History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 2

NOTE H.

Sultán Jalálu-d dín Mankburní.

As the expedition of Jalálu-d dín Mankburní⁵⁴⁹, the Sultán of Khwárizm, into Hindustán is among the most interesting of the many romantic adventures of his remarkable reign, I will add below various extracts from Oriental authors, who have treated of it in a manner somewhat different from the Jahán-kushá.

The European reader may obtain full information on the subject of this expedition from consulting Abú-l Fedá, Annales Muslemici, Vol. iv. p. 382; Abú-l Faraj, 293; M. Petit de la Croix, Histoire de Gen-ghizcan , ch. xxxiv.; D'Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, Art. “Gela-leddin;” De Guignes, Histoire Générale des Huns, Tom. ii. p. 280-1; Hammer, Gemäldesaal der Lebensbeschreibungen, Vol. vi. pp. 188-193; Col. Miles, Shajrat-ul Atrák, pp. 166-180; Price, Retrospect of Mahom- medan History, Vol. ii. pp. 410-413 and 520; D'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, Vol. i. pp. 300-18, Vol. iii. pp. 3-5; The Modern Universal History, Vol. iii. pp. 272-282, Vol. iv. 154-164; Rampoldí, Annali Musulmani, Vol. viii. 256-77. From the last two a few extracts have been copied into this Note. The four French authorities, which are all good, are chiefly founded upon the Sírat-i Jalálu-d dín Mankburní by Muhammad bin Ahmad of Nessa, the friend of the Sultán and the companion of his journeys and expeditions. This work is in the National Library of Paris, No. 845. It is in eight chapters, and the history is brought down to Jalálu-d-dín's death, A.D. 1231. It was composed only ten years subsequent to this event.⁵⁵⁰

It is needless to quote Wassáf, for his account is a poor abridgement of the Jahán-kushá.

The following extracts are taken from the history of the Saljúkians in the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh of Rashídu-d dín. The Sultan's proceedings in Hindustán are recorded in almost precisely the same words as the Jahán-kushá uses. The following passages were written by Rashídu--d dín's continuator, but he himself has treated of the same subject in his history of Changíz Khán:—

“At^550a nightfall every one retired to his tent, and in the morning both armies were again drawn up in battle array. This day also Sultan Jalálu-d dín marched on foot at the head of his army, and all at once made a charge upon the Moghals, and put them to flight. The kettle-drums were beaten in triumph by order of the Sultán, and his whole army pursued the Moghals on horseback. The Sultán rushed upon them like a fierce lion or crocodile upon its prey, and put many to death. Changíz Khán shortly afterwards, being reinforced with a small body of men, moved like destructive lightning or a rapid torrent against the Sultán. In the meantime, a dispute arising between Saifu-d dín Aghrák and Amín Malik, Governor of Hirát, on account of the division of the booty, and especially respecting the right to a particular horse,⁵⁵¹ the latter struck Aghrák on the head with a whip.^551a The king called upon Amín Malik to give an explanation of his conduct, but he replied that Kankalí^551b troops would not submit to be questioned. Upon learning this, Saifu-d dín deserted the Sultán under cover of night, and went off with his troops to the hills of Kirmán and Sankúrán.^551c The desertion of Saifu-d dín Aghrák materially affected the power of the Sultán, and diminished his chance of success. He resolved to cross the Indus, and make towards Ghazní; and for that purpose he ordered boats to be got ready.

“This circumstance coming to the knowledge of Changíz Khán, he hastened in pursuit of the Sultán, and surrounded him. At daybreak, the Sultán found himself in a position between water and fire, the Indus on one side, and the fiery enemy on the other. He prepared to give battle, but was maimed like a fierce lion in the claws of a leopard. The victorious army of the Sovereign of the World (Changíz Khán) fell upon the right wing commanded by Amín Malik, and drove it back with great slaughter. Amín Malik being thus defeated, fled towards Persháwar; but the Moghal army had got possession of the road, and he was slain, in the midst of them. Changíz Khan compelled the left wing also to give way, but the Sultán firmly maintained his ground in the centre with seven hundred men, and opposed the enemy from the morning to mid-day, moving now to right now to left, sustaining every attack, and on each occasion slaying a number of the enemy. Meantime the army of Changíz Khán came pressing forward, and crowding upon the position occupied by the Sultan. At last Ajásh Malik, son of the king's maternal uncle, seeing all was lost, seized the bridle of the Sultán's charger, and led him from the field. The Sultán bade adieu to his sons and the ladies of his household with a burning heart and weeping eyes. He ordered his favourite horse to be brought,⁵⁵² and springing upon it, he rushed again into the torrent of conflict, like a crocodile into a river, charging the enemy with irresistible force. Having succeeded in driving them back, he turned his horse's head, threw off his coat of mail and shield, and urging his horse, plunged into the river, though the bank was upwards of thirty feet above the stream. He then swam across like a noble lion,^552a and reached the opposite bank in safety. Changíz Khán witnessed the gallant exploit, and hastening to the bank prohibited the Moghals from attempting to follow. The very heavens exclaimed in surprise ‘They never saw in the world any man equal to him, nor did they ever hear of one like him among the celebrated heroes of antiquity.’ Changíz Khán and all the Moghal nobles were astonished to find that the Sultán crossed the river in safety, and sat watching him as he drew his sword and wiped the water from his scabbard. The Khán, turning round to the Sultán's sons, addressed them in words expressive of his admiration. * * * *

“After his escape, the Sultán was joined by about ten persons who had also succeeded in crossing the river. They all concealed themselves in the woods, where fifty other persons joined their number. When the Sultán received intelligence that a number of Hindús, consisting of cavalry and infantry, were lying within two parasangs of him, and had given themselves up to pleasure, he ordered his followers to provide themselves with clubs. Thus armed, they made a sudden night attack upon the Hindú force, put many to death, and plundered their cattle and weapons. Upon this, several other people, some on camels and some on horned cattle, came over, and declared for the Sultán. They brought information that there were in the neighbourhood two or three thousand men of the Hindú force. The Sultán attacked them with one hundred and twenty men, put a number of them to the sword, and equipped his followers with the arms taken from the vanquished. When the report of the strength and improved circumstances of the Sultán was spread throughout India, a number of men from the hills of Balála⁵⁵³ and Nakála assembled, and in a body of about five or six thousand horse, attacked the Sultán, who, drawing up in array five hundred horse, dispersed them. The Sultán afterwards received aid from several individuals and bodies of men, so that there now flocked round his standard not less than three or four thousand men. Intelligence of this gathering came to the knowledge of the world-conquering king (i. e., Changíz Khán) while he was within the limits of the Ghaznín territory, and he sent troops to oppose him. When this force crossed the river, the Sultán was not able to cope with it, and he therefore passed on as a fugitive towards Dehli.

