant pen, and over the illustrious author of which the mantle of forgiveness of sins has been thrown, it is written thus. At the commencement of the reign of Amír Subuktigín, an individual named Tughán held sway in the fort of Bust. A certain Báítúz, having put on the girdle of enmity, rebelled and drove him out of Bust. Tughán flew for protection to the Court of Subuktigín, and prayed for help. Having consented to pay a large sum of money, he promised that, if by the aid of the amír, he should again become the possessor of Bust, he would carry the saddle-cloth of service on his shoulder, and pay tribute; and that during his whole life he would never depart from the path of obedience. Subuktigín consented to his request, led his army to Bust, routed Báítúz with blows of the soul-burning sword and flame-kindling spear, and Tughán arrived at the seat of his power; but he neglected the promises which he had made to Amír Násiru-d dín (Subuktigín), and displayed by his proceedings the banner of fraud and treachery.

One day, while riding out in the midst of his suite, Amír Subuktigín harshly required him to fulfil the engagements into which he had entered. Tughán returned an improper answer, seized his sword, and wounded Subuktigín in the hand. Násiru-d dín, with the wounded hand, struck Tughán with his sword, and was about to despatch him with another blow, when their servants getting mixed with one another, raised such clouds of dust, that Tughán, under cover of it, escaped to Kirmán; and Subuktigín made himself master of Bust. Of the many advantages which accrued to Násiru-d dín from that country having fallen into his fortune, one was, that Abú-l Fath was an inhabitant of Bust, a man who had not an equal in different varieties of learning, but more especially in composition and writing. Abú-l Fath had been the secretary of Báítúz, but after that individual had been expelled from Bust, he had lived in retirement. Subuktigín was informed about him, and issued a royal mandate that that learned man, who wore the garment of eloquence, should be brought before him. He adorned the stature of his fitness with robes of different sorts of kindness, and ordered that he should be appointed professor of the “belles lettres.” For several days, Abú-l Fath, considering the exigency of the time, begged to be excused from undertaking this important task, but at last he became the munshí and writer of Amír Subuktigín, and continued to hold that post until the time of Sultán Mahmúd of Ghaznín.¹⁶¹ Having received some ill-treatment from Mahmúd, he fled to Turkistán, and there died. When Amír Subuktigín had settled the affairs of Bust, he turned the reins of his desire towards Kusdár. He suddenly appeared before that place, and its governor became the victim of the powerful decree of fate; but Amír Subuktigín, of his innate clemency and bounty, showed kindness towards him, and again made him governor of Kusdár, after fixing the sums of money which from the revenue of that country he should pay into the royal treasury.

About that time, Amír Subuktigín formed the desire of fighting with the infidels of Hindustán; and brought several important parts of that country into the courtyard of obedience. Jaipál,^161a who was then the greatest prince of Hindustán, fearing that he might lose the country which he had inherited from his ancestors, formed a large army, and directed his steps towards the country of the faithful. Amír Násiru-d dín Subuktigín came out to meet him, and a battle was fought most obstinate on both sides. In the middle of the heat of the battle, Amír Subuktigín ordered that they should throw a quantity of dirt into a fountain which was near the camp of Jaipál, the innate quality of the water of which was such that, when it became polluted with impurities, thunder and lightning flashed forth, and an overpowering frigidity followed. When they had done as Násiru-d dín had ordered, the nature of that water became fully apparent; for the Hindus were unable to resist any longer,¹⁶² and sent messengers to Subuktigín, offering ransom and tribute. Amír Násiru-d dín was willing to consent to reconciliation; but his son Mahmúd wished to prevent him from acceding to this measure. At length, after Jaipál had repeatedly sent messengers and letters, Mahmúd also consented to peace. It was agreed that Jaipál should quickly deliver over 1000 dirhams and fifty elephants, and afterwards that he should surrender to the agents of Subuktigín possession of several forts and cities of his country. These were the conditions of the capitulations which were drawn up between them. Jaipál, after he had sent the money and the elephants, despatched several chiefs of his army, by way of hostages, to Subuktigín; and Subuktigín also sent several of the chief men of his threshold, which was the nest of felicity, with Jaipál, in order that they might take possession of the country which had been ceded to Ghaznín.

When Jaipál returned to his own country, he placed the book of his engagements on the shelf of forgetfulness, and imprisoned those noblemen, saying, “When Subuktigín sends back those hostages whom he took away with him, I will free these men, but not till then.”^162a When Amír Násiru-d dín heard this, he a second time hastened to Hind, and subdued Afghán¹⁶³ and several other places. Jaipál collected a great army from the cities of those parts of Hindustán, and nearly 100,000 men directed their steps towards the band of the faithful.^163a

Amír Násiru-d dín went out to meet him, and a dreadful battle was again fought on both sides. This time, Jaipál, being shamefully defeated, escaped into the furthest extremities of his own country, and the great land of Hind became established in the courtyard of submission to Subuktigín.^163b After Amír Násiru-d dín had returned from this expedition, in accordance with the request of Abú-l Kásim Núh bin Mansúr Sámání, he led his army to Khurásán and liberated that province. He then spent his time according to the desire of his heart, until the month of Sha'bán, 387,^163c when speedy death overpowered him. Amír Subuktigín declared his son Isma'íl, who was born of the daughter of Alptigín,^163d his successor, and then made his journey to the other world.

Isma'íl bin Násiru-d dín.

When Násiru-d dín Subuktigín tied up his travelling apparatus for another world, Amír Isma'íl, by virtue of the will of his father, ascended the throne at Balkh, the tabernacle of the faithful; he made great endeavours to attract the affections and conciliate the hearts of the people; he opened the treasury of Amír Subuk-tigín, and distributed much money among the soldiers. The report of this came to the ears of his elder brother Saifu-d daula Mahmúd, at Naishápúr, who sent Amír Isma'íl a letter to this effect: “You are the dearest to me of all men. Whatever you may require of the country or of the revenue is not denied; but a knowledge of the minute points in the affairs of government, a period of life reaching to an advanced age, experience in the times, and perseverance and durability of wealth, possess great advantages. If you were possessed of these qualities, I would certainly subject myself to you. That which my father in my absence has bequeathed to you was bestowed because I was at a great distance, and because he apprehended calamity. Now rectitude consists in this, that, as is fitting, you should consider well, and divide between us the money and movable effects of my father, according to law and justice, and that you should give up the royal residence of Ghaznín to me. Then will I deliver over to you the country of Balkh, and the command of the army of Khurásán.”

Amír Isma'íl would not listen to this proposal, so Saifu-d daula Mahmúd entered into a league with his uncle Baghrájik and Nasr bin Násiru-d dín Subuktigín, who was his brother, and leaving Naishápúr, marched towards Ghaznín. Amír Isma'íl also moved in that direction, and when both parties were near one another, Saifu-d daula used his virtuous endeavours to prevent Isma'íl from engaging in battle, and tried to make a reconciliation, but he could not succeed; and after lighting the flame of battle, and the employment of weapons, and inflicting of blows, Amír Isma'íl was defeated. He took refuge in the fort of Ghaznín, and Sultán Mahmúd having entered into arrangements with him, took from him the keys of the treasury, and appointed administrators¹⁶⁴ over his affairs. He then marched towards Balkh.^164a

It is related that when Amír Isma'íl had been some days in the society of his brother, in the assembly of friendship, Sultán Mahmúd took the occasion to ask him: “If the star of your fortune had been such that you had taken me, what would you have done with me?” Isma'íl answered, “My mind would have dictated this, that if I had obtained the victory over you, I would have shut you up in one of my forts, but I would have allowed you things necessary for repose and the enjoyment of life, as much as you could desire.” Sultán Mahmúd, after having obtained in that assembly the secret of the heart of his brother, remained silent; but after some days, on some pretence, he delivered over Isma'íl to the governor of Juzján,¹⁶⁵ and told him to put him into a strong fort, but to give him whatever he should ask, conducive to the repose and enjoyment of life. Amír Isma'íl, as he himself had designed to act towards his brother, was shut up in that fort, and there passed the rest of his days.^165a

Sultán Mahmúd.

Those historians who are the best, both externally and intrinsically, and whose happy pens have written as if they were disciples of Manes, in the books which they have composed, lay it down that Sultán Mahmúd Ghaznaví was a king who attained varieties of worldly prosperity, and the fame of his justice and government, and the sound of his fortitude and country-subduing qualities, reached beyond the hall of the planet Saturn. In prosperously carrying on war against infidels, he exalted the standards of the religion of the faithful, and in his laudable endeavours for extirpating heretics, he rooted out oppression and impiety. When he entered into battle, his heroism was like a torrent which rushes over even and uneven places without heed, and during the time that he sat upon the throne, and was successful in his undertakings, the light of his justice, like the rays of the sun, shone upon every one. His wisdom during the nights of misfortune, like a star, pointed out the way, and his sword pierced the joints of his enemies like the hand of fate.

“He had both wisdom of heart and strength of hand,
With these two qualities he was fit to sit upon the throne.”

But that mighty king, notwithstanding the possession of these laudable attributes, was excessively greedy in accumulating wealth, and evinced his parsimony and narrowness in no very praiseworthy manner.

“From generosity he derived no honour,
Like as the shell guards the pearl, so he guarded his wealth.
He had treasuries full of jewels,
But not a single poor man derived benefit therefrom.”

The father of Sultán Mahmúd was Amír Násiru-d dín, a slight description of whom my pen has already given. His mother was a daughter of one of the grandees of Zábulistán, and for this reason he was called Zábulí. During his early years, Amír Núh Sámání gave him the title of Saifu-d daula, but when he had mounted the ladders of sovereign authority, Al Kádir bi-llah 'Abbásí called him Yamínu-d daula and Amínu-l millat.

In the beginning of the reign of Yamínu-d daula, Khalaf bin Ahmad had the presumption to offer opposition to him, upon which Sultán Mahmúd led his army to Sístán, and having seized Khalaf, reduced that country under his sway. He several times waged war against the infidels in Hindustán, and he brought under his subjection a large portion of their country, until, having made himself master of Somnát, he destroyed all the idol-temples of that country.

It was about the same time that Sultán Mahmúd contracted not only a friendship with I'lak Khán, but also a matrimonial alliance with his family; but in the end, quarrels and dissensions arose, and the Sultán triumphed over I'lak Khán, when the rays of his justice shone on the confines of Máwaráu-n nahr.

In the same manner he led his army to Khwárizm, and after some fighting, the signs of his universal benevolence were displayed to the inhabitants of that country. Towards the close of his life, he marched towards 'Irák 'Ajam. Having wrested these countries from the possession of Majdu-d daula Dílamí, he delivered them over to his own son Mas'úd, and then, after the accomplishment of his wishes, he returned to Ghaznín. He died of consumption and liver complaint in the year 421 H. (1030 A.D.) His age was sixty-three years, and he reigned thirty-one. During the early part of his reign, Abú-l 'Abbás Fazl bin Ahmad Asfaráiní held the wazírship; but Fazl having been found fault with and punished, Ahmad bin Hasan Maimandí exalted the standard of ministry. Yamínu-d daula, during the latter days of his life, found fault with Ahmad, and issued against him the royal edict of removal from office, and then, according to his wish, he appointed Amír Hasnak Míkál.

Account of the hostility shown by Khalaf bin Ahmad to
Sultán Mahmúd.

When Yamínu-d daula Mahmúd mounted the thrones of Khurásán and Ghaznín, he delivered over the governorship of Hirát and Fúshanj¹⁶⁷ to his uncle Baghrájik,^167a and whilst he held this government of the Sultán, Khalaf bin Ahmad sent his son Táhir to Kohistán, who, after he had taken possession of that country, hastened towards Fúshanj, and made himself master of that city. Baghrájik received intelligence of this, and having asked permission of Sultán Mahmúd, he moved towards the place where honour required his presence. When he arrived in the vicinity of Fúshanj, Táhir hastened out of the city, and the brave men of both armies contended with daggers and spears. The army of Táhir was first broken. Baghrájik having drunk several cups of wine, the vapour of pride entered into the hall of his brain, and without any reflection, he pursued the Sístánían, and was engaged in seizing the spoil when Táhir, having turned the reins of his horse, approached Baghrájik, and with one blow of his sword threw him from the saddle on to the ground, and then dismounting, cut off his head, and rode off towards Kohistán.

Yamínu-d daula, having received this intelligence, was overcome with grief for his uncle, and during the year 390 H. (1000 A.D.), he marched towards Sístán. Khalaf retired into the fort of Asfahíd, which was stronger than the wall of Alexander. Sultán Mahmúd besieged it, and Khalaf was driven to the extremity of despair by his difficult position in the fort. He sent letters and intercessors, and placed the hand of self-humiliation and supplication on the skirt of the kindness and mercy of Mahmúd. He sent also 100,000 dínárs, with valuable presents and benedictions without number, to the Sultán, and, having testified his obedience and submission, he promised to pay tribute. On account of this, Yamínu-d daula forgave him his misdeeds, and loosened the reins of mercy. He then went to Hind.

In the Tarjuma-Yamíní¹⁶⁸ it is written, that when the Sultán led his army from Sístán to Hindustán, and having, as usual, waged war with the infidels, returned triumphant, Khalaf bin Ahmad placed his son Táhir on the throne, and having delivered over the keys of the treasuries to him, and chosen a life of retirement, he entered into the courtyard of devotion, and sought relinquishment from affairs both civil and criminal. When, after some little time, Táhir had become absolute in the affairs of government, Khalaf, repenting of what he had done, feigned sickness. Having placed some of the nobles in the ambush of perfidy, he sent for Táhir, under the pretence of making his last will and testament; and while Táhir stood at the pillow of his father, those perfidious men entered and tied firmly both his hands and his neck. They then incarcerated him, and after a few days brought him dead out of prison, saying that “Táhir had killed himself from excess of grief.”

Táhir bin Rust, and some of the chief amírs of Sístán, who had been witnesses of this base conduct on the part of Khalaf, withdrew their attachment, and sent petitions to Yamínu-d daula, praying him to turn his standard, which abounded in victory, towards that quarter. Sultán Mahmúd consented to their request, and in the year 394 H. (1003-4 A.D.) marched towards Sístán.

Khalaf retired into the fort of Ták, which, in strength and inaccessibility, was the envy of the arch of the turquoise-coloured sky. The Sultán having fixed his standard of victory outside the fort, his troops in one day cut down so many trees that they filled up the ditch of the fort, and made it level with the ground. Picked troops of the Sultán had tied up their girdles for the demolition of the fort, when Khalaf, reduced to the extremity of despair, craved quarter, and Yamínu-d daula having put back the sword of vengeance into its scabbard, Khalaf ran out of the fort, and threw himself on the ground before the horse of Mahmúd, and rubbing his white beard on the horse's hoof, he called him by the title of Sultán. Yamínu-d daula was so excessively pleased with this appellation, that he spared Khalaf's life, and insisted always on the word Sultán forming part of his title.¹⁶⁹ Yamínu-d daula having brought into the court of confiscation all the treasures and hidden valuables of Khalaf, sent him to one of the forts of Juzján, and the life of Khalaf terminated, as has been before delineated, in the prison assigned to him by Mahmúd.

