History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 2

the army fell back to Makrán. The Hindús fled to Sístán, and thence to Ghaznín.¹³¹

I, who am Abú-l Fazl, had gone on duty to the Amír, at the Sad-hazára Garden, and I saw the officers of the Hindús who had come there. The Amír ordered that they should be kept in the large house, which is used as the despatch office. Bú Sa'íd, the accountant, brought several severe orders to them from the Amír, and matters went so far, that a message came to tell them they were dismissed. Six of their officers committed suicide with their daggers, so that blood was flowing in the office. I, Bú Sa'íd, and others, left the place, and came and told the Amír what had happened. He said they should have used these daggers at Kirmán. He treated them severely, but in the end forgave them.^131a After this, all went wrong, and it was not possible to send any one else to Kirmán. Ahmad 'Alí Noshtigín also came to Ghaznín, and as he was ashamed and deeply grieved, no long time elapsed before he died.

* * * * * *

Amír Mas'úd wrote orders to Tilak to expedite matters against Ahmad Níáltigín, who should be driven from Lahore, and the Kází and his army should leave the fort. The Kází also was ordered to exert himself to the utmost in order that the Amír's mind might be at once relieved from anxiety on account of this rebellion. * * * * The Amír arrived at Takínábád¹³² on the 7th of Zí-l ka'da [A.H. 425, Sept. 1034 A.D.], and remained there seven days, on one of which he drank wine, for he was troubled on many accounts. After that, he went to Bust for three days, and on Thursday, the 17th of this month, he arrived at the palace of Dasht-langán, where he laid out much money in gardens, buildings, and saráís.

* * * * * *

On Wednesday, the last day of this month, he left Bust, and while on the road messengers arrived from Tilak, bringing intelligence of his having slain the proud rebel Ahmad Níáltigín, of having taken his son prisoner, and of his having subdued the Turkománs who were with Ahmad. The Amír was exceedingly rejoiced at this news, for it relieved the anxiety of his heart. He ordered the drums to be beaten, and the clarions to be sounded; he invested the messengers with robes of honour upon their introduction, gave them plenty of money, and directed that they should be paraded through the camp.

The letters of Tilak, Kází Shíráz, and the intelligencers were to this effect:—When Tilak arrived at Lahore, he took several Musulmáns prisoners, who were the friends of Ahmad, and ordered their right hands to be cut off; that the men who were with Ahmad were so terrified at this punishment and display of power, that they sued for mercy and deserted him; that the proper arrangements were then made for the conduct of affairs of Revenue and Police; that Tilak, in full confidence and power, pursued Ahmad with a large body of men, chiefly Hindús; that in the pursuit several skirmishes and actions took place; that Ahmad, the forsaken of God, kept flying before him; that Tilak had persuaded Ahmad's men to desert; that a severe engagement ensued, when Ahmad, not able to stand his ground, was defeated and took to flight; that the Turkománs left him in a body, and asked for quarter, which was given to them; that Ahmad escaped with his personal attendants, and others, amounting to three hundred horsemen in all; that Tilak did not abate his pursuit, and had written letters to the Hindú Jat rebels to desert the cause of that godless man, and to remember that whoever should bring him or his head should receive a reward of 500,000 dirhams. On this account the span of Ahmad's life was narrowed, his men deserted, and at last matters reached so far, that the Jats and every kind of infidel joined in the pursuit of him.

One day, the despatches continued, he arrived at a river on his elephant, and wished to cross it, when two or three thousand mounted Jats were close upon him, whereas he had less than two hundred horsemen with him. He plunged into the water, while the Jats were attacking him on two or three sides, chiefly for the purpose of seizing his property and money. When they reached him, he attempted to kill his son with his own hand, but the Jats prevented him, and carried off the son, who was on an elephant, and then fell upon Ahmad himself, with arrow, spear, and sword. He defended himself most gallantly, but they at last killed him and cut off his head. They killed or took captive all who were with him, and immense wealth fell into the hands of those Jats. Their Chief sent some messengers from the spot to Tilak, who was not far off, to convey intelligence of what had happened. Tilak was greatly delighted, and despatched some men to demand the son and the head of Ahmad; but the Jats asked for the reward of 500,000 dirhams. Tilak replied, that the immense wealth which belonged to Ahmad had fallen into their hands, and they ought to forego their demand. Twice messengers went backwards and forwards upon this errand, and at last it was agreed that they should receive 100,000 dirhams. When this sum was sent to them they brought the head and the son of Ahmad to Tilak, who having obtained his object returned to Lahore to complete his arrangements for the management of the country, and then to hasten to Court with all expedition, God willing.

The Amír ordered congratulatory answers to be written, expressed his obligations to Tilak and the others, and praised them for their conduct. He sent the couriers back, and ordered Tilak to come to Court with the head and the son of Ahmad Níáltigín.

Such is the end of the perfidious and disobedient! From the time of Adam (peace be with him!) to this day, it has so happened that no servant has rebelled against his master who has not lost his head; and since it is written in books, there is no occasion to make a long story about it.

The Amír wrote letters on this subject to his nobles and officers, and despatched messengers to different parts of the country to proclaim this very great victory.¹³⁴

The Amír arrived at Hirát on Thursday, the middle of Zí-l hijja.

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Prince Majdúd appointed Governor of Hindustán.^134a

On Saturday, the 6th of Zí-l ka'da, the Prince Amír Majdúd, who was appointed Governor (Amír) of Hindustán, received a khil'at before his departure for Lahore. It was such a one as befitted a governor, especially one who was son of such a king. Three chamberlains were appointed, with their attendants; Mansúr, son of Bú-l Kasam 'Alí Nokí of our office, was appointed to be his secretary, Sa'd Salmán to be accountant and treasurer, and Sarhang Muhammad to be paymaster of the troops. A drum, a standard, and a kettle-drum, an elephant and seat were bestowed on the Prince, and the next day he went by appointment to visit his father in the Fírozí garden. The Sultan embraced him, and gave him a dress upon taking his leave. So he went on his way, and took with him Rashíd, the son of Khwárizm Sháh, that he might be kept under surveillance in the city of Lahore.

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Prince Maudúd appointed Governor of Balkh.¹³⁵

Trays of food were put down in abundance, and they drank wine. On the next day, a khil'at was given to Amír Maudúd, such as he had not received before, for it comprised a kettle-drum, standards, a tymbal, and a tabor, and the Sultán made over to him the country of Balkh, and issued a patent to that effect; so the Prince returned with all these honours to his residence, which was the saráí of Arslán Jázib, and the Sultán ordered all the nobles and officers to pay him their visits there, and they accordingly showed him such honour as had never been shown before.

On another day of the 'Íd, the public audience being dissolved, the minister, the Commander-in-Chief, the 'Áriz, my preceptor, and the chamberlains Bagtaghdí and Bú-l Nasr, were told to remain, and the conversation turned upon the direction in which the Sultán ought to march. These counsellors observed, “Let our lord explain to his servants what his own reflections are, for his opinion is probably the soundest; then will we speak what we know on the subject.”

The Amír replied, “At the time that I was attacked by my illness at Bust, I made a vow that, if Almighty God would restore me to health, I would go to Hindustán, and take the fort of Hánsí; for, from the time that I returned from that place without accomplishing my object, my heart has been filled with vexation, and so it still remains. The distance is not very great, and I have determined to go there, for I have sent my son Maudúd to Balkh, and the Khwája, and the Commander-in-Chief will accompany him with large armies. The Chamberlain Sabáshí is at Merv with a powerful army, so that the Turkománs dare not make inroads upon the inhabited tracts. Súrí also is at Naishápúr with an army. Tús, Kohistán, Hirát, Ghurjistán, and other places are well garrisoned, so that there can be no disturbance, rebellion, or other obstacle from Khurásán; and if there should, you all of you, one with the other, are at hand, and can arrive at the spot immediately. The sons of 'Alí Tigín and the Kotwál are quiet in their several places; 'Abdu-s Salám is near them and has bound them by strong engagements, as Bú Suhal Hamaduní has written. The son of Kákú is possessed of no power, and his men can do nothing, and the Turkománs place no reliance in his promises, so that on that side also there can be no obstacle. I will at once relieve my neck of the burden of this vow, for until I have taken the fort of Hánsí, I can undertake no other expedition. I can come back in time to be at Ghaznín by New Year's Day. I have thought well over the business, and I must of necessity carry my plans into effect. Now do you tell me without fear what you think on the matter.”

The minister looked round the assembly and asked what they had to say on the subject on which their master had addressed them. The Commander-in-chief replied, “I and those who are like me wield the sword and obey the orders of the Sultán. We are ready to go to wherever we are ordered, and lay down our lives for his sake. The evil and the good of these matters the great Khwája knows, for they are included amongst the difficult questions of Government, and we cannot tell what he wishes, hears, knows, and sees. This is the business of the minister, not ours.” Then he turned his face towards the chamberlains and said, “You are doubtless of my opinion,” to which they replied, “We are.”

The minister then said to the 'Áriz and Bú Nasr. “The Commander-in-chief and the Chamberlains have laid the responsibility on my neck and freed themselves from it. What say you.” The 'Áriz, who was a man of few words, said, “I am not able to say anything better than what has been advanced. My own business is difficult enough to occupy all my time.” Bú Nasr Mishkán said, “It appears that this matter is devolved upon the responsibility of the great Khwája. It is necessary to speak with great deliberation, for our lord calls upon us to do so.” The minister said, “He has been graciously pleased to tell us to speak out without hypocrisy. Therefore I give it as my opinion, that he should on no account go to Hindustán. It is not expedient that he should stay even at Balkh, but proceed to Merv, and after the Sultán has subdued Re, Khurásán, and the Jabbál (hills), he should then fulfil his vow. If his intention is to conquer Hánsí, the chief of the Gházís, the army of Lahore, and a chamberlain deputed by the Court might undertake the business, and thus the intention might be fulfilled, and Khurásán be secured at the same time. If my lord should not go to Khurásán, if the Turkománs should conquer a province, or if they should conquer even a village, and do that which they are acustomed to do, namely, mutilate, slaughter, and burn, then ten holy wars at Hánsí would not compensate. These evils have actually occurred, for they are already at Ámul,¹³⁷ and still it is considered more expedient to go to Hindustán! I have now said what seemed to me best, and have relieved myself from all responsibility. The Sultan can do as he pleases.”

My preceptor said, “I agree entirely, and may add this to aid the argument. If my lord sees proper, let him send some persons secretly about the camp amongst the people and amongst the nobles, and let them ascertain the general opinion, let them mention the present perturbed state of Khurásán, Khwárizm, Re, and the Jabbál, and let them say that the Sultán is going to Hánsí, and then let them ask whether this is proper or not proper. Your slave feels confident that they will all say it is not proper. The people will give their opinions freely, when they are told that it is the desire of the Sultán that they should do so without reserve.”

The Amír replied, “Your friendship and good advice are unquestionable. The vow is upon my neck, and accomplish it I will, in my own person. If any great disturbance should arise in Khurásán, I rely upon Almighty God to set it all to rights.” The minister replied, “As it is so we must do whatever men can do. I only trust that during this absence no difficulty may arise.”

He then went away, and the rest also went away after making their obeisances. When they had gone out, they went aside to a private spot, and exclaimed, “This lord of ours is very obstinate, beyond all bounds and degrees. No one could have spoken more openly than we have done, and one could not have done more so without being disrespectful; and as for what he said about Almighty God! we shall see;” and then they separated.

On Thursday, the middle of Zí-l hijja, the Commander-in-chief, 'Alí, was invested with a very superb robe of honour, for which he came forward and paid his respects. The Amír praised and flattered him, and said, “The confidence of my son, my minister, and my army, reposes upon you. The Khwája will remain with you as my vicegerent. To give good advice and find pay for the army, is his business; discipline and fighting is yours. You must attend to his orders, and all of you should have but one hand, one heart, one opinion; so that no interruption to business may arise during my absence.” The Commander of the forces kissed the earth and said, “Your slave will obey your orders implicitly,” and departed.

On Saturday, the 17th of this month, a very handsome khil'at was bestowed upon the minister, according to the usual value, and even much more than that, because the Sultán was anxious in every respect to maintain a good understanding with him, seeing that he was to conduct the affairs of State during his absence. When he came forward the Amír said, “May this robe be auspicious, as also this confidence which I repose in you during my expedition to Hindustán. May the grace of God rest with the Khwája. I have made a vow, and that vow I must needs fulfil. To him I have made over, first, my son, then, the commander, and the whole army which remains here, and all should be obedient to his orders.” The minister replied, “Your slave is ready to discharge all obligations of his service.” He then retired, after having been treated with very great distinction.

The Sultán leaves Ghazni—Falls ill, and Forswears Drinking.¹³⁹

On Monday, the 19th of Zí-l hijja, the Amír rose early, and went to the Fírozí garden, that he might see the different detachments of his army pass by in review; and afterwards, about mid-day prayers, those three precious individuals, his son, the minister, and the commander, came on foot, and paid him their respects and then went away. He appointed Khwája Bú Nasr Nokí, my preceptor, to be in attendance on him, and an order went to the minister to this effect.

At last, on Thursday, when eight days of Zí-l hijja remained, the Amír, (God be satisfied with him!) departed from Ghazní on his way to Hindustán, by the road of Kábul, to prosecute his holy war against Hánsí. He remained ten days at Kábul. The first day of Muharram, A.H. 429 (14 Oct., 1037), fell on a Saturday.

On Thursday, the 6th of Muharram, he left Kábul, and on Saturday the 8th despatches arrived from Khurásán and Re, all of them important; but the Amír cared nothing for them, and told my preceptor to write a letter to the minister and enclose these despatches in the same case, for that the minister knew all about the matter, and would do all that was necessary in every respect; adding, “I myself am not well acquainted with the subject.”

On Tuesday, when five days of Muharram remained, the Amír arrived at the Jailam, and encamped on the banks of that river near Dínárkotah. Here he fell ill, and remained sick for fourteen days, and got no better. So in a fit of repentance he forswore wine, and ordered his servants to throw all his supply of it, which they had in store, into the Jailam, and to destroy all his other instruments of frivolity. No one dared to drink wine openly, for the officers and censors who were appointed to superintend this matter carried their orders strictly into effect.

Bú Sa'id Mushrif was sent on an expedition against Chakkí¹⁴⁰ Hindu, to a fort about which no one knew anything. We were still on the Jailam, when news arrived of the great Ráí and the state of the roads to Kashmír, and we were still there when intelligence reached us of the death of the Ráí of Kashmír,

The Sultán takes the fort of Hánsí.^140a

On Saturday, the 14th of Safar, the Amír had recovered, and held a darbar, and on Tuesday, the 17th, he left the Jailam, and arrived at the fort of Hánsí on Wednesday the 9th of Rabí'u-l awwal, and pitched his camp under the fort, which he invested. Fights were constantly taking place in a manner that could not be exceeded for their severity. The garrison made desperate attempts at defence, and relaxed no effort. In the victorious army the slaves of the household behaved very gallantly, and such a virgin fort was worthy of their valour. At last, mines were sprung in five places, and the wall was brought down, and the fort was stormed by the sword on Monday, ten days before the close of Rabí'u-l awwal. The Brahmans and other higher men were slain, and their women and children were carried away captive, and all the treasure which was found was divided amongst the army. The fort was known in Hindustán as “The Virgin,” as no one yet had been able to take it.

The Sultán Returns to Ghazní.^140b

On Saturday, when five days remained of this month, he left Hánsí, and returned to Ghaznín on Sunday, the 3rd of Jumáda-l awwal. He came through the pass of Sakáwand, where so much snow had fallen, that it was beyond all calcula-lation. Letters had been sent to to Bú 'Alí, the Kotwál, to send out some men to clear the road, and if they had not done so, it would have been impossible to pass it. It is all one ravine, like a street, from the caravanserai of Muhammad Salmán to the city. For the three last days before entering the city, snow fell uninterruptedly. Amír Sa'íd, the Kotwál, the principal inhabitants, and others, came out two or three stages to meet him. The Amír alighted at the old palace of Mahmúd and stayed there one week, until the carpets were laid down in the new palace, and the decorations for his reception¹⁴¹ were prepared, when he went and remained there. The commanders and officers of the garrison of the five forts returned also to Ghaznín. Ever since I have served this great family, I have never seen such a winter as there was this year at Ghaznín. I am now worn out, for it is twenty years that I have been here, but please God! through the munificence of the exalted Sultán Ibráhím, Defender of the Faith, (may his dominion last for ever!) I shall again be restored to what I was then.

On Tuesday, the 3rd of Jumáda-l awwal, the Amír celebrated the festival of New Year's Day, when the lower classes presented their offerings, and were received kindly by the Amír. A drinking bout was also held, in which he repaid himself for his past abstinence, for, from the time of his repentance on the Jailam to this day, he had drunk nothing.

Misfortunes in Khurásán and Re.^141a

On Tuesday, the 3rd of Jumáda-l ákhir, very important despatches arrived from Khurásán and Re, stating that during his absence the Turkománs, at the beginning of the winter, had come down and plundered Tálikán and Fáriyáb,^141b and misfortunes had fallen on other places which it was impossible for the victorious armies to reach at such a season. All this had befallen on account of the Sultán's expedition to Hánsí. It was beyond endurance. Re itself was in a state of siege. The Amír was ashamed of his having gone to Hindustán, from which he had derived no advantage, for no one can oppose the desires of God. He ordered answers to be written, telling his officers to keep up their courage, for as soon as ever the weather was fair, the royal standards would advance.

On Saturday, the middle of this month, Amír Maudúd and 'Alí the Commander of the forces, came to Ghaznín from Balkh, where the minister remained according to order, for he had many important matters there to occupy his attention.

'Abdu-r Razzák appointed Governor of Pesháwar.¹⁴²

On Wednesday, the 23rd of Rajab, 'Abdu-r Razzák was invested with a robe of honour on his appointment to the government of Pershaur^142a and received his orders, and ten military^142b slaves of the household were appointed as his chamberlains. The office of preceptor and a khil'at was bestowed on Suhal 'Abdu-l Malik, a man admirably adapted for the situation; he was born in the household of Ahmad Míkáíl, and was a long time in the service also of Bú Suhal Hamadúní. The governor departed for Pershaur, on Tuesday the 9th of this month, in great state, and took with him two hundred slaves.