“The Moghals, on hearing that the Sultán had proceeded towards Dehli, returned, and pillaged the confines of Ghor. The Sultán, on reaching the vicinity of Dehli, deputed messengers to King Shamsu-d dín to communicate his arrival, and to prefer a request to reside temporarily in some village near Dehli. The King killed the ambassador, deputed a messenger on his part with presents to the Sultán, but objected to comply with his demand for a place of residence, on the pretext that the climate of the neighbourhood would not suit the constitution of the Sultán. On receiving this reply, the Sultán returned to Balála and Nakála. Those who had effected their escape joined him, and he had now about ten thousand men under him. He deputed Táju-d dín Malik Khilj, accompanied by a force, to Ráí Kokár^553a Saknín, in the hills of Júdí, with a request for the hand of his daughter, which request Ráí Kokár complied with, and sent his son with a number of troops to wait upon him. The Sultán gave the name of Katlagh Khán to the son, and sent an army under the command of Uzbek Páí against Násiru-d din Kubácha, who was at enmity with Ráí Kokár. Kubácha, though he was an Amír under the Ghorian Kings, and governor of the country of Sind, yet was presumptuous enough to aspire to independence. When Kubácha with twenty thousand of his followers were encamped on the banks of the Indus within one parasang of Uch, Uzbek Páí,⁵⁵⁴ with seven thousand men, suddenly fell upon them at night, defeated, and dispersed them. Kubácha embarked in a boat for Akar and Bakar (two island forts in his possession),^554a while the Uzbek descended upon his camp, taking possession of whatever fell in his way. He sent the news of this victory to the Sultán, who marched out, and together with the army, which was under the command of the Uzbek, reached the palace of Kubácha. The latter fled from Akar and Bakar to Múltán, where the Sultán sent an ambassador to him with a demand for money, and for the surrender of the son and daughter of Amír Khán, who had taken shelter at Múltán, having fled from the battle which took place on the banks of the Indus. Kubácha sent the son and daughter of Amír Khán with a large contribution in money, soliciting at the same time that his territories might not be despoiled. The weather, however, growing hot, the Sultán determined to proceed from Úch to the Júdí hills, to Balála and Nakála, and on his way besieged the fort of Bisrám, where in an engagement he was wounded in the hand by an arrow. In the end, the Sultán captured the fort, and put all who were in it to the sword. At this place he received intelligence of the movement of the Moghal troops, who were endeavouring to effect his capture, so he turned back. When he was in sight of Múltán, he sent an ambassador to Kubácha to intimate his return, and to demand the tribute due by him. The advanced guard of the Sultán waited but for a short time, and as the inhabitants of Úch were hostile, he set fire to the city and marched upon Sadúsán, where Fakhru-d dín was governor on behalf of Kubácha. Láchín of Khitá was commander of the troops, and he led them forth to oppose Okhán, who was general of the Sultan's army, but he was slain in the conflict. Okhán then besieged Sadúsán, aud when the Sultán arrived, Fakhru-d dín Sálárí with tears supplicated for pardon, and presented his sword and coffin⁵⁵⁵ in token of submission. The Sultán remained there for one month, and showing favour to Fakhru-d dín, he made over to him the government of Sadúsán and marched towards Dewal (Debal) and Damríla. Hasar, who was the ruler of this territory, took to flight, and embarked in a boat. The Sultán, on reaching the borders of Dewal and Damríla, deputed Khás Khán with a force to Nahrwála, from which place he brought away much spoil and many prisoners. Shortly after, the Sultán entered Dewal and Damríla, and erected a Jámi' mosque in the former place, opposite the temple of an idol.^555a In the meantime, intelligence was received from 'Irák that Ghiyásu-d dín Sultán had settled himself in 'Irák; that most of the troops of that country professed their attachment to Sultán Jalálu-d dín, and felt anxious for his presence. Upon this the Sultán prepared to join them, but on learning that Burák Hájib was with hostile intentions fortifying the strong post of Burdsir in Kirmán, he determined on proceeding to 'Irák by way of Makrán.”

Mírkhond's account of this expedition is very clear and explicit, and is chiefly derived from the Jahán-kusháí and Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh. He is, in some respects, fuller than either of those authorities. The following extracts are taken from the history of the Kings of Khwárizm in the Fourth Book, and the history of Changíz Khán in the Fifth Book of the Rauzatu-s Safá:—

“When⁵⁵⁶ the Sultán arrived at Ghaznín, which his father, Sultán Muhammad, had bestowed upon him as an appanage, he was joined by the armies of his father, which had been dispersed in different directions. Saifu-d dín Aghrák, with forty thousand Kankalís,^556a Turks, and Khiljs, and Yamín Malík, the governor of Hirát, with his valiant Kurds, were amongst those who joined his standard.

“When spring returned, the Sultán left Ghaznín with his army, and went to Bárání (Parwán) where he fixed his camp. There he learned that Pakchak and Yemghúr^556b were engaged in the siege of Wálián,^556c and they were nearly capturing it, when the Sultán, leaving his heavy baggage in the camp, attacked the Moghals, and put to the sword nearly one thousand men of the advance guard. As the Moghal force was smaller than that of their opponents, it retreated across the river, and after destroying the bridge, fled during the night. The Sultán returned to his camp with much booty, and remained encamped at Bárání.

“When Changíz Khán heard of this defeat, he despatched Kútúkú⁵⁵⁷ and another of the Núyáns, with thirty thousand men, against the Sultán, and himself followed in their rear. As soon as Kútúkú reached Bárání, the Sultán prepared for action, and gave orders that his men should dismount and bind the reins of their horses round their waists, fighting only with swords and arrows from morn till evening. At the approach of night, both infidels and Musulmáns retired to their respective camps, and on the return of morn, the Sultán's army saw a double line of troops opposed to them, more than they had contended with the day before. The reason was, that Kútúkú during the night had devised a stratagem, by ordering each of his troopers to make human figures with basket-work and felt, and place them in the rear. The Sultán's army, conceiving that reinforcements had reached the Moghals, became alarmed, and proposed to leave the field; but the Sultán making them take heart, prevented them carrying this foolish design into effect, and ordered them again to fight during that day also on foot. After a time, when they saw their own strength and the weakness of the Moghals, they suddenly mounted their horses, and charging the enemy, slew the greater part of these infidels, and the two Núyáns fled, with only a few followers, to Changíz Khán. * * *

“On the day of this victory,^557a a quarrel arose between Saifu-d dín Aghrák and the governor of Hirát respecting a horse, upon which occasion the latter struck Aghrák's horse on the head; and as the Sultán was not confident that any remonstrance of his would be listened to, he did not call the governor to account. The consequence was that during the night Saifu-d dín Aghrák left the camp in anger, and went off with his Kankalí, Turkoman, and Khilj troops towards the hills of Sankrák.^557b * * *