Account of the friendship and enmity between I'lak Khán aná
Sultán Mahmúd, and of the victory which Yamínu-d daula
gained by the favour of God.

In the Rauzatu-s Safá it is written, that when the cities of Máwaráu-n nahr were possessed by I'lak Khán, and when the victorious standard of Sultán Mahmúd had obtained the path of superiority in the sovereignty of Khurásán, I'lak Khán sent despatches announcing his victory with congratulations to the Sultán, and manifested affection and intimate friendship. The Sultán also, having reciprocated like messages of friendship, their intimacy and trust in one another became confirmed.

At that time, Sultán Mahmúd sent Abú-t Tíb Sahl bin Sulaimán Sa'lúkí, who was one of the illustrious men learned in the traditions of the Prophet, with gifts from Hindustán and presents from Khurásán and Zábulistán to I'lak Khán, in order that he might ask in marriage for his son a princess from among the virgins of the royal family. Abú-t Tíb hastened to Turkistán. I'lak received him in a most respectful manner at U'rgand,¹⁷⁰ and the envoy having executed his commission, returned to the service of the Sultán in company with I'lak Khán's daughter, who was provided with a handsome retinue and equipage. Upon this, for some time, the carpet of friendship and unanimity was spread between those two mighty kings.

In the year 396 A.H. (1015-16 A.D.), Yamínu-d daula led his army into India, and subdued the cities of Bhátía^170a and Multán, and in that expedition put to flight Jaipál, the king of the kings of India, and Abú-l Fath, the governor of Multán, and slaughtered many of his infidels.^170b

During that time, when the neighbourhood of Multán was the place where the standard of victory of Mahmúd was fixed, I'lak Khán rebelled, and sent the leader of his army, Siáshítigín,¹⁷¹ to govern Khurásán, and appointed Ja'fartigín^171a viceroy of Balkh. When Arslán Jázib, who had been exalted by Yamínu-d daula to the government of the great city of Hirát, obtained intelligence of the direction in which the Turks had turned their steps, he left Khurásán, and hastening to Ghaznín, he despatched a swift messenger with the intelligence to Multán.

The Sultán came to Ghaznín like the lightning and wind:^171b from that place he turned the reins of his desire towards Balkh, the tabernacle of the faithful. Siáshítigín and Ja'fartigín fled like weak flies before a hurricane, and saved their lives by a precipitate retreat. I'lak Khán then craved help from the king of Khután, Kadr Khán, who, with 50,000 men capable of breaking the ranks of their enemies, joined him, and those two chiefs, with their countless army, prepared for battle with Yamínu-d daula.

The Sultán, with his army, the symbol of victory, and elephants like mountains, encamped at a distance of four parasangs from Balkh, and when I'lak Khán and Kadr Khán crossed over the river Oxus, the Sultán turned his attention towards distributing the commands of his army. He assigned the centre thereof to his brother Amír Nasr, and to the governor of Juzján Abú Nasr Faríghúní and Abú 'Abdu-llah Táí, and placed 100 elephants in their front; he sent his chamberlain Altúntásh to the right wing, and he gave the command of the left wing to Arslán Jázib.¹⁷² I'lak Khán also having arranged his army, placed himself in the middle, and sent Kadr Khán to the right wing; he ordered that Ja'fartigín should exalt the standard of glory in the left wing.

Then the troops of both armies, brave men of both countries, hastened into the field of battle, commenced fighting furiously, and with the aid of well-tempered swords, and flame-exciting spears, they mingled the blood of one another with the dust of the field of battle. When the Sultán saw the excessive bravery of the fearless Turks, he turned his face towards the court of God, and, standing on a mound of earth, rubbed the forehead of humility and submission on the ground, and asked for victory and assistance; thinking offerings incumbent on him, he ordered alms to be distributed.

After he saw that his prayers had been heard, having mounted an elephant, he himself made an attack on the centre of the army of I'lak. The elephant seized Alamdár Khán, and threw him up in the air, and trampling under his feet many others, slaughtered them also. After this, Mahmúd's army, the symbol of victory, at once rushed upon the enemy, and testified their perfect bravery and military ardour. The army of Máwaráu-n nahr fled, and I'lak Khán and Kadr Khán, with extreme difficulty, escaped safe from that place of slaughter, and crossing over the Jíhún, never again entertained the idea of subduing Khurásán. I'lak Khán died in the year 403 H. (1012-13 A.D.), and his brother Tughán Khán succeeded him. I am able to assert with correctness, that the victory which Sultán Mahmúd gained over I'lak Khán happened during the year 397 A.H. (1006-7 A.D.).^172a

During this year also the Sultán turned his attention towards Hindustán, in order that he might punish Nawása Sháh, who had turned an apostate from the religion of the faithful, and had rebelled against Yamínu-d daula. Immediately on hearing of the approach of the Sultán, Nawása Sháh was overcome, and Mahmúd, turning the reins of his desire towards the dwelling-place of his generosity, returned to Ghaznín.

Expeditions into Hindustán.

When Yamínu-d daula Amínu-l millat Mahmúd Ghaznaví had rested for some time from his toil, he again, in order to strengthen the religion of the Prophet, evinced a desire to make war on the infidels of Hind, and accordingly marched in that direction. When his standards, the symbols of victory, cast the shadow of their arrival over capacious Hind, Pál bin Andpál,¹⁷³ who, for his excessive wealth and numerous warriors, was more distinguished than the other princes of Hind, opposed Mahmúd, and a terrible battle took place. The standards of the faithful became exalted, and those of the infidels were depressed. The Sultán himself having pursued the pagans, killed multitudes of them with the sword, and having arrived at the fort of Bhímnagar,^173a he encamped his victorious army in its vicinity. That fort was built on the top of a hill; the people of Hind believed it to be the repository of one of their great idols, and for ages had transported thither provisions and treasures; they had filled it with money and jewels, and fancied that by this conduct they approached near to the house of God. When Mahmúd besieged that lofty fort, fear seized upon the hearts of the residents. Their cries for quarter reached up to the hall of the planet Saturn, and having opened the gate of the fort, they threw themselves on the ground before the horse of the Sultán. Yamínu-d daula, with the governor of Juzján, entered into that fort, and gave orders for taking possession of the spoil. The wealth which he obtained consisted of 70,700 mans of gold and silver utensils; and the jewels and gold and robes and movable effects were incalculable. Sultán Mahmúd, having delivered over the fort to a confidential person, hoisted the standard of his return to Ghaznín.¹⁷⁴

In the year 400 H. he again exalted his victorious standards, and hastened to the cities of Hind: and after punishing the infidels and scattering abroad the impious, he again turned his steps towards the royal residence of Ghaznín.^174a In the same year, the king of the kings of Hind, having sent a petition of humiliation to the Sultán, sued for a pacification, and consented to send him fifty elephants, and to pay every year a large sum of money into the royal treasury. By way of subsidy, he appointed 2000 cavalry to serve in the army, which wore the mantle of victory, and swore that his own posterity should observe the same conduct towards the descendants of the Sultán. The Sultán was satisfied with this reconciliation, and merchants began to come and go between the two countries.

Transactions in Ghor.

In the year 401 H., Sultán Mahmúd of Ghaznín, through a thirst for worldly glory, led his army to Ghor; and the governor of that country, Muhammad bin Súrí, having come out to oppose him with 10,000 cavalry, became the victim of the powerful decree of fate, and having sucked the poison which was in his ring, departed this life. That country came into the possession of the agents of the Sultán.^174b

Transactions in Ghurjistán.

In the middle of all this, Shár Sháh, King of Ghurjistán, rebelled against the Sultán and was taken prisoner; the whole of which story, collected into a small compass, amounts to this: In those times, the inhabitants of Ghurjistán¹⁷⁵ called their rulers by the name of Shár, just as the Hindus call their kings Ráí. In the time of Núh bin Mansúr Sámání the Shár of Ghurjistán was Abú Nasr. This Abú Nasr, from the excessive integrity of his mind, and the inclination which he had towards the society of men of learning, resigned the reins of government into the hands of his son Muhammad. When the star of the prosperity of Yamínu-d daula had travelled to the summit of honour, having sent 'Utbí, the author of the Táríkh-i Yamíní, to the Shár, he demanded his obedience and submission. The Shár attended to his orders and to his prohibitions. The son of Shár Abú Nasr, whom they call Shár Sháh, came to the Sultán, and having been treated with much kindness and courtesy, and decorated with robes of honour, returned to his country.

After some time, the resolution of making war having come again into the mind of the Sultán, he summoned by royal mandate Shár Sháh to his presence, but through sensual imaginations and satanical delusions, he would not obey the order of the Sultán. Yamínu-d daula appointed Altúntásh the chamberlain, and Arslán Jázib, to put him out of the way, and when these two officers arrived near the royal residence of the Shár, Shár Abú Nasr took shelter with Altúntásh, and acquitted himself of all responsibility for the deeds of his son. Altúntásh sent him to Hirát, and Shár Sháh having taken refuge in a fort, gave himself up after a few days, in consideration of quarter, and the chief amírs were sent off to Ghaznín. When he arrived before Mahmúd, the Sultán showed him his mercy by only flogging him, and then shut him up in one of the forts; but the superintendent of the finances, according to the Sultán's orders, supplied him with all the necessaries of life. After this, Yamínu-d daula sent for Shár Abú Nasr from Hirát, and showed great kindness to him; he bought with gold all the villages and estates of the Shárs, and Khwája Ahmad bin Hasan Maimandí took Shár Abú Nasr under the shadow of his patronage. He died in the year 406 A.H. (1014-15 A.D.)¹⁷⁶

Expedition to Hindustán.

In the year 405 H. Sultán Mahmúd, again thirsting for a war with the infidels, turned his attention towards the extreme part of Hindustán, and fought a battle with one of the greatest princes of that country. He sent many of the heretics to hell, subdued the city of Nárdín,^176a and then returned to Ghaznín. In the same year, he led an army to the territories of Thánesar,^176b the ruler of which was a certain infidel well known, and possessed of elephants which they call the Ceylonese. According to his usual custom, he fought with and plundered the inhabitants, and then returned to Ghaznín.^176c

Expedition to Khwárizm.

During the first years of Sultán Mahmúd's reign, an individual named Mámún governed Khwárizm, and when he died, his son Abú 'Alí became king of that country. He testified friendship to Yamínu-d daula, and married his sister. After the death of Abú 'Alí, his brother Mámún bin Mámún succeeded. He married his brother's wife, the sister of Mahmúd, and according to established usage, he professed allegiance to Sultán Mahmúd. During the last days of Mámún, Yamínu-d daula, having sent a messenger to Khwárizm, ordered Mámún to read the khutba in his name. Mámún consulted on this matter with his ministers of State. Most of them replied, “If you hold your kingdom in disgraceful partnership with any one else, we will not bind on the girdle of obedience; and if you submit to be under the command of another, we will not choose for ourselves the ignominy of your service.” The envoy having heard these speeches, returned and made relation of the circumstance.

After this, the general of the army of Khwárizm, Bináltigín,¹⁷⁷ and the nobles and amírs of Mámún, repented of their misdeeds, and were terrified at the vengeance of the Sultán. In the middle of all this, when one day, according to established custom, they went to pay their respects to Mámún, the sudden news of his death was divulged to them, but nobody else was informed of the circumstance. Bináltigín then raised the son of Mámún to the Sultánship, and entered into an agreement with all the rebellious amírs, to the effect that, if the Sultán should march towards them they would unanimously make war upon him.

When Yamínu-d daula heard of this, he marched towards Khwárizm, with a desire of vengeance and hostility, and in the territories of that country he kindled the flames of war. Many of the Khwárizmians were killed, and 5000 of them were taken prisoners, and the rest of the unfortunates fled. Bináltigín took to a boat, in order that he might cross over the Jíhún, but, on account of the littleness of his understanding, he adopted such an insolent tone towards one of the boatmen who was known to him, as to bring matters to this point, that that individual having seized Bináltigín, conveyed the ungrateful wretch to the camp of Sultán Mahmúd, who gave orders that they should erect gallows before the tomb of Mámún, and upon them Bináltigín, with some other of the seditious nobles, was hung up by the neck. Having given over the government of Khwárizm to Altúntásh, the Sultán returned towards Ghaznín.¹⁷⁸

Expedition to Kanauj.

In the year 409 H. (1018-19 A.D.), during the season of flowery spring, when the days and nights are equal, when the lord of vegetation leads his army of verdure and of odoriferous herbs over the deserts and gardens, and when from the temperature of the air of Ardíbihisht, and from the blowing of the morning breeze, he has subdued the citadels of the green rose-buds, Yamínu-d daula again formed the resolution of warring against the infidels of Hindustán. With an excellent army of 20,000 volunteers, who, for the sake of obtaining the reward of making war upon infidels, had joined the mighty camp, he marched towards Kanauj, which was distant a three months' journey. In the middle of his way he came upon an impregnable fort, which was the residence of a certain king possessed of bravery in war. When that king saw the multitudes of the warriors of the religion of the chief of the righteous, having come to the foot of the fort, he confessed the unity of God.

The Sultán then directed his steps towards a fort which was in the possession of a certain infidel named Kulchand. Kul-chand fought with the faithful, but the infidels were defeated; and Kulchand, through excessive ignorance, having drawn his dagger, first killed his wife, and then plunged it into his own breast, and thus went to hell. Out of the country of Kulchand the dependents of Yamínu-d daula obtained 185 elephants.^178a

From that place the Sultán proceeded to a certain city, which was accounted holy by the people of the country. In that city the men of Ghaznín saw so many strange and wonderful things, that to tell them or to write a description of them is no easy matter. There were a hundred palaces made of stone and marble, and the Sultán, in writing a description of these buildings to the nobles at Ghaznín, said “that if any one wished to make palaces like these, even if he expended a hundred thousand times thousand dínárs, and employed experienced superintendents for 200 years, even then they would not be finished.” Again, they found five idols of the purest gold, in the eyes of each of which there were placed two rubies, and each of these rubies was worth 50,000 dínárs: in another idol there were sapphires, which weighed 600 drachms. The number of silver idols upon the spot was more than 100.¹⁷⁹ In short, Sultán Mahmúd, having possessed himself of the booty, burned their idol-temples, and proceeded towards Kanauj.

Jaipál, who was the King of Kanauj, hearing of the Sultán's approach, fled, and on the 18th of Sha'bán, of the year above mentioned, Yamínu-d daula, having arrived in that country, saw on the banks of the Ganges seven forts, like those of Khaibar, but, as they were destitute of brave men, he subdued them in one day. The Ghaznivides found in these forts and their dependencies 10,000 idol-temples, and they ascertained the vicious belief of the Hindus to be, that since the erection of those buildings no less than three or four hundred thousand years had elapsed. Sultán Mahmúd during this expedition achieved many other conquests after he left Kanauj,^179a and sent to hell many of the infidels with blows of the well-tempered sword. Such a number of slaves were assembled in that great camp, that the price of a single one did not exceed ten dirhams.