Punishment of Hindu Elephant Riders.^142c

The Amír celebrated the festival of the new year, on Wednesday, the 8th of Jumáda-l ákhir (430 H., March 1039 A.D.) On Friday, the 10th of this month, news arrived that Dáúd had reached Tálikán with a powerful and well equipped army. On Thursday the 16th of this month, further news was received, that he had reached Fáriyáb, and from that had been summoned in haste to Sabúrkán,^142d and that plunder and massacre had attended him wherever he went. On Saturday, the 18th of this month, ten Turkomán horsemen came during the night near the garden of the Sultán for the purpose of plunder, and killed four Hindu foot soldiers, and retreated to the neighbourhood of Kundúz, where the elephants were stabled, and after looking about them intently, they found a boy asleep on the neck of an elephant. The Turko-máns came up and began to drive the elephant away, the boy sleeping all the while, When they had gone as far as a parasang beyond the city, they awoke the boy, and threatened to kill him if he would not drive the elephant quickly, which he agreed to do. The horsemen rode behind the elephant, brandished their spears, and goaded the animal on. By the morning, they had travelled a good distance, and reached Sabúrkán, where Dáúd rewarded the horsemen, and told them to take the animal to Naishápúr. Great discredit was incurred by this affair, for it was said—“Is there so much neglect amongst these men that they allow an elephant to be driven off?” Next day, it was reported to the Amír, who was exceedingly vexed, and severely rebuked the drivers, and ordered one hundred thousand dirams, the price of the animal, to be recovered from them. Some of the Hindu¹⁴³ elephant-riders were chastised.

On Monday, the 20th of this month, Áltí Salmán, the chamberlain of Dáúd, arrived with two thousand horsemen at the gates of Balkh, encamping at the place, which is called “the Infidels' embankment,” and plundered two villages, at which the Amír was greatly annoyed.

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The Author out of Employ.^143a

Just now, in the year 451 H. (1059 A.D.) I am residing in my own house by command of my exalted master, the most puissant Sultán Abú-l Muzaffar Ibráhím, (may God lengthen his life and protect his friends!) waiting for the period when I may again be called before the throne. It is said that a service subject to the fluctuations of rising and falling will probably be permanent, but that which smoothly jogs on is liable on a sudden to incur the whims or rancour of one's master. God preserve us from fickleness and vicissitude!

Prince Maudúd proceeds to his Government.¹⁴⁴

The Amír (God's satisfaction rest on him!) held an audience, and when the minister and nobles had taken their places, Khwája Mas'ud was introduced, and after paying his respects, stood before the Amír, who said,—“I have appointed you tutor to my son Maudúd. Be on the alert and obey the orders which the Khwája gives you.” Mas'úd replied,—“Your slave obeys.” He then kissed the ground and departed, after being received with distinguished honour. He lost not a moment in going to Amír Maudúd, to whom he was introduced by the same parties who presented him at Court. Amír Maudúd treated him with great kindness, and then Mas'úd went to the house of the minister, who received his son-in-law very graciously.

On Sunday, the tenth of Muharram [432 H. Sept. 1040 A.D.], Amír Maudúd, the minister, the chamberlains Badar and Irtigín, received each a very valuable khil'at, such as were never remembered to have been given before at any time. They came forward, and retired after paying their respects, Amír Maudúd received two elephants, male and female, a drum and tymbal, and other things suited to his rank, and very much more, and the others in like manner, and thus their business was brought to a close.

On Tuesday, the 12th of the month, the Amír went to the Fírozí Garden, and sat in the green pavilion, on the Golden Plain. That edifice was not then as it is now. A sumptuous feast was ordered to be prepared, and messes of pottage were placed round. The Amír Maudúd and the minister came and sat down, and the army passed in review before them. First passed the star of Amír Maudúd, the canopy, flaunting standards, and two hundred slaves of the household, with jackets of mail and spears, and many led horses and camels, and infantry with their banners displayed, and a hundred and seventy slaves fully armed and equipped, with all their stars borne before them. After them came Irtigín the chamberlain, and his slaves, amounting to eighty. After them followed the military slaves of the household, amounting to fifty, preceded by twenty officers beautifully accoutred, with many led horses and camels. After them came some other officers gaily decorated, until all had passed.

It was now near mid-day prayer, when the Amír ordered his son, the minister, the chief chamberlain Irtigín, and the officers to sit down to the feast. He himself sat down, and ate bread, and then they all took their leave, and departed. “It was the last time they looked on that king (God's mercy on him!)”

The Sultán has a Drinking Party.¹⁴⁵

After their departure, the Amír said to 'Abdu-r Razzák:— “What say you, shall we drink a little wine?” He replied:— “When can we better drink than on such a day as this, when my lord is happy, and my lord's son has attained his wish, and departed with the minister and officers: especially after eating such a dinner as this?” The Amír said,—“Let us commence without ceremony, for we have come into the country, and we will drink in the Fírozí Garden.” Accordingly much wine was brought immediately from the Pavilion into the garden, and fifty goblets and flagons were placed in the middle of a small tent. The goblets were sent round and the Amír said:—“Let us keep fair measure, and fill the cups evenly, in order that there may be no unfairness.” Each goblet contained half a man. They began to get jolly, and the minstrels sang. Bú-l Hasan drank five goblets, his head was affected at the sixth, he lost his senses at the seventh, and began to vomit at the eighth, when the servants carried him off. Bú-l 'Alá, the physician, dropped his head at the fifth cup, and he also was carried off. Khalíl Dáúd drank ten; Siyábírúz nine; and both were borne away to the Hill of Dailamán. Bú Na'ím drank twelve, and ran off. Dáúd Maimandí fell down drunk, and the singers and buffoons all rolled off tipsy, when the Sultán and Khwája 'Abdu-r Razzák alone remained. When the Khwája had drunk eighteen cups, he made his obeisance and prepared to go, saying to the Amír,—“If you give your slave any more, he will lose his respect for your majesty, as well as his own wits.” The Amír laughed and gave him leave to go; when he got up and departed in a most respectful manner. After this, the Amír kept on drinking and enjoying himself. He drank twenty-seven full goblets of half a man each. He then arose, called for a basin of water and his praying carpet, washed his face, and read the mid-day prayers as well as the afternoon ones, and so acquitted himself, that you would have said he had not drunk a single cup. He then got on an elephant and returned to the palace. I witnessed the whole of this scene with mine own eyes—I, Abú-l Fazl.

On the 19th, Bú 'Alí Kotwal left Ghaznín with a strong army on an expedition against the Khilj, who had been very turbulent during the Amír's absence, and he was ordered to bring them to terms, or attack them.

Bú Suhal Hamadúní.¹⁴⁶

After the departure of the minister, all State business was referred to Bú Suhal Hamadúní, who had an exceeding aversion to the work, and avoided giving his own opinion by referring everything to the minister. He called on me at every private audience and consultation, to testify what the objections of the minister were, for I was present at all of them, He carried his dislike to the administrative business so far, and he was so hesitating in his opinion, that one day, at a private audience, when I was present standing, the Amír said,—“The country of Balkh and Tukháristán should be given to Portigín, that he may go there with the army of Máwaráu-n Nahr and fight against the Turkománs.” Bú Suhal replied:—“It would be proper to address the minister on this subject.” The Amír said: “You throw off everything upon him, and his sentiments are well known on the subject.” He then directed me on the spot to write the orders and letters, and sealed them, saying: “You must give them to a horseman to deliver.” I said, “I obey.” Bú Suhal then said: “It certainly would be right to send the horseman to the minister first, and to hold back the order so that he may send it off.” I agreed, and went away. It was then written to the great Khwája, that the Sultán had given such and such foolish commands, and that the Khwája knew best what orders to issue. Bú Suhal told me that his intention was to relieve himself of responsibility, as he could not participate in such injudicious counsels and sentiments. I wrote in cypher to the minister, and told him all that had happened, and the horseman was despatched. When he reached the Khwája, the Khwája detained him as well as the order, since he considered it injudicious, and he sent me a sealed answer by the hands of the Sikkadar, or seal-bearer.

Reception of Prince Muhammad and his Sons.¹⁴⁷

On Monday, the 1st of Safar, Prince Yazdyár came from Naghar^147a to Ghaznín, had an interview with the Amír, and returned. During the night Amír Muhammad was brought from the fort of Naghar, accompanied by this prince, and was carried to the fort of Ghaznín, and Sankoí, the chief jailer, was appointed to guard him. The four sons of Muhammad, who also were brought away with him, namely, Ahmad, 'Abdu-r Rahmán, 'Umar, and 'Usmán, were placed in the Green Pavilion in the Fírozí garden.

Next day, the Amír drank wine from early morning, and about breakfast time sent for me and said: “Go quietly to the sons of Muhammad, and engage them by strong oaths to remain faithful to me, and to offer no opposition. Take great care in this business, and after you have accomplished this, affect their hearts warmly in my favour, and order robes of honour to be put on them. Do you then return to me, when I will send the son of Sankoí to bring them to the apartments prepared for them in the Sháristán.”¹⁴⁸

I went to the Green Pavilion in the Fírozí Garden, where they were. Each of them had on a coarse old cotton garment, and was in low spirits. When I delivered my message, they fell on the ground and were extravagantly delighted. I wrote out the oaths binding them to allegiance, which they read out aloud, and after subscribing their names, they delivered the document to me. The robes were then brought, consisting of valuable frocks of Saklátún^148a of various colours, and turbans of fine linen, which they put on within their apartment, and then they came out with red boots on, and sat down. Valuable horses were also brought forward with golden caparisons.

I returned to the Amír, and told him what had transpired. He said: “Write a letter to my brother, and tell him I have done such and such things respecting his sons. I have enlisted them in my service, and mean to keep them near me, that they may come into my views, and that I may marry them to my children who have their heads covered (daughters), in order that our reconciliation may be evident.” He addressed him as “the Amír, my illustrious Brother.” When the letter was written, he put his seal to it, and gave it to Sankoí, saying: “Send it to your son,” which he promised to do.

Next day, the nephews of the Sultán came with their turbans on, and paid their respects, when the Amír sent them to the wardrobe chamber, that they might be clothed with golden frocks, caps with four feathers, and golden waistbands. Valuable horses, one thousand dínárs, and twenty pieces of cloth, were presented to each, and they returned to their apartments. An agent was appointed to attend them, and pensions were assigned to them. They came twice every day, and once at night, to pay their respects. Hurra-i Gauhar was at once betrothed to Amír Ahmad, preparatory to the betrothal of the others; but the nuptials were not then celebrated.

The Sultán determines to go to Hindustán.—His Perverseness.— The Consultation of the Nobles.—The Author's Concern in these transactions.¹⁴⁹

Orders were despatched with the utmost secrecy to the confidential servants of the Amír, to pack up everything he had at Ghaznín—gold, and dirhams, and robes, and jewels, and other property, and the work was commenced on. He sent a message to his mother, sisters, daughters, aunts, and freed slaves, to prepare themselves for a journey to Hindustán, and to leave nothing behind at Ghaznín on which they might set their hearts. They had to set all in order for that purpose, whether they would or no. They asked Hurra Khutalí, the mother of the Sultán, to interpose in the matter, but she replied, that any one who wished to fall into the hands of the enemy might remain behind at Ghaznín; so no one dared to say a word. The Amír began to distribute the camels, and passed the greater part of the day in private audience with Mansúr Mustaufí on the subject of providing camels for his great treasures, his officers, and his army. They asked me privately—“What is all this about?” but no one dared say a word.

One day, Bú Suhal Hamadúní and Bú-l Kásim Kasír said,— “The minister should be consulted on this matter, and some one should be deputed to call him back;” but no one would take the initiative in writing to him, so long as he was absent from the Amír. It so happened, that, next day, the Amír ordered a letter to be despatched to the minister, telling him “I have determined to go to Hindustán, and pass the winter in Waihind, and Marminára, and Barshúr (Pesháwar) and Kírí, and to take up my quarters in those parts away from the capital. It is proper that you should remain where you are, till I arrive at Barshúr and a letter reaches you, when you must go to Tukháristán, and remain there during the winter, or even go to Balkh if you can, to overthrow my enemies.” This letter was written and despatched. I wrote at the same time, in cypher, a full explanation how my master was alarmed at the mere anticipation of danger, and would not draw rein till he reached Lahore, for that letters had privately been despatched there to prepare everything for his reception, and that it appeared to me that he would not rest even at Lahore; that none of the ladies of the household were left at Ghaznín, nor any of the treasure, and that the officers and army which were left had neither hand nor foot to use, and were in great alarm; that the hopes of all rested on him, the great Khwája; that he should take every care to oppose this dangerous resolution, and that he should write distinctly, as he could act with very much greater effect than we could to prevent the mischief. To the officers also I wrote in cypher such and such things, and I said—“We are all here of the very same opinion. Please God! that sage old adviser, the minister, will write a reply at length, and rouse our king from his lethargy.”

I received an answer to this letter, and, praised be God! it was written in terms awfully plain,¹⁵⁰ and the minister discharged every arrow from his quiver. He said distinctly,—“If my lord departs from the capital, the enemy will fight at the very gates of Balkh, and your majesty will not be able to enter the city, for the people are already so ill-disposed, that they are leaving the city and fighting against us. If your majesty gives orders, your slave will go and drive the enemy from those parts. Why should my lord go towards Hindustán? He should remain this winter at Ghaznín, for, God be praised! there is no cause for alarm, as your slave has despatched Portigín against this people, and he will arrive shortly. Know of a surety, that if my lord goes to Hindustán with the ladies of the household and treasure, when the news gets abroad amongst friends and enemies, calamity will befal him, for every one is desirous of increasing his own power. Besides, I have no such confidence in the Hindus, as to trust my lord's ladies and treasures to their land. I have no very high opinion of the fidelity of the Hindus, and what confidence has my lord in his other servants, that he should show his treasure to them in the desert? My lord has already seen the result of his excessive obstinacy, and this opinion of his obstinate disposition is entertained by all. But if, which God forbid! he should depart, the hearts of his subjects will be broken. His slave has given this advice, and discharged the obligations of gratitude and relieved himself of further responsibility. My lord can do as he sees best.”

When the Amír had read this address, he immediately said to me,—“This man has become a dotard, and does not know what he says. Write an answer and say, ‘that is right which I have determined on. I am ready to acknowledge that you have written according to the dictates of affection for me, but you must wait for further orders, which will explain my resolution; for that which I see you cannot see.’”

The answer was written, and when all knew it, they sorrowed without hope, and began to prepare for their departure. Bú 'Alí Kotwál returned from the Khilj¹⁵¹ expedition, having adjusted matters. On Monday, the 1st of Rabí'u-l Awwal he had an interview with the Amír, was kindly received, and returned.

Next day, he had a private audience with the Amír; they read mid-day prayers, and it was soon learnt that the Amír had made over to him the city, fort, and environs of Ghaznín. He said: “I will return by the spring. Take great care that no evil befals the city, for my son Maudúd, the minister, and a large army, will be away. Whatever may happen during the winter, in the spring I will settle the matter in another fashion. The astrologers have declared that my star is not propitious during this winter.” The Kotwál replied, “To secure the ladies and treasure in strong forts is preferable to carrying them into the plains of Hindustán.” The Amír rejoined,—“I have determined that they shall remain with me, and may Almighty God grant us all peace, welfare, and success during this journey!” He then went away.

At the time of afternoon prayers, the officers of the army went and sat with the Kotwál, and held a long conversation, but it was of no avail. God only knew the secret of what was to happen. They said,—“To-morrow we will throw the stone again, and see what will come of it.” The Kotwál observed, “Although there is no use in it, and it is very vexatious to the Amír, yet it will be proper to make another attempt.”

Next day, the Amír held a private audience after the Darbár with Mansúr Mustaufí, and said he still wanted several camels to enable him to go, but they were not procurable, and he was much vexed at it. The chiefs came to the Darbár, and 'Abdu-l Jalíl the son of Khwája 'Abdu-r Razzák sat amongst them and said,—“I cannot stay to hear any ridiculous suggestions,” and went away.

They then came down to the Iron Gate and sat in the room with four projecting windows, and sent to me to say, they had a message for the Sultán, which I was to deliver quickly. I went and found the Amír sitting in his winter apartment, alone with Mansúr Mustaufí, and Ághájí at the door. I sent in to announce my arrival, and the Amír said, “I know he has brought a formidable remonstrance; let him come in and tell me.” I came back to them, and said, “A holy man tells no lies to his lord, yet, though he never heard my message, he said you have brought a handful of nonsense.” They said, “We must at any rate cast this responsibility from our own shoulders.” So they stood and dictated a long message to me, to the same effect as the minister had written, and even plainer. I said, “I have not ability sufficient to remember every particular in the order in which you dictate; it is better that you should write, for when it is written, he must necessarily read the whole.” They said, “You have spoken well.” So I took a pen, and wrote most fully, while they stood by suggesting improvements. They then wrote their signatures at the bottom, attesting that this was their message.

I took it to the Amír and stood while he read it over twice, deliberately. He then said,—“Should the enemy make their appearance here, let Bú-l Kásim Kasír give up to them the wealth he has, and he may obtain from them the appointment of 'Áriz. Let Bú Suhal Hamadúní, who also has wealth, do likewise, and he may be appointed minister. Tahir Bú-l Hasan, in like manner. I am doing what is right in my own estimation. You may return and deliver this short reply.”

So I came, and repeated all that I heard, when all were thrown into despair and distraction. The Kotwál said:—“What did he say about me?” I replied, “I declare to God that he said nothing about you.” So they arose, saying: “We have done all that we were bound to do, we have nothing further to advance,” and departed. Four days subsequent, the Amír commenced his march.

Now this volume has been brought to a conclusion. Up to this I have written the history of the king's going towards Hindustán, and there I have stopped, in order that I might commence the tenth volume with an account of Khwárizm and the Jabbál, complete up to this date, and in the mode in which history requires. After I have completed that, I will return to the account of the king's journey to Hindustán down to the end of his life: please God!

Beginning of the Tenth Volume.¹⁵³

At the end of the ninth volume I brought the history of Amír Mas'úd down to that period when he had completed his arrangements for proceeding to Hindustán four days after the interview, and there I ended the volume. I begin the tenth with an account of Khwárizm, Re and the Jabbál, and Bú Suhal Hamadúní, and the period of his family's residence here, and their departure, and of my being appointed to the Government of Khwárizm, and of my losing it and going to Re, and of Altúntásh. All this I will mention, to make my history complete. After I have performed this task, I will revert to the history of this king, giving an account of those four days down to the end of his life, of which but little then remained.