“The right wing of the Sultán, which was commanded by Khán Malik, was first attacked by the enemy, and many of his personal attendants and the greater part of his troops were killed. The left wing was also destroyed, but the Sultán kept on fighting from morn till noon, supported by seven hundred men who were with him in the centre, and laid many low in the dust at every attack, performing incredible deeds of valour, of which Rustam and Isfandyár would have been envious. The army of Changíz Khán kept pressing on in increasing numbers, and constantly contracting the space of the Sultán's action, insomuch that they were nearly taking him prisoner. * * *

“After his last charge, the Sultán turned his horse's head, and seizing his royal umbrella and throwing off his coat of mail, and lashing his horse, urged him into the river Sind, which was flowing more than thirty feet below the bank. Some of the cavalry followed his example. * * The Tátár soldiers drew their bows, and the waters of the Sind were red with the blood of the slain. When the Sultán escaped from that danger, he went along the bank of the river, and witnessed the enemy plundering his camp on the opposite side.

“Changíz Khán likewise stood on the bank of the river and watched the Sultán dismount from his horse, take off his saddle, spread his saddle-cloth, his arrows, and his tunic in the sun to dry them, empty the water out of his scabbard, fix his umbrella on the point of his spear, and then sit down under the shade. About the time of afternoon prayers he was joined by seven of his followers who had escaped the whirlpools of the river, and, accompanied by them, at sunset the Sultán went his way. When Changíz Khán saw all this, he seized the collar of his tunic between his teeth;

“‘He lauded him and said, from no father
Will such a son be produced throughout the world.
He is like a victorious lion in a forest,
And as courageous as a crocodile in a river.’

Turning round to his sons, he exclaimed—‘Such a son, and no other, should be born to a father:’

“‘No one in the world has seen a man like this,
Nor heard of one amongst the heroes of antiquity.’

* * * *

“This event took place in Rajab, 620 H. (July, 1223 A.D.)

* * * *

“The Sultán remained two years in Hindustán, * * The officer whom he deputed to Shamsu-d dín was poisoned by that king. When the Sultám left Bisrám, and was passing by Múltán, Kubácha offered opposition, and the Sultán, after defeating him, went to Uch. * * *

“After the Sultán had crossed the Sind, Changíz Khán detached Balá Núyán, with two tumáns, or twenty thousand men, in pursuit, After crossing the river, he arrived at a fort which was held by one of the Sultán's officers, and after the fort was captured, he ordered a general massacre of the inhabitants. Thence he went towards Multán, and the inhabitants closed the gates against him. The Núyán discharged stones from his manjáníks, and demolished some of the gates, and was near taking the fort; but as the Moghals were unable to withstand the excessive heat, the Multánís escaped that Balá (calamity); for Balá Núyán marched away from Multán, and after pillaging and devastating the whole of that province and Laháwar, he went to join Changíz Khán.

* * * *

“After consulting with his sons and officers, it was finally resolved by Changíz Khán that a detachment of the army should be sent to Kíj and Makrán and the borders of Hind to watch the proceedings of Sultán Jalálu-d dín, and that another should be sent towards Ghaznín to destroy that capital, and the descendants of Subuktigín, so that all desire for the restoration of the Sultán might be extírpated, and should then return towards Túrán in the spring.

“In furtherance of these designs, Changíz Khán sent Chaghtáí with a large army towards the Makráns (Makránát), and Ogtáí was ordered to return to Ghaznín from the lowlands on the banks of the Sind. The chiefs and elders of that city felt themselves compelled to submit; but under the apprehension of further opposition on the part of Sultán Jalálu-d dín, the Moghals sent to Paradise all the inhabitants of that tract,—the old as well as the young, the weak as well as the strong,—and destroyed the colleges and schools, making them the abode of owls.

“After this massacre and pillage Ogtáí Kaán, by order of Changíz Khán, went through Garmsír and Hirát towards Máwáráu-n nahr and Turkistán. Chaghtáí, who had gone to Makrán, after bringing the whole of that country and its borders under subjection, took up his winter-quarters at Kálinjar,⁵⁶⁰ a country on the banks of the river Sind. The governor of that province entertained them hospitably, rendered all kinds of acceptable services, and provisioned the Moghals to the fullest extent of his power.

“The greater part of the army fell sick, owing to the badness of the climate. And since many prisoners had fallen into the hands of the Turks, insomuch that each soldier had as many as ten or twenty, * * * orders^560a were issued, as a precautionary measure, to put them all to death. Ambassadors were despatched by Chaghtáí to the chiefs^560b who were in the vicinity of his camp, and most of them proffered their allegiance; but against those who were at first submissive and afterwards offered opposition, armies were sent, and they were all put to the sword.^560c

“After the troops had recovered from their sickness, as no tidings of Jalálu-d dín reached them during the time they were in their winter-quarters, they returned with the grand army towards their native country, * * and Chaghtáí and Ogtáí went on a hunting expedition to Bokhárá.”

A very curious statement respecting this expedition is found in the Tazkíra of Daulat Sháh, Art., “Jamálu-d dín Muhammad 'Abdu-r Razzák Isfahání,” who was a contemporary of the Sultán's. It differs from all other accounts; and much of it is nonsense, but part may be true:—

“Sultán Jalálu-d dín defeated the Moghals in the vicinity of Panjshír, one of the districts of Kábul. * * * When he dismounted from his horse after crossing the Sind, he fixed his spear in the ground, and sat down, drying his turban, clothes, and arms.

“The Khán came to the bank of the river, and praising the gallantry of his antagonist, called out to him on the opposite bank: ‘Oh prince, I hear that you are of lofty stature: rise, and let me see you.’ Jalálu-d dín rose, and again the Khán addressed him: ‘Oh prince, sit down again, for all that I have heard respecting your stature and appearance is exceeded an hundredfold.’⁵⁶¹ Jalálu-d dín sat down, when the Khán again said. ‘It was my anxious desire that you should become my vassal; but now go your way in safety.’ The Khán then retired from the bank of the river.

“Of the remnant of Jalálu-d dín's army, about seventy men managed to join him by some means or other; and they plundered in the neighbourhood of Lahore an Aughán (Afghán) caravan which was on its way to Multán. They thus set themselves up in arms and equipments, and four hundred of the Afgháns joined the Sultán. It was about that time that the Hazára Láchía, from which tribe Amír Khusrú of Dehlí is descended, flying from the neighbourhood of Balkh before the Moghal army, joined the Sultán, to the number of seven hundred men. They took the fort of Kargishghál (?), and the King of Multán made peace with the Sultán. 'Aláu-d dín Kaikubád (Mas'úd (?), a legitimate son of the King of Hind, gave him his daughter in marriage,^561a and the Sultán maintained independent power in Hind during three years and seven months. When intelligence was received of the return of Changíz Khán towards the desert, Sultán Jalálu-d dín left Hind, and went to Kirmán, by way of Kíj and Makrán.”