The Conquest of Somnát.

When Mahmúd returned victorious from this expedition to the royal residence of Ghaznín, he built a general mosque and a college, and endowed them with pious legacies.¹⁸⁰ Some years after these events, Sultán Mahmúd, of praiseworthy virtues, formed the design of taking Somnát, and of slaying the detestable idolators. On the 10th of Sha'bán, 416 H. (1025-6 A.D.), he marched towards Multán with 30,000 cavalry, in addition to a multitude of men, who also bent their steps thither for their own pleasure, and for the obtaining the reward of warring against infidels. Having arrived at that city in the middle of Ramazán, he resolved to travel the rest of the distance by the way of the desert. The soldiers were obliged to carry water and forage for many days, and in addition the Sultán loaded 20,000 camels with water and provisions, so that the troops might not by any means become diminished in number. Having passed that bloodthirsty desert,^180a they saw on the edge of it several forts filled with fighting men, and abounding with instruments of war, but the omnipotent God struck fear into the hearts of the infidels, so that they delivered the forts over without striking a blow. Sultán Mahmúd went from that place towards Nahrwála,^180b and he killed and plundered the inhabitants of every city on the road at which he arrived, until, in the month of Zí-l ka'da of the above year, he arrived at Somnát. Historians agree that Somnát is the name of a certain idol, which the Hindus believe in as the greatest of idols, but we learn the contrary of this from Shaikh Farídu-d dín 'Attár, in that passage where he says: “The army of Mahmúd obtained in Somnát that idol whose name was Lát.” According to historians, Somnát was placed in an idol-temple upon the shore of the sea. The ignorant Hindus, when smitten with fear, assemble in this temple, and on those nights more than 100,000 men come into it. From the extremities of kingdoms, they bring offerings to that temple, and 10,000 cultivated villages are set apart for the expenses of the keepers thereof. So many exquisite jewels were found there, that a tenth part thereof could not be contained entirely in the treasury of any king. Two thousand Brahmans were always occupied in prayer round about the temple. A gold chain, weighing 200 mans, on which bells were fixed, hung from a corner of that temple, and they rang them at appointed hours, so that by the noise thereof the Brahmans might know the time for prayer. Three hundred musicians and 500 dancing slave girls were the servants of that temple, and all the necessaries of life were provided for them from the offerings and bequests for pious usages.

The river Ganges is a river situated to the east of Kanauj,¹⁸¹ and the Hindus are opinion that the water of this river springs from the fountain of Paradise; having burned their dead, they throw the ashes into the stream, and this practice they hold as purifying them from their sins.

In short, when Mahmúd encamped at Somnát, he saw a large fort on the shore of the sea, and the waves reached up to the earth underneath that castle. Many men having come upon the top of the rampart, looked down upon the Musulmáns, and imagined that their false god would kill that multitude that very night.

“The next day, when this world, full of pride,
Obtained light from the stream of the sun;
The Turk of the day displaying his golden shield,
Cut off with his sword the head of the Hindu night.”¹⁸²

The army of Ghaznín, full of bravery, having gone to the foot of the fort, brought down the Hindus from the tops of the ramparts with the points of eye-destroying arrows, and having placed scaling-ladders, they began to ascend with loud cries of Alláh-u Akbar (i.e., God is greatest). The Hindus offered resistance, and on that day, from the time that the sun entered upon the fort of the turquoise-coloured sky, until the time that the stars of the bed-chambers of Heaven were conspicuous, did the battle rage between both parties. When the darkness of night prevented the light of the eye from seeing the bodies of men, the army of the faithful returned to their quarters.

The next day,^182a having returned to the strife, and having finished bringing into play the weapons of warfare, they vanquished the Hindus. Those ignorant men ran in crowds to the idol temple, embraced Somnát, and came out again to fight until they were killed. Fifty thousand infidels were killed round about the temple, and the rest who escaped from the sword embarked in ships and fled away.^182b Sultán Mahmúd, having entered into the idol temple, beheld an excessively long and broad room, insomuch that fifty-six pillars^182c had been made to support the roof. Somnát was an idol cut out of stone, whose height was five yards, of which three yards¹⁸³ were visible, and two yards were concealed in the ground. Yamínu-d daula having broken that idol with his own hand, ordered that they should pack up pieces of the stone, take them to Ghaznín, and throw them on the threshold of the Jámi' Masjid.^183a The sum which the treasury of the Sultán Mahmúd obtained from the idol-temple of Somnát was more than twenty thousand thousand dínárs,^183b inasmuch as those pillars were all adorned with precious jewels. Sultán Mahmúd, after this glorious victory, reduced a fort in which the governor of Nahrwála had taken refuge.

Story of Dábshilím.^183c

At that time having made over the government of Somnát to Dábshilím Murtáz, he turned towards Ghaznín.^183d It is related that when Sultán Mahmúd was about to return from Somnát, he consulted with his ministers of State, and said: “It is necessary to appoint some proper person to the government and possession of the kingdom.” They answered, “As none of us will again cross over into this country, it is fitting that you should appoint some person resident in the country to be the ruler.”

The Sultán having spoken on this subject to some of the people of Somnát, one party said: “Among the sovereigns of the country, no one is equal to the tribe of Dábshilím in character and lineage. At the present moment there is a young man of that tribe, a Brahman, who is wont to practise severe austerities: if the Sultán delivers over the kingdom to him, it will be proper.” Another party did not approve of this proposal, and said: “Dábshilím Murtáz is a man of a morose disposition, and it is through indigence that he is obliged to practise austerities. There is another man of the tribe of Dábshilím, the ruler of a certain country, very wise, and a keeper of his word, whom it is fitting that the Sultán should make sovereign of Somnát.”

Yamínu-d daula said: “If he will come and wait upon me and make this request, it will be listened to; but to give over a kingdom of this magnitude to a person who is already possessed of one of the kingdoms of Hind, and who has never been in attendance upon me, seems to be a thing far from the solid opinions which should actuate Sultáns.”

Then having called Dábshilím Murtáz, the Sultán gave him the sovereignty of Somnát. Dábshilím agreed to pay tribute,¹⁸⁴ and spoke thus: “A certain Dábshilím is in a state of hostility towards me, and when he obtains information that the Sultán is gone, he will certainly lead his army hither; and as I have not the means of resistance, I shall be subdued. If the king will remove this mischief from my head, this great matter will be all right; but if not, I shall certainly be destroyed in a very short time.” The Sultán answered: “Since I have come from Ghaznín with the purpose of making war upon infidels, I will also settle this business.”^184a

He then led his army towards the country of that Dábshilím, and having taken him captive, delivered him over to Dábshilím Murtáz, who thus addressed the Sultán: “In my religion the killing of kings is unlawful, but the custom is that when one king gets another into his power he makes a small and dark room underneath his own throne, and having put his enemy into it, he leaves a hole open: every day he sends a tray of victuals into that room, until one or other of the kings dies. Since it is now impossible for me to keep my enemy in this manner, I hope that the troops of the Sultán will take him away to the royal residence of Ghaznín, and that when I am at ease about him, they will send him back.” Yamínu-d daula consented, and then hoisted the flag of his return to Ghaznín.

Dábshilím Murtáz obtained absolute sovereignty over the government of Somnát, and, after a few years had elapsed, sent ambassadors to the Sultán, requesting that his enemy might be given up. At first the Sultán was irresolute about sending that young man; but in the end, at the instigation of some of his nobles, he delivered over that Dábshilím to the emissary of Dábshilím Murtáz. When they had brought him to the territories of Somnát, Dábshilím Murtáz ordered the appointed prison to be got ready, and according to a custom which was well known among them, he himself went out from the city to meet him, in order that, having placed his basin and ewer upon the youth's head, he might cause him to run by his stirrup, while they conducted him to prison.

In the middle of his way he began to hunt, and galloped about in every direction, until the day became very hot: he then laid down under the shade of a tree for repose, and having spread a red handkerchief over his face, during that interval, according to the decree of the Most High God, a bird with strong talons, imagining that handkerchief to be flesh, alighted from the air, and having struck his claws into the handkerchief, they penetrated so far into the eyes of Dábshilím Murtáz that he became blind. As the grandees of Hindustán do not pay obedience to those who are in any way defective, a tumult arose among the soldiers, in the middle of which the other Dábshilím arrived, and all having agreed to invest him with authority, they placed that same basin and ewer upon the head of Dábshilím Murtáz, and made him run as far as the prison, so that thus Dábshilím Murtáz became taken in the very manner which he had planned for this young man, and the saying, “Whoever digs a well for his brother falls into it himself,” became apparent, as also it became clear “that God gives and snatches away a kingdom to whom and from whom he chooses: he gives honour and dishonour to whom he pleases: Thou possessest goodness, Thou art master of all things.”

The Conquest of 'Irák.

Sultán Mahmúd, in the year 420 H. (1029 A.D.), formed the design of subduing 'Irák-i 'Ajam, and accordingly hoisted the standard of departure towards that quarter. When he arrived in the territories of Mázandarán, Mamíchihr bin Kábús bin Washmíchihr having hastened to pay him his respects, brought fitting magnificent presents. In the mean time the governor of 'Irák, Majdu-d daula bin Fakhru-d daula, having sent a messenger to Yamínu-d daula, brought a complaint against his amírs. The Sultán having sent his troops towards Re, Majdu-d daula joined himself to the army of Ghaznín, and the officers of that army took him and sent him to the Sultán.

Sultán Mahmúd himself went to Re, and having sent for Majdu-d daula into his assembly, thus addressed him:—“Have you read the Sháh-náma, and are you versed in the history of Tabarí?” He answered, “Yes.” The Sultán said: “Have you ever played at chess?” He answered, “Yes.” The Sultán said: “In those books have you seen it written that two kings can rule in one country? and on the chess-board have you ever seen two kings on one square? He said, “No.” The Sultán said: “Then how comes it that you have given over the reins of your power to one who has greater strength than yourself?” He then sent Majdu-d daula and his son to Ghaznín, under the custody of a guard of soldiers, and having given over the sovereignty of that country to his son Mas'úd, he turned his reins towards the royal residence of Ghaznín.

A short account of the opposition of Mas'úd to his father and of
the death of Mahmúd.

Historians who wear the mantle of praises, and composers clothed in the garb of felicity, have related that Sultán Mahmúd loved his younger son Muhammad better than Mas'úd. On account of this, he preferred him as the heir-apparent, and one day, before the taking of 'Irák, he asked Mas'úd how he would behave towards his brother. Mas'úd answered, “I shall follow the example of my father, and behave towards my brother in the same way as you behaved to yours.” I have mentioned the quarrel of Mahmúd with his brother Isma'íl before, so there is no need of a repetition. My only object in mentioning this is, that when Mahmúd heard this speech from Mas'úd, it entered into his mind that he would remove Mas'úd to a distance from the metropolis of Ghaznín, so that after his death war and quarrelling might not take place between the two brothers. On this account, having undertaken a journey to 'Irák, when he had brought that country into the courtyard of subjection, he gave it to Mas'úd, and said, “You must swear that after my death you will not oppose your brother.” Mas'úd answered, “I will take this oath at the time when you feel an aversion to me.” Mahmúd said, “Why do you speak to me like this?” Mas'úd answered, “If I am your son, I surely have a right to your property and treasures.” Mahmúd said, “Your brother will render to you your dues: do you swear that you will not carry on war with your brother, and that you will not display enmity towards him?” Mas'úd said, “If he will come and swear that according to our precious laws he will render to me my due out of your worldly effects, then I will promise not to display enmity towards him, but he is now in Ghaznín, and I in Re; how then can the affair be furthered?”

Mas'úd, from his excessive haughtiness, and from his covetousness to obtain the idle vanities of the world, showed his presumption and spoke in this harsh manner to his father. The Sultán bade him adieu, and directed his steps towards Ghaznín, where, after his arrival, he laid his side on the carpet of weakness, and died, either of consumption or of disease of the liver,¹⁸⁸ (for there are two opinions urged on this point) on Thursday, the 23rd of Rabí'u-l ákhir, 421 H.^188a (1030 A.D.). His funeral rites were performed on a night whilst it was raining, and he was buried in the blue palace at Ghaznín.

The learned men who flourished during Mahmúd's reign.

Among the learned men who flourished during the time of Sultán Mahmúd, one was 'Utbí, who composed the Táríkh-i Yamíní, which is an account of the descendants of Subuktigín. That book has been translated Abu-s Sharaf Násir bin Zafar bin Sa'du-l Munshí-l Jarbádkání, and the translation is well known among men.

Another of the learned men of that time was 'Unsurí, who was the greatest poet of his age, and was always composing odes and quatrains in praise of Sultán Mahmúd. The following is one of his quatrains:—

“You are that monarch whom in the east and west,
Jews, Fire-worshippers, Christians, and Musulmáns
Name when they count their beads, and ejaculate the praises of God,
Saying, Oh God, give me an end that is laudable (Mahmúd).”

They say that 'Unsurí composed many verses in praise of Sultán Mahmúd, and out of the many books which he wrote in the name of the Sultán there was one book, viz., Wámik o'Azrá. which is now lost.

Another of the poets, who was a panegyrist of the Sultán Mahmúd was 'Asjudí, who derived his origin from Merv. When Somnát was taken he composed a kasídah in praise of the Sultán of laudable virtues, the beginning of which runs thus:

“When the acute-minded Sultán made his expedition to Somnát,
He made his own exploits the standard of miracles.”

Another of the poets contemporary with Sultán Mahmúd was Farrukhí, who, from the excessive generosity of the Sultán, having amassed great wealth, determined to go to Samarkand. When he drew near that city, he was attacked by highwaymen and plundered of all that he had. Having arrived in Samarkand he showed himself to nobody, but after a few days he hoisted the flag of his return, having given utterance to the following lines:—

“I have seen all the charms of Samarkand,
I have looked upon its gardens, its villas, its valleys, and its
deserts.
But since my purse and my pockets are without dirhams,
My heart has folded up the carpet of pleasure from off the court-
yard of hope.

From the learned men of every city
I have heard that there is one kosar and eight paradises;
I have seen thousands of rivers and thousands of paradises:
But what profit if I always return with a thirsty lip?
The eye seeing wealth, and not having the money in the hand,
Is like a head cut off in the midst of a golden basin.”

Firdúsí was another one of the poets contemporary with Sultán Mahmúd: his history is well known. It is written in the books of learned authors, that during his first years Firdúsí took great pleasure in versification. It happened that at one time he received ill-treatment from somebody, upon which he set out for Ghaznín, which was the royal residence of the Sultán Mahmúd, with the intention of lodging his complaint. When he arrived near that city, he saw in a certain garden three persons who were sitting together, and seemed to be very intimate. He conjectured that they were the servants of the Sultán, and said within himself, “I will go to them, and tell them some of my business; perhaps I shall gain some advantage by it.” When he came near the resting-place where 'Unsurí, 'Asjudí, and Farrukhí were sitting, those individuals were astonished at him and said, “He will spoil our quiet converse.” They communed with one another, and agreed to tell this person that they were the poets of the Sultán, and that they held no intercourse with any one who was not a poet; that they would recite three verses, to which it would be difficult to add a fourth, and that they would say that whoever would make a fourth verse would be admitted into their society, and unless he could do so he would be excluded.