I will now commence these two chapters replete with wonders and marvels. Let wise men reflect upon this, and be well assured that man by mere labour and exertion, notwithstanding that he has property, armies, and military stores, can succeed in nothing without the aid of Almighty God. In what was Amír Mas'úd deficient in all the appurtenances of a king?—Pomp, servants, officers of State, lords of the sword and pen, countless armies, elephants and camels in abundance, an overflowing treasury, were all his, but destiny decided that he should live a reign of pain and vexation, and that Khurásán, Khwárizm, Re, and the Jabbál should depart from his hands. What could he do but be patient and resigned to the decree, that “man has no power to strive against fate.” This prince made every exertion and collected large armies. Notwithstanding that he was exceedingly independent of the opinion of others, and passed sleepless nights in contemplating his schemes, yet his affairs were ruined, because the Mighty God had decreed from all eternity that Khurásán should be inevitably lost to him, as I have already described, and Khwárizm, Re and the Jabbál in like manner, as I shall shortly relate, in order that this truth may be fully established. God knows what is best!

* * * * *

IV.

[The full title of this work is Jawámi'u-l Hikáyát wa Lawá-mi'u-l Riwáyát, “Collections of Stories and Illustrations of Histories,” but it is commonly known by the shorter title prefixed to this article. The author was Mauláná Núru-d dín Muhammad 'Úfí, who lived during the reign of Shamsu-d dín Altamsh, to whose minister, Nizámu-l Mulk Muhammad, son of Abu Sa'id Junaidí, the book is dedicated. In one of his stories he states that his tutor was Ruknu-d dín Imám, and that he attended the Madrasa in Bukhárá, from which it may be inferred that he was born in or near that city. It would appear also that he was a traveller, for he speaks in different places of the time when he was in Cambay, and of when he was in Khwárizm.

In the Preface of the work he relates in very inflated language the defeat of Násiru-d dín Kubácha by Nizámu-l Mulk Junaidí and his subsequent suicide. It does not exactly appear what part the author took in this transaction, but he distinctly says that he was besieged in the fort of Bhakkar with Násiru-d dín, and he was evidently well acquainted with all the details. A short abstract of this account will be given at the end of the historical extracts.

The work may shortly be described as a Romance of History. It bears much the same relation to the history of India and Central Asia as the “Memorabilia of Valerius Maximus” bear to the History of Rome. Gen. Briggs (Firishta I. 23 and 212) describes it as “a collection of historical stories and anecdotes illustrative of the virtues, vices, and calamities of mankind, but more useful in commemorating the prevailing opinions of contemporaries than as a source of authenticity.” This estimate of the work is somewhat tempered by the remarks of Mr. Thomas (Prinsep I. 37,) who says, “the compiler of a succession of tales does not ordinarily carry the weight that belongs to the writer of history; and favourite oriental legends, as is well known, are suited from time to time with many and various heroes, but the author of the Jámi'u-l Hikáyát is something better than a mere story-teller and his residence at Dehlí under Altamsh (A.H. 607, A.D. 1211) gave him advantages in sifting Indian legends of no mean order.” Many of the stories which are here recorded of historical persons have no doubt a foundation of fact, but some of them have certainly been amplified and embellished to make them more agreeable reading. Thus the story about the miraculous spring of water which is said to be quoted from 'Utbí enters into details which are not to be found in the original relation (supra p. 20.)

The work is divided into four Kisms or parts, each containing twenty-five chapters, but the first part is the longest and comprises about half the work. The first five chapters are devoted respectively to (1) Attributes of the Creator, (2) Miracles of the Prophets, (3) Marvellous Stories of the Saints, (4) Anecdotes of the Kings of Persia, and (5) Anecdotes of the Khalífas. The next chapter is upon Justice, and all the rest are similarly devoted to the illustration of some moral or intellectual quality. This arrangement, however well adapted to accomplish the object of the author, is particularly perplexing to those who are seeking for historical or biographical notices, and a long and laborious search is necessary to find any anecdote which has not been carefully noted down. The extracts which follow have therefore been arranged in something like chronological sequence, but the chapters from which they are taken are always specified so as to make easy a reference to the original.

A great number of different books are mentioned as the sources from which the stories have been derived. Among them are the Táríkh Yamíní, Táríkh-i Násirí, Táríkh-i Mulúk-i 'Ajam, Taríkhu-l 'Abbás, Majma'u-l Amsál, 'Aínu-l Akhbár, Sharfu-n Nabí, Faraj b'ada-l Shiddat, Khalku-l Insán, Fawáid-i Kutb-i Hikáyátí, Miftáhu-l Hajj, Sarru-l Darí, Shajratu-l 'Akl, Akhbár-i Barámika, etc.

The work has been a popular one, and has served as a mine from which many subsequent writers have drawn largely. Hájí Khalfa notices three different Turkish versions, and one of these has been described by Hammer-Purgstall.

Besides the Jámi'u-l Hikáyát the author produced a Persian Tazkira, bearing the title “Lubábu-l Albáb,” which is, however, more of an Anthology than a Biography.

Copies of the Jámi'u-l Hikáyát are not uncommon. Sir H. Elliot used in India two large folio MSS., one containing 850, and the other 1000 pages. There is a fine copy in the East India Library. The Editor has had three large MSS. for use and reference. One fine perfect copy in Naskh characters belonging to Mr. H. T. Prinsep, size, 16 × 11 inches; another in folio belonging to the late Raja Ratan Sing, of Bareilly, in which the third Kism is deficient, and lastly, a MS. which formerly belonged to Ranjít Singh and is now the property of Mr. Thomas. This last contains only the first two Kisms, but as far as it goes it is fuller and more accurate than the others. The different copies vary considerably in the number of stories.¹⁵⁷

Stratagem of the Minister of King Fúr of Hind.

[Kism I. Báb xiii. Hikáyat 46.]

It is related in the books of the people of Hind that when Fúr the Hindu succeeded to the throne of Hindustán, he brought the country under his rule, and the Ráís made submission to him. He had a minister exceedingly clever and intelligent, unequalled in ability and unsurpassed in ingenuity. This minister maintained a firm government and made himself most valuable to his master. Under him the power of the Brahmans was curtailed and their mummeries unheeded; hence they hated him, and conspired to overthrow him. They at length resolved to write a letter to Fúr in the name of the deceased Ráí to this effect:— “I am very happy where I am, and the affairs of my State are well administered, still I am distressed for the want of my minister, for I have no one like him to confer with,—you must send him to me.” They sealed this with the royal signet, and gave it to one of the king's personal attendants, with directions to place it on his pillow while he was asleep. When the king awoke, he saw the letter, and having read it he sent for his minister and showed it to him, telling him that he must prepare for a journey to the next world. The minister evinced no repugnance, but expressed his willingness to go. He knew full well that the dead cannot write, and that they have no power to send letters and messengers, so he felt assured that this was a plot of the Brahmans. He said to the King, “Grant me one month that I may make preparation for my departure—to satisfy my enemies, redress some injuries, and bestow a few gifts and offerings on the meritorious, so that I may depart in peace.” The King granted the respite. The minister then had a large hole dug in the open ground, and all around it he had quantities of firewood placed. He then had a tunnel dug from his house to this hole, and made its outlet immediately under the firewood. When all things were ready, the minister took leave of his master, who gave him a letter addressed to his father saying, “According to your command, I have sent my minister, and I am now awaiting further directions from you, for I will do whatever you desire.” The King proceeded to the appointed place, the minister placed himself under the firewood, and the Brahmans set fire to it. The minister then went through the tunnel to his home, and remained closely concealed there for four months. At the end of that time, he one night sent information to the King that his minister had returned from the other world. The King was amazed, but the minister waited upon him, and kissing the ground, presented a letter written in the language of the King's father, which said, “You sent me the minister in compliance with my direction, and I am greatly obliged; still I know that your kingdom is going to ruin without him, and that all the affairs of State are in confusion, so I send him back to you, and make this request, that you will despatch the Brahmans to me, so that I may be at peace and your throne may receive no injury from them.” When the King had read this, he called the Brahmans before him and made known to them the communication he had received. They were greatly alarmed, and saw that it was all a trick of the minister's, but as they were unable to expose it, they were all burnt.

Ráí Shankal and Bahrám Gúr.

[I. iv. 16.]

When Bahrám resumed the government, and again exercised a beneficial influence over his subjects, he desired to examine the country of Hindustán, and bring it under subjection. So he placed his army and country in charge of his brother Zasí, and clothing himself in the garb of a merchant he went to Hindustán. At that time the Ráí of Hind was named Shankal, who in dignity and prosperity, in territories, treasures, and armies, excelled all the other Ráís.

Bahrám arrived in his territory, and made himself acquainted with all its affairs. It happened that at this time a huge elephant made its appearance in the forest without the city, and so distressed the people that all traffic on the road was put a stop to. The King's men were unable to prevent this, but Bahrám went out against it, and, single-handed, killed it. This exploit being reported to the Ráí, he called Bahrám before him, and asked him who he was, whence he had come, and for what reason he had hitherto kept aloof from him. These questions Bahrám answered by saying that he was a native of Írán, that he had fled thence to save his life, which had been attempted by the king of that country, who for some reason had become inimical to him. On hearing this, Shankal treated him with great kindness and received him into his especial favour. Bahrám remained in attendance upon Shankal, until shortly after a powerful enemy rose up against and threatened the Ráí, who, deeming himself not sufficiently strong to hold his own, wished to submit to, and become a tributary of his invader. This, however, Bahrám would not hear of, but, putting himself at the head of an army, expelled the enemy. This feat made his courage famous throughout Hindustán, and Ráí Shankal, having witnessed his valour, and how by his aid the enemy had been overthrown, loaded him with honours. One day, Bahrám was drinking wine in the company of the Ráí, and having become intoxicated, blurted out the following Persian verses:—

“I am that ferocious lion; I am that huge elephant;
My name is Bahrám Gúr, and my patronymic Bújabala.”¹⁶⁰

Shankal heard this, and becoming aware that his friend was Bahrám, he rose up, and leading him into the presence chamber, and kissing the ground before him, excused himself for his apparent neglect, saying, “though greatness is depicted in your countenance, yet I, through my blind folly, have hitherto been wanting in the respect due to so exalted a character. I stand before you stupified, and shall ever bless my fate, if you will but condescend to take up your abode at my residence, and grace my poor house with your august presence. I am altogether and devotedly at your service. Your orders shall be my law, even should you command me to leave my kingdom and become an exile.”

Bahrám answered, “You have nothing to reproach yourself for; you have invariably treated me with the greatest kindness and hospitality, and have done all, nay, more than all, that could be expected. One request I would make of you. You have in your harem a daughter, whose beauty outshines the sun, and whose figure shames the cypress. Give her to me, by so doing our friendship will be more strongly cemented, and you will have laid me under the deepest obligation to you.”

Shankal promptly complied, and gave him his daughter in marriage, and many gifts and presents. He also made such magnificent preparations for the ceremony, that they became the topic of conversation amongst all people. Bahrám, protected by the prestige of his name, returned to Írán. His army and subjects came forth to meet him, and celebrated the joyous occasion by sacrificial offerings, almsgiving, and every sort of festivity. Bahrám, gratified by the delight his subjects showed on his return, gave orders that the taxes of seven years should be refunded to them, and that for the ensuing seven years, all business should be set aside, and the people should give themselves up to complete ease and pleasure.

Accordingly, all devoted themselves to the pursuit of pleasure, and neglected their professions, and trade, and farming; in consequence of which, an utter stagnation of all commerce ensued. No grain was grown—a dearth followed, and the condition of the people was altogether changed. On seeing this, Bahrám directed that the people should divide the day into two portions,—the first half was to be spent in work and business, and the other half in ease and enjoyment. This arrangement being carried out, the time flew by with lightning speed.

The Solís of Persia.

[I. iv. 17.]

Bahrám Gúr, while out hunting, observed a party of shopkeepers diverting themselves in the evening with drinking in a boat without musicians. He asked them why they had no minstrels, and they replied that his Majesty's reign was a happy one for musicians, who were in great demand, and could not be obtained even for a high price. They themselves had offered 100 dirhams, but could not get one. Bahrám said he would consider the matter and provide for their pleasure, so when he got home he wrote off to Shankal requesting him to send a supply of them. Shankal accordingly sent 1000 sweet-voiced minstrels to Persia, there to dwell and multiply. The present Solís are descended from the colony which came over upon this invitation.¹⁶²

Anecdote of Kisrá.^162a

[IV. x. 5.]

It is related that when Kisrá (Naushírwán) became king and inherited vast possessions, he sent an officer to Hindustán,^162b entrusting him with the government of that country, and told him that he should rule with equity over the subjects and not distress them by tyranny and injustice, for until the people were made happy, the country could not be populated and his fame would never spread itself over the world. The first object in becoming a king is to obtain a good name. The officer promised to observe these precepts, and accordingly marched towards Hindustán. He had no sooner reached its borders, than he taxed the subjects and demanded one year's revenue from them. He exacted from them one-tenth of their property, and the people finding it too heavy for them to pay, objected, saying that the former kings had exempted them from such a payment, and they could not submit to such a rule. They therefore consulted with each other, and addressed a petition to Kisrá, containing a full representation of the case. Kisrá consequently ordered that it was but proper for them to follow the customs and rules of their forefathers, and any others ought not to be introduced.

Ráí Jai Sing of Nahrwála.

[I. vi. 2.]

Muhammad 'Úfí, the compiler of this work, observes that he never heard a story to be compared with this. He had once been in Kambáyat (Cambay), a city situated on the sea-shore, in which, a number of Sunnís, who were religious, faithful, and charitable, resided. In this city, which belonged to the chiefs of Guzerát and Nahrwála, was a body of Fire-worshippers as well as the congregation of Musulmáns. In the reign of a king named Jai Singh, there was a mosque, and a minaret from which the summons to prayer was cried. The Fire-worshippers instigated the infidels to attack the Musulmáns, and the minaret was destroyed, the mosque burnt, and eighty Musulmáns were killed.

A certain Muhammadan, a khatíb, or reader of the khutba, by name Khatíb 'Alí, escaped, and fled to Nahrwála. None of the courtiers of the Ráí paid any attention to him, or rendered him any assistance, each one being desirous to screen those of his own persuasion. At last, having learnt that the Ráí was going out to hunt, Khatíb 'Alí sat down behind a tree in the forest and awaited the Ráí's coming. When the Ráí had reached the spot, Khatíb 'Alí stood up, and implored him to stop the elephant and listen to his complaint. He then placed in his hand a kasída, which he had composed in Hindí verse, stating the whole case. The Ráí having heard the complaint, placed Khatíb 'Alí under charge of a servant, ordering him to take the greatest care of him, and to produce him in Court when required to do so. The Ráí then returned, and having called his minister, made over temporary charge of the Government to him, stating that he intended to seclude himself for three days from public business in his harem, during which seclusion he desired to be left unmolested. That night Ráí Jai Sing, having mounted a dromedary, started from Nahrwála for Kambáyat, and accomplished the distance, forty parasangs, in one night and one day. Having disguised himself by putting on a tradesman's dress, he entered the city, and stayed a short time in different places in the market place, making enquiries as to the truth of Khatíb 'Ali's complaint. He then learnt that the Muhammadans were oppressed and slain without any grounds for such tyranny. Having thus learnt the truth of the case, he filled a vessel with sea water, and returned to Nahrwála, which he entered on the third night from his departure. The next day he held a court, and summoning all complainants he directed the Khatíb to relate his grievance. When he had stated his case, a body of the infidels wished to intimidate him and falsify his statement. On this the Ráí ordered his water carrier to give the water pot to them that they might drink from it. Each one on tasting found that the vessel contained sea water, and could not drink it. The Ráí then told them that he had felt unable to put implicit confidence in any one, because a difference of religion was involved in the case; he had himself therefore gone to Kambáyat, and having made personal enquiries as to the truth, had learnt that the Muhammadans were the victims of tyranny and oppression. He said that it was his duty to see that all his subjects were afforded such protection as would enable them to live in peace. He then gave orders that two leading men from each class of Infidels, Brahmans, Fire-Worshippers,¹⁶⁴ and others, should be punished. He gave a lac of Bálotras^164a to enable them to rebuild the mosque and minarets. He also granted to Khatíb four articles of dress.^164b These are preserved to this day, but are only exposed to view on high festival days. The mosque and minaret were standing until a few years ago. But when the army of Bálá^164c invaded Nahrwála, they were destroyed. Sa'íd Sharaf Tamín rebuilt them at his own expense, and having erected four towers, made golden cupolas for them. He left this monument of The Faith in the land of Infidels, and it remains to this day.

Ráí Jai Sing of Nahrwála.

[I. xiii. 15.]

In the city of Nahrwála there was a Ráí who was called Jai Sing. He was one of the greatest and wisest princes of the time. Before his time there was no Ráí in Guzerat and Nahrwála. He was the first man who possessed dominion and claimed sovereignty there. He ruled over the country with great gentleness, and controlled the other chiefs. When his fame had reached all quarters of the world, the Ráí of Daur,¹⁶⁵ who was the head of all the Ráís of Hindustán, heard of him and sent ambassadors to ascertain upon what grounds he had assumed royalty; for in former times there was no Ráí in Nahrwála, which had only been a den of thieves, and threatening that if he did not relinquish his pretensions he would lead an army against him, and hurl the very earth of Guzerat into the air with the hoofs of his horses. When the ambassadors arrived and delivered the message, the Ráí showed them the greatest civility and hospitality. One night the Ráí changed his clothes, putting on such as were worn by soldiers, and having buckled a sword round his waist, he went out and proceeded to the house of a courtezan, and having bargained with her, he stayed in her house that night, but kept himself under control, When the woman was fast asleep, the Ráí took away all the clothes and property he could find, and buried them in a certain place. He then turned homewards, but as he was going along he saw a weaver, who was engaged in weaving cotton. He called him and said, “If to-morrow you are brought before the Ráí, and are charged with having committed a theft in the night preceding, you first deny it, but afterwards confess and say that you buried the property in such and such a place. Rest assured that you shall receive no harm, but shall be made happy by my reward.” Next morning, the Ráí mounted an elephant, and the ambassadors of the Ráí of Hind rode out with him, intending to go to the forest. When they had gone a little way, the Ráí saw the courtezan worrying the chief police officer of the city, and saying, “Last night my clothes were stolen; find out who the thieves were, or make good the loss.” The Ráí asked what the woman was saying, and what she was complaining about. He replied that she complained of a man who came to her house in the previous night, and consorted with her, and when she was asleep stole her clothes. I want time to find the thief or the clothes, but she will not hear of any delay. The Ráí said, “She is right. She had only those clothes, and it is your duty to be vigilant, and as you have been negligent you must pay the penalty.” The police officer replied, “It is as the king says; still if a man goes at night to the house of a prostitute and carries off her clothes, how am I to blame? I promise, however, that if I do not find the thief within a week I will pay the value of the things.” The Ráí replied, “You must find the thief instantly, or I will punish you as a warning to others.” The police officer said it was not in his power to produce him. The Ráí asked him, “Would you like me to find him?” and the poor man replied, “Yes.” There was an idol of stone in Nahr-wála resembling a negro. The Ráí told the ambassadors that this idol was obedient to him. He then made a signal to it, and waited a moment, then turning his face towards the ambassadors he said, “Do you see this negro?” They said, “We see nothing.” The Ráí then addressed it, saying: “A theft was committed last night, and the clothes of a prostitute were stolen; tell me where they are.” After a short time he exclaimed, “They are buried in such and such a place.” People proceeded to the spot, and there found the things which had been stolen. The police officer said, “If the Ráí would be pleased to give the necessary directions the thief also might be caught and punished.” The Ráí answered: “The idol says you have recovered the stolen goods, what more do you want?” The police officer still pressed the point, and the king replied, “The idol says he will direct you to the thief if you will promise to pardon him.” The officer gave the required promise, and the king then said, “The idol says that a weaver who dwells in such and such a place was the thief.” The weaver was brought forward. At first he denied the theft, but at length confessed, and told them where he had buried the clothes. The ambassadors were surprised at this. Some days after, Jai Sing Deo said to the ambassadors, “Go and tell your master that I have a slave who, if I give him the order would bring your master's head to me in a moment; but as he is a great king, and his territory is a long distance off, I will not molest him. If, however, he again shows hostility, he shall get the punishment he deserves.” The ambassadors returned and related all the circumstances to their master. The Ráí of Daur was much alarmed, and sent him great presents. By this artifice the Ráí of Nahrwála gained his purpose, without shedding the blood of a single man.