The Táríkh-i Alfí contains (ann. mort., 609), the following particulars not noticed by the other authors; but in the general narrative it follows the Jahán-kushá, the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh, and the Rauzatu-s Safá indifferently.

“When Sultán Jalálu-d dín reached Ghaznín, Malik Amín went out to do him honour with fifty Hazáras, and the whole army and peasantry were rejoiced at his arrival. The Sultán married the daughter of Malik Amín, and encamped during the whole winter on the plain of Ghaznín. * * By reinforcements his army amounted to more than one hundred thousand men.

“Sanakghúr Núyán reached Birwán on the morning of the eighth day after the Sultán had arrived there. The Sultán advanced one parasang and prepared for action, and ordered all his men to dis mount their horses, and devote themselves to death in the approaching fight with the infidels. * * The Moghals during the night made figures of men, and placed them in the rear on their spare horses. * * The archers of Malik Saifu-d dín Aghrák put the Moghals to flight and committed great havoc, and the Sultán making a charge with his whole army, completed the rout and slaughter. Sanakghúr Núyán, with another Amír, who commanded the advance, fled to Changíz Khán with only a few followers. * *

“On the retreat towards the Sind or Níláb, Amír Khán, who commanded the rear-guard, was defeated, and fled to the Sultán. * * Changíz Khán gave the strictest orders that every kind of precaution should be taken to prevent the Sultán's crossing the river. * * Amínu-d dín Malik, who commanded the right wing, fled to Pesháwar, and falling into the hands of the Moghals, was slain there. * * When Changíz Khán witnessed the Sul-tán's exploit of swimming the river, he exclaimed, ‘A wise man should be cautious in dealing with one who can save himself from such whirlpools and can perform such gallant actions.’ * * *

“When the intelligence of the Sultán's successes came to the ears of the world-conquering Changíz Khán, he dispatched two sons of Amírs, one named Túrtáí and the other Bákín, with an immense army to seize the Sultán, but as his troops were in great alarm at the Moghals, he went towards Dehlí before the enemy could reach him. * * Shamsu-d dín to all appearance received 'Aínu-l mulk with great distinction and kindness, but in his heart he entertained the greatest alarm: for like as the Khwárizmsháhís were afraid of the Moghals, so, but to a greater extent, were the soldiers of Hind afraid of those of the Sultán. * * The Sultán returned towards Laháwar after his unsuccessful advances to Shamsu-d dín. * * *

“Kubácha had collected a large army within the borders of Úch and Multán. Upon this occasion. when he heard of the approach of the Moghals, he foreswore his allegiance to the Sultán, and prepared to demand reparation for former injuries. * * *

“At that time the ruler of Tatta was a person called Jaisar, who, when he heard of the approach of the Sultán, placed his treasure and property in a boat, went toward the sea, and took refuge in some of his islands.

“The Sultán remained some time at Tatta, demolished the temples which were there, and built a large Masjid-i jámi'.”

Firishta, in the account of this transaction, contained in the History of Sind (Vol. ii. pp. 610-5), has followed the Rauzatu-s Safá almost verbatim, adding only a few particulars which his greater local knowledge enabled him to supply:—

* * * *

“Sultán Jalálu-d dín, after applying to Shamsu-d dín for such aid as would enable him to return to his native country, where he learnt the sentiments of the Sháh towards him, returned by way of Lahore towards the abodes of the Khakkars, and after arriving in that country, he went to the hills of Balála and Bankála, and thence despatched Táju-d dín Khilj to the hills of Júdí, to plunder that province. * * The Ráí of the Khakkars, Kokár Sanká, who had attained the honour of Islám in the time of Sultán Shahábu-d dín, solicited the Sultán that he would prevent Násiru-d dín Kubácha from harrying his country, as he was for ever doing. The Sultán gave the Ráí's son the title of Kalíj Khán, and sent one of his nobles, who was known as Úzbek Báshí (he was Jahán Pahlawán Úzbek), with seven thousand men against Kubácha, the ruler of Uch and Multán, who was encamped with twenty thousand men on the bank of the river Sind, which is near Úch.

“As Úzbek Báshí found Kubácha unprepared, he made a night attack upon him, and so routed the whole camp, that Kubácha with the greatest difficulty was able to flee away on a boat to some other place. Úzbek Báshí remained in Kubácha's camp, and sent to communicate the tidings of his victory to the Sultán, who, when he heard of the advance of the army of Dehli, thinking it not expedient to remain where he was, left that hill-country and went to Úch. * * *

“When the weather became hot, the Sultán prepared to take up his summer quarters in the hills of Júd, and Balála and Bankála. * * As soon as the Sultán heard that Chaghtáí Khán was in pursuit of him, reflecting upon the fact that, at the commencement of their intercourse, Sháh Násiru-d dín Kubácha had been well affected to him, he went towards Multán, and asked for a contribution in money. Kubácha, hearing of the advance of the Moghal army, rejected the demand, and prepared to wreak vengeance on the Sultán, * * who marched on towards Daibal, which is now called Thatta, committing on his road massacre and pillage in every city and town which belonged to Sháh Kubácha. When he arrived at Thatta, the ruler of that place, whose name was Jashí, of the tribe of Súmra, placed his property and wealth on board a boat, and fled in haste with his children and relations to some islands. * * *

“Relinquishing the conquest of Sind and Gujerát, the Sultán in the year 620 H., went to 'Irák, by way of Kích and Makrán. * * Chaghtá Khán, who was in pursuit of him with the Moghal army, came to Multán and laid siege to that place, but Sháh Násiru-d dín Kubácha exhibited such determined courage, that the siege was raised after forty days, and Chaghtáí, marching to Kích and Makrán, and having laid those countries waste, wintered at Kálinjar, a country situated on the banks of the Sind. While quartered there, he put to death nearly thirty or forty thousand Hindustánís who had been taken captive, on the ground that they made the air of the camp pestilential; but as, notwithstanding this butchery, the deaths in the camp still continued, and as the Moghals could obtain no intelligence of Sultán Jalálu-d dín, respecting where he was and what he was doing, Chaghtáí Khán broke up his camp and marched towards Túrán. When Sálár Ahmad, the governor of Kálinjar, wrote to Kubácha, complaining of the ruin which had been brought upon his province, that prince was much grieved, and used his best endeavours to restore the country to its former prosperity.”