When Firdúsí arrived where they were sitting, they played off upon him that which they had determined among themselves. Firdúsí said, “Recite your verses.” 'Unsurí said, “The moon has no brightness like your cheek.” Farrukhí said, “There is not a rose in the rose-garden like your face.” 'Asjudí said, “Your eye-lashes pierce through a coat of mail.” Firdúsí, upon hearing those verses, instantly replied, “Like the spear of Geo in the fight with Pushan.” The poets were astonished at his readiness, and inquired about the story of Geo and Pushan. Firdúsí told them the story at full length, and accordingly, when he arrived at Court, he experienced kind treatment, and Mahmúd told him that he had made a paradise of his Court, and it was owing to this that he assumed his titular name of Firdúsí.

Having afterwards been appointed to compose the Sháh-náma, he wrote a thousand verses, and took them to the king, who highly applauded them, and made him a present of a thousand dínárs. When Firdúsí had finished writing the Sháh-nàma, he took the book, which contained 60,000 verses, to the Sultán, expecting that he would get a dínár for each verse, as he had done before; but some envious persons of mean disposition, indulging their malignity, wondered what must be the value of that poet who was worth being exalted by such a large gift, and they made the Sultán give him 60,000 dirhams instead. When Firdúsí came out of the bath, and they brought those dirhams before him, he was exceedingly vexed at the circumstance, and gave 20,000 dirhams to the bath-keeper, 20,000 to a sherbet-seller who had brought some beverage¹⁹¹ for him, and the remaining 20,000 dirhams he gave to the person who brought the money. Having composed about forty verses, as a satire upon the Sultán, he introduced them into the beginning or conclusion of the Sháh-náma, and fled to Tús. One day, some little time after this circumstance, Ahmad bin Hasan Maimandí was out hunting with the Sultán, and having come close to him, he repeated several verses out of the Sháh-náma, which were exceedingly applauded by the Sultán, who asked whose poetry it was. He answered that the verses were the produce of the genius of Firdúsí. The Sultán repented of his neglect of that incomparable poet, and ordered them to take 60,000 dínárs with rich robes of honour to Tús, and to ask Firdúsí's pardon. In the Baháristán it is written that when those presents came in at one gate of Tús, the coffin of Firdúsí was carried out at the other. An only daughter was his heiress, to whom the emissaries of the Sultán offered those honourable presents; but she, from the pride inherent in her disposition, refused them and said, “I have enough wealth to last me to the end of my days; I have no need of this money.” The agents of the Sultán built a caravanserai in the neighbourhood of Tús with that money. Afzalu-l Anámí Mauláná Núru-d dín 'Abdu-r rahmán Jámí has written these lines at the end of this story:

“It is pleasing to recognize one's merits, when the crooked sphere
Has bent the final arrow of misfortune into the shape of a bow.
The honour of the Sultán has perished from the world, and there
remains not anything
Except this tale, that he recognized not the merits of Firdúsí.”

According to the Guzída, Firdúsí died in the year 416,¹⁹² but God knows everything!

Sultán Muhammad.

When the hand of Yamínu-d daula Mahmúd was cut off from possession in worldly things, his son Muhammad,^192a according to the will of his father, placed upon his head the crown of Sultánship, and, just as it was in the days of Mahmúd, he appointed Hasnak Míkál prime minister. Sultán Mas'úd, who was at Hamadán, having obtained intelligence of the death of his father, hastened towards Khurásán, and wrote a letter to his brother to the effect that he did not want the country which his father had given to his brother, but he insisted that his name should be recited first in the khutba. Muhammad, having returned a stern refusal, began to make preparations for war, but several of those who consulted the welfare of the government employed their exertions to bring about a reconciliation between the two brothers. They were unavailing, for Muhammad would not yield in the least. Having entrusted the advance guard of the army to Yúsuf bin Subuktigín, he set out on the road, and on the 1st of the blessed month of Ramazán, in the year 421 H., he arrived at Nagínábád,¹⁹³ which was in truth Nakbatábád (i.e. the abode of calamity), at which place he remained during the whole of the fasting month. On the feast day, his cap happened to fall off his head without any cause, a circumstance which the people interpreted as a bad omen, for on the night of the 3rd of Shawwál, Amír 'Alí Khesháwand^193a and Yúsuf bin Subuktigín, having conspired together, raised the standard of enmity, and made advances to Mas'úd. Having surrounded the tent of Muhammad, they seized him and imprisoned him in the fort of Nagínábád.^193b

The chief men then went out to meet Mas'úd, and Amír Hasnak, who was at Naishápúr, came to the Court of Mas'úd. When Mas'úd saw him, he ordered him to be hanged, because he had heard that Hasnak had one day said in the Court of Muhammad that before Mas'úd should become king it would be right to make war. When 'Alí Khesháwand and Yúsuf Subuk-tigín arrived at Hirát declaring their fealty to Mas'úd, the former was imprisoned and the latter murdered. Mas'úd rapidly moved on to Ghaznín, having imprisoned Muhammad in the fort of Nagínábád.

In contradiction to what has been above written, men have it that before the eye of the prosperity of Muhammad was made blind by the iron of oppression, he had reigned four years. After Mas'úd had obtained the kingdom, Muhammad was imprisoned for nine years. After the death of Mas'úd he again became king for one year,¹⁹⁴ and in the year 434 H. he was murdered by the order of Maudúd bin Mas'úd.

Sultán Mas'úd.

The surname of Sultán Mas'úd, according to some historians, was Násiru-d dín, but in the opinion of Hamdu-lla Mustaufí, it was Násiru-d daula.^194a After he had deprived his brother of eyesight, he placed upon his own head the crown of sovereignty at the metropolis of Ghaznín. He occupied himself with laying the foundation of justice and equity, and threw open the doors of kindness to all learned men. During the days of his rule, such buildings as mosques, colleges, and inns, were erected in different parts of the kingdom. Every year he occupied his ambitious mind in war against the infidels of Hind, and it was owing to this that the Saljúkíans obtained an opportunity of crossing the river Oxus, and having gained strength, they subdued in a little time the cities of Khurásán.

During the latter days of his prosperity, Mas'úd again made war upon the cities of Hind, and on his return from the river Indus, Noshtigín, and the sons of 'Alí Khesháwand, and Yúsuf bin Subuktigín, all of whom bore enmity towards him, seized him and delivered him over to his brother, Muhammad Makhúl: he was imprisoned in a strong fort, and was killed in the year 430 H. (1038-9 A.D.). His reign lasted twelve years.

In the year 422 H. (1031 A.D.) Mas'úd mounted the throne of Ghaznín. He appointed Abú Suhail Hamadúní¹⁹⁵ to the administration of Hirát, and having written out a farmán, he delivered over the governorship of Ispahán to 'Aláu-d daula Ja'far bin Kákúya. 'Aláu-d daula was the son of the maternal uncle of Majdu-d daula bin Fakhru-d daula Dailamí, and in the language of Dailam they call a maternal uncle by the word “Kákúya.” This Kákúya was at first the viceroy of 'Irák, but afterwards he arrogated to himself absolute dominion. In the year 423 H.^195a (1032 A.D.) Altúntásh hájib, conformably with Mas'úd's^195b order, proceeded from Khwárizm to Máwaráu-n nahr against 'Alítigín, who had subdued Samarkand and Bukhára. On the confines of Balkh he was joined by 15,000 men from the army of Ghaznín, and Altúntásh first marched to Bukhára, which he took, and then directed his steps towards Samarkand.

'Alítigín having come out of the city with the intention of fighting, drew up his army near a certain village, on the one side of which was a river and numerous trees, and on the other a mountain, equal in height to the revolving heavens. When Altúntásh came up to that spot, the flame of battle was kindled, and in the middle of the fight a band of men, who had lain in ambuscade, rushed out and charged the army of Khwárizm. They wounded Altúntásh mortally, but that brave man concealed the circumstance, and conducted himself with such resolution that many of the army of 'Alítigín were killed, and the rest, who escaped the sword, were taken prisoners. When it was night, Altúntásh sent for the nobles and generals of the army, showed them his wound, and said, “I shall never recover from this wound:¹⁹⁶ do you now make your own arrangements.” That very night they sent a messenger to 'Alítigín, and brought about a reconciliation, and then returned to Khurásán. The next day Altúntásh died, and his son Hárún took his place. Khwája Ahmad bin Hasan Maimandí^196a died in the year 424 H., and Mas'úd having sent for Abú Nasr Muhammad bin 'Abdu-s Samad, who was the accountant of Hárún, appointed him wazír, which post he filled up to the last days of the life of Mas'úd.

In the midst of all these events, the Saljúkíans, having passed over the Jíhún, settled in the vicinity of Naishápúr. When, after a little time, they had obtained strength, they began to show hostilities towards Mas'úd. In the year 426 (A.D. 1034-5),^196b Sultán Mas'úd led his army towards Jurján and Tabaristán, because his governors in 'Irák had implored help from him. Abú Suhail Hamadúní, the governor of Re, sent an army to reduce to obedience the inhabitants of Kumm^196c and Sáwa, who had rebelled. Sultán Mas'úd returned from Jurján to Ghaznín, and then wished to march to Hind; but some of the amírs and chief men of the State hinted to him that it would be proper first to go to Khurásán and dislodge the Saljúkíans; but he listened not to the proposal, and hastened to Hindustán. During his absence the Saljúkíans perfected their power, and 'Aláu-d daula bin Kákúya having rebelled, drove Abú Suhail Hamadúní out of Re.

In the year 428 H. (A.D. 1036-7), Mas'úd returned from his expedition,¹⁹⁷ and when he obtained intelligence of the victories of his enemies, he repented of his attack upon Hindustán. After he had made preparation for war, he marched to Balkh, and the inhabitants of that place informed him that during his absence the victorious standards of Túztigín had several times crossed over the river, and his men had murdered and plundered the people. Mas'úd told them that he would defeat him in the cold season, and that in the spring he would engage in eradicating the Saljúkíans. The nobles and deputies complained to him and said: “It is two years since the Saljúkíans have taken Khurá-sán, and the people seem inclined to submit to their government; it is first necessary to dislodge them, and then we will turn our attention to the execution of other important matters.” One of the poets on this occasion composed the following verses, and sent them to the Sultán.

“Your enemies were ants, they grew into serpents:
Kill the ants which have become serpents:
Give them no rest, delay no more;
For if they have time, the serpents will become dragons.”

As the star of the destiny of Mas'úd had reached the limits of misfortune, he listened not to this advice, and having passed the river, he directed his steps in search of Túztigín. During that winter, the rain and the snow fell very heavily in Máwaráu-n nahr, on account of which the Ghaznivides were extremely distressed. In the middle of all this, Dáúd Saljúkí marched from Sarakhs towards Balkh, with the intention of fighting, upon which Mas'úd was obliged to beat the drum of retreat, and Túztigín, following in the rear of the army of Ghaznín, plundered and carried away all the best horses and camels of Mas'úd, and thus disgrace fell upon the army of the Ghaznivides.

After Mas'úd had arrived at his royal residence, having finished repairing the state of confusion into which his troops had been thrown, he turned his attention towards the Saljúkíans, and several times fighting took place between the two parties, the end of which was, that Mas'úd was defeated, and obliged again to return to Ghaznín; on his arrival at which place he put to death some of the nobles and chief men of the State, under the pretence that they had misbehaved themselves during the war. He sent his son Maudúd with an army to Balkh, while he himself, with Muhammad Makhúl and Muhammad's sons, Ahmad, 'Abdu-r Rahmán and 'Abdu-r Rahím moved towards Hindustán, with the intention of remaining during the winter there, and then, when the spring arrived, of turning his attention towards dislodging the Saljúkíans.¹⁹⁸

Mas'úd had crossed over the Sind, but all his baggage and property was on the other side of the river, when Noshtigín, with some of his attendants, plundered the treasury, and put Muhammad Makhúl on the throne. According to Hamdu-lla Mustaufí, they seated him on an elephant, and carried him round the camp. Mas'úd upon hearing this fled, and took refuge in a certain saráí, but the rebels seized him, and took him before Muhammad, who confined him and his dependents in the fort of Kírí. Muhammad relinquished the Sultánship to his son Ahmad, upon which Ahmad, who was tainted with insanity, without permission of his father, and in conjunction with the son of Yúsuf bin Subuktigín and the son of 'Alí Khesháwand, went to the fort, and in the year A.H. 433 (A.D. 1041-2), murdered that king, who was the protector of the learned.^198a

Amongst the learned men who were contemporary with Mas'úd was Shaikh Abú Rihán Muhammad bin Ahmad Bírúní Khwárizmí the astrologer, and author of the book called Tafhímu-t Tanjím i.e., “Explanation of the Science of Astrology,” and also of the Kánún Mas'údí. Another was Abú Muhammad Násihí, who wrote the Kitáb-i Mas'údí, on the theology of Imám Abú Hanífa, upon whom let there be the mercy of God! These books were all compiled in Mas'úd's name.

Shahábu-d daula Maudúd.

When Maudúd, who was in Balkh, the tabernacle of the faithful, heard of the murder of his father Mas'úd, he hastened with his victorious troops towards the metropolis of Ghaznín, and Muhammad also marched up from the neighbourhood of the Sind in the same direction. A battle was fought between the uncle and nephew,¹⁹⁹ but the gale of victory blew upon the banner of Maudúd, and Muhammad with his children, and Noshtigín Balkhí who was at the head of the insurrection, became the captives of the powerful decree of fate, and were all put to death, with the exception of 'Abdu-r Rahím the son of Muhammad. The reason of his salvation was as follows:

During the time that Mas'úd was in prison, it happened one day that 'Abdu-r Rahmán snatched Mas'úd's cap off his head in a very rude manner, upon which 'Abdu-r Rahím took it from him, and placed it back again on the head of his uncle, at the same time reproaching and abusing his brother. In short, having taken vengeance on his father's murderers, Maudúd built a village and a caravanserai upon that spot where he had gained the victory, and called it Fathábád.^199a He then hastened to Ghaznín and Kandahár, where he made firm the carpet of justice, and exalted the standard of his power by bringing into the kingdom of Ghaznín and Kandahár several of the cities of Hind; but even during the prosperous days of Maudúd the empire of Khurásán remained just the same as before, in the possession of the Saljúkíans, whom he could never conquer.

Maudúd died, after he had reigned seven years,²⁰⁰ on the 20th of Rajab, 441 H. (1049-50 A.D.).

Account of the enmity between Majdúd and Maudúd.