A Hindú Merchant of Nahrwála.

[I. vi. 12.]

In the city of Nahrwála there lived a Hindú merchant who having deposited nine lacs of Bálotras in the hands of a certain person, after some time died. The trustee then sent for the merchant's son and said,—Your father left with me nine lacs of Bálotras. The son replied that he knew nothing about it, but that there would probably be mention made of the transaction in his father's accounts. These he sent for but could find nothing about nine lacs! on this he observed: “Had my father entrusted anybody with so large a sum, surely mention would have been made of it in his account book; this not being the case, I cannot feel myself justified in taking possession of the money.” The trustee urged the youth to take the money, but he still refused, and the contention grew hot between them. At last they agreed to refer the matter to the arbitration of Ráí Jai Sing Deo, who gave it as his opinion, that since the two could not agree as to the disposal of the money, it was advisable that it should be expended on some work of lasting utility, so that the real owner would reap the reward of virtue and charity. Accordingly, the ‘nine-lac reservoir,” the finest in the world, hitherto unsurpassed by all that the cleverest and wisest have executed or imagined, was built; and remains to be seen to this day.

The Biter Bit.

[I. vi. 19.]

A certain Ráí of Hind conferred on his brother the chieftainship of Nahrwála. This brother was of an exceeding cruel and wicked disposition. He made counterfeit dirhams and circulated them in different parts of the country. After the lapse of some time, a certain person became acquainted with this dishonest act, and reported it to the Ráí, who, on hearing it, sent a powerful force which captured and sent this brother to him.

It happened curiously enough, that this brother had given one of his servants some poison with instructions to go and seek employment in the Ráí's kitchen, and, when opportunity offered, to administer some of the poison to the Ráí, in order to procure his death, so that he himself might succeed to the vacant throne. On his employer's capture and imprisonment, it occurred to this servant that, as things had so fallen out, it was advisable that he should inform the Ráí of the circumstance. So he went to the king and having showed him the poison, told him of the plot his brother had laid against his life. On hearing this, the Ráí returned thanks to Almighty God for his great escape, and punished his brother for his intended crime. Thus by this act of royal justice was he saved from assassination, and the fame of his goodness spread abroad through all nations.

Ráí Gúrpál of Nahrwála.

[I. vi. 33.]

The following is one of the most interesting stories relating to the people of India. There was a Ráí of Nahrwála named Gúrpál,¹⁶⁸ who surpassed all the other rulers in Hindustán in good qualities and amiable disposition. Before he had been raised to the throne he had passed many of his years in beggary, during which period he had experienced all the vicissitudes of fortune, having shared both its smiles and frowns, and endured all the miseries of travel. When he obtained power he exercised it with a right appreciation of the duties of a ruler, remembering his own days of adversity he afforded full protection and justice to his subjects, ruling with impartiality and equity.

It is said that one day having left the city, he rode into the surrounding country on an elephant. While looking about him, his eye suddenly fell on the wife of a washerman who was going to the jungle to wash clothes. She was dressed in red, and of surpassing beauty; all who beheld her became passionately in love with her and lost all control over themselves.

The Ráí overcome by the feelings her beauty excited in his heart, turned his elephant towards her and was tempted to let his passion get the mastery over his better feelings. Suddenly he came to himself, and, restraining his wrongful desires, said, “O passions you are doing wrong, beware. Good never comes to him who does ill.” He then turned back filled with remorse, and assembling all the Brahmans, he ordered them to prepare fuel, declaring his intention of burning himself alive. The Brahmans asked him what sin he had committed. He then told them of the wicked desires he had entertained in his heart. The Brahmans having heard his relation, said that they undoubtedly must burn him, and that even then the expiation would be incomplete. For he was king, and his power supreme; if he could not restrain his passions, then in a short time all the female inhabitants of the city would become degraded and all the offspring illegitimate. It was right, therefore, that he should immolate himself, and by so doing, obtain forgiveness for his sins, and enter into eternal life. Wood was then brought, and a funeral pile having been made, it was lighted. When it was thoroughly on fire and the flames mounted high, then the Ráí made preparations to throw himself into the midst, but the Brahmans prevented him, saying: “The work of expiation is complete, inasmuch as the fault was of the mind and not of the body. The innocent should not be punished for the guilty, had your body been a participator in the crime, then indeed it had been necessary to have burnt it also. Your mind has already been punished and purified by fire.” They then removed the Ráí from the pyre, and he in celebration of this sacrifice, gave as a thank-offering one lac of Bálotras, and bestowed large sums in charity.

“If a king be just, although he be an infidel,
His country will be secure from all injury and loss.”

March of the King of Zábulistán upon Kanauj.¹⁷⁰

[I. xii. 15.]

In the early part of their career there was friendship between the King of Zábulistán^170a and the Ráí of Kanauj, but it ended in animosity and war. The King of Zábulistán marched against Kanauj with a large army. The Ráí called together his advisers and asked their opinions, when each one spoke to the best of his ability. One of them said that he had a decided opinion on the matter, but he could only speak it in private. The Ráí ordered the council chamber to be cleared, when the minister said: “War is attended with great dangers, and the result is doubtful; the best thing the Ráí can do is to inflict punishment upon me and to drive me forth in disgrace to the highway, so that when the enemy shall approach, I may be taken to act as his guide. I will then lead them into the desert so that all may perish with thirst, and you will thus be relieved from all apprehension. The Ráí praised him for the proposition he had made, and a few days after he put it in execution, giving orders for him to be expelled the country. The Hindú then went and placed himself in the way of the King of Zábulistán, and when the king drew near with his army, the Hindú made his case known. The king said “How can a minister who has been thus treated have any kind feeling towards his persecutor?” The Hindú said, “All this was done on the absurd suspicion of my being friendly to you.” He then added, “From this place where you now are to that where the Ráí is, the distance is eleven days' journey by the desert, but no one besides me knows the road, and the Ráí feels secure that your army cannot make the passage; if, however, you will assure my life and will hold out promises and hopes of reward, I will lead you by that way and enable you to take the Ráí by surprise.” The king gave orders for his army to provide eleven days' provision of grain and water, and plunged into the desert. After marching twelve days their water was exhausted, and they nowhere found a trace of any. The king called for the Hindú, and asked how it was that they had not come to any water. He replied: “I have accomplished my object in bringing you here, and have discharged my duty to my master. You are now in the middle of the desert, and no water is to be found within eleven days march—my work is done, do with me as you please.” A cry arose from the bystanders, and a commotion broke out in the army. The king in the extremity of his despair mounted his horse and galloped in all directions. He perceived a hillock crowned with verdure, and joyfully directed his men to dig a well there. When they had sunk about ten yards they came upon some excellent water, at the sight of which the king and all his army gave thanks to God. Each man dug a well in front of his tent, and gained new life. The king then called together his elders, and asked what ought to be done to the man who had misled them. They all declared that he ought to be put to death with the most cruel tortures, and each one specified some particular mode of torture. But the king said, “My judgment is that you should give him a little water and let him go. What he has done has been out of pure devotion to his lord and master; to save him he has risked his own life. He has done what he intended, but our good fortune has rendered his scheme abortive.” So they gave him water and permission to depart. The story of this incident spread, and through it the whole country of Kanauj was secured to him, and the people bowed their heads in obedience.

Ráí Kamlú and the Governor of Zábulistán.¹⁷²

[I. xii. 18.]

It is related that 'Amrú Lais conferred the governorship of Zábulistán on Fardaghán and sent him there at the head of four thousand horse. There was a large Hindú place of worship in that country, which was called Sakáwand,^172a and people used to come on pilgrimage from the most remote parts of Hindustán to the idols of that place. When Fardaghán arrived in Zábulistán he led his army against it, took the temple, broke the idols in pieces, and overthrew the idolators. Some of the plunder he distributed among the troops, the rest he sent to 'Amrú Lais, informing him of the conquest, and asking for reinforcements.

When the news of the fall of Sakáwand reached Kamlú,^172b who was Ráí of Hindustán, he collected an innumerable army and marched towards Zábulistán. Upon hearing of this march Fardaghán secured several Hindús and sent them to Hindustán. These men entered the camp of Kamlú and reported to him that when Fardaghán had conquered Sakáwand, he immediately despatched people to different quarters of the country, calling for additional forces, knowing that the Hindú would certainly endeavour to take revenge. The result was that an army of Muhammadans had been collected around him, such as would coerce the very ends of the earth. Behind him also the army of 'Amrú Lais was advancing, with the design of leading their antagonists into the defiles and there slaughtering them all. When Ráí Kamlú heard this intelligence, he halted where he was, and was very cautious in his movements. In the meantime, Fardaghán received reinforcements from Khurásán, such that the enemy had not the power to cope with. By this ingenious device he succeeded in his object.

Discovery of Treasure.

[I. vi. 11.]

There is a story to be found in some Hindú works, that a man having bought a house from another, began to make alterations in it. While prosecuting these he happened to light upon a concealed treasure. He took the money to the former owner, and said, “I have discovered this treasure under the wall of the house I purchased from you.” The man replied—“I sold the house just as I bought it, and know nothing about the money. I cannot take it, as I do not believe myself to be entitled to it.” On this they both agreed to go to the king and deliver the treasure up to him, that he might expend it on some work of public utility. Accordingly they went, and having represented the whole case, made the money over to the king. On this the king exclaimed—“You are people of the middle class, and meddle with what does not become you. I am entrusted with the responsible duty of managing and adjusting the affairs of my subjects, and to me God has entrusted the reins of government. How can I take this charitable money?” The men replied, “You are the king, and we come before you in this difficult case, in order that it might be settled by your justice and equity.” The king then told them to make some marriage arrangement between their families. It happened that the seller of the house had a daughter, and the purchaser a son, so the daughter of the former, with the money in question as dowry, was given in marriage to the son of the latter. The king from an innate sense of justice, would not suffer the skirt of his robes of equity and righteousness to be soiled by the dirt of oppression and dishonesty.

The Herb which produces Longevity.

[I. vi. 14.]

I have read in a book that certain chiefs of Turkistán sent ambassadors with letters to the kings of India on the following mission, viz.: that they, the chiefs, had been informed that in India drugs were procurable which possessed the property of prolonging human life, by the use of which the kings of India attained to a very great age. The Ráís were careful in the preservation of their health, and the chiefs of Turkistán begged that some of this medicine might be sent to them, and also information as to the method by which the Ráís preserved their health so long.¹⁷⁴ The ambassadors having reached Hindustán, delivered the letters entrusted to them. The Ráí of Hind having read them, ordered the ambassadors be taken to the top of an excessively lofty mountain, and then he told them that, when the hill on which they then were should be rent asunder and thrown down, then he would give them their answers, and permission to return to their own country. The ambassadors on hearing this became greatly alarmed, and despaired of living to revisit their home, relations, and friends. They pitched their tents in the valleys, and fervently prayed to Almighty God for deliverance from their troubles. They spent their whole time in offering up prayers to heaven. In this manner a long time passed. At last having one day offered up their prayers to God most earnestly, they observed the mountain shaking. The sorrow of their hearts had moved the heart of the mountain. It began to totter, and presently its lofty summit toppled over and fell to the ground. Having lifted up their voices in praise and thanksgiving to God, they informed the Ráí of what had occurred. The Ráí said “this is my reply to your mission. Though you are few in number, having given up your minds to prayer, by the force of your devotions you have caused the mountain to fall down. Your kings rule tyrannically, so that the people pray earnestly for their destruction, and by means of their prayers they at last blast the prosperity and annihilate the power of their oppressors. It is the paramount duty of all those in whose hands authority and power are placed, to walk in the path of justice and benevolence, in order that those who are weak should be strengthened and protected by the law, and that those who are wealthy should enjoy their riches in peace and security. Wealth is but a faithless friend, and life but an uncertain companion; neither one nor the other is enduring and permanent.”

Self-possession of an Indian Minister.

[I. xiv. 17.]

A certain Indian prince had in his employ a minister remarkable for his learning and wisdom. The prince had also some slave girls, who were most elegant and beautiful, and possessed of every imaginable charm. One day the minister went before the king while these slaves happened to be in attendance, for the transaction of certain business. The minister cast an eye of love on one of them, and then perceived that the prince was observing him. He therefore still kept his eye fixed in the same direction. For twenty years he continued in the prince's service, and every time he went into the presence he kept his eye fixed in that direction. By this means he allayed the royal jealousy, as the prince thought that the glance he had observed was not intentional, but merely the effect of a natural squint.

The Arming of Ya'kúb Lais.

[I. xiii. 35.]

At the commencement of the career of Ya'kúb Lais, a body of his friends bound themselves to raise him to the dignity of chief. When Sálih Nasr had taken Sístán, and become powerful, they observed to Ya'kúb that Sálih had grown strong, and that if he did not take heed at once, he would not be able to do much afterwards. Ya'kúb consulted with an old and wise man in this matter, who said, “It is as your friends have told you, something must be done instantly.” Ya'kúb then asked him what steps he should take, and the old man replied that there were two divisions of Sálih's army—one the Sanjarís, the other the Bustís, and the best thing he could do was to irritate the Sanjarís by telling them that though battles were won by their hard fighting, the plunder obtained by the conquests was carried off by the Bustís. “By your persuading them of this,” said the old man, “hostility will be created between them. They will separate from each other; and in all probability the Sanjarís will come over to you, because they are fully aware of your skill and address, and of the courage you have shown in battle; they are also conscious of your having saved them from the Khárijís.” Ya'kúb acted upon this advice, and so worked upon the Sanjarís, that enmity sprung up between them and the Bustís, and Sálih Nasr found himself in a very precarious situation. The Sanjarí troops went over to Ya'kúb, and when Sálih Nasr saw that affairs were come to extremities, he proceeded with his army of Bustís towards the enemy. Ya'kúb, Ibráhím and Hafz came forward and encamped at the pass of Ghanjara. Ya'kúb resolved to make a night attack, and Sálih being apprized of it, fled in alarm towards Bust. Thus did Ya'kúb, by a clever stratagem, obtain the victory over his enemy.

Ya'kúb Lais and Rúsal.

[I. xiii. 21.]

Almighty God endowed Ya'kúb Lais with a very lofty mind so that he rose from the most abject position to the highest pitch of glory and prosperity. He encountered many dangers and passed through great difficulties, till at length he aspired to the acquisition of dominion. When Sálih Nasr¹⁷⁶ fled from before him, he went and joined Rúsal,^176a and excited him to collect his troops and march against Ya'kúb Lais. Rúsal assembled his armies, and placed Sálih Nasr at the head of the foremost division. Ya'kúb Lais on receiving the intelligence, called together some old and experienced men and asked their advice as to the means of repelling the invasion of Rúsal. They advised him to oppose the enemy, and represented that although he had a small force, yet he ought to trust in the help of God, and resort to every wile and stratagem to harass his opponent, but not to engage in a pitched battle. When Ya'kúb reviewed his army, it was found not to consist of more than three thousand horse. However, he proceeded to oppose Rúsal, and when he reached Bust, people derided him, saying, “How can he fight against Rúsal with this small number of horse.” Ya'kúb Lais now had recourse to stratagem and deception. He sent one of his confidential servants to Rúsal with a message to say that, he wished to come and meet him, and render him homage; he knew he was not able to cope with such a potentate, but that if he should tell his people that he was going to meet Rúsal, they would not obey him, and might possibly kill both him and his dependants. He had consequently told them he was proceeding to give battle to his enemy, in order to induce them to accompany him; but that when he should join Rúsal and make his submission, they must perforce follow his example. When the ambassadors of Ya'kúb came to Rúsal and delivered the message to him, it was very agreeable to him, because he was greatly harassed by Ya'kúb, who continually made incursions into his country, and attacked it in different directions. He made the ambassadors welcome, and sent messages to Ya'kúb, giving him many kind promises and holding out hopes of preferment. Ya'kúb despatched his messengers one after the other, and to prevent his followers from being disheartened he told them that he had sent the messengers to reconnoitre the enemy's army.

When both the armies came in front of each other, Rúsal called Sálih Nasr and told him that as the enemy had come to proffer his submission, there must be no fighting. A day was fixed for a parley between the parties. It was not the habit of Rúsal to ride a horse, but he used to sit on a throne which a party of his servants carried on their shoulders. When both the armies were drawn up in array, Rúsal seated himself upon his throne and ordered his troops to stand in line on each side of it. Ya'kúb with his three thousand brave horsemen advanced between these two lines, and his men carried their lances concealed behind their horses and wearing coats of mail under their garments. The Almighty made the army of Rúsal blind, so that they did not see the lances. When Ya'kúb drew near Rúsal, he bowed his head as if to do homage, but he raised the lance and thrust it into the back of Rúsal, so that he died on the spot. His people also fell like lightning upon the enemy, cutting them down with their swords, and staining the earth with the blood of the enemies of religion. The infidels, when they saw the head of Rúsal upon the point of a spear, took to flight, and great bloodshed ensued. The bride of victory drew aside her veil and Ya'kúb returned victorious. Next day six thousand horsemen of the infidels were sent prisoners to Sístán. He also placed sixty of their officers on asses, and having hung the ears of the slain upon the necks of these officers, he sent them in this manner to Bust. In this conquest he obtained such immense treasure and property that conjecture cannot make an estimate of them.