The following extracts from the Modern Universal History present some new features. The account is chiefly taken from La Croix's life of Gengiz Can, which is founded upon the biography by Muhammad of Nessa, and the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh. Like as in most other portions of Oriental History, so in this, the Universal History is the best authority for the English reader to consult.

“The chief reason for the Sultan's quitting Gazna was to give his disunited troops time to rejoin him. He did all that was possible to bring the three Turkish commanders to listen to reason. He wrote and sent to them several times representing the ruin which must attend their separation, and the advantages which might arise from their union.

“They at length suffered themselves to be persuaded by the sense of danger, but it was too late; for Jenghiz Khán, informed of what was in agitation, sent sixty thousand horse to seize the passes, and prevent their joining the Sultan, who, finding himself deprived of this powerful aid, retired towards the river Sind, or Indus. There he halted, in a part where the stream was most rapid, and the place confined, with a view both to take from his soldiers a desire of flying, and prevent the Mungls from bringing up all their army to engage at once. Ever since his departure from Gazna, he had been tormented with a severe colic; yet, at a time when he suffered most, hearing that the enemy's vanguard was arrived at a place called Herder, he quitted his litter and mounted on horseback; then, marching in the night with his chosen troops, surprised the Mungls, and, having cut them almost all to pieces, returned to his camp with a considerable booty.

“Jenghiz Khán, finding by this event that he had to do with a vigilant enemy, proceeded with great circumspection. When he approached the Indus, he drew out his army in battalia: to Jagatay he gave the command of the right wing; the left to Oktay; and put himself in the centre, surrounded by six thousand of his guards. On the other side, Jaláloddín prepared for battle; he first sent the boats on the Indus further off, reserving only one to carry over the Sultána his mother, the queen his wife, and his children; but unluckily the boat bulged when they were going to embark, so that they were forced to remain in the camp. The Sultán in person assumed the command of the main body. His left wing, drawn up under the shelter of a mountain, which prevented the whole left wing of the Mungls from engaging them at one time, was conducted by his chief wazir; and his right wing by Amín Málek. This lord began the battle, and forced the enemy's left wing to give ground, in spite of all the troops which sustained them. The right wing of the Mungls likewise wanting room to extend itself, the Sultán made use of his left as a body of reserve, detaching from thence squadrons to sustain the other troops. He himself, at the head of the main body, charged that of Jenghiz Khán with so much resolution and vigour, that he put it into disorder, and penetrated to the place where the Khán had at first taken his station; but that prince had retired from thence to give orders for all the troops to engage.

“This disadvantage had like to have lost the Mungls the battle; for the report being spread all over the army that the Sultán had broken through the main body, the troops were so discouraged, that if the Khán had not immediately rode from place to place to show himself, they would certainly have fled. In short, what gained him the battle, was the orders which he gave to Bela Nevián to cross the mountain, if practicable, and attack the Sultán's left wing, which the Khán observed had been much weakened by the several detachments. Bela, accordingly, conducted by a guide, marched betwixt rocks and dreadful precipices, and, attacking that disabled wing behind, obliged it to give way. The Sultán's troops, which were in all but thirty thousand, much fatigued with having fought ten whole hours against more than three hundred thousand men, were seized with a panic, and fled. In this confusion his eldest son was taken prisoner. One part of the troops retired to the rocks on the banks of the Indus, where the enemy's horse could not follow them. Many others, closely pursued by the Mungls, threw themselves into the river, some of whom happily crossed over; while the rest placing themselves round their prince, continued the fight through despair.

* * * * *

“When he was in the middle of the river, he stopped to insult Jenghiz Khán, who was come to the bank to admire his courage, and emptied his quiver of arrows against him. Some brave Mungl captains would have thrown themselves into the river to swim after Jaláloddín, but the grand Khán would not permit them, telling them this prince would defeat all their attempts.

* * * * * * * * * * * *

“This prince as soon as he was landed safe in India, ascended a tree to pass the night secure from wild beasts. Next day, as he walked melancholy along the banks to see if any of his people appeared, he perceived a troop of soldiers with some officers, three of whom proved to be his particular friends. These, at the beginning of the defeat, had found a boat, in which they sailed all night with much danger from the rocks, shelves, and violence of the current. Soon after he was joined by three hundred horse, who informed him of four thousand more saved by swimming over two leagues from thence. The Sultán went to meet them, and promised to provide for their necessities. Mean time Jamálorrazad, an officer of his household, who was not at the battle, knowing that his master and many of his people had escaped, ventured to load a very large boat with arms, provisions, money, and stuff to clothe the soldiers, and cross over to him; for which eminent piece of service Jaláloddín appointed him great steward of his household, and surnamed him Ekteároddín; that is, the chosen, or the glory of the faith.

* * * * * * * * *

“On this intelligence, Jenghíz Khán sent orders to his brother Utakín, and marched with the troops that remained with him as far as Kandahar, which he took.

“Some time after the reduction of this fortress, Multán, a city of India, was subdued by Bela Nevián, who had orders to conquer Lahúr also; but, as he was informed there was in that place a stronger army than his own, he did not go thither. A Patán prince, named Kobádia, had sent those forces, thinking he had more reason to provide against the Mungls than against Jaláloddín; for, although the Sultán was then in arms on his frontiers, yet he had only a few troops with him, and could only make a slight irruption into the territories of a prince named Rána, whom he slew for having insulted him in his distress.

* * * * * * * *

“The defenders of Gazna made frequent sallies on the besiegers, several times destroyed their works, and broke above a hundred of their battering-rams; but one night, after an obstinate engagement in which Oktay fought in person to encourage his soldiers, who began to be intimidated, one side of the city walls fell down, and, filling up the ditch, a great number of Mungls easily entered sword in hand. The governor, seeing all lost, at the head of his bravest soldiers, charged among the thickest of his enemies, where he and his followers were slain. However, Gazna was not entirely ruined, nor did all the inhabitants perish; for after the pillage had lasted four or five hours, Oktay ordered it to cease, and taxed the people who were left alive at a certain rate to redeem themselves and the city. This prince continued here till the whole province was reduced, and then went to rejoin his father in Tartary.

“Meantime, Jagatay having entered Kermán, the ancient Kura-mania of Persia, took by degrees all the cities in that province. After he had reduced Tíz, one of the first cities, with some other places which he destroyed, he proceeded to Kalánjer, a country bordering on Hindustan, where, intending to pass the winter, the soldiers by the help of their slaves built houses, cultivated gardens, and kept flocks of sheep, as if they intended to make a settlement; but when the scorching winds began to blow, to which they were not accustomed, almost all of them fell sick, while the greater part of those who lived became so weak and languid that they were not fit for service. By this distemper the country of Fárs, or Párs, which is the proper Persia, and that part of Khúzestán which belonged to Kayasoddín, Sultán Jaláloddín's younger brother, escaped for this time the invasion of the Mungls. Jagatay, by removing his troops from one place to another, gradually restored them to health; and finding the slaves which the soldiers had taken were a burthen, ordered the throats of the greater part of them to be cut. Then having committed the care of the conquered countries to one of his lieutenants, he, pursuant to his father's orders, directed his course to Bálkh, where the general rendezvous was appointed.”