Historians have related that Sultán Mas'úd, during the latter days of his reign, appointed his son Majdúd to subdue some of the cities of Hind, who brought into the courtyard of subjection Multán and several other cities. Possessed of a powerful army, upon hearing of the death of Mas'úd, he aspired to absolute dominion, and the vapour of pride ascended into the hall of his brain.^200a Maudúd, hearing of this, formed an army to extinguish the fire of the insurrection of Majdúd, who also moved out with a numerous army and arrived at Láhor, about the time of the 'I'du-z zuhá, where, having celebrated the festival of sacrifices, he was found dead by the courtiers in his tent on the morning of the third day of the festival. The truth of the circumstance, whatever it was, has not been written.

After this event, as many of the cities as pertained to Sultán Mas'úd came also under the tribunal of Maudúd, and the Kings of Máwaráu-n nahr also testified their submission, but the Saljúkíans, as they had always done, offered opposition and resistance. In the year 435 H. (1043-4 A.D.) Maudúd sent an army desirous of warfare, under his chamberlain, to Khurásán; but Alp Arslán, on the side of the Saljúkíans, having come out to meet the Ghaznivides, defeated them, and in the same year a horde of Saljúk Turkománs broke into the territories of Garmsír. Maudúd having appointed an army to dislodge them, a dreadful battle was fought on both sides, and the Ghaznivides having obtained the victory, took many of the Saljúkíans prisoners.

In the same year some of the rulers of Hindustán, having entered Láhor with 5000 cavalry and 75,000 infantry, seized that city. The Musulmáns who were there sent a messenger to Maudúd asking for help, and Maudúd was obliged to lead his army thither; but before the arrival of that army at Láhor, dissensions sprang up among the infidels, who began to direct their steps towards their own country. The men of Láhor pursued them, and the Hindus took shelter on a spacious and lofty mountain. The army of Láhor surrounded that mountain, and the Hindus, after displaying their courage and prowess, asked for quarter, which was granted them upon this condition, that they should deliver over to the Musulmáns every fort in the cities of Hind which were in their possession. Owing to this brilliant victory, all the princes of Hind came again under obedience to Maudúd.

In the middle of Rajab of the year 441 H. (1049-50 A.D.) Maudúd, with the intention of making war on the Saljúkíans, marched from Ghaznín at the head of a numerous army; but being seized with colic on the first stage, he was obliged to send 'Abdu-r Razzák with the army to Sístán, which was in the possession of the Saljúkíans, whilst he himself returned to Ghaznín, where he died shortly afterwards.

Sultán Mas'úd II.
Sultán 'Alí bin Mas'úd I.

When Maudúd departed to another world, his son Mas'úd,²⁰¹ by virtue of his father's will, succeeded to the throne; but as he was of a tender age, and not capable of administering the offices of royalty, the chief ministers of the State removed him, after the expiration of a month, and unanimously agreed to the sovereignty of his uncle 'Alí bin Mas'úd bin Mahmúd, whom they surnamed Baháu-d daula, and whose reign was extended to nearly two years; at the end of which time, on account of the hostile invasion of 'Abdu-r Rashíd, he fled from Ghaznín.

Sultán 'Abdu-r Rashíd.

According to the Rauzatu-s Safá, this 'Abdu-r Rashíd²⁰² was the son of Mas'úd bin Sultán Mahmúd; but according to the author of the Guzída, he was the son of Sultán Mahmúd bin Subuktigín, and his patronymic was Abú Mansúr, and his surname Majdu-d daula. 'Abdu-r Rashíd had been confined by the order of Maudúd in a fort which was between Bust and Ghaznín, and 'Abdu-r Razzák, after he had heard of the death of Maudúd, moved to Sístán, and hastened towards that fort, and placed 'Abdu-r Rashíd upon the throne, the officers of the army yielding their allegiance. 'Abdu-r Rashíd then moved towards Ghaznín, and 'Alí, without either couching lance or striking a blow with the sword, betook himself to the desert of flight.

When 'Abdu-r Rashíd had fully established his authority in Ghaznín,^202a he sent Tughril the chamberlain, who was Maudúd's wife's brother, and in whom he had great confidence, with 1000 cavalry, all of them brave soldiers, to Sístán; and Tughril, having overcome Abú-l Fazl and Beghúí Saljúkí, in a short time obtained the entire command of that kingdom; and imbued with the idea of rooting out the shoots of the prosperity of 'Abdu-r Rashíd, he marched towards Ghaznín. When he arrived within five parasangs of the city, 'Abdu-r Rashíd discovered his deceit and treachery, and fled to one of his forts. Tughril entered Ghaznín, sent letters and messengers threatening and intimidating the kotwál of the fort, until the garrison, getting distrustful, delivered over to him 'Abdu-r Rashíd²⁰³ and all the descendants of Mahmúd; upon which Tughril, having murdered all the princes, forced against her will the daughter of Mas'úd, the son of Sultán Mahmúd, into the bonds of marriage. It was from this circumstance that he was surnamed Tughril Káfir-i Ní'amat (i.e. the ungrateful).

When Jarjír, who was one of the chief men among the nobles of Ghaznín, and who was then residing in Hindustán, heard of these shameful proceedings, he set his mind on getting rid of such an ungrateful wretch, and forthwith wrote letters to the daughter of Sultán Mas'úd, and to the grandees of Ghaznín, blaming and finding fault with them for conniving at the base actions of Tughril. Instigated by reading these letters, a band of bold men, who hated Tughril in their hearts, advanced one day with the foot of courage to the throne where Tughril was sitting, and cut his body in pieces with the wound-inflicting sword.^203a After this event, Jarjír having arrived at Ghaznín, took Farrukhzád out of prison,^203b where he had been incarcerated by Tughril, and made him king. According to the Rauzatu-s Safá, Farrukhzád was the son of Mas'úd bin Sultán Mahmúd; but according to Hamdu-lla Mustaufí, he was the son of 'Abdu-r Rashíd.²⁰⁴

Sultán Jamálu-d daula Farrukhzád.

When Farrukhzád placed the crown of sovereignty on his head, he committed the administration of affairs to Jarjír, and it was about the same time that Dáúd Saljúkí, having obtained intelligence of the change which had happened in the prosperity of the Ghaznivides, hastened towards Ghaznín. Jarjír went out to oppose him with an army, and Dáúd was defeated, after he had fought his best with sword and arrow. The people of Ghaznín seized an immense quantity of plunder. After this, Farrukhzád, with a well-equipped and victorious army, exalted his triumphant standards towards Khurásán; and Kulsárik, having come out on the part of the Saljúkíans to meet him, became, along with many others, the victims of the powerful decree of fate. When Jákar^204a Beg Saljúkí heard of this, he sent his son Alp Arslán to encounter Farrukhzád. The Saljú-kíans on this occasion were victorious, and took prisoners many of the chief men of Ghaznín; upon seeing which, Farrukhzád clothed Kulsárik in a robe of honour and set him free. This example was followed by the Saljúkíans with regard to their prisoners. Farrukhzád reigned six years, and died of colic in the year 450 H. (1058-9 A.D.)^204b

Sultán Zahíru-d daula Abú-l Muzaffar Ibráhím.

On the death of Farrukhzád, Sultán Ibráhím^204c adorned the throne of sovereignty with his beneficent presence. He was a prince of such piety and devotion that he joined together Rajab, Sha'bán and the blessed Ramazán, and fasted three months in the year. He was occupied during the days of his power in spreading the carpet of justice, and in looking after the welfare of his subjects, and he was always exercising his energies in distributing charities and doing good works. Sultán Ibráhím entered into a reconciliation with the Saljúkíans, and it was agreed that neither party should entertain designs against the other's kingdom; Sultán Malik Sháh Saljúkí giving his own daughter in marriage to Ibráhíṃ's son, whose name was Mas'úd.

After he had strengthened the foundations of reconciliation and friendship, Sultán Ibráhím several times led his army to make war on Hind,²⁰⁵ each time returning victorious to Ghaznín. Sultán Ibráhím died in 492 H. (1098-9 A.D.), according to Binákití and Hamdu-lla Mustaufí, and according to the same account he reigned 42 years;^205a but other historians say that Ibráhím died in 481 H. (1088-9 A.D.) But God knows all things!

Among the poets who were contemporary with Sultán Ibráhím, the chief were Abú-l Farah and Arzakí. Among the poems composed by Abú-l Farah there is an ode which he wrote in praise of 'Abdu-l Hamíd, the opening lines of which are as follows: “'Abdu-l Hamíd Ahmad 'Abdu-l Samad gave order to wisdom, liberality, and to the dues of justice.” Arzakí was surnamed Afzalu-d dín; he came originally from Hirát, and the book called Alfiya wa Shalfiya²⁰⁶ was composed by him. In the Baháristán it is written that the cause of his writing this book was as follows.^206a This verse upon the qualities of wine was the production of his genius:

“Oh cup-bearer, bring red wine, the thought of which
Makes the mind a tulip bed, and the eye a rose garden.
If at night a fairy should come within your rays,
She would not be concealed from the eyes of men;
More fragrant than amber, deeper coloured than the carnelian,
Brighter than the stars and purer than the soul.”

Sultán Mas'úd III. bin Ibráhím.

His surname, according to Hamdu-lla Mustaufí, was 'Aláu-d daula; but according to the account which is written in the Rauzatu-s Safá, it was Jalálu-d daula.^206b All historians agree that Mas'úd reigned for sixteen years after his father,^206c and according to the Táríkh-i Guzída he departed to the world of eternity in the year 508 H.^206d (1114-15 A.D.), and that same history declares that, after the death of Mas'úd, his son Kamálu-d daula Shírzád ascended the throne.^206e But, after the lapse of a year, in 509 H., he was murdered by his own brother, Arslán Sháh. Other historians, who have come afterwards, have mentioned Mas'úd without any reference to Arslán Sháh: but God knows everything!

Sultánu-d daula Arslán Sháh bin Mas'úd.

When Arslán Sháh became King of Ghaznín, he appointed 'Abdu-l Hamíd bin Ahmad to the office of prime minister, and having seized his brothers, threw them into prison. One of his brothers,²⁰⁷ Bahrám Sháh, managed to flee away and went to his uncle Sanjar, who at that time ruled in Khurásán on the part of his brother Muhammad bin Malik Sháh. Sultán Sanjar hoisted his standard for Ghaznín, in order to help his nephew. On his arrival at Bust, the ruler of Sístán, Abú-l Fazl, joined him with a powerful army. Arslán Sháh sent a numerous and powerful army to give battle to the Sultán, which ended in many of the Ghaznivides being slain by the army of Khurásán, and the rest escaping the sword by running away in a shameful manner to Ghaznín.

Arslán Sháh, having opened the doors of humility and lowliness, sent his mother, who was the sister of Sultán Sanjar, to him, with 2000 dínárs and many valuable presents, and proposed a reconciliation. The Sultán evinced a desire to return, but Bahrám Sháh, not content with what had passed, prevailed over him to such a degree as to persuade him to set out for Ghaznín. When the victorious army was encamped about one parasang from Ghaznín, Arslán Sháh drew up his army in order of battle, for the purpose of opposing the king of Khurá-sán. His forces consisted of 30,000 cavalry, numerous infantry, and 160 elephants. When the brave heroes on both sides had finished contending with sword and spear, through the prosperity of the courage of Abú-l Fazl, ruler of Sístán, the Ghaznivides were defeated. Sultán Sanjar, having entered Ghaznín on the 8th of Shawwál 510 A.H. (1116-7 A.D.), prevented his victorious troops from pillaging and plundering the city. He remained forty days in Ghaznín, appropriated all the treasures of the descendants of Subuktigín,²⁰⁸ and gave over the realm to Bahrám Sháh, he himself hoisting his standard for Khurásán.

When Arslán Shah heard that Sanjar had gone away, he led out a numerous army from the confines of Hindustán, and marched towards Ghaznín. Bahrám Sháh, unable to oppose him, hastened to Bámiyán, and implored the aid of Sultán Sanjar, who again turned his reins towards Ghaznín. Arslán Sháh abandoned the capital of his dominion,^208a and being seized by the troops of Sanjar who went in pursuit of him, was taken before Bahrám Sháh, who having put him to death in the year 512 A.H. (1118-19), became thus fully established in the Sultán-ship. Arslán Sháh reigned for either three or four years. But God knows everything!

Sultán 'Aláu-d daula Bahrám Sháh.

The title of Bahrám Sháh was Yamínu-d daula, according to the belief of Hamdu-lla Mustaufí: but the Rauzatu-s Safá gives it as Mu'izzu-d daula. He was a prince possessed of bravery in war, was a magnificent monarch, and courted the society of learned and literary characters. During his reign he several times carried on war against the infidels of Hind, and subdued many of the forts and cities of that kingdom. In the latter days of his reign, “'Alaú-d dín Husain Ghorí” led an army to Ghaznín, and caused Bahrám Sháh to fly towards Hindustán. 'Aláu-d dín then appointed his own brother, whose name, according to one account, was Súrí, and according to another Sání, as governor of the city, and himself returned to Ghor. Bahrám Sháh again hastened to Ghaznín, and having defeated the brother of 'Aláu-d dín Husain, he seated him on a cow and paraded him round the city.

When 'Aláu-d dín Husain heard of this, he hastened towards Ghaznín, thirsting for vengeance; but before he could arrive there, the hand of fate folded up the roll of the life of Bahrám Sháh. The Rauzatu-s Safá gives the year 547 A.H. (1152-3), as the date of the death of Bahrám Sháh, but Hamdu-lla Mustaufí fixes that event at 544. According to the first authority, his reign lasted thirty-five years; according to the second, only thirty-two years.²⁰⁹

Among the celebrated learned men and great poets who were contemporary with Sultán Bahrám Sháh, one was Shaikh Sanáí Abú-l Majíd bin Ádamu-l Ghazniví. In the Nafhát, the cause of the repentance of Shaikh Sanáí is thus explained. When Sultán Mahmúd had set out from Ghaznín in the winter season, for the purpose of reducing to obedience some of the country of the infidels, Sanáí, having composed an ode in praise of Mahmúd, set out for his army, for the purpose of presenting his verses to the Sultán. In the middle of his journey, he arrived at the door of a distiller, where a certain darwesh, experienced in misfortunes, was saying to his cup-bearer, “Fill a cup to the blindness of the contemptible Mahmúd Subuktigín.” The cupbearer replied, “Mahmúd is a king and a Musulmán, who is always engaged in making war upon the infidels.” The unlucky wretch replied, “He is a contemptible man, and never satisfied; he was unable to govern what he already possessed, and still he desires to appropriate another kingdom.” The darwesh drained the cup, and said to the cup-bearer, “Fill another goblet to the blindness of the despicable poet Sanáí.” The cup-bearer replied, “Sanáí is a learned poet, endowed with an elegant genius.” The miserable man answered, “If he were a gainer by his elegant genius, he would employ himself in some business which would be serviceable to him: he has in a certain paper written several frivolous remarks which are of no use to him, neither does he know for what reason God created him.” Sanáí, upon hearing this speech, became a changed man: he awoke from his intoxication of negligence, and employed himself in walking in the path of the Prophet.