Sálih Nasr fled from the field and went to the king of Zábu-listán. His troops deserted him and joined Ya'kúb, who, after he had secured peace to the country, sent a messenger to the ruler of Zábulistán requesting him to surrender Sálih Nasr. His request was complied with; and when Sálih came, Ya'kúb put him in prison, where he died. The hostility which the people of Bust had shewn to Ya'kúb, he now retaliated upon them. He fixed the same poll-tax upon them as was levied from the Jews, and this was collected with severity, This victory which he achieved was the result of treachery and deception, such as no one had ever committed.

Surrender of Ghaznín to Alptigín.

[I. vi. 25.]

When Alptigín, the master of Subuktigín, deserted the Sámá-nians and went to Ghaznín, they were by his departure reduced to great destitution, and serious disturbances broke out in the country. We will make mention in the proper place of this occurrence, as well as of his reasons for separating himself from them. On his reaching Ghaznín, the garrison shut themselves up in the fort and refused to surrender to him. He, therefore, pitched his camp without, and speedily possessed himself of the suburbs and surrounding country.

There he exercised his power with such impartiality and regard for justice, that the people around were in the enjoyment of perfect peace. One day he was going along the road when he perceived a party of his servants coming from a village, with poultry slung from their saddle-straps. Having stopped them, he enquired how the fowls came into their possession. They pretended that they had purchased them in a neighbouring village. On this Alptigín sent a horseman to the village with instructions to bring the head man of it into his presence. When he was brought, Alptigín asked him whether the men had bought the fowls or seized them by force. The man appeared desirous of hiding the truth, so Alptigín told him to tell the truth on pain of punishment. The man then said, “When a Turk comes into a village he does not buy fowls but always takes them by force.” On hearing this, Alptigín gave orders that the culprits should be punished with death. Those around implored mercy, and entreated that some lesser punishment than death might be inflicted on the thieves. He complied with this request, and ordered the offender's ears to be bored and the birds to be suspended from them by a string tied to their legs. This having been done, the birds, in struggling to escape, so flapped and beat with their wings the men's heads and faces that blood flowed copiously from the wounds inflicted. In this condition they were paraded through the army. The news of this act of justice having reached the ears of the people, they all assembled together, and agreed that a man so upright and just was worthy to be their ruler. That very evening they went to him and agreed upon the terms of capitulation. The following day the city was surrendered. So, by this one act of judicious impartiality he became possessed of the city of Ghaznín, which rose to be the shrine of prosperity and abode of wealth.

Bravery of Amír Subuktigín.

[I. xiii. 24.]

When Bilkátigín¹⁸⁰ went towards Ghaznín, the Sámánians were informed that the Turks were coming from Khurásán. He (the king) sent his minister, Abú Is'hák, with a large body of men, and another force also to stop the advance of the enemy. When information of this design reached Bilkátigín, he despatched Subuktigín with his followers to frustrate it. Subukti-gín observed that the passes were narrow and difficult, and that his enemies were acquainted with them, while he was a stranger. He therefore considered it advisable to employ stratagem in resisting them. So he proceeded to the head of one of the passes and there formed three ambuscades, in which he placed some of his men, while he with another party advanced into the pass. When the enemy saw the smallness of his force they came out and attacked him. Subuktigín pretending to fly from before them, induced them to leave the passes in which they were posted, and they were thus drawn out into the open plain. Amír Subuktigín then made such an attack on them that the earth shook, and the enemy fled with precipitation to seek safety among the passes.

Subuktigín then let loose his three ambuscades, and these falling on the foe ere they reached the defiles, not one of them escaped. Subuktigín then cleared the passes of the enemy's men, and he (Bilkátigín) having witnessed the dauntless courage of Subuktigín, spoke of him in terms of admiration. He went through the passes in safety, so that not a single camel was missing; and this was solely attributable to the judgment of Subuktigín.

The Vigilance of Subuktigín.

[II. xv. 6.]

When Bilkátigín¹⁸¹ came from Khurásán to Ghaznín and took possession of the country, the chief of it, Abú 'Alí Kúbak,^181a abandoned it.^181b Bilkátigín soon gave himself up to debauchery, and entrusted Subuktigín with the management of the city. In this high post, Subuktigín discharged the duties with great efficiency and courage, and with all vigilance and care. One day, Amír Bilkátigín took wine, and held a great carouse, and from early dawn to midnight was engaged in drinking. He also endeavoured to persuade Subuktigín to drink, but without success. When the curtain of darkness was drawn over the face of the sun, Amír Bilkátigín fell into a sound sleep, but Subuktigín was very watchful and his eyes were open like the stars. Suddenly he heard a noise which proceeded from some corner, and immediately after it was followed by an uproar. With lamps and torches he went in that direction, and then he saw a body of armed men standing in the street, ready to raise a tumult. He demanded, in a loud voice, who they were? They gave an incoherent reply. Subuktigín threatened to attack them, when they were constrained to confess that a body of malcontents had conspired to make a rising that very night, and, as a sign of their success, to light a fire upon the roof of the fort. At this signal, Abú 'Alí was to bring up his force, capture Bilkátigín and his adherents, and drive all his troops out of the country. Subuktigín, on hearing these words, killed four men upon the spot and rushed out of the fort. He found a large number of men assembled in arms, who were waiting for Abú 'Alí Kúbak. He put them all to the sword, and then advanced against Abú 'Alí. He took his brother prisoner, and then returned to the city. When morning dawned, Amír Subuktigín brought some of the insurgents, with the heads of some of those he had killed, to Bilkátigín, and related the whole story of the transactions of that night. The Amír expressed admiration of his conduct, and considered him worthy of great favours; and because he was very cautious and never negligent of his enemy, he appointed him his deputy and elevated his rank above that of all his equals. He also rewarded his companions with five hundred thousand dirhams. All this was the fruit of watchfulness. Wise men know that vigilance is necessary in all circumstances.

Mahmúd's Youthful Strategy.

[IV. xx. 6.]

It is related by Abú-n Nasr 'Utbí in his work called Táríkh Yamíní¹⁸² that the King of Kábul made war upon the Muhamma-dans at the beginning of the career of Násiru-d daula Subuktigín. When intelligence of this war was brought to the Amír Násiru-d dín, he called out his forces from Khurásán to oppose him. Sultán Mahmúd was then about fourteen years of age. Amír Násiru-d dín summoned his officers and consulted with them upon the plan to be pursued. Amír Mahmúd gave it as his opinion that the best course was to go in advance of the army and seek a strong place in the mountains, where they might make themselves secure, and from whence they might make nocturnal and unexpected assaults upon the enemy. They would thus prevent the foe from advancing against them, and distress him with incessant raids. The counsel was approved by all, and Amír Násiru-d dín advanced and occupied a position near Baghrú.^182a The King of Kábul marched thither with a countless army, and for some time the opposing forces encamped there. One day a woman of the neighbourhood came to Amír Násiru-d dín and told him that there was a spring not far off in the mountains which had this property, that if filth was cast into it the sky became overcast, snow and storms followed, and the weather became so cold that no one in these parts could endure it. This cold and foul weather would last as long as the filth remained in the fountain. He sent and had some dirt thrown into the spring. Cold and stormy weather followed. The army of Hind was reduced to extremities, and the Musulmáns were completely victorious.¹⁸³

Sultán Mahmúd and the Sister of Ayáz.

[II. xxi. 8.]

It is said that Sultán Yámínu-d daula Mahmúd Subuktigín had been long enamoured of the sister of Ayáz—he was sincerely attached to her, and anxious to espouse her. But it occurred to him that he might by this act incur the reproaches of the neighbouring kings and princes, and forfeit the respect and esteem of his own servants. This apprehension he entertained for a long time.

Abú Nasr Mishkání says—“I was one night in attendance on the king, and when all the assembly was gone, he stretched out his legs and ordered me to “shampoo” them. I knew that he certainly intended to tell me some secret. At last he said, “It is a maxim with wise men that there are three people from whom a secret should not be concealed, viz.: a skilful physician, a kind preceptor, and a wise servant. I have been long greatly perplexed, but I will this night unburden my mind and learn your opinion on the matter.” I observed, “I am not worthy of the high honour done me by the king, but as he, in his high wisdom has determined it, I will to the best of my ability represent what may appear to me as good or evil in the matter.” The king said, “It has long been a secret within me, that I am desirous of espousing the sister of Ayáz. But will not the neighbouring kings call me a fool and low-minded, and will not you also, my servants and slaves, speak ill of me in respectable society. I ask your advice in this matter; have you ever heard or read, in any history, of kings wedding the children of their slaves?” I made obeisance and said—“Many cases similar to this have occurred. Several kings of the Sámánian dynasty married their own slave girls. This act will not seem to the world as derogatory to the king's honour and rectitude. Perhaps your Majesty is unaware that Kubád, at the time he went to Turkistán, took as his wife the daughter of a villager, from whom was born Naushírwán. In Persian history, I have also read that Bahrám Gúr married a washerman's daughter. The Sultán asked me the particulars of the story, so I said, “I have heard that one day Bahrám Gúr went out hunting, and having started a stag, followed it so far that he became separated from his train. He felt thirsty and went towards a village. He there saw a washerman sitting on the edge of a pond washing clothes; his wife and daughter were sitting by him with a heap of clothes ready to be washed. Bahrám approached them, and said, ‘O washerman, give me some water to drink.’ The washerman stood up, and having paid him the usual marks of respect, ordered his wife to fetch some water for the king. She took the cup, and having washed it several times in clean water, said to her daughter, ‘I am not a virgin, man's hand has touched me, but you, who are an unbored pearl, should give the water to the king.’ The girl took the cup and brought it to the king, who, looking at her, perceived that she was incomparably beautiful and charming, and possessed of excellent disposition and manners. He then asked the washerman if he would admit him as a guest for that day, who replied, that if the king could be contented with dry bread he would spare nothing in his power; saying this, he spread a clean cloth on the bank, and Bahrám sat down. The washerman then took his horse and fastened it to a tree, and gave his daughter a fine cloth with which she fanned the king, and protected him from flies. He himself hastened to the village and procured food, wine, meat, in short, everything on which he could lay his hand, he brought. He gave his daughter the wine and cup, and ordered her to act as cup-bearer to the king. On which she cleansed the cup, and having filled it with wine, brought it to the king, who took her hand within his—she kissed them. Bahrám said, ‘O girl, the lips are the place to kiss and not the hand.’ The girl paid her respects, and said that the time had not yet come for that. The king was surprised at the elegance of her appearance and the eloquence of her speech. They were thus engaged when the train of Bahrám appeared in sight. He told the girl to conceal her face, on which she pulled her veil over it. He then on that spot having performed the nuptial ceremony, placed her on an elephant under a canopy, and made her father ride away with them; her mother also accompanied them.”

When the Emperor heard this story, he was much pleased, and bestowed presents upon me: saying, “You have relieved me of this care.” After two days he espoused the sister of Ayáz.

Anecdote of Sultán Mahmúd.

[I. xii. 9.]

When Khwája Ahmad acted as minister to Sultán Mahmúd (may God be merciful to him!) all the principal officers of State were inimical to him and traduced him to the Emperor, who thus contracted a great dislike to him, and was desirous of removing him from office. On this subject Abú Nasr Mishkán says that Arslán wrote him a letter, saying that “The king is displeased with Khwája Ahmad, and we, his Majesty's servants, must beware of resisting his will. But in common charity we are bound to declare what we know or have heard. Khwája Ahmad is undoubtedly the most able minister of the time, and has been very useful to our sovereign. He has long been in government employ and has experienced great changes of fortune. It is now some time since he was appointed Minister of State, and now all men of influence, rank, and dignity are his enemies. The cause of their hatred to him is his devotion to his master, and his disregard of their wishes and pleasure. His associates in office are also inimical to him for the same reason. You would do right to communicate this letter to his Majesty, although I know that his mind has been so perverted by them that my counsel will be useless. Still the time may come when his Majesty may feel some regret, when he will not check but excuse our representations.”

Abú Nasr Mishkán continues: I read the letter and for a long time I was watching for an opportunity to lay it before the king. I also received constant messages from the minister imploring my support and assistance. I replied that it would not do to be precipitate, but that I must wait till a suitable occasion offered itself.

The Sultán Mahmúd also knew that I was watching my opportunity, but he kept strict silence on this matter, till at length it happened one day that the Sultán went out on a hunting excursion, and though it was not customary with me to attend him, yet on this occasion I did so. The Sultán asked me why I, who never went out hunting, had now come with him. I replied that it was always the duty of a servant to attend on his master. The Sultán then said, “I know that you have come in order that you might speak to me about Ahmad, but matters like these ought not to be forced upon me.” I replied, “May your Majesty's judgment be always right.” He then became silent and spoke not another word. That day and that night passed by. On the next night the Sultán was drinking wine and enjoying himself, when he made me sit down with him, and he talked upon all sorts of topics. At length he asked me if I had ever heard or had ever read in any book that ministers were their king's enemies. I said, “No; but I have read that the man is foolish and stupid who seeks to be a minister.” He asked wherefore, and I replied, “Kings cannot endure that any one should share their authority, nor will they allow any one but themselves to give orders. If the office of minister is given to one who is looked upon as the dearest of friends, before a week has passed he is deemed an enemy and is despised.” Nothing farther passed at this meeting. After his return to Ghaznín, he was sitting one night alone, and calling for me, bade me be seated, and said, “Hitherto I have kept silence with you regarding Ahmad. Now be mindful that you tell me the truth without equivocation or reservation.” I replied that I would obey his Majesty. He observed that Ahmad was an experienced and well qualified minister, who had been in the service from his youth, and had conferred lustre on his office, but he held his master in slight esteem, and he was at the same time covetous of the wealth of the Musulmáns, which he extorted from them, and opposed the king's orders. He said that he had been informed of many oppressive acts towards the slaves (ghulám) and such people. That he had resolved on his dismissal, and that all with whom he had consulted on this business had concurred with him. He then asked me what I had to say on the subject. I replied, that “What your Majesty in your wisdom deems most advisable is certainly best,—who can gainsay it?” The king then insisted on my expressing an opinion,—I said, “Arslán Jázib¹⁸⁷ had sent me a letter,” and having it with me, I shewed it to him, and begged his permission to give him my views on the case to the best of my ability. The king consenting, ordered me to speak. I then said,—“If the charges of oppression and opposition which have been brought against the Khwája are proved to your Majesty's satisfaction, they must not be passed over, but punishment must be meted out to the minister, so that no injury may come to the country. But if, on the other hand, merely suspicions have been excited in the king's mind, then search and enquiry must be patiently made throughout the country for a man competent to fill Ahmad's place. On such a man being found, then his Majesty may follow his own will and pleasure. If one cannot be found, the greatest precautions must be taken.” Having finished, the king said he would consider of it, and gave me permission to depart. At last, the Khwája was deprived of his situation and imprisoned, but the king soon regretted it, for the affairs of the State and country fell into great confusion.

Depreciation of Coin.

[I. xii. 14.]

When Yamínu-d daula Mahmúd came to the throne, and the effects of his greatness spread through all countries, and his rule swept away the idol temples and scattered the worshippers, some sharp men of India formed a plan (for enriching themselves). They brought out a dirham of great purity and placed a suitable price upon it. Time passed on and the coin obtained currency. Merchants coming from Muhammadan countries used to purchase these dirhams and carry them to Khurásán. When the people had grown accustomed to the value of the coin, the Indians began by degrees to debase the standard. The merchants were unaware of this depreciation, and finding a profit upon silver, they brought that metal and gold from all parts of the world, and sold it for (debased coins of) copper and brass, so that by this trick the wealth of the Muhammadans was drawn to Hindustán.

When 'Aláu-d daula¹⁸⁸ ascended the throne, this grievance had become intolerable, and he determined to remedy it, and consulted with the merchants as to the measures most proper to be taken to effect this purpose. They advised that the debased coinage should be exchanged for good from the royal treasury. Accordingly 'Aláu-d daula gave the necessary orders, and 100,000,000 dirhams were issued from the treasury to the mint, and thence distributed to the servants of the Almighty as redress and compensation. The fame of this act spread the lustre of Aláu-d daula's glory throughout the world.^188a

Anecdote of Khwája Hasan Maimandí.

[III. xi. 1.]

In the reign of Sultán Yamínu-d daula Mahmúd, and in the days when Khwája Hasan Maimandí was his minister, there was a man called Abú Ahmad Suhal Barár. He was a great spendthrift, a peculator and a wine-bibber. At one time twenty thousand mans of indigo, which belonged to the Sultán, fell into the hands of the son of Ahmad.¹⁸⁹ Some of this he sold and spent the proceeds. One day, Abú Suhal Barár came to the minister to pay his respects. The minister said, “I have heard that your son has embezzled government property, when you saw him doing so why did you connive at it? Do you think that I will pass it over? Should he who possesses such a name as Ahmad (‘most laudable’) be such a fool and commit such follies?” In short, he expressed himself in unmeasured terms. Abú Suhal exclaimed, “May your life, my lord, be increased! pardon my son; his name is Ahmad, and he should be forgiven.” The Khwája was extremely annoyed, but laughed at his ignorance and folly. He said to Abú Suhal, “You are worse than your son. Curses be upon you, thoughtless fool.” Abú Suhal, on hearing this abuse, did not even then perceive that what he had said (was improper), nor did he consider that his name was Ahmad, and that it did not become him to utter such words. He commenced to retort in disrespectful language, and said, “Perhaps somebody has excited you against me, and consequently you are thus angry with me.” The Khwája replied, “No, I have heard it from your own tongue.” He then dismissed him ignominiously from his service.

It is proper for those who have access to kings and great men, that they should take heed to their actions and speech, and neither do or say anything boldly and rashly, to bring shame and destruction upon themselves. They should behave respectfully towards their master, so that they may reap the benefit of their services.

Anecdote of Mahmúd.

[I. xi. 46.]