The account of Rampoldi, in his Annali Musulmani, differs much from others, and contains many improbabilities, notwithstanding that he quotes Mírkhond and translates D'Herbelot; yet, as it is founded in some portions on independent Arabic sources, it presents some passages worthy of translation:—

* * * *

“In the tract of country between Kábul and the Indus, according to the account of Kara Tchelebi, the Tartars, after the manner of locusts, had spread desolation and extermination with ineffable rapidity, and inflicted such damage, that six centuries were not able to repair it. * * *

* * * *

“The Sultán was prevented making his last desperate charge by his nephew Malek Agiasch, who said, ‘Beware how you precipitate yourself rashly upon those who so surpass you in numbers, lest you be accused of madness, as one who deals a blow upon the edge of a razor.’ * * * The hundred thousand Tartars did not cease to discharge at him a million of arrows, but were not able to hit him. When he had passed the greatest current of the stream, he was obliged to go much further in order to find a ford, as the banks of the Indus were nearly everywhere very steep. He saved himself finally at the ford of Kaitoul. * * Only seven soldiers out of the three hundred⁵⁶⁹ who had dared to follow, unwilling to abandon the unhappy prince, escaped to the opposite bank: the rest being either slain by arrows or drowned in the river. Among the latter was his nephew, Malek al Agiasch. * * *

“Oktay took Gazna by assault after a siege of four months. It was burnt and destroyed to the very foundation, after about two hundred thousand persons had been inhumanly massacred.

* * * * *

“The Sultán having composed an army out of these refugees, thought of obtaining for himself an asylum, and a principality at the same time, beyond the Ganges, because the whole country which extended on both banks of the Indus had been successively subdued by Jengiz, who had made himself master of Multán, Lahor, Jenghapúr, Dehli, and Agra, compelling the freedmen of Scheab-e'ddin of Gaur, who had possessed themselves of those places within the last fifteen years, to flee from their abodes and abandon their estates, or at least to repair to some lofty castles, which by their situation were judged to be impregnable, at least for many years. * * *

“The troops of Jenghiz triumphantly overran in this year (1223) the whole country, from the Ganges and Indus to the Caspian Sea, and from the Sihoun to the Euphrates. * * Jenghiz returning from India, closed the warlike achievements of this year by taking Khandaar.

* * * * *

“Scarcely had Jelale'ddin Mankberni learnt that Jenghiz had crossed the Sihoun with the greater part of his Mongols, and had taken the road of Tartary, when he repassed the Indus and entered Persia, through the provinces of Kaboul, Gazna, and Kandaar, and immediately occupied Mekran, Sejestan, and Farsestan, expelling everywhere the few Mongols who had remained to protect those conquests. * * * While the Sultán was engaged in recovering his dominions in Persia, his brother Tatar Shah was extending his conquests in Hindustan, where in a short time he conquered and expelled every Mongol who dared to show his face.”

D'Ohsson observes that neither the date nor the place of action on the Sind is known. “'Aláu-d dín says it took place in the month of Rajab (August), but Muhammad of Nessa says the 22nd of Shaw-wál (9th December), which appears more exact. Nowhere do we find any precise indication of the place which was the theatre of this event.”

Price says the action at Barwán took place probably in the spring of 618 A.H. (1221 A.D.), in which D'Ohsson concurs; and that the action on the Indus took place in Rajab of that year, or September, 1221, but he is disposed to place it a year later. But there is no reason to doubt that it took place in 1221 A.D., and as the action of Parwán certainly occurred in the spring of that year, it would be much too late to defer the action on the Indus till December, for the retreat to the Sind was nearly instantaneous after the action at Parwán. Independent of which, the march from Ghazní to the Sind would have been impracticable in December, and the passage of the river would have been no such very gallant feat in that month, when the river was at its lowest. Besides, what becomes of the proverb which is said to have celebrated the occasion: “Marvels occur in Rajab.” And although it is highly improbable that the event did give occasion to the proverb, inasmuch as it is in Arabic— a language spoken by no class of people concerned in the transaction—yet an old proverb may have been made applicable to the event, and as it is quoted by an author nearly contemporary, we may be sure that Rajab and no other was the month in which the achievement was performed.

The crossing of the Indus in the same fashion had been accomplished four years before by Shamsu-d dín Altamsh, when in pursuit of Násiru-d dín Kubácha, and though he succeeded in reaching the opposite bank with a few followers, many were drowned in the attempt. The credit which has been given in later years to Mahá-rájá Ranjít Sing for the same feat, was not so well earned, because he caused his cavalry and infantry to ford the Indus where the bottom is rocky and shingly, and where the stream was not more than knee deep, though the current was so rapid as to make the footing insecure. Many men and horses certainly were lost, but Ranjít Sing himself crossed on an elephant.

Respecting the place where the Sultán crossed the Indus there is much doubt. Hammer, however, sees no difficulty, reproving D'Ohs-son for not knowing that it was at the ford of Kaitul, quoting for his authority D'Herbelot, who calls it Caitool, quoting for his authority Muhammad of Nessa. But the question is where is Kaitul or Caitool?

NOTE I.

Karmatians.

[The religion of Islám had no sooner become a power than divisions, feuds, and schisms broke out among its professors. Dissensions and heresies appear to be inseparable from all newly-established creeds, and the fervid Oriental temper, excited to the highest pitch by the worldly success and the intolerant fanatical doctrines of Islám, impelled professing Musulmáns to unparalleled excesses and most execrable crimes. The overthrown but uneradicated superstitions of the old religion, and the mystical theology and philosophy of nations with which the Muhammadans came in contact, had their share in the production and development of these heresies; but the acting moving spirit which gave them political importance was lust of personal distinction and temporal power. Thus the principal divisions turn upon the question of the rightful succession to the Prophet in the office of “Leader of the Faithful.”

One of these heretical sects, the Karmatians, appear on the scene very frequently in the present volume. This sect is an offshoot of the Isma'ílian heresy, and is often confounded with it. There were some points of doctrinal difference, but the uninitiated were ignorant of them, and unable to distinguish them; so the two names came to be often used indifferently. Orthodox writers, hating and despising the heretics, were prone to speak of them by some general name; or if they attempted to be more specific, their ignorance frequently led to a confusion and misappropriation of terms. Thus the title Isma'ílian includes Karmatians, Assassins, and others, and for the Isma'ílians the wider term “Muláhida, heretics” is often used.