From minds which can discern minute objects, the asylum of men of learning and of intelligence, it cannot remain concealed, that this story shows that the fame of Shaikh Sanáí for composing poetry existed during the days of Sultán Mahmúd of Ghaznín, although the Hadíkatu-l Hakíkat, which that great man composed in verses which are miracles of counsel, shows that Shaikh Sanáí was contemporary with Sultán Bahrám Sháh, that book being written in the illustrious name of that mighty king. Sultan Mahmúd Ghazniví died in the year 421, and the Hadíkat, as has been ascertained from its pages, was completed in the year 525. From looking at these two dates, in which men of learning all agree, it is evident that this story is very improbable; but God knows everything! According to the author of the Guzída, Shaikh Sanáí died during the days of Sultán Bahrám Sháh; but according to some learned men, that event took place in the year 525 A.H. (1130-1 A.D.), which was the year in which the Hadíkat was completed.

Among the eloquent men, adorners of discourse, and among poets abounding in eloquence, Nasru-lla bin 'Abdu-l Hamíd bin Abú-l M'álí and Saiyid Hasan Ghazniví were contemporaries with Bahrám Sháh. Nasru-lla wrote the Kalíla and Damna, in the style which is now current among mankind, and dedicated it to this Sultán; and Saiyid Hasan, on the day of Bahrám's accession, composed an ode, the first line of which is as follows:

“A voice came from the seventh Heaven,
That Bahrám Sháh was the king of the world.”

In the Táríkh-i Guzída it is written, that when Saiyid Hasan went on a pilgrimage to the tomb of Muhammad, the best of men (and upon whom let there be peace and benedictions!), he made a translation of a panegyric which had been written in honour of his Holiness, and read the verses before the Prophet's splendid sepulchre. When he arrived at this verse, viz.—

“I have not boasted of being among your descendants,
But have only made a slight encomium, oh, my beloved!
Send me out from thy presence a robe of honour,”

—a hand holding a cloak stretched itself out from the vault, and said, “Take it, O my son.” But God knows everything!

Sultán Khusrú Sháh.

On the death of Bahrám Sháh, his son Khusrú Sháh,²¹¹ with the consent of all the nobles, succeeded to the throne; but having received repeated information of the approach of 'Aláu-d dín Husain, he fled towards Hindustán. Husain Ghorí entered Ghaznín, and showed not the slightest mercy, murdering the inhabitants, pillaging, burning, and razing to the ground all the buildings.^211a He then appointed his two nephews Ghiyásu-d dín and Sultán Shahábu-d dín rulers of the country, and returned to Ghor.

According to Hamdu lla Mustaufí and some other historians, these two Sultáns, by means of cunning stratagems, seized Khusrú Sháh, and imprisoned him in a fort, where he died in 555 A.H. (1160 A.D.), and thus was terminated the rule of the Ghaznivides. In the Rauzatu-s Safá, however, it is written, that Khusrú Sháh reigned at Láhor two years after he fled from Ghaznín, and that on his death he was succeeded by his son Khusrú Malik. In the year 583 A.H. (1187-8), Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín obtained a victory at Lahor, and seized Khusrú Malik, whom he sent to Ghaznín and imprisoned.²¹² Soon after this, all the family of the Ghaznivide kings fell into the hands of the Ghoríans, who put them to death, and depressed the standard of the dominion and of the lives of those Sultáns who had been the canons of justice!^212a

“Hájí Khalfa, v., p. 603. Biog. Universelle. Not. et Ext. des MSS., xiv., p. 3.” The Habíbu-s Siyar gives the date of the author's death as A.H. 880, A.D. 1475, infrà. So also does D'Herbelot, v. “Schahrokh.”

↩

[“I have not seen this first volume, and have given the contents from the catalogue of the Imperial Library at St. Petersburg, p. 287.”—Morley.]

↩

[The past tense is used because the MS. is now missing.]

↩

Probably Mr. C. J. Oldfield, B.C.S.

↩

Morley's Catalogue.

↩

Asiatick Miscellany, vol. i. p. 71, Calcutta, 1785.

↩

Ambassades réciproques d'un Roi des Indes, de la Perse, etc., et d'un Empereur de la Chine. 8vo. Paris, 1788.

↩

Tome v., p. 333, note.

↩

Tome iii. 6me série, pp. 94, 245, 422.

↩

Notices et Extraits, vol. xiv., prem. partie, p. 1. “Langlès does not translate, but abstracts, and is not so literal and exact as Quatremère.”—Note by Sir H. M. Elliot.

↩

See also Jahrbücher, No. 71, p. 32. Dorn, Geschichte Tabaristans, 142. Journ. Asiatique, 3me série, vol. ii., and 4me série. vol. iv. Ouseley's Travels, vol i., app. 2. Dorn's Afghans, part ii., p. 62. Reinaud's Aboulfeda, vol. i., p. 163. Biog. Univer. vii., 621. Calcutta Review, xxi. Asiatic Annual Register for 1800.

↩

M. Quatremère reads Ben-boul. Pottinger describes Banpúr as a fort containing about one hundred wretched inhabitants, and situated in an extensive plain indifferently cultivated.

↩

This is the way Tenasserim is usually written by our old voyagers. The differences are thus marked by a Dutch voyager:—“Tanassery … by einigen, als J. de Barros, Od. Barbosa, Willem Metold, en Barthema, ‘Ternasseri,’ or ‘Tarnassari’; by Linschooten ‘Tanasserin,’ en by Jurrich ‘Tanassery,’ geheeten.”—Vervaarlyke Schip-breuch vant Oost Indischt Jacht ter Schellingk, p. 90 (Amstd., 1675),— usually bound up with J. Jansen Struys' Voyagien door Moscovien, etc. (Amstd., 1677). Ralph Fitch and J. Lancaster have “Tanaseri.”—Hakluyt's Voyages, Naviga-tions , etc., vol. ii., pp. 396, 592. Navarette has “Tanassary.”—Vide Churchill's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. vi., p. 753. Baldæus, “Tanasseri.”—Ibid, vol. ii., p. 521. Gemelli Careri, “Tanasserri.”—Ibid., vol. iv., p. 235. He also uses “Tena-zarim.”— Ibid, p. 269. “Tanacerim,” in Antonie Galvano's Discoveries of the World, in Hakluyt's Voyages, Navigations, etc., vol. iv., p. 423. And earlier than all these, Nicolo Conti, at the beginning of the fifteenth century, visited “Tarnassari.”— Ramusio, Raccolta di Nav. et Viaggi, tom. i. Sir Thomas Herbert has “Tarnassari,” “Tanassery,” and “Tarnesseri.”—Some Years' Travels into Asia the Great, pp. 336, 346.

↩

M. Langlès (note 13) considers this to be Diu, but the expression of “the islands,” shows that the “Maldive” islands must be meant, being a corruption from the Arabic name. [The words of the text are ]

↩

His brother, Mauláná 'Afífu-d-dín 'Abdu-l waháb, died during the sojourn at this place.

↩

The Arabian merchants were struck with a somewhat similar practice on their voyage to China.

↩

See Marsden's Marco Polo, p. 685.

↩

The nakedness of the people of these parts struck also our earlier voyagers. Thomas Stevens, writing in 1579, says: “They that be not of reputation, or at least the most part, goe naked, saving an apron of a span long and as much in breadth before them, and a lace two fingers broad before them, girded about with a string, and no more: and thus they thinke them as well as we do with all our trimming.”—Hakluyt's Voyages, Navigations, Traffiques, and Discoveries, vol. ii., p. 585.

↩

De Faria y Sousa gives a very different account of the Sámurí's appearance, when Vasco de Gama and Pedro Cabral were received. His whole dress and person were then covered with gold, pearls, and diamonds, though he was still somewhat deficient in garments.—History of Discoveries in Asia, vol. ii., pp. 47, 59, and Astley's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. i., p. 32, 43. See also Ludovico Barthema, fol. 169. Renaudot's Anciennes Relations, p. 123. [See suprà, vol. i., p. 4.]

↩

Apparently a compliment to Chinese navigation. In former days many Chinese resorted to these parts, and established even their permanent residence in them. P. Baldæus speaks of “the Chineses inhabiting Cochin, being very dextrous at catching fish.”—Churchill's Collection, vol. iii., p. 571. When John Deza destroyed the Zamorin's fleet, it was commanded by Cutiale, a Chinese admiral.—Marsden's Marco Polo, note 1372.

↩

M. Langlès reads “Béglour,” in which he is followed by Murray, Hist. of Disc. in Asia, vol. ii., p. 22. M. Quatrèmere, “Bilor” [which is the spelling of the MS. of the E. I. Library]. No doubt Bednore is indicated, which is the capital of a province of the same name, and a place favourable for trade, as the pass leading through it from Mangalore is one of the best roads in the Western Ghats, which comprise the terrific mountain mentioned by our author.

↩

Dar gard-i yakdígar and.

↩

[Or Sínán.]

↩

[From the bridge of Jonau to the bridge in Karáh. ]

↩

[Var. Regínah.]

↩

This mode of writing on the leaves of the Borassus flabelliformis and the cocoanut is still practised in Canara and Southern India. It is thus described by A. Hamilton on his visit to Calicut, ch. xxv.:—“They make use of no pens, ink, and paper; write on leaves of flags or reeds that grow in morasses by the sides of rivers. They are generally about eighteen inches long and one and a half broad, tapering at both ends, and a small hole at one end for a string to pass through. It is thicker than our royal paper, and very tough. They write with the point of a bodkin made for that purpose, holding the leaf athwart their left thumb and over the foremost finger, and what they have to write is indented, or rather engraven, into the leaf, but it does not pierce the leaf above half way through. And on two or three of these leaves they will write as much as we can on a sheet of small paper. All their records are written so on leaves, and they are strung and rolled up in a scroll, and hung some time in smoke and then locked up in their cabinets. And I have seen some such leaves smoke-dried, that they told me were above 1000 years old.”— Pinkerton's Collection of Voyages, vol. viii., p. 410.

↩

[This is the spelling of the MS. of the East India Library. The MS. from which the translation was made seems to have had “Daiáng.”]

↩

On the tukúz, or presents, comprising nine pieces of any article, see a note by M. Quatremère in the Notices et Extraits des MSS., tom. xiv., pp. 32-35.

↩

[Olive-coloured ?]

↩

As the author's embassy was to Calicut, and not to Bíjánagar, it does not appear how he became possessed of this letter, specially addressed to a place which was not the object of his destination. We shall see subsequently that his enemies, while they deny that he was accredited by the Khákán, nevertheless do not dispute that he was the bearer of a letter from that monarch.

↩

“The person who had brought the invitation of coagulated milk;” apparently meaning that it was usual to send coagulated milk with an invitation.

↩

[Quatremère read this Mahanádí, and so did the translator of this Extract; but in the fine MS. of the East India Library the name is always distinctly written Mahanáwí. Reinaud pointed out Quatremère's error, and showed that the festival must be that called Mahá-navami, the ninth and last day of the Dúrgá-pújá. See Reinaud's Aboulfeda, vol. i., p. 163, note.]

↩

Firishta also mentions these expeditions under the year 847 H.—1443-4 A.D., but assigns a different cause for them. He says that three actions took place in the space of three months, and that the advantage rested generally with the Hindus.— Briggs, vol. ii., pp. 430-4.

↩

[The translator transcribes this name “Níma Pazír,” but in the MS. of the East India Library the name is very carefully written and pointed “Hambah Nurír.”]

↩

[“Báknúr” in MS. Mangalore?]

↩

This ridge extends from Jibal Jallán to Jibal Fallah, and attains a height of 4,400 feet. The Jibal Fallah are about forty miles inland from Maskat, and rise to 6,000 feet.

↩

See Reinaud's Aboulfeda, vol. i., page 163, note.

↩

Quatremère has given some notices of Mírkhond and of his son Khondamír in the Journal des Savants.

↩

“Retrospect of Mah. Hist.,” vol. iii., p. 656.

↩

“Travels,” ii., p. 397.

↩

Vide “Ancient Universal History,” iv., pp. 248, 288.

↩

Dr. Hunt's portion would seem to be the Arabic rather than the Persian. Both do considerable credit to the work, and shame many more modern competitors. In the Arab portion Khondamír is more quoted than Mírkhond, and perhaps at secondhand from D'Herbelot.

↩

Compare Silvestre de Sacy, Mem. sur div. Antiq., etc.; Wilken, Instit. ad fund. ling. Pers.; Chrestomath. Notices et Extr. des MSS., tom. v., pp. 192-229, ix., pp. 117-274; Price, Retrosp. of Mahom. History, vol. iv., p. 656; Journ. d. Savants, 1837, pp. 719-729, 1843, pp. 170-185 and 385-403, 1845, p. 383, 1837, pp. 162-180; Wien Jahrbücher, No. lxxvi., p. 227; Nowv. J. As., tom. xi., pp. 179-182; J. Asiatique, 4th series, tom. iii. pp. 258-291; Fundgruben d. Or., vol. iii., p. 330, vi., 269; As. Journal, vol. xxvi., pp. 228-237; Casiri, Bibl. Arab. Hist., vol. ii., p. 68; Gesch. d. Gold. Horde, p. xxiv.; Hájí Khalfa, tom. iii., 501, vi., 548.

↩

A pound Troy.

↩

Makhúl means “deprived of his eyesight,” for he had been blinded by order of Mas'úd.—The only meaning which Richardson gives to this word is “Anointed with collyrium.” [Both meanings are right, for the mikhál, or bodkin used to apply collyrium, is the instrument employed in destroying the vision.]

↩

See note, vol ii., p. 273.

↩

Wilken translates “mera ex negligentia.”

↩

Wilken translates “neque regiæ dignitatis nomen retinuit.” He reads pesh instead of besh, which latter reading is shown to be correct by the word ziyáda, in his MS. marked D.

↩

I am not aware that Mírkhond was ever called by the name of Humámu-d dín during his lifetime. It might have been an honorific title given after his death. It is perhaps the use of this name which has made some authors suppose that Khonda-mír was not a son, but a nephew of Mírkhond.

↩

See note in Appendix.

↩

But the author himself quotes A.H. 904, A.D. 1498, in his Preface, as the time when 'Alí Shír's Library was placed at his disposal.

↩

These works are mentioned as the author's in the Preface to the Habíbu-s Siyar. The Akhbáru-l Akhyár, which is also the name of a work on the Saints by 'Abdu-l Hakk Dehliví, is in the copy consulted by M. Quatremère, and in one I obtained from Haidarábád, but omitted from three other copies which I have examined, and in which the last two works mentioned in the text are added. I have seen also another work ascribed to Khondamír, called the Gharáibu-l Asrár. These, together with the Jawáhiru-l Akhbár and the Habíbu-s Siyar, which are noticed in the succeeding articles, are a sufficient evidence of our author's industry, as well as of the versatility of his talents.

↩

See Journal des Savants, 1843, pp. 386-393.

↩

This author commits the error of attributing the work to Mírkhond, in which he has been blindly followed by several others.