One night Sultán Mahmúd was drinking wine, while his sons, Muhammad and Mas'úd, were present. Abú Nasr Mishkán says that, when some time had passed in this manner, the conversation happened to turn upon Amír Subuktigín, when the Sultán offered up prayers for his father, and his eyes were filled with tears. He said, “My father (may God's mercy be on him!) had established very good rules for the management of the country, and took great pains in enforcing them. I thought that when he should be no more, I should enjoy the exercise of my power in peace and security, and eat and enjoy myself. I also considered that after his demise I should become a great king. But the truth was revealed to me when he died and his shadow was removed from my head, for since his departure I have not had one day's happiness. You think I drink this wine for pleasure, but this is a great mistake. I take it merely as a device to gain a few days' peace, and relieve the people from all annoyance from me. These my sons entertain similar ideas to those which I did in my youth; but when the kingdom devolves upon them, they will find out the truth.”

His sons made their obeisances and said, “May such thoughts never enter our minds. We both desire to sacrifice our lives at your Majesty's feet.” The king commended them and bade them to sit down, which they did, but they soon afterwards departed. he then (says Abú Nasr) called me to him, and making me sit down, he stretched his legs towards my lap, and I shampooed them for a short time. He asked me what I thought of his sons, I kissed the ground and answered, “What can I say, how can tongue describe the excellencies of those two suns of grandeur, and those two moons of the heaven of prosperity! Thank God, they possess such qualities as are beyond all expression.” He said, “The excellence you ascribe to them does not mean much.”¹⁹¹ (I said) “Fathers know best the character of their sons.” He then enquired whether I had a son. I replied, “Yes, I have one, his Majesty's slave.” He said, “Tell me by my soul and head, is he like you, and as worthy as you?” I anwered, “My lord, you know all, but my son is young, and not old enough to have shown what his real disposition is.” On this the king observed, “Let him grow up and then you will see that he will not be worth your finger; if he is he will be one of the marvels and wonders of the time. Mas'úd,” he continued, “is a proud fellow and thinks there is nobody better than himself. Muhammad is stout of heart, generous, and fearless, and if Mas'úd indulges in pleasure, wine, and the like, Muhammad outdoes him. He has no control over himself, has no apprehension of Mas'úd, and is heedless of the important concerns of life. I fear I find but little satisfaction in the thought of Muhammad succeeding me; for woe to him at the hands of Mas'úd, who will devour him, and woe also to the generals of my army, for Mas'úd is a very covetous man and has great love of money. If he should hear of any officer possessing a little property, he will be sure to destroy him in a few days, and appoint some worthless fellow in his place. It will thus come to pass that in this great kingdom every one will strive to benefit himself, and you may imagine the pass to which matters will come.” I replied, “My lord, may you ever enjoy sovereignty! dominion in this kingdom will for ever remain in this family!” The conversation was continued for some time in this strain, and when the Sultan went to sleep, I returned. Eventually what the king had said came to pass in every particular. The history of Muhammad and Mas'úd is well known, and will be related in this book in its proper place.

Mahmúd's return from Somnát.

[I. xii. 16.]

A stratagem similar to that narrated in the last story¹⁹² was employed when Sultán Yamínu-d daula was returning from Somnát. Two Hindús came to him and offered themselves as guides. They led the way for three days and conducted him into a desert where there was neither water nor grass. The Sultán asked them what kind of road they called that by which they had come, and whether there were any habitations in the neighbourhood? They replied that they had been commissioned by the Ráí, their chief, and had fearlessly devoted themselves to the work of bringing him thither. “Now you have,” continued they, “the sea (daryá 'azím) before you, and the army of Hind behind. We have done our business, now do you do with us what you like, for not one single man of your army will escape.” In the midst of this conversation, a water-fowl was suddenly seen flying in the air. The sultán said, where there are water-fowl there must be sweet water, and proceeded after it. At length he reached the banks of a great river, the water of which was very brackish and quite unfit to drink. He was in this plight when he perceived another water-fowl, he followed it up and came to a village in which they discovered sweet water. He then ordered a suitable punishment to be inflicted on the two guides. Upon searching the village they found an 'Alawí (descendant of 'Alí) who was dwelling there with his family. They asked him if he knew the road, but he declared his ignorance, adding that there was an old man in another village who knew all the intricacies of the roads.

The Sultán then had the 'Alawí and his sons mounted on camels, and went with them to the village mentioned. He called the old man before him and inquired where the ford was. The old man said he had never seen any one cross the river excepting on one occasion when it was crossed by a body of men, but the place where they passed he could not tell. Had he strength to walk, perhaps he might find it out. On this the Sultán ordered him to be placed on horseback, and the old man led them to a certain spot on the bank of the river, when he said, I think this was the place where the passage was made. The Sultán sent some men into the river, but nowhere did they find it fordable. The Sultan, casting himself upon the protection of Providence, regardless of himself and fearless of the consequences, with the name of God upon his tongue, urged his horse into the stream. His whole army and all his attendants followed his example, and, with the assistance of God, crossed the water in safety. This was one of the many marvellous deeds of the Sultán, in which also the treachery of the infidels became evident to all men.

Destruction of Robbers by Sultán Mas'úd.

I. xiii. 47.

When Sultán Mahmúd sent costly presents to the ruler of Kirmán, the ambassador who took them proceeded viâ Tabbas. In the desert of Khabís¹⁹³ there was a body of Kafaj^193a and Bulúchís who robbed on the highway. They were eighty in number, and had built a stronghold upon an eminence, and had sunk a well. They had committed many robberies, but their conduct had never yet reached the ears of the Sultán. When the ambassador came to this place these people came out and carried off all the presents and rarities in his possession. Some of the men attached to the embassy were slain, but others who escaped returned to Tabbas, and there reported the circumstance to the Sultán, who was proceeding from Ghaznín to Khwárizm by way of Bust. When he arrived at Bust, Sultán Mas'úd came from Hirát and met him. On his arrival, the Sultán would not look at him or give him his hand, but appeared evidently displeased with him. Mas'úd was greatly alarmed, and kissing the ground, he asked what fault he had committed? The Sultán replied, “How can I be pleased with you, and why should I look at you. You are my son, and yet robberies are committed under your nose without your knowing anything about them?” He replied, “Oh king, I was staying in Hirát, and if robberies are committed in the desert of Khabís, what fault is it of mine?” The king replied, “I care not what you say, but I will not look at you unless you bring all the thieves to me, either alive or dead.” Sultán Mas'úd, after his interview with the Sultán, returned to Hirát, and there having chosen a party of two hundred men he started in search of the robbers, making continual enquiries about them. On approaching their fort, it occurred to him that they would probably have spies about, and that on hearing of the approach of so large a body of horse, they would take to flight. He therefore ordered fifty horsemen to fasten on their turbans, give their horses their heads, hide their arms under their saddles, so that no one could see them, and to ride forward and keep the enemy engaged until he should come up. He himself slowly followed with 150 horse. The robbers fought strenuously, seeing only a few horsemen before them, but suddenly the Sultan Mas'úd came up in the rear and captured them all. Not one of them escaped, forty were slain, and forty were sent prisoners to the Sultán. Large booty also was taken. The Sultán ordered them to be punished, and they were executed in a most ignominious way. The fame of his vigilance and justice thus spread far and wide.

Poisoning a Band of Robbers.

I. xiii. 48.

A band of robbers had collected in the desert of Kirmán, and whenever the king sent a force against them they saved themselves by flight. Sultán Mas'úd was informed of this when he was king in 'Irák, and after some consideration he hit upon a plan for getting rid of them. Some poison was taken out of the store-house, and a quantity of apples were brought from Isfáhán. He then directed a trusty servant to make holes in the apples with a bodkin and to introduce the poison. When the apples were all poisoned, they were given in charge of a caravan that was passing through the desert. A party of the king's men was also sent with the caravan, and directed to lag behind when they approached the haunt of the robbers. The caravan would no doubt be attacked and taken, and the robbers would eat up the apples and all of them would die. The king's men were then to advance and liberate the caravan. This scheme was effectually carried out. The thieves, delighted with their prize, devoured the apples, and no one that ate thereof ever rose again. Sultán Mas'úd's men then came up, released the merchants, and restored them their goods without any loss. By this ingenious scheme¹⁹⁵ the robbers were destroyed without giving any trouble to the soldiers. The wise may thus learn that stratagem will accomplish that which a thousand horsemen cannot effect.

Conquest of Ghor by Sultán Mas'úd.

III. xii. 9.

An injured man came to Sultán Mas'úd and complained that as he was proceeding to Ghor, the chief of the country seized and forcibly took from him all his property. A letter was consequently written to the chief directing the restoration of the man's property. The man got the letter and took it to the chief of Ghor. The chief was vexed, and ordered him to be punished. The man returned to Ghaznín and complained once more against the Ghorians. The Sultán directed that another letter should be written in threatening terms, that if the chief did not in every way satisfy the man, he would march against him and humble his pride. The man said, “O king, direct that the letter be written in as small a compass as possible, because I shall be forced to swallow it, and if there is but a small quantity of paper it will be the easier to get down.” Sultán Mas'úd was extremely incensed at this, and on the same day pitched his tents, and marched against Ghor. He took possession of the country, and chastised the chief, returning to the poor man more than had been taken from him. The Amír of Ghor was thus punished for his tyranny.

The Punishment of Túmán.¹⁹⁶

III. xix. 7.

It is related in the Táríkh-i Násirí that during the time Amír 'Abdu-r Rashíd reigned at Ghaznín, he had a young slave named Túmán, a man of bad disposition, base and low minded, 'Abdu-r Rashíd was, however, favourably disposed towards him, and conferred on him a high rank. The slave began to interfere in the affairs of government, and being a mean and worthless fellow he did all in his power to ruin and extirpate the nobles and great men. He showed favour to Abú Suhail Rázihí, and they both joined cause and conspired against the great Khwája, the minister of the throne, 'Abdu-r Razzák. He quarrelled with Ahmad Maimaní and had him suspended and called to account. He elevated his own brother, called Mubárak Marde, to high rank, and at last entrusted him with several offices at Parsháwar. He encouraged tale-bearers and back-biters, and these people obtained great influence at court. They gave false reports, representing that the assignments were in excess of the authorised amount, and this brought destruction upon the kingdom, for the government servants and the orphans were subjected to reductions in a manner which had not been resorted to by any one before.

Amongst the other slaves who were notorious for their wickedness and bad character, was one whose name was Khatíb Lút. This man was exalted by him and made accountant of the state, an office which had been held by Khwája Abú Táhir Husain with great credit and to the satisfaction of the government. When three months had elapsed after the Khwája's appointment, he was ordered to go to Hindústán, and after collecting the revenues of that country, to return to the capital.

Khwája Abú Táhir proceeded to Hindústán, and in every place that he visited he found an agent of Túmán oppressing the people and exercising authority; and thus great embarass-ment had arisen in the affairs of the state. The Khwája reported all the circumstances to the Secretary of State, which office was then held by Abú-l Fazl Baihakí. When numerous reports had been received from Husain, Sultán 'Abdu-r Rashíd threatened Túmán with condign punishment. Túmán now became an enemy of Abú-l Fazl, and secretly circulated false reports against him. The Sultán, without investigation, ordered Túmán to seize and imprison Abú-l Fazl, and plunder his house and property.

When Abú-l Fazl was removed, Túmán had an unbounded field for the exercise of his power. He conferred a khil'at of investiture on Khatíb Lút, and sent him to Parsháwar. This officer lighted the fire of oppression, and exalted the standard of bloodshed. He made all kinds of demands upon the people. When Khwája Husain reached Parsháwar to examine and report upon the affairs of that province, people complained to him against the Khatíb. The Khwája admonished him, but it was all in vain. The Khatíb gave him disrespectful replies and uttered abusive words against him to his very face. Husain could not restrain his indignation, and ordered him to be taken away from his presence. The matter was reported to Túmán, who told 'Abdu-r Rashíd that as Khatíb Lút was aware that Husain had unlawfully exacted money from the people, the latter had thrown the Khatíb into prison with the view that he might retain in safety the money which Husain had extorted.

When Túmán had made these representations, Amír 'Abdu-r Rashíd ordered him to go and bring Husain a prisoner to the court. Túmán marched the same night to Parsháwar with three hundred thousand¹⁹⁷ horse, and when he arrived there he showed the royal mandate to the governor of the place. He seized Khwája Husain, and took Khatíb out of prison. He dishonoured and disgraced many good Musulmáns, and then returned to the court.

Khwája Husain was put in heavy chains, and when they had reached the pass at Búdrí some horsemen came and reported that Amír 'Abdu-r Rashíd had himself been murdered, and that the ingrate Tughril had usurped the government. On receiving this intelligence, the soldiers, horse and foot, all came forward to Khwája Husain and said unto him, “circumstances have now taken altogether a different turn: he who had triumphed has been vanquished, and now we are all ready to obey your command. What orders may you be pleased to address to us?” The Khwája replied, “Your first duty is to remove the chains from off my feet, and put them on those of Túmán.” Upon this the soldiers seized Túmán, pulled him down with great ignominy, and put the chains on his feet. They placed the Khwája on a horse, and Túmán, Khatíb Lút, and his other slaves were seated on camels, and in this manner they took them to Ghaznín. God the most glorious and powerful thus punished Túmán for his wickedness. The moral of this story is to show the consequences of tale-bearing, and to teach that great and wealthy men should not encourage base characters, or take wicked men into their favour, and thus bring disgrace and shame upon themselves.

Anecdote of Sultán Ibráhím.

II. xxiv. 6.

One day when Sultán Razí Ibráhím (God's mercy on him!) was in Ghaznín, he saw a labourer carrying a heavy stone on his head to some building which was then in course of erection, and that he staggered under the load. The Sultán, observing his suffering, ordered him to put down the stone. The labourer obeyed his orders, and after that time the stone remained on that identical spot. One day, some of the royal attendants represented to the king that the stone was still lying in the plain, that it frightened the horses and prevented them passing on quietly, and that it would be well if the king gave the order to have it removed. The king said, I have once ordered it to be placed where it is, and there would be an incongruity in my now ordering it to be removed. So the stone remained lying in the plain of Ghaznín, and in order to maintain the words of the Sultán, his sons also would not, any of them, suffer it to be taken away.¹⁹⁹

Death of Malik Arslán.

I. v. 147.

It is narrated that after the demise of Sultán Mas'úd bin Ibráhím, Malik Arslán, his son, mounted the throne, and determined to overthrow Sultán Bahrám Sháh. This prince fled from his brother, accompanied by only one of his attendants, and they took the precaution of having their horses shod backwards. He proceeded first to Sístán, from thence to Kirmán, and at last he threw himself on the protection of Sultán Sanjar, who, espousing his cause, marched to Ghaznín against Malik Arslán, and defeated him there, on Wednesday, the fourteenth of Shawwál, A.H. 511 (Feb. 1118, A.D.). Sultán Sanjar appointed Sultán Bahrám Sháh his deputy in Ghaznín and Hindustán, and having seated him on the throne, he himself went to Balkh. When Sultán Sanjar had returned, Malik Arslán again advanced to recover his kingdom, and Bahrám Shah retired towards Balkh, from whence Sultán Sanjar sent out a force to meet him. He thereupon returned to Ghaznín. Malik Arslán fled before him, and being pursued, was captured in the Shakrán^199a hills, and despatched to the next world. The army then returned to Balkh.

Muhammad Sám's Victory over Kola [Pithaurá].²⁰⁰

[I. xiii. 43.]

It is related that when the martyr Mu'izzu-d dunya wau-d dín Muhammad Sám (May God illumine his tomb,) was about to fight the second time against Kola, between Hanjar^200a and Tabar-hindh, ^200b it became known to him that (the enemy) kept their elephants drawn up in a separate array when preparing for action. The horses were afraid of them, and this was an element of disaster. When the opposing forces approached each other and the camp fires were visible on either side, the Sultán gave directions that every man should collect plenty of wood before his tent. At night he directed a party of soldiers to remain in the camp, and to keep fires burning all the night, so that the enemy might suppose it to be their camping ground. The Sultán then marched off in another direction with the main body of his army. The infidels saw the fires and felt assured of their adversaries being there encamped. The Sultán marched all night and got in the rear of Kola. At dawn he made his onslaught upon the camp followers^200c and killed many men. When the rear pressed back on the main army Kola sought to retreat, but he could not get his forces in order, nor the elephants under control. The battle became general, the enemy was signally defeated, and Kola was taken prisoner. The Musulmáns obtained a complete victory and the Sultán returned triumphant.

Equity of Muhammad Sám.

[I. vi. 37.]

When the heroic Sultán Muhammad Sám, the honour of the world and of religion, who by his sword had darkened the prosperity of the infidels, marched upon Nahrwála, he sustained a defeat, and returned without having effected his object. He then made preparations to retrieve his disasters and avenge his loss of fame and treasure. One of his well-wishers represented to him that in Nahrwála there resided a certain person, by name Wasa Abhir,²⁰¹ who was one of the head men of the city. This man always sent consignments of his merchandize to his agents for sale, and at that time there was property belonging to him in Ghaznín, to the amount of ten lacs of rupees. It was suggested to the king, that were he to confiscate this money to his own use, he might by means of it be enabled to raise an army and replenish the exhausted treasury. The king wrote his answer on the back of the petition, to the effect that, if Nahrwála falls into my hands, then the appropriation of Wásá Abhis' wealth would be lawful, but to seize his property in Ghaznín would be contrary to the dictates of justice. So he did not touch the money; and his virtue met its reward, for it happened that, two years afterwards, the most generous king, the staff of the world and supporter of religion (may the Almighty be merciful to him and pardon him!), marched at the head of his army from Dehli, and conquered the territory, and punished the people for their previous misconduct. So the whole world received proofs that the injury which the cause had once received was but as a black spot on the face of The Faith to guard it from the effects of an evil eye.

Preface.—Death of Násiru-d dín Kubácha.

In the beginning of Rabi'u-l awwal, 625 H. (Jan. 1228), the king of kings, Shamsu-d dunya wau-d dín sent an army to repress the inroads of Násiru-d dín Kubácha. Unable to oppose this force, Násiru-d dín sent his forces in boats to the fort of Bhakkar. The royal forces reached Bhakkar on the 10th, and under the directions of Nizámu-l Mulk, made preparations for assaulting the fort. The attack was made on the 1st Jumáda-l awwal, and was so successful that Násíru-d dín was driven from the fortifications (hisár) and compelled to take refuge in the inner fort (kil'ah) without the assailants losing a single man. A proclama-of amnesty to all Musulmáns was then issued, which was joyfully accepted. Násiru-d dín, with his few remaining adherents offered to capitulate, on condition of being allowed to send away his sons and his treasure, but was told that he must hasten to make an unconditional surrender. He had no faith in his conqueror, and preferred death to submission; so on the night of Thursday, the 19th Jumáda-l Ákhir he went to the bank of the river and cast himself into the water. The good fortune of Nizámu-l Mulk thus gained a complete victory.