The Isma'ílians do not admit the rightful succession of the Imáms recognised by the orthodox. They acknowledge 'Alí, Hasan, and Husain, but maintain that the line closed with Isma'íl, son of Ja'far Sádik, who was the seventh and last Imám. From him they take the name Isma'ílian, and from him also they are called “Seveners.” The teaching of the Isma'ílians put a metaphorical interpretation on the Kurán, which tended to explain away and supersede its doctrines, leaving only a negative religion, and substituting license for morality. The doctrines of the Isma'ílians were embraced by a man named 'Abdu-llah, son of Maimún, a native of Persia, who devoted his powers not only to the overthrow of Arab ascendancy, but to the subversion of Islám and indeed of all religion. His mode of action was by secret influence and missionary exertion. The culminating doctrine of his teaching was the vanity of all religions, and the indifference of men's actions, the good receiving no recompense, the evil no chastisement, either in this world or the next.

Among the followers of 'Abdu-llah was one named Ahmad, or, as he was afterwards called, “Karmat.” He rose about the year 278 H. (891 A.D.), and was the founder of the Karmatians. The term Karmata or Karmat belongs to a kind of Arabic writing in which the letters are very small and the lines very close. This style being well suited for secret communications, was adopted by Ahmad, and hence he was called Karmat, and his followers Karmatí or Karámata, anglicè Karmatians. Teaching the doctrine that everything desirable was allowable, he differed from his predecessors by endeavouring to carry out his views by violence, and began an open unrelenting war upon the ruling powers. In 290 H. (903 A.D.), the Karmatians made a fearful inroad into Syria, and in 311 (923 A.D.), they plundered Basra and Kúfa. In 319 H. (931 A.D.), under a famous leader, Abú Táhir, they took the city of Mecca with terrible slaughter, plundered the temple, and carried away the holy hijru-l aswad, or black stone, which they retained for twenty years. Ar Rází, the twentieth Khalif, actually agreed to pay them an annual subsidy to secure the safe passage of the pilgrims to Mecca.

The Fatimide throne of Egypt, founded by an Isma'ílian in 297 H. (909-10 A.D.), in rivalry of the Arabian Khiláfat, grew rapidly in power, and became a source of great jealousy and trouble to the occupants of the throne of Baghdad. Political rivalry thus combined with religious hatred to make the war between the faithful and the heretics most savage and unrelenting,

From the Isma'ílians sprang another sect which forced itself upon the notice of the Crusaders and introduced a new word, “Assassin,”⁵⁷³ into the languages of Europe. This sect was founded by a native of Re, named Hasan Sabáh, who was schoolfellow and companion of Nizámu-l mulk, the well known wazír of the Saljúkí government, and author of the Majma'u-l Wasáya. An extract from that work, in page 490 of this volume, gives some account of this redoubtable character. The forcible removal of all foes and rivals by the dagger of the assassin, was the profession and the distinctive practice of this abominable sect. Nizámu-l mulk, above referred to, fell under their daggers, and the author of the Jahán-kushá had nearly become a victim to Isma'ílian assassins. In 483 H. Hasan Sabáh obtained possession of the strong fortress of Alah-amút, or Alamút (the eagle's nest),⁵⁷⁴ in the province of Rúdbár, about eleven parasangs north of Kazwín, and here he and his descendants maintained themselves for nearly two centuries,^574a when the fortress and many others fell under the iron tread of the Mongols. The excesses of the Assassins had impelled Mangú Khán to determine upon the extermination of the whole sect of Isma'ílians, and under him and his successor Hulákú their fortresses were taken, and many thousands of their men, women, children, and babes at the breast, were put to the sword.

The Karmatians appeared to have pushed themselves eastwards into the valley of the Indus at an early period. From Bírúní we learn that the Karmatians destroyed the great idol at Multán, and the heretical chief, whom Mahmúd of Ghazní drove away from that town, was no doubt a member of this sect, for the name of Kar-matian is applied to him by one or two writers, although the more general name of Muláhida is more frequently used.

Mahmúd's wazír, Hasnak, was brought to the stake by Mas'úd upon the charge of being a Karmatian. The personal enmity of Mas'úd no doubt precipitated this act; but there is ample proof that the Khalif was greatly incensed against the wazír for having received a khil'at from the Egyptian Khalif, and that he had urged Mahmúd so strongly to execute him that the incensed monarch broke out in the indignant words recorded by Baihakí: “Tell the doting old Khalif that out of regard to the 'Abbásides I have meddled with all the world. I am hunting for the Karmatians, and where-ever one is found he is impaled. If it were proved that Hasnak is a Karmatian, the Commander of the Faithful should soon see what had happened to him. But I have brought him up, and he is to me as my sons and my brothers. If he is a Karmatian, so am I.” When Mahmúd departed, and Hasnak's enemy succeeded, the Khalif's animosity was soon appeased.

Though Mahmúd expelled the Karmatian chief from Multán, the heresy was not suppressed, for in 571 (1175 A.D.), Muhammad Ghorí once more “delivered Multán from the hands of the Kar-matians.” ⁵⁷⁵ In 634 (1237 A.D.) we find them in some force at Dehli, where they made a concerted assault upon the faithful in the great mosque, and slew a considerable number; but they were finally overpowered, “and every heretic and Karmatian was sent to hell.”]^575a

NOTE J.

Geographical Index.

[The following descriptive list of countries and places, more or less frequently referred to in the preceding pages, will probably be found useful, and may obviate the necessity of reference and enquiry. Some of the names are well known, and are marked on the maps; but others are only to be found in the works of the old geographers.

Bardasír.—A large town of Kirmán, on the road leading to Khurásán, lying north-east of the town of Kirmán. It is also called Kawáshír.

Bust.—A city of the district of Garmsír, in Sijistán. It is situated on the west of the river Helmand, and is noted for its great heat.

Dáwar.—Known in old times as the “Biládu-d dáwar,” and by the modern inhabitants as Zamín-dáwar. A large province, contiguous to Rukhkhaj, Bust, and Ghor, and the opening of the latter to Sijistán. Elphinstone says: “On the right bank of the river (Helmand) lies the rich country of Zamín-dáwar, which has the Parapomisar mountains on the north, and some hills connected with that range are found within its limits. This fine country extends for forty or fifty miles to the west of the Helmand.”—See Elphin-stone's Caubul. 4to., p. 122; Reinaud, Mém. sur l'Inde, 173.

Fáriyáb.—See Tálikán.

Garmsír.—The hot country, so called from the heat of the climate. A narrow tract of country in Sijistán, along the lower course of the Helmand.—See Thornton, Gurmsehl.