↩

Von Hammer-Purgstall, in noticing these in the Gesch. d. Gold. Horde in Russ-land , p. xxiv, has failed to observe his usual accuracy.

↩

[See vol. ii., p. 204.]

↩

[He is here by mistake styled “Sultán,” but afterwards correctly “Malik.”]

↩

See Rampoldi, i. 365, vii. 483, ix. 423. Gemäldesaal, Pref. xi. xv.

↩

This is related without any new particulars in the Jámi'u-l Hikáyát, i. 14, 37.

↩

See suprà vol. ii., page 61; also Rampoldi, vi., 54. Mod. Univ. Hist., iii., 3. Biog. Univ. v. Meimendi.

↩

Mod. Univ. Hist., i., 486, iii., 3. Rampoldi, x., 487. Reinaud, Blacas, ii., 37.

↩

[This story is given in the Rauzatu-s Safá, among other anecdotes at the end of Mahmúd's reign, and the translation agrees with the text as there given.]

↩

Suprà, page 143.

↩

This, therefore, must have been written about May, 1529, shortly after the dispersion of the army of Kharíd. The position of the tract is correctly given by Mr. Erskine, though with a slight error as to the limits. Mr. Caldecott, his epitomizor, makes Kharíd a general, and speaks of the army under Kharíd. (See Leyden and Erskine's Memoirs of Baber, p. 411, and Caldecott's Life of Baber, p. 230; Erskine's Life of Baber, i., p. 502.)

↩

D'Herbelot says, “c'est ce que nous appellons dans l'usage du vulgaire un Veni mecum.”—Bibl. Orient., v. Habib al Seir.

↩

[See Morley's account of the Contents, in his Catalogue of the MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society, which is much more detailed.]

↩

For these translations from the Habíbu-s Siyar, I am indebted to Mr. Henry Lushington, jun., of the Bengal Civil Service.

↩

Firishta says, Alptigín died in 365 H., and left a son Is'hák, whom Subuktigín accompanied to Bokhárá. Is'hák was then appointed by Mansúr Sámání to be governor of Ghazní, and Subuktigín his deputy. Is'hák died in 367 H., when Subuktigín was acknowledged as his successor. The real date of Alptigín's death is doubtful. Hammer-Purgstall says, according to some authorities it occurred in 352, according to others in 354. Mr. E. Thomas (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. viii., page 298) gives good reason for assuming 366 as the correct date.

↩

The Tabakát-i Násirí also gives fifteen reigns (suprà, vol. ii., p. 266); but the Nizámatu-t Tawáríkh only twelve (suprà, vol. ii., p. 255). The latter also ascribes only 161 years to the dynasty, and makes Mahmúd the first king of the dynasty. The Táríkh-i Guzida gives fourteen reigns, occupying 150 years.

↩

The Rauzatu-s Safá quotes from Abú-l Fath himself an account of his connexion with Sultán Mahmúd.

↩

Firishta calls him a Brahman, for which there is no authority in 'Utbí or Mírkhond.

↩

The Tabakát-i Akbarí says the Hindus were unable to withstand the cold, in consequence of not being accustomed to it, and that many horses and other animals were killed. The Táríkh-i Badáúní, contrary to other authorities, fixes the scene of this action in the Júd hills.

↩

Briggs represents that this was done at the instigation of the Brahmans, but that the Kshatrí nobles strongly dissuaded Jaipál from the violation of his engagements. This is not warranted by the original, which expressly says that the whole council, both of Brahmans and Kshatrís, exerted their remonstrances in vain.

↩

[Sic. I have not found this passage in the MSS. I have consulted.]

↩

Firishta says he invited aid from the Rájás of Dehlí, Ajmír, Kálinjar, and Kanauj, and that Jaipál had under his banners 100,000 cavalry, countless infantry, and many elephants.

↩

Firishta says he brought under subjection the countries of Lamghán and Pesháwar, including all the territory west of the Níláb, and appointed one of his officers with 10,000 horse to the government of Pesháwar.

↩

The Tabakát-i Násirí says 386 H. There are certain other variations in that work respecting Amír Subuktigín, which will be found in the Extracts from that work. The Nizámu-t Tawáríkh says 387 H. [See suprà, Vol. II., pp. 255 and 267.]

↩

The original has “the grandson of the daughter,” but Subuktigín himself married Alptigín's daughter. I suspect we should read for

↩

The Rauzatu-s Safá adds, that the illustrious Shahna Káhir was appointed Prefect of Ghazni, and that this was the origin of the fortune of that family. Hammer-Purgstall (Gemäldesaal, iv., 113) will not allow that Shahna here bears any but its common meaning, “governor of a province.”

↩

Haidar Rází adds, that he was accompanied by his brother Isma'íl.

↩

Juzján must not be mistaken, as it too frequently is, for Jurján. The former is the province of which Inderáb is the capital. Jurján, the ancient Hyrcania, was not then in possession of Mahmúd. See Notices et Extraits, tome iv., p. 378, and Gemäldesaal, vol. iv., p. 132. [See suprà, Vol. II., p. 576.]

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The Tabakát-i Násirí assigns no reign to Isma'íl.

↩

[A town about ten parasangs from Hirát.]

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Dow calls him, “Bujerác.” S. de Sacy, “Bagratchek.” Hammer-Purgstall, “Baghradschik.”

↩

[See suprà, Vol. II., p. 15.]

↩

[See suprà, Vol. II., p. 480.] Elphinstone makes Mahmúd adopt this title on his assumption of the government of Khurásán. It is an old Arabic word for king, but does not appear on the Ghaznivide coins till the time of Ibráhím. 'Utbí styles Mahmúd “Sultán,” and Baihakí also uses the term. It may be remarked here, that it was not till the year 389 H. that Mahmúd issued his coins without the acknowledgment of fealty to the Sámánís. Subuktigín and Isma'íl inscribed on their currency the names of their lords-paramount.

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[See Vol. II., p. 577, “Khwárizm.”]

↩

The Táríkh-i Alfí and Haidar Rází add, “a city near Multán.” The Rauzatu-s Safá assigns no year to this expedition; but Wilken puts in the margin, “A.H. 393.” The Táríkh-i Alfí gives the capture of Bhátía in the year 385, and of Multán in 386, after the death of the Prophet [i.e. in 396 and 397 of the Hijra.]

↩

Ibn Kasír Shámí says: “In the year 396 H. the Sultán took captive one of the most powerful rulers of India, and after cutting off his little finger, restored the conquered country to him.” The passage is quoted in the Táríkh-i Alfí, and by Haidar Rází. The former also quotes from Ibn Jauzí, as among the events of this year, that a star, or comet, made its appearance for fifteen nights successively, and was as large as the moon.

↩

Hammer-Purgstall says the right reading is Siashitigín, according to three copies of the Yamíní. The title signifies “general,” according to Mírkhond. Historia Seldschukidarum, p. 3. M. Defrémery says we should read “Siachí Teguin.” He has a long note on the subject in his Histoire des Seldjoukides, p. 7.

↩

So in Mírkhond, 'Utbí, and most copies of Firishta, but Briggs reads “Jakurtu-geen.”

↩

The Táríkh-i Alfí says, “in forty days.”

↩

Wilken reads “Arslan Habeb.” S. de Sacy, “Arslan Djadeb.” Hammer-Purgstall, “Dschásib,” which, when transformed into Jázib, is correct. See Journal Asiatique, 1848, April, p. 422.

↩

So also says Míkhond.

↩

So say Mírkhond and the Táríkh-i Alfí, but Firishta says “Anandpál.”

↩

'Abdu-l Kádir adds, “which is now called Thána Bhím.” He, as well as most authorities, says the treasure was accumulated at that fort from the time of Bhím. [See suprà, Vol. II., p. 34.]

↩

Where he held the festival described in the extract from the Táríkh-i Yamíní [Vol. II., p. 34]. Firishta fixes the date in the year 400 H., and says it lasted for three days. Haidar Rází says, “the beginning of the year 400 H.”

↩

This must allude to the expedition against Nardín or Naráín, on which subject there is nothing in Firishta or Haidar Rází. Mírkhond ascribes it to the year 400 H. [Vol. II., p. 448].

↩

Mírkhond here inserts an expedition to Kusdár, which is assigned by Wilken to 402. Firishta assigns the conquest of Thánesar to that year. Haidar Rází mentions an Indian expedition in 402, without naming any place, so does the Táríkh-i Alfí in 392, after the Prophet's death. The expedition against Kusdár, and further particulars respecting Ghor, will be found among the Extracts from the Rauzatu-s Safd.

↩

Price (Mahomm. Hist., ii., 286) recognizes Georgia in this, following D'Herbelot. Even Dr. Bird, who is generally very cautious, falls into this error. Elphinstone correctly speaks of it, on the authority of Ouseley's Ibn Haukal (pp. 213, 221, 225), as lying in the upper course of the river Murgháb adjoining Ghor. For further particulars respecting its position, see Gemäldesaal, vol. iv., p. 125, and Fundgruben des Orients, vol. i., p. 321. [See Vol. II., p. 576.]

↩

Firishta mentions in this place a demand made by Mahmúd upon the Khalífa for the surrender to him of Samarkand and Khurásán. The Khalífa's reply was an indignant, but facetious, refusal, which need not be here detailed.

↩

The Tabakát-i Akbarí says, “Naudand in the hill of Balnát,” and fixes the expedition subsequent to that of Thánesar, and says that Sárogh was left there as governor. The Táríkh-i Badáúní says “Parnandana.”

↩

Nizámu-d dín Ahmad and Firishta tell us that there was an idol there, called Jagarsom or Jagsom, and that Jaipál offered to give forty elephants if Mahmúd would abstain from this expedition. The Sultán, nevertheless, advanced towards the city, broke the idol in pieces, and sent them to be trodden under foot at the gate of his palace. [See Vol. II., p. 452.]

↩

He omits the expedition to Lohkot or Loharkot in the year 406 or 407 H.

↩

Dow calls him “Abistagi Bochari.” D'Herbelot, “Bégalthegin.” S. de Sacy, “Nebal-téghin.” Wilken, “Inalthegin.”

↩

The Rauzatu-s Safá and Táríkh-i Alfí mention that some prisoners were sent from Khwárizm to Ghazní, and afterwards released, and sent to accompany the army despatched to India.

↩

So says 'Utbí, but Firishta has 80; Haidar Rází, 150.

↩

Firishta adds, these were laden on as many camels, which, according to Briggs, would not carry more than 150,000l. in silver.

↩

The omissions here are the conquest of Munj, Ásí, and the fort of Chand Ráí, which are mentioned by 'Utbí, Rashídu-d dín, and Mírkhond. The subsequent expeditions to India preceding that of Somnát, which none of these authors have noticed, but which are given in detail by Firishta, are also omitted. The Táríkh-i Alfí also omits these subsequent expeditions, mentioning, however, one which cannot be identified with any of Firishta's.

↩

Firishta adds, that letters were written to the Khalífa by Mahmúd, detailing his Indian victories, and that the Khalífa had them read from the pulpits in the presence of the people.

↩

Firishta says that he passed by Ajmír, but the Táríkh-i Alfí, perhaps more correctly, says Jaisalmír, destroying all the temples on his way, and massacring so many of the inhabitants, that for some time no one could pass that way on account of the stench arising from the dead bodies.

↩

Mírkhond, Khondamír, and the Táríkh-i Alfí read “Bahwára;” but no doubt the reading of Firishta is correct, “Nahrwála.” It appears from Bird's Gujarat, p. 144, that the Rájá's name was Jamúnd, a Solankhí Rájpút. Ibn Athír says his name was Bhím, confounding him with his contemporary Bhímpál, the last of the dynasty of Northern India.

↩

Something is omitted here: it being intended to imply that the idol was washed with water conveyed from the Ganges.

↩

The Turk being fair is compared to the day, and the golden shield is intended to represent the sun. The night is called Hindu on account of its blackness.

↩

Firishta represents that reinforcements arrived to the Hindus on the third day, led by Parama Deo and Dábshilím whom Mahmúd attacked and routed, slaying 5000 Hindus.

↩

Mírkhond, the Táríkh-i Alfí, and Firishta, say that some of the Sultán's men pursued them on the sea, and as Sarandíp is mentioned, Briggs considers that probably the díp, or island of Díú, is indicated; but from the historical annals of Ceylon it appears that that island was then a dependency of India.—Upham's History of Buddhism, p. 31.

↩

Mírkhond adds that the columns were set with hyacinths, rubies, and pearls, and that each column had been raised at the expense of one of the chief “Sultáns” of Hind, and that more than 50,000 idolators were slain in this siege.

↩

Wilken, in translating Mírkhond, says “cubitos,” but the original has, like the Habíbu-s Siyar, D'Herbelot makes the five into fifty cubits, and says forty-seven of them were buried beneath the earth.

↩

The Tabakát-i Násirí says the fragments of the idol were thus distributed, one at the gate of the Jámi' Masjid, one at the gate of the royal palace, one was sent to Mecca, and one to Medina.

↩

One of these thousands is left out in some copies.

↩

Meaning “disciplined, exercised, a hermit.” [See vol. ii., p. 500.] Bird derives Dábshilím from Deva Síla, “the meditative king,” in the objective case Deva sílam. The name is probably a mere legendary one. It is to be remembered that Dábshilím, a contemporary of Húshang, was the Indian monarch by whose orders the well-known fables of Pilpay were composed. Elphinstone concurs that both these Dábshilíms were representatives of the family of Cháwara, to whom the father of the reigning Rájá of the family of Chálúkya had succeeded through the female line. See Biogra-phie Universelle, tom. x., p. 420.

↩

The Tabakát-i Akbarí says he returned by way of Sind and Multán, and experienced great difficulty in the desert. [See vol. ii., pp. 191 and 270: also the general Note on Mahmúd's expeditions, vol. ii., p. 434.]

↩

Mírkhond makes him say: “I will agree to transmit to Ghazní all the gold and rubies of the mines of Hind, if this further favour be conferred on me.” Firishta makes him promise to remit double the revenue of Zábulistán and Kábulistán.

↩

The answer in the Rauzatu-s Safá and Khulásatu-l Akhbár is more specific: “As three years have already elapsed since my departure from Ghazní, what does it matter if six months more are added to that period?” But by comparing the dates of his departure and return, Mahmúd does not appear to have been absent much more than one year and a half, or at most, as Firishta asserts, two years and a half. His campaign was conducted during one cold season. The rainy season he seems to have passed at Anhalwára, and after a little more fighting and plunder in the beginning of another cold season, he returned to Ghazní, before the rains had set in in Hindustán. He must have delayed late in the hot season, or he could not have experienced his difficulties and sufferings in the desert.

↩

Wilken translates, “Etenim ambigitur tabesne fuerit an dorsi ægritudo an alvi proluvium.” Briggs says “the stone.” Abú-l fedá (Ann. Mos., tom. iii., p. 76), “diarrhœa et cachexia.” Price (Mahom. Hist., vol. ii., p. 294) translates, “a consumptive complaint, accompanied by a disorder in the loins.” The Tabakát-i Akbarí says “fever.” [See suprà, p. 134.]