A Rare Animal.

IV. xxiii. 4.

Abú Ríhán²⁰² mentions in his writings that within the boundaries of Hindustán, to the east of the Ganges, in the forests of Oudh, there exists an animal called Sharú. It is larger than a rhinoceros,^202a and has two long horns and a small trunk. On the back it has four protuberances resembling four feet. It is so powerful that it will attack an elephant and tear him asunder. No animal has strength enough to contend against it, nor does man venture to hunt it, in fact nothing has power over it except death. Besides natural death, one cause of its destruction is that it often takes up an animal on its horns and tosses it in the air. The flesh adhering to the horns creates worms, which falling on its back, eat into the flesh till it becomes very sore; they then attack its stomach and destroy it. Or, if there be a high mountain near, when it thunders, it will rush as if to attack (some unseen foe) and falling from the mountain destroy itself. People go out to pick up its horns. Its specific peculiarities (khássiyat) are not known.

A Description of the Rukh.

IV. xxiii. 5.

This animal resembles a camel. It has two protuberances on the back and it generally has teeth, the limbs and organs of the body are venomous, and no other animal can escape it. Its spittle, dung, etc., are all deadly poison. Whatever meets its eye becomes its prey, for it runs as swift as the wind, and overtakes all creatures. It kills every animal that it may encounter. If anyone takes refuge from it in the top of a high tree which it cannot get up, it stands at the foot, and curling its tail into a sort of ladle, it tosses its water up—this in a very few moments brings its victim down. If any one to avoid it gets into a well, it will stand at the brink and cast its dung and urine down, and if one drop of this falls upon a man he will die.

IV.

This celebrated work is devoted chiefly to the history of Kutbu-d dín Aibak, but it also contains portions of the history of his predecessor Muhammad Ghází, and his successor, Shamsu-d dín Altamsh, but without any notice of Árám, the son and immediate successor of Kutbu-d dín. The name of Táju-l Ma-ásir is nowhere given to the work by the author himself, but it has never been known by any other name from the earliest period. It means “The Crown of Exploits.” Titles similar to this are common in Asiatic literature, the most celebrated being the Táju-t Tawáríkh of the Turkish historian Sa'du-d dín Muhammad, better known as Khwája Effendi, “the Prince of Ottoman Historians.”²⁰⁴ Considering that the historical portion of this work is devoted exclusively to India, it enjoys a wide reputation throughout the Eastern Muhammadan world; which is ascribable less to the subject of the history than to the peculiar mode of its treatment. This has already been brought to the knowledge of European scholars by a very good account which has been given of the work by Hammer, in his life of Kutbu-d dín Aibak, contained in the Gemäldesaal der Lebensbeschreibungen grosser Moslemischer Herrscher, (Vol. iv. pp. 172-182). He remarks that Kutbu-d dín would probably have been enrolled among other conquerors of whom history is silent, had not Hasan Nizámí of Lahore, the writer of the Táju-l Ma-ásir, entered into competition with Sábí the historian of Kábas, and 'Utbí the historian of Subuktigín and Mahmúd. This is paying too great a compliment to the historical value of the work, for the simple style of the Tabakát-í Násirí, a work nearly contemporaneous, was much better adapted to rescue from oblivion the exploits of Kutbu-d dín, who receives his due share of notice in that history.

The Táju-l Ma-ásir is in fact exceedingly poor in historical details, though the period of which it treats is one of the most interesting in the history of Asia,—that of the first permanent establishment of the Muhammadan power in India. In contains, according to Hammer's enumeration, twelve thousand lines, of which no less than seven thousand consist of verse, both Arabic and Persian. It is swelled out to this unnecessary magnitude by the introduction of tedious and meaningless descriptions and digressions, which amount to not less than an hundred in the first half of the work. M. Hammer considers that there are fewer in the second, as the descriptive faculty seems to have been exhausted; but this apparent barrenness is occasioned more by the omission of the marginal notes indicating their recurrence, than by any exhaustion of the author's power, which flows on to the end in an even strain of eloquence, which is perfectly marvellous for its abundance, continuity, and fantasticness. It is produced apparently with but little effort, leaving us to regret that the author should have admitted into an historical work so much rhapsodical and tropological stuff, which is of little use except to show his powers of fancy and invention. It is, however, this which constitutes its value in the estimation of oriental writers, who to this day are fond of attempting imitations, without any of the richly exuberant vein of Hasan Nizámí.

Towards the close, indeed, there is a new variety of illustration, which makes it appear that the descriptions are fewer. But though fewer, they are much longer, for here the author occasionally introduces a subordinate series of descriptions, or sifats, within one leading subject. For instance, in the second half we have images derived from mirrors, pens, and chess, each running on for many pages, but all containing several minor descriptions referrible, as it were, to those chief subjects. Here also we are introduced to new conceits, where whole sentences and pages are made to consist of nothing but sibilants and labials. Even the death of Muhammad Ghází is not sufficient to repress the gaiety of his imagination, for we are told that, “one or two men out of the three or four conspirators, inflicted five or six wounds upon the lord of the seven climes, and his spirit flew above the eight paradises and the nine heavens, and joined those of the ten Evangelists.”

Some of the passages where these descriptions are introduced are noticed in the following abstract, showing that they are derived from anything in heaven or earth, as the prolific fancy of the author may suggest. The Gemäldesaal has given the following classified distribution of them:—Of nature, its elements and phenomena,—fire, water, heat, cold, lightning, thunder, rain, snow, the sea, the desert, fields, woods, meadows, and gardens. Of seasons,—day, morning, evening, night, spring, summer, autumn, and winter. Of flowers,—the rose, the tulip, the basilicon, the jasmin, the lily, the narcissus, the violet, the lotus, the hyacinth, the anemone. Of fruits,—the pomegranate, the apple, the orange, the citron. Of beasts,—the lion, the serpent, the elephant, the horse, the camel, the lynx, the falcon, the peacock, the dog. Of war and its appurtenances,—the contending armies, arrows, bows, clubs, lances, spears, daggers, and spoils. Of musical instruments,—kettle-drums, viols, tymbals, and bar-bytons. Of beautiful women,—cheeks, hair, curls, eyes, and moles. Of festivals and their appurtenances, — cup-bearers, singers, bowls, wines, and fire-pans; and lastly, pens, physicians, and learned men. Most of these have been given in the following abstract in the order in which they occur, and they by no means include the whole series introduced by the author.

The reader may satisfy himself of the nature of these descriptions by reading the commencement of one devoted to the sword, which he will find in the abstract under “The Conquest of Gwáliár.” If he should be desirous of seeing the conclusion of it, he will find it in the Gemäldesaal, pp. 178, 179.

There is but little related of the author by biographers, and all we know of him is to be ascertained only from his own account in the preface of the Táju-l Ma-ásir. He gives his own name as Hasan Nizámí simply. Mírkhond in his preface, and Hájí Khalfa (No. 2051), call him Sadru-d dín Muhammad bin Hasan Nizámí, and so he is styled by Abú-l Fazl, in an untranslated chapter of the Ayín-i Akbarí. Hammer calls him Hasan Nizámí of Lahore, but that was neither his birthplace nor chief residence.

Hasan Nizámí was born at Naishápúr, and he tells us that he never dreamt of travelling abroad, until the troubles of his native country of Khurásán induced him to seek a residence elsewhere. Another cause was that no regard was paid to learning, in consequence of these distractions, and that ignorant and envious men were seeking to injure him, for it is a matter of common observation that “the wise are rarely regarded in their own country.”²⁰⁷

He for a long time entertained the thought of leaving his country before he could put it into execution, and at last, when the disorders of which he complains had reached their climax, and he himself was reduced to the greatest distress, “in the very prime of manhood, and before his hair began to turn gray,” he left his native city, notwithstanding the continued remonstrances of his friends, to which he had yielded for some time. He set out for Ghazní, at the suggestion of Shaikh Muhammad Káfí, and on his arrival at that capital, after being delayed by a severe attack of fever on the road, he made several agreeable acquaintances amongst the learned, and after a short time departed in company with some of his new friends for Dehli, “the country of mercy and the altar of wealth.—The reins of choice were given to his horse, the traverser of deserts and the passer of hills.—The heat of the fiery blast opened the very gates of hell, and the wild beasts of the mountain and deserts sought for the shade of trees.—The boughs of the jungle were so closely interlaced, that the wind in the midst of them was confined like a bird in a cage.—A tiger was seen in every forest.—In every ravine and plain poisonous serpents were met with.—It came into his thoughts, will the boat of his life ever reach the shore of safety?—The crow-like Hindús had intercepted the roads, and in the rapidity of their movements exceeded the wild ass and the deer, you might say they were demons in human form, and covered with blackness.”

Having escaped from all these dangers, he arrived at Dehli, and paid his respects to the Chief Judge, Sharfu-l Mulk, and was received with great kindness. After he had resided for some time in this city, his friends recommended him to write something in the shape of contemporary history, “for the purpose of ascertaining the powers of his style;” and as the king had about that time issued orders that an account of his victories should be recorded, Hasan Nizámí determined to engage himself upon that particular subject.

With regard to the dedication of his work, Hammer informs us (Gemäld., iv. 174), that “this history of Kutbu-d dín Aibak, was composed by Nizámí, his contemporary, as early as twelve years after his death, for Muhammad bin Sám bin Husain, the ruler of Lahore, who styled himself ‘Násir-i Amíru-l Muminín, helper of the prince of the believers.’ Nizámí of Lahore, a slave of Muhammad bin Sám, wrote this history for his master, who being an admirer of the great achievements of Aibak, took them for the model and rule of his reign.”

There is evidently a great misapprehension here respecting Muhammad bin Sám, who is no other than the famous Muhammad Ghorí, the master of Kutbu-d dín Aibak. Muhammad Ghorí died before Kutbu-d dín reigned, and he could not therefore have taken his own slave for his great exemplar. What the author really says regarding this potentate is this: After dwelling on the advantage and necessity of holy wars, without which the fold of Muhammad's flock could never be filled, he says that such a hero as these obligations of religion require has been found, “during the reign of the lord of the world Mu'izzu-d dunyá wau-d dín, the Sultán of Sultáns, Abú-l Muzaffar Muhammad bin Sám bin Husain, in the person of the puissant Sultán, the lord of the fortunate conjunction of the planets, the pole of the world and religion, the pillar of Islám and Musulmáns, the asylum of princes and sultáns, the destroyer of infidels and plural-worshippers, etc., the Khusrú of Hindustan, Abú-l háris Aibak the Sultán,” and that “Almighty God had selected him from amongst the kings and emperors of the time,” for he had employed himself in extirpating the enemies of religion and the state, and had deluged the land of Hind with the blood of their hearts, so that to the very day of resurrection travellers would have to pass over pools of gore in boats,—had taken every fort and stronghold which he attacked, and ground its foundations and pillars to powder under the feet of fierce and gigantic elephants,— had made the heads of crowned Ráís crown the top of impaling posts,—had sent the whole world of idolatry to the fire of hell, by the well-watered blade of his Hindí sword,—had founded mosques and colleges in the places of images and idols,—and had made the names of Naushírwán, Rustam, and Hátim Táí to be forgotten.” Such was the hero to the record of whose achievements the work was principally dedicated.

The Táju-l Ma-ásir was commenced in the year 602 H. (1205 A.D.), in the eighth month of which (Sha'bán) Muhammad Ghorí died, and it is evident that it was begun before his death, because the preface, which, however unusual, was really composed at the beginning, and not the conclusion of the work, contains a prayer for the prolongation of his life and the prosperity of his kingdom.

The history opens with the transactions of the year 587 H. (1191 A.D.), when Muhammad Ghorí undertook his expedition to India to retrieve the dreadful disaster he had a short time before experienced on the field of Náráin, near Thánesar, to which, however the courtly historian makes no allusion. The copies ordinarily to be met with carry the history down to the year 614 H. (1217 A.D.), or seven years after the death of Kutbu-d dín, and at the close of that portion the author indulges in a panegyric on his own work, in which he invites the reigning monarch Shamsu-d dín, the second Alexander, to compare his work with those of other celebrated historians, and he will see that it is “superior to anything written by ancients or moderns,” and he concludes by saying, that if his life is spared, he will continue the work in the same manner. That he did so continue it is evident from a very valuable copy in the possession of Nawwáb Zíáu-d dín of Dehli, written as early as the ear 779 H. (1377-8 A.D.) in the Naskh character styled Hijjází. In this, though itself imperfect at the end, we have the history carried down even twelve years later, or to 626 H. (1228-9 A.D.), and it is not improbable that it might have been prolonged to the close of Shamsu-d dín's reign, or seven years later than this period. From the general meagreness of historical details, it cannot be said that this deficient portion is worth much enquiry.

Beyond the praise which the author bestows upon his heroes, there is nothing to indicate that he was contemporary with the events which he describes, and the absence of all particulars, as well as a certain confusion and indistinctness about some of the dates, show that he was no active participator in any of his patrons' campaigns. It is singularly strange that he says nothing of the transactions of Kutbu-d dín's actual reign, for the same short chapter records his accession and his death.

The following abstract contains all that is of the remotest historical interest in the work, no name or event being omitted. The passages between inverted commas imply that the words of the original have been translated, but even in these many intermediate words, such as synonyms and reduplications of the same expression, have been omitted, and it has been considered sufficient to group together words and phrases, which, though actually to be found in the Táju-l Ma-ásir do not in the translation preserve the exact order of the original. The passages in the first chapter, which are printed in italics indicate that they are written in Arabic, and nearly the same proportion of Arabic occurs throughout the work, showing that, without a knowledge of that language, it would be impossible to understand thoroughly the Táju-l Ma-ásir.

The Táju-l Ma-ásir is rare in Europe. Hammer²¹¹ says that the only copy to be found is in the royal library of Vienna, but there is one also in the British Museum. In India it is by no means uncommon, much less so than the difficulty of understanding the work would lead one to suppose. The copy in the library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal is a very clean one, but abounds with errors, and many chapters are recopied towards the close. There is a beautiful copy in the Dehli College, and there is one of surpassing excellence belonging to Maulaví Sadru-d dín, the Sadru-s sudúr of Dehli, written in the Naskh character, apparently about three hundred years ago, by Muhammad bin Muhammad, who professes to have copied it from the author's autograph. The transcriber imitates successfully the style of the work in a chapter at the end, devoted to its praise.

There are also two good copies of the Táju-l Ma-ásir in the library of Nawwáb Siráju-l mulk, but so little known and appreciated as to be lettered, one the Táríkh-i Mahmúd Ghazniví, the other Jahán-kushá; but all must yield the palm to Nawwáb Zíáu-d dín's copy noticed above, on account of its containing the additional matter, but it must be confessed that the character is not easy to read, and the manuscript is unfortunately damaged by water and worms.

The copy noticed above, which shows the verses in separate lines detached from the prose, contains 570 pages of twenty lines each; the additional matter being comprised in thirty pages.

[The following Abstract was prepared entirely by Sir H. Elliot himself.]

ABSTRACT.

Invasion of Hindustán.

“In the year 587 H. (1191 A.D.), the Lord of the World, the Sultán of Sultáns, Mu'izzu-d dunyá wau-d dín (Muhammad Ghorí) in a happy moment, and under a fortunate star, departed from Ghazna, may God protect it from calamities!

Had he not imparted movement to his hands and reins,

The feet of his stirrups would have stopped the air in its course.

If his horse be so wearied that it cannot carry him,

His courage would urge him against his enemies.

Having equipped and set in order the army of Islám, and unfurled the standards of victory and the flags of power, trusting in the aid of the Almighty, he proceeded towards Hindústán.

His standards proclaim victory,
Indeed, they are almost prepared to write the book of victory,
His ensigns and black umbrella are full of adornment,
How beautiful on the face of time are the curls and freckles of
the state!

When the tent of eternal prosperity, encompassed by splendour, arrived near Lohúr, and when the air of that country became perfumed and crescented by the dust of the armies and the shoes of the horses, the great Sadr Kiwámu-l mulk Rúhu-d dín Hamza, who was among the chiefs of the country and the renowned of the state, and had obtained distinction by the customs of embassage and the proprieties of missions, and his position in the service of the sublime Court (may God surround it with increased glory)! had met with approval, and in the beauty of his moral character and the excellence of his endowments, the above mentioned person, in whose merits all concurred, and from the flame of whose wisdom and the light of whose penetration abundant delight and perfect good fortune arose.

Indeed all kinds of excellences united in his person,
And he was singularly endowed in the practice of all virtues,
he was such a Sadr that the substance of greatness found in
him a soul,
He was a sea in which the eyes of meaning found vision.

Such was the man who was sent on an embassy to Ajmír, in order that the Ráí (Pithaurá) of that country might see the right way without the intervention of the sword, and that he might incline from the track of opposition into the path of propriety , leaving his airy follies for the institute of the knowledge of God, and acknowledging the expediency of uttering the words of martyrdom and repeating the precepts of the law, and might abstain from infidelity and darkness, which entails the loss of this world and that to come, and might place in his ear the ring of slavery to the sublime Court, (may God exalt it!) which is the centre of justice and mercy, and the pivot of the Sultáns of the world, and by these means and modes might cleanse the fords of a good life from the sins of impurity.

When the ambassador arrived in the country of Ajmír, and in accordance with his orders brought forward the conditions of his mission, and in uttering his speech presented the usual inducements of fixing the mind, and adorned the selection of his words with the excellence of their significations, and strung well the pearls of exhortations and admonitions upon the thread of style.

They were such words that if the world were to hear them,

On account of their beauty the people would incline to become ears.

Your words are right and your meaning correct,

Your opinion is the soul and your greatness the body.

Your words are the product of the bough of rhetoric,

And your clemency is the fruit of the seed of eloquence.