Ghor.—Also called Ghoristán. The mountainous country between Hirát and Ghazní. According to Istakhrí and Ibn Haukal it was a rugged mountainous country, bounded by the districts of Hirát, Farrah, Dáwar, Rabát, Kurwán, and Gharjistán back to Hírát, which were all Muhammadan countries. Ghor itself was a country of infidels, containing only a few Musulmáns, and the inhabitants spoke a language different from that of Khurásán.—See Elphin-stone's Caubul, Vol. i., p. 244.

Ghurjistán.—The correct orthography of this name according to Yákút and others is Gharjistán or Gharshistán. Yákút says it is bounded on the west by Hirát, east by Ghor, north by Merv, and south by Ghazní. The ruler of the country was called Shar, and from this title the land was also called Gharju-s Shar. The Merv-rúd waters the country, and its chief towns are Bashín and Súrmín, but the Shar generally dwells at a town in the hills called Bílkan.⁵⁷⁶

Gílán.—(In Arabic, Jílán.) A country between the Caspian and Black Seas, in great part the same as Tabaristán.

Gilgit.—A small unexplored country on the southern declivity of the Hindu Kush, between Chitral on the west, and Baltistán (Little Tibet) on the east.—Burnes, Bokhara II., 209.

Gurdez.—A country between Ghazní and India.

Júzján.—Also called Júzjánán. Júzján is the Arabic form of the native name Gúzgán. It must not be confounded with the country of Jurján or Gurgán, on the eastern shores of the Caspian. Yákút says the names Júzján or Júzjánán both designate a large district of the province of Balkh, between that city and Merv. The chief town was Yahúdiya, and Ibn Haukal mentions Shabúrkán, Andkhod, and Ambár among its principal places, adding that Ambár was the largest town.

Kazwín.—In Persian, Kasbín or Kashwín. A celebrated town of Persia, a little to the west of Teherán.

Khwárizm.—Chorasmia. The country on the east of the Caspian Sea, the capital of which was Gurgánj,⁵⁷⁷ The Arabs converted the name of the country into Jurján, and that of the capital to Jur-jániyá. The Mongol form of the name was Orgánj. Noshtigín, a Turkí slave of Maliksháh Saljúk, was made governor of this province, and contrived to secure his independence. His son, Kutbu-d dín, extended his dominions, and acquired the title of Khwárizm Sháh, a name which had been borne by the rulers of the country before the Muhammadan rule. The empire of the Khwárizm Sháhs rose upon the ruins of the Saljúk dynasty, and their territories extended from Ázarbáíján and the Caspian Sea to the Indus, and from the Persian Gulf to above the Síhún or Jaxartes. A succession of nine princes reigned for 138 years from 491 to 628 Hijra (1097 to 1230 A.D.): but in 618 H. the last of them, Jalálu-d dín Mankburní was driven by Changíz Khán beyond the Indus, and he was killed in Mesopotamia ten years afterwards, stripped of all his dominions.

Kum.—A town of 'Irák-'ajamí, between Teherán and Ispahán.

Máwaráu-n Nahr.—“(The country) which is beyond the river (Oxus);” Transoxiana, including Bokhárá and Samarkand.

Re or Raiy.—An ancient city, the ruins of which are situated a little to the south of Teherán. All Oriental writers agree upon its antiquity, and it is called “the mother of cities.” It was once a very large place, the capital of the Jabbál (the hills), and very rich and flourishing; but it was destroyed, and the inhabitants were put to the sword by the Tatars at the beginning of the seventh century of the Hijra.

Rukhaj.—Or more properly Rukhkhaj, from which, preceded by the article al (ar Rukhaj) comes the Arachosia of the ancient geographers. One of the dependencies of Sijistán, the chief town of which, bearing the same name, was situated on the Hindmand or Helmand.

Sabúrkán, Shabúrkán.—A city of Júzján, west of Balkh. The Shibbergán and Shubergán of the Maps.

Sakáwand.—In the territory of Kábul, which belonged to Kumlu. It is mentioned by Istakhrí and Ibn Haukal as one of the dependencies of Bámíán, along with Kábul, Ghazní, and Parwán. Idrísí gives it as being seven days' journey from Kábúl, and the same distance from Khouïab, for which I would read Haríab, , as I believe it to be the Iryáb or Irjáb of Sharífu-d dín and the Haryúb of the present day,—which is at the head of the Kuram valley, to the south-east of Kábul. Sakáwand would therefore be at or near Jalálábád;—and this position agrees with Idrísí's account of the warm climate of Sakáwand and Hariáb, at which places the palm tree did not grow, and snow did not fall. The Buddhist establishments mentioned by Fa Hian and Huen Thsang were no doubt still flourishing in the time of Kumlu.—Gen. Cunningham.

Sarakhs.—An ancient city of Khurásán, situated about mid-way or six days' journey, between Merv and Naishápúr,

Sijistán.—Same as Sistán. A province south of Hirát.

Takínábád.—A large city of Garmsír.—See Tabakát-i Násirí, supra, p. 293.

Tálikán.—A city of Tukháristán between Balkh and Merv, three days' journey from the latter. There is another town of the same name east of Kunduz. The Tálikán of Tukháristán is the one most frequently mentioned, and it is generally coupled with Fáriyáb, a city of Júzján west of the Oxus, three days' journey from Tálikán, three from Shabúrkán, and six from Balkh.—See Elphinstone's Caubul, ii., 221, 240.

Tukháristán, Tukhíristán.—A province of Balkh, lying east of the city of that name, and west of the Jíhún. The chief town was Tálikán.

Tús.—An ancient city of Khurásán, two marches N.E. from Naishápúr, and a little to the north of the modern town of Meshhed. It consisted of two towns, Tabarán and Núkán, and was a place of considerable importance. The city was devastated by the Uzbeks in 996 H. (1588 A.D.), and its place has been taken by Meshhed.

Zábul, Zábulistán, Záwulistán.—A large province south of Balkh and Kábul, including Sístán, and having Ghazní for its capital. Rustam Zábulí, the hero of the Sháh-náma, is said to have been a native of this country.

Zaranj.—The chief town of Sijistán, from which the lake formed by the Helmand and the Farra is often called the Lake of Zaranj (the Zarrah of the Maps),

Zúr.—Name of a mountain in Dáwar, and of a celebrated idol which was there worshipped. According to Elphinstone, it is in the middle of the Lake Zaranj or Zarrah, which the natives call the Sea of Zúr. Conolly however says it is not in the lake, but in the vicinity of it.—See Elphinstone's Caubul, Book iv. chap. iv.; Reinaud, Mém. sur l'Inde, p. 174.]

END OF VOL. II.