↩

The Nizámu-t Tawáríkh says 420 H., but the text is concurred in by the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh, Abú-l Fazl Baihakí, Abú-l fedá, the Rauzatu-s Safá, and the Táríkh-i Alfí, quoting from Háfiz Abrú and the Tabakát-i Akbarí. Firishta also concurs with the text (Briggs translating Friday instead of Thursday), which, however, Hammer-Purgstall asserts to be the right day. Haidar Rází mentions the 11th of Safar as the date of Mahmúd's death. The Nigáristán says the 13th of Rabí'u-l awwal, and De Guignes brings it down as late as Jumáda-l awwal; but there can be no doubt that the date mentioned in the text is the correct one; for it is the one which his tomb at Ghazní bears. See Reinaud, Mem. sur l'Inde, p. 273, and Thornton's Gazetteer, v. “Ghuznee.”

↩

“Fukká',” a kind of drink made of water-barley and dried grapes. Richardson also adds “beer or ale,” in which interpretation he is borne out by M. Lorsbach, who, in the first volume of the Archiv für die Morgenländische Litteratur, has adduced several passages from Avicenna in favour of this interpretation. He also adds, that in modern Greek signifies “beer.” See S. de Sacy's note in Notices des MSS., tom. iv., p. 235.

↩

Daulat Sháh in his Tazkira says 411 H., 1020-1 A.D.

↩

The Tabakát-i Násirí styles him “Jalálu-d daula,” and says he wrote much Arabic poetry. The Táríkh-i Alfí, quoting Háfiz Abrú, says, “he was exactly like his father, of moderate stature, elegantly made, and marked with the small-pox; that Mas'úd was taller and stouter, so that it was difficult to get a horse to carry him, and, therefore, he usually rode on an elephant.”

↩

[The real name is Takínábád. See vol. ii., pp. 271, 293, but this can hardly have been the spelling used by Khondamír in the text.] Briggs says, “Takíábád, thirty miles north from Ghazní,” but he is not going north, but west towards Hamadán. It must be the place mentioned in the itineraries as lying on the road between Bust and Ghazní, and five stages from Bust, which would bring it near Kandahár. Ouseley (Oriental Geog., p. 210) calls it “Nuskeenabad” or “Tus-keenabad.” Wilken (Hist. Ghazn. pp. 193 and 237) calls it “Theaknabad,” and Mordtmann (Das Buch der Länder, p. 114) calls it “Bahirabad.” Price (Mahomm. Hist. vol. ii., p. 313) has “Bikken or Tikkenabad.”

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“Relation,” so called, says Mírkhond, out of Mahmúd's regard for that individual.

↩

The Nizámu-t Tawáríkh says Mas'úd was on his road to Ghazní, and that before his arrival Yúsuf bin Subuktigín imprisoned Muhammad in the fort of Mangsál [vol. ii., p. 256]. Other authorities differ somewhat. Mírkhond makes Amír 'Alí Khesháwand the chief conspirator. Firishta makes Amír 'Alí, Yúsuf, and Hasnak equal participators. He adds, that Muhammad was sent to be imprisoned “in the fort of Walaj, which the people of Kandahár now call Khalaj,”—no doubt the present “Kelat i Ghilzi.” The Tabakát-i Akbarí says the “fort of Wanj.” The Táríkh-i Badáúní says “Naj,” or “Yakh,” but as there are no vowel points, it may read ten different ways.

↩

The Tabakát-i Násirí says he reigned on the first occasion seven months, and on the second four months. Some authors, as Hamdu-lla Mustaufí, place the reign of Muhammad, whom they style 'Imádu-d daula, after Mas'úd's; but others, as Khondamír and Firishta, place it before Mas'úd's. The Lubbu-t Tawáríkh presents further differences.

↩

The coins have “Násiru-d dínu llah;” and so he is styled in the Kánún Mas'údí.

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[One MS. calls him “Abú Suhail,” another “Abú Suhal.” He is the Bú Suhal Hamadúní, of Baihaki, see vol. ii., pp. 62 and 146.]

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Haidar Rází and Firishta notice an expedition to Kej and Makrán, in the year 422, when these provinces were compelled to pay tribute. They also notice the destruction of 'Umar bin Lais embankment by an inundation, of which there is a detailed and interesting account in the Extracts from Abú-l Fazl Baihakí. [Vol. ii., p. 114.]

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[He is here called in the MSS. “Mas'úd Tigín.”]

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We learn from Mírkhond and Firishta that he had already received in Mahmúd's time a wound in the same place, from a manjaník, when attacking a fort in India.

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He had been released by Mas'úd from the prison of Kálinjar on the frontiers of India, to which he had been sent by Mahmúd, who was anxious to obtain the wealth which he had accumulated.

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Khondamír has omitted all notice of the capture of Sarsi or Sarsutí, which is ascribed in the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh to the year 425 H., and by Mírkhond and Firishta to 424 H. The Tabakát-i Akbarí says, “Sarsí, which is one of the passes to Kashmír.”

↩

[See vol. ii., p. 577.]

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Mírkhond says he returned unsuccessful from his Indian expedition in 428, and marched to Balkh in 430 H.

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The Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh ascribes the conquest of “several forts in Hind” to the year 429 H.

↩

Some say he was thrust alive into a well which was then filled up with earth. Mírkhond says he reigned nine years and eleven months. Firishta, nine years and nine months. Other authors assign twelve years to his reign.

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Firishta says in the year 433 Maudúd departed from Ghaznín, and blind Muhammad, after appointing his youngest son Námí to the government of Pesháwar and Multán, encountered Maudúd in the neighbourhood of the river Sind. The action was fought in the desert of Dípúr or Dínúr. [See vol. ii., p. 274.]

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Firishta says that he carried the bodies of his father and brothers from Kírí and buried them at Ghazní.

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The Tabakát-i Násirí says “nine years, in the thirty-ninth year of his age.” The Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh concurs in the “nine years.”

↩

Firishta says that, supported by Ayáz Khás, he advanced from Multán to Láhor, and acquired possession of the whole country from the Sind to Thánesar and Hansí, at which latter place he fixed his residence. Ayáz died shortly afterwards. Abú-l Fidá says he died A.H. 449, and the Muntakhabu-t Tawáríkh of Khákí Shírází mentions the same date. Rustam Alí, in the Táríkh-i Hindí (p. 142), says that Ayáz is reported to have been son of the ruler of Kashmír.

↩

The Tabakát-i Násirí and Tabakát-i Akbarí call the son of Maudúd, “Muhammad,” and the first says, this conjoint reign lasted only two months; the second says three months. The Tabakát-i Akbarí says he was on the throne for five days, and was only three years old.

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The Tabakát-i Násirí styles him “Baháu-d daula,” and says he reigned two years, and lived thirty years. The Tabakát-i Akbarí gives him only three months' reign, in which it is followed by the Táríkh-i Badáúní.

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Mr. E. Thomas has shown that the name of 'Abdu-r Rashíd occurs on a coin with the date of 440 H., which is irreconcilable with the date assigned here to the death of Maudúd. Minháju-s Siráj, Ibnu-l Asír, Abú-l Faraj, Abú-l Fidá, Rashídu-d dín, and Ibn Khaldún unite in affirming that both Maudúd's death and 'Abdu-r Rashíd's accession took place in the year 441 H. Some of these assume a direct succession, without the intervening reigns of Mas'úd II., and Sultán 'Alí. See Journal Royal Asiatic Society, No. xviii., pp. 278-9, 352; and Defrémery, in Revue Numismatique, 1849, p. 229.

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The Nizámu-t Tawáríkh fixes his death in the year 445 H.

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The Tabakát-i Násirí assigns a separate reign to Tughril, and calls him eighth Sultán, and says he reigned forty days, committing every kind of oppression. The Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh and the Táríkh-i Guzída give no reign to Tughril.

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The Tabakát-i Násirí says he was imprisoned at Barghand with Ibráhím, who was subsequently removed to the fort of Náí. Barghand lies between Ták and Ghazní.

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Coins show the Rauzatu-s Safá to be correct. He is distinctly announced on them as the “son of Mas'úd.” See Journal Royal Asiatic Society, No. xviii., p. 280. [Suprà, vol. ii., p. 483.]

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This agrees with Briggs; but the text of Firishta says “Ja'far Beg.” [In two MSS. of the Habíbu-s Siyar the name is given as “Bajr” or “Baju.”]

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The Tabakát-i Násirí says he reigned seven years, and died in the 451, at the age of thirty-four years.

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In the Tabakát-i Násirí he is styled “Saiyidu-s salátín, Zahíru-d daula.”

↩

The Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh fixes one of these expeditions in 472 H., when Ibráhím took the fort of Azra, no doubt Agra, as mentioned in the Extract from Mas'úd Sa'd Salmán, (see Appendix to this vol.). The Jámi' says that the capture occupied four months, and that it was defended by 10,000 men. After that he went to Darra and took it.

↩

So says the Tabakát-i Násirí, and that he died in 492, at the age of sixty years. The Nizámu-t Tawáríkh says his reign commenced in 450, and closed with 492 H., and strangely omits all notice of Farrukhzád. The Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh says he died as late as 508 H., and omits all mention of his son Mas'ud, and the Táríkh-i Guzída says he died in 492 H. The numismatologists help us here, and show the probability of Ibráhím's reign having lasted forty-two years.—Journal Royal Asiatic Society, No. xviii., p. 280.

Mírkhond, Khondamír, Nizámu-d dín, and 'Abdu-l Kádir are very barren in this interesting reign. Something more will be found among the Extracts from the Táríkh-i Alfí, the Tabakát-i Akbarí, and Firishta. Amongst other victories attributed to Ibráhím, Abú-l Farah Ruwainí attributes that of Kanauj to him. Saiyid Hasan Ghazniví says Ibráhím built a fort at Sannám, capable of containing 100,000 cavalry. Mas'úd Sa'd Salmán attributes others to him.

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This obscene poem was written by Arzakí, a physician, for Tughán Sháh, the king of Naishápúr, who was afflicted with impotence.

↩

An obscene story follows in the original.

↩

The Tabakát-i Násirí styles him “'Aláu-d dín,” and gives a very different account of this reign, in which he is followed by Firishta. Mírkhond and Nizámu-d dín are equally barren. The coins have “'Aláu-d daula.”

↩

So says Mírkhond, but he is inconsistent about the dates of these later reigns.

↩

The Nizámu-t Tawáríkh concurs in this date.

↩

The Táríkh-í Badáúní gives him a separate reign. Mas'úd Sa'd Salmán styles him Shírzád Sháh.

↩

The Nizámu-t Tawáríkh also calls him a brother, but the Tabakát-i Násirí makes Bahrám Sháh the uncle of Arslán Sháh.

↩

Mírkhond says he took away, among other precious things, five crowns, each valued at 2,000,000 dínárs, seventeen thrones made of solid gold and silver, and 1300 saddles and other articles inlaid with jewels. Mr. E. Thomas shows that the name of Sanjar occurs upon the coins of Bahrám, and that this feudal subjection extended to the early part of the reign of Khusrú Sháh.—Journal Royal Asiatic Society, No. xviii., p. 281. See also Defrémery's Histoire des Seldjoukides, pp. 66-8. Revue Numism. 1849, p. 248, and Vullers, Hist. Seldschuk., p. 174.

↩

Firishta says he sought refuge amongst the Afgháns, and that at his death he was twenty-seven years old. The Jámi'u-l Hikáyát says he fled to the Sankrán [Shakrán] mountains, which are the same as those mentioned in the history of Sultán Jalálu-d dín. The same work mentions that when Bahrám fled to Sanjar from Ghazní, he did so with only nine attendants, who had their horseshoes reversed to escape detection. [See vol. ii., p. 199.]

↩

The Tabakát-i Násirí extends his reign to 552 H., and to a period of forty-one years. Firishta concurs with the Rauzatu-s Safá. Abú-l Fidá says 548.

↩

The Tabakát-i Násirí styles him “Yamínu-d daula.” The Táríkh-i Guzída, “Zahíru-d daula.”

↩

Other authors tell us the tombs of Mahmúd, Mas'úd, and Ibráhím were excepted; the first two for the valour, the last for the sanctity, of the occupants.

↩

The Muntakhabu-t Tawáríkh of Khákí Shíráz says that he was imprisoned in the fort of Ghurjistán; where he, his son Bahrám Shah, and all the Ghaznivide family, were put to death.

↩

A different account of the closing reigns of the Ghaznivide dynasty is given in the Extracts from the Tabakát-i Násirí and by Firishta.

↩

CONTENTS.

Opposition of Shahábu-d dín.

Massacre of Hindu Prisoners.

Embassy to Hindustán.

Visit to Kálíkot.

Visit to Bíjánagar.

The Elephants, and mode of catching them.

The Brothels.

Interview with the King of Bíjánagar.

The properties of the betel-leaf.

* * * * * * *

An attempt upon the life of the King of Bíjánagar.

The celebration of the Mahanáwí.

[Verses.]

[Verses.]

Audience of the King of Bíjánagar.

Malice of the Hormúzians.

Expedition to Kulbarga.

Hambah Nurír.122a

—Despatch of Embassy.

[Verse.]

The return from Hindustán, and an account of a storm.

* * * * * * *

CONTENTS.

Deposition of Mas'úd.

CONTENTS.

EXTRACTS.

Abú-l'Abbás Fazl bin Ahmad Isfaráíní.148a

Ahmad bin Hasan Maimandí.150

Abú Alí Husain bin Muhammad, alias Hasnak Míkál.151

CONTENTS.157

EXTRACTS.158

Amír Subuktigín.

Isma'íl bin Násiru-d dín.

Sultán Mahmúd.

Expeditions into Hindustán.

Transactions in Ghor.

Transactions in Ghurjistán.

Expedition to Hindustán.

Expedition to Khwárizm.

Expedition to Kanauj.

The Conquest of Somnát.

Story of Dábshilím.183c

The Conquest of 'Irák.

The learned men who flourished during Mahmúd's reign.

Sultán Muhammad.

Sultán Mas'úd.

Shahábu-d daula Maudúd.

Account of the enmity between Majdúd and Maudúd.

Sultán 'Abdu-r Rashíd.

Sultán Jamálu-d daula Farrukhzád.

Sultán Zahíru-d daula Abú-l Muzaffar Ibráhím.

Sultán Mas'úd III. bin Ibráhím.

Sultánu-d daula Arslán Sháh bin Mas'úd.

Sultán 'Aláu-d daula Bahrám Sháh.

Sultán Khusrú Sháh.

Other volumes of this work

Hambah Nurír.^122a

Abú-l'Abbás Fazl bin Ahmad Isfaráíní.^148a

Ahmad bin Hasan Maimandí.¹⁵⁰

Abú Alí Husain bin Muhammad, alias Hasnak Míkál.¹⁵¹

CONTENTS.¹⁵⁷

EXTRACTS.¹⁵⁸

Story of Dábshilím.^183c