In no respect did the words of threats, or promises become established in the heart of that man of dark understanding, nor did advantages or menaces addressed to the heart (and indeed he who menaces offers the alternative of advantages) have place in the hearing of that obstinate, for from his large army and grandeur the desire of something like the conquest of the world had raised a phantom in his imagination; and he remained neglectful of the subtle principle that armies do not profit when the time has passed, and he had placed on the shelf of forgetfulness the good maxim that “when fate comes the field of opportunity is narrowed,” and had not read the divine order that “it is a duty imposed on me to give aid to the faithful;” and in the sight of his idolatry the commands of the law were the dreams of oppression, and the light of instruction showed the darkness of his perdition, and since in the sublime understanding of the sovereign which derived aid and support from the world of holiness, and the light of his wisdom exceeds and surmounts that splendour of the sun and moon.

If his light were to contend with the dawn,
Even his night would exceed the brilliancy of the day.
Gold would not be produced from earth by the power of the
sun,
Unless his wisdom had power over the sun.

When these circumstances were represented, and the intelligence of the declarations of that God-forsaken reached the blessed hearing, which was filled with gladness, the signs of disturbance overspread his auspicious countenance.

Conquest of Ajmír.

He accordingly prepared for an expedition against the Ráí, and mounted his steed, of which there is a poetical description. “The victorious army on the right and on the left departed towards Ajmír.” “When the Kola (natural son) of the Ráí of Ajmír, the vaunts of whose courage had reached the ears of far and near, heard of the approach of the auspicious standards and the victorious armies, he advanced for the purpose of fighting, and having adjusted the robe of slaughter and the arms of battle, marched on over hills and deserts with a well-equipped army, the number which cannot be conceived in the picture-gallery of the imagination.”

“When the crow-faced Hindús began to sound their white shells²¹⁵ on the backs of the elephants, you would have said that a river of pitch was flowing impetuously down the face of a mountain of blue.”

Description and attributes of elephants, spears, and arrows.— The army of Islám was completely victorious, and “an hundred thousand grovelling Hindús swiftly departed to the fire of hell.” The Ráí of Ajmír was taken prisoner during the action, but his life was spared. After this great victory, the army of Islám marched forward to Ajmír, where it arrived at a fortunate moment and under an auspicious bird, and obtained so much booty and wealth, that you might have said that the secret depositories of the seas and hills had been revealed.”

Poetical description of fountains, gardens, birds, and flowers.— While the Sultán remained at Ajmír, “he destroyed the pillars and foundations of the idol temples, and built in their stead mosques and colleges, and the precepts of Islám, and the customs of the law were divulged and established.” The Ráí of Ajmír, who had managed to obtain his release, or at least, immunity from punishment, and whose “ancient hatred against the Musul-máns was deeply rooted and concealed in the bottom of his heart,” appears to have been detected in some intrigue, which is only very obscurely indicated, so that orders were issued for his death, and “the diamond-like sword severed the head of that abandoned wretch from his body.”

The Government of Ajmír conferred on the son of Ráí Pithaurá.²¹⁶

“The son of Ráí Pithaurá, in whose qualities and habits the proof of courage and the indexes of wisdom were apparent, and who, both abroad and at home, exhibited familiarity with rectitude, and prognostications of goodness, was appointed to the government of Ajmír.

* * * * *

The Conquest of Dehli.

After settling the affairs of Ajmír, the conqueror marched “towards Dehli (may God preserve its prosperity and perpetuate its splendour!) which is among the chief (mother) cities of Hind.” When he arrived at Dehli, he saw “a fortress which in height and strength had not its equal nor second throughout the length and breadth of the seven climes.” The army encamped around the fort. “A torrent of blood flowed on the field of battle, and it became evident to the chiefs that if they did not seek for safety from the sword of the king of the earth, and if they should deliver into the hands of Satan the time of option and the reins of good counsel, the condition of Dehli would be like that of Ajmír; so from the dread of kingly punishment, the Ráí and mukaddams of that country placed their heads upon the line of slavery, and their feet within the circle of obedience, and made firm the conditions of tribute (málguzárí) and the usages of service.”

The Sultán then returned “towards the capital of Ghazna (may God preserve it in prosperity!)” but “the army remained encamped within the boundary of Dehli, at the mauza of Indarpat (Indraprastha).”

The Government of Kohrám and Sámána.

The Government of the fort of Kohrám and of Sámána were made over by the Sultán to “Kutbu-d dín, on whose fortunate forehead the light of world-conquest shone conspicuous,” “and who by his lofty courage and pure faith without doubt was worthy of the kingdom and suitable for the throne of sovereignty; and by the aid of his sword of Yemen and dagger of India became established in independent power over the countries of Hind and Sind.” “He purged by his sword the land of Hind from the filth of infidelity and vice, and freed the whole of that country from the thorn of God-plurality, and the impurity of idol-worship, and by his royal vigour and intrepidity, left not one temple standing.” “He extinguished the flame of discord by the splendour of the light of justice, and the smoke of the darkness of oppression vanished from the face of the earth.”

The chiefs of the country around Kohrám came to pay their respects and acknowledge fealty, and he was so just and generous “that the name of Naushírwán and the tale of Hátim Táí were in course of oblivion.”

An assembly is commenced, a feast is held, and the sumptuous preparations described.—The merits of cup-bearers, wine, goblets, companions, flowers, hunting, horses, falcons, panthers, dogs, and huntsmen are poetically eulogized.

The flight of Jatwán and his²¹⁷

Death in Battle.

“When the honoured month of Ramazán, 588 H., the season of mercy and pardon, arrived, fresh intelligence was received at the auspicious Court, that the accursed Jatwán, having admitted the pride of Satan into his brain, and placed the cup of chieftainship and obstinacy upon his head, had raised his hand in fight against Nusratu-d dín, the Commander, under the fort of Hánsí, with an army animated by one spirit.”

Digressions upon spears, the heat of the season, night, the new moon, morning, and the sun.—Kutbu-d dín mounted his horse, and “marched during one night twelve parasangs.” “The accursed Jatwán, when he heard the news of the arrival of the victorious armies, felt himself compelled to depart from under the fort,” and fled. “The soldiers of Islám came up to the army of Hind on the borders of Bágar; and although Jatwán saw there was no chance of successful opposition in battle, yet as he saw destruction impending on him from the throat of the dragon, and the road for flight was blocked up, and the standards of the State and royal victory were unfurled, yielding to the necessity of the case, and not at his own option,” he prepared for fight, and “the noise of the hautbois and shells confounded the world, the thunder of the drums ascended to heaven, and the blast of the brazen clarions resembled the sounding trump (of resurrection.)”

The armies attacked each other “like two hills of steel, and the field of battle became tulip-dyed with the blood of the warriors.”—Poetical digression on swords, daggers, spears, and maces. —The Hindús were completely defeated, and their leader slain. “Jatwán, who was the essence of vice and turbulence, and the rod of infidelity and perverseness, the friend of grief, and the con-panion of shame, had his standards of God-plurality and ensigns of perdition lowered by the hand of power;” “and the dust of the field of battle was commingled with the blood of that God-abandoned wretch, and the whole couutry was washed from the filth of his idolatry.”—Praise of Kutbu-d dín's justice, encouragement of the learned, and his civil administration. Mention of the booty taken by the Musulmáns.—He marched to Hánsí, “and encamped there a few days, in order to repair the fort, and after that returned towards Kohrám, which acquired fresh beauty from his blessed feet.”

“The intelligence of this happy victory and these important incidents was divulged over the face of the world, and the noise of it spread to the countries of Hind and Sind, far and near, and proclamations announcing the victory of the chiefs of the State, and the defeat of the enemies of the kingdom were written and despatched to the capital of Ghazna, (may the Almighty preserve it in wealth and prosperity!)” and in them was added “that the foundation of all this success was the lofty courage and pure faith of his Majesty.”

The Capture of Mírat.

“When the chief luminary threw its shade in the sign of Libra, and temperate breezes began to blow, after putting to flight the army of heat,” Kutbu-d dín marched from Kohrám, “and when he arrived at Mírat—which is one of the celebrated forts of the country of Hind, for the strength of its foundations and superstructure, and its ditch, which was as broad as the ocean and fathomless—an army joined him, sent by the dependent chiefs of the country.” The fort was captured, and a Kotwál appointed to take up his station in the fort, and all the idol temples were converted into mosques.

Capture of Dehli.

He then marched and encamped under the fort of Dehli, which was also captured, “and the standards of the State were also carried into the neighbouring tracts. The conqueror entered the city of Dehli, which is the source of wealth and the foundation of blessedness.” The city and its vicinity was freed from idols and idol-worship, and in the sanctuaries of the images of the Gods, mosques were raised by the worshippers of one God.”

The Rebellion of Hiraj, Brother of the Ráí of Ajmír.

After Kutbu-d dín had settled affairs in this quarter, the chief Sadr, Kiwám-u-l mulk Rúhu-d-dín Hamza, sent him intelligence from Rantanbor, that Hiráj,²¹⁹ the brother of the Ráí of Ajmír, had gone into rebellion, and “had turned his face towards the siege of the fort of Rantanbor,” and that the son of Pitaurá, who had been advanced under the protection of the sublime Court, was in a state of extreme danger. On receiving this intelligence, Kutbu-d dín appointed the Amír Sábiku-l mulk Nasru-d dín” to take charge of the affairs of State during his absence, “a man who in knowledge of the rules and customs of government was superior to his contemporaries, and in resolution and courage was celebrated throughout Hind, far and near,” and himself departed for Rantanbor, “passing over hill and desert like a wild ass or an antelope.”

“When Hiráj heard of the arrival of the auspicious standards, knowing he could not contend with the army of Islám, and impelled by necessity, he placed the hands of weakness in the skirts of flight, and for fear of the blade of the scimetar fled like the wind with his resurrectionless army.” The conqueror then engaged himself in administering “the ways of justice, and received both high and low under the shadow of his benignity,” and the people were happy. “At this time the son of Ráí Pitaurá was favoured with a robe of honour and other kindnesses; and in return for this friendship, he sent abundant treasure for the service of the State, together with three golden melons, which with extreme ingenuity had been cast in moulds like the full moon.”

“About this time they wrote to the heavenly throne, that the Ráí who had fled from Dehli had raised an army of idolatrous, turbulent, and rebellious tribes, the vapour of pride and conquest having entered his thoughtless brain.” Kutbu-d dín pursued him, “and when the wretch was taken, his head was severed from his body and sent to Dehli, which had been his residence and capital.” Kutbu-d dín then himself returned to Dehli, and sent “written accounts of his capture of forts and strongholds, and his victories and holy wars” to Ghazna, to which capital he was invited to receive thanks in person from Mu'izzu-d dín Sám Ghorí. The invitation arrived when the sun was in Cancer, and the heat was so great as to prevent travelling, but he set out on his journey at the commencement of the rainy season.

Kutbu-d dín proceeds to Ghazna.

“When the fortunate stirrups reached the capital of Ghazna (may God shed splendour on it!), he enjoyed the happiness of kissing hands, and received other marks of special favour before the great throne, and in the degree of his rank was raised above all the other chiefs of the world.” A festival was held in celebration of his arrival, “and splendid jewels, and valuable clothes, and costly arms, and slaves of great price” were presented to the king.

Kutbu-d dín was accommodated in the garden of the minister Zíáu-l mulk.—Here follow poetical descriptions, of horses, ice, apples, citrons, oranges, cold, wind, and fire.—On the return of the hot season he was taken ill, and “removed from the residence of the minister to the palace of the sovereign, which is the seat of prosperity; but on account of his illness and want of strength, he could not rejoice in his heart with the festivities.” On his recovery, he took his leave of the king, and received a patent conferring upon him the government (of Hindustán) “and every one of the principal officers of his army was rejoiced exceedingly, at receiving from his Majesty suitable presents and promotion of rank.”

On his arrival at Karmán²²¹ from the great capital, Táju-d dín Yalduz received him with great kindness and honour, and gave him his daughter in marriage, and a fête was held on the occasion.—Poetical descriptions follow, of stars, female beauty, cupbearers, curls, cheeks, eyes, lips, mouths, stature, elegance, cups, wine, singers, guitars, barbats, trumpets, flutes, drums, on the morning, and the sun.

Kutbu-d dín returns to Dehli.

When he arrived at Dehli, “which is the capital of the kingdom, and the centre of God's aid and victory, the crown and throne of sovereignty received honour and adornment in his kingly person,” “and the lords of the sword and pen hastened to pay their respects at the magnificent Court, and observed the usages of benediction and praise; while the city and its vicinity rejoiced and was decorated like the garden of Iram, and the gates and walls were adorned with the gold tissues of Chín and the brocades of Rúm,” “and triumphal arches were raised, beautiful to look at, the top of which a strong-winged bird could not surmount, and the glittering of the lightning of the swords and the splendour of the arms, which were suspended on all sides of them, inspired terror in the spirit of the beholder.”

Rhapsody upon spring and birds.—Kutbu-d dín built the Jámi' Masjid at Dehli, and “adorned it with the stones and gold obtained from the temples which had been demolished by elephants,” and covered it with “inscriptions in Toghra, containing the divine commands.”

Kutbu-d dín advances to Kol.

After staying sometime at Dehli, he marched in the year 590 H. (1194 A.D.), towards Kol and Benares, passing the Jún (Jumna) “which, from its exceeding purity, resembled a mirror.” He took Kol, “which is one of the most celebrated fortresses of Hind.” Those of the garrison “who were wise and acute were converted to Islám,” but those who stood by their ancient faith were slain with the sword. “The nobles and chiefs of the State entered the fort, and carried off much treasure and countless plunder, including one thousand horses.”

There intelligence was received of the march of Muhammad Ghorí from Ghazna; Kutbu-d dín advanced to meet him, “and had the honor of kissing hands, which is the highest of glories, and the essence of miracles, and presented an elephant laden with white silver and red gold,” “and an hundred horses,” “and sundry kinds of perfumes.”

Fight with the Ráí of Benares and Capture of Ásní.

When the army was mustered, it was found to amount to “fifty thousand mounted men clad in armour and coats of mail,” with which they advanced to fight against the Ráí of Benares. The king ordered Kutbu-d dín to proceed with the vanguard, consisting of one thousand cavalry, which fell upon “the army of the enemies of religion,” and completely defeated it. On its return to the king, the officers were presented with robes of honour.

“The Ráí of Benares, Jai Chand, the chief of idolatry and perdition, advanced to oppose the royal troops with an army, countless as the particles of sand,” “and the noise of the war-drum proclaimed to the ears of the worshippers of one God, aid comes from the Almighty, and the sound of the silver kettle-drum and the blast of the brazen trumpets resounded to heaven.” Rhapsodical description of swords, spears, war-nooses, and archers. “The Ráí of Benares, who prided himself on the number of his forces and war elephants,” seated on a lofty howdah, received a deadly wound from an arrow, and “fell from his exalted seat to the earth.” His head was carried on the point of a spear to the commander, and “his body was thrown to the dust of contempt.” “The impurities of idolatry were purged by the water of the sword from that land, and the country of Hind was freed from vice and superstition.”

“Immense booty was obtained, such as the eye of the beholder would be weary to look at,” including one (some copies say three) hundred elephants. The royal army then took possession “of the fort of Ásní where the treasure of the Ráí was deposited,” and there much more precious spoil of all kinds rewarded the victors.

The Capture of Benares.

From that place the royal army proceeded towards Benares, “which is the centre of the country of Hind,” and here they destroyed nearly one thousand temples, and raised mosques on their foundations; and the knowledge of the law became promulgated, and the foundations of religion were established;” “and the face of the dínár and the diram was adorned with the name and blessed titles” of the king. The Ráís and chiefs of Hind came forward to proffer their allegiance. “The government of that country was then bestowed on one of the most celebrated and exalted servants of the State,” in order that he might distribute justice and repress idolatry.

When the king had settled all the affairs of the city and its vicinity, and “the record of his celebrated holy wars had been written in histories and circulated throughout the breadth of the fourth inhabited quarter of the world,” he returned to Ghazna. “The standards of the Khusrú, victorious in battle,²²⁴ were planted for some days on the fort of Ásní, and the chiefs and elders all around hastened to his service with various kinds of rarities and presents, and his noble Court became the scene where the princes and generals of the world came to bow their heads in reverence.”

There was a certain tribe in the neighbourhood of Kol, which “after the manner of fox playing with lions” had occasioned much trouble by their deceits and stratagems, therefore “by the edge of the sword they were despatched to the fire of hell.” “Three bastions were raised as high as heaven with their heads, and their carcases became the food of beasts of prey.” “That tract was freed from idols and idol worship, and the foundations of infidelity were destroyed,” and all those who were oppressed found protection under the shadow of royal clemency.” “The keys of command and prohibition in the kasba of Kol were given to Maliku-l Umará Hisámu-d dín 'Ulbak, one of the chief pillars of the State.” Here follows a didactic passage on what he was expected to do as a good governor.

He returns to Dehli.

“When he was at complete leisure from the important concerns of Kol, and the affairs of that neighbourhood had been adjusted by the aid of the kindness of his heart, he turned his face towards the abodes of Dehli, the altar of the prosperity of the worlds,” and when he arrived there he administered justice with so much impartiality, that among other results “the wolf and sheep drank water out of the same pond,” “and the very mention of thieves and theft, which had before been current on the tongues of every one, fell to the dust.”

The Second Visit to Ajmír.

“In the year 589 H. (1193 A.D.) they represented to the Court that Hiráj, the Ráí of Ajmír, having raised the standards of perdition, and fanned the flame of idolatry in his heart, had opened the road of rebellion which he had hitherto closed by his deceit, and that from being exceedingly forsaken by God, he had delivered the reins of vanity into the hands of Satan, and having conceived the ladders of grandeur in his brain, had become proud.” “Jíhtar,²²⁵ supported by an army, hastened to the borders of Dehli, and the people were suddenly caught in the darkness of his oppression aud turbulence, and the blood and property of the Musulmáns fell into danger and destruction. When the mention of these circumstances was made to the blessed ear of the Khusrú, in a moment of courage and royal determination, he employed himself in the punishment and extinction of the rebel.” “He ordered that a portion of his victorious army should be set apart and equipped for his personal service, and that the rest of his army should be detached to the frontiers for the subjection of the accursed, and the destruction of the enemies of the state and religion.” Kutbu-d dín marched towards Ajmír in the middle of the hot season, “when the armour on the bodies of the valiant was inflamed by the heat of the sun, and the sword in the scabbard melted like wax,” so that he was compelled to make night marches.

“When Jíhtar heard of the approach of the victorious standards, the blackness of sorrow was fixed in his breast,” and “knowing that he had not power to oppose them on the field of battle, he tightened the girths of the horse of flight, and sped like the wind out of the net of danger, and arrived at the shore of safety from the whirlpool of destruction, and from fear of the Khusrú's sword drew his head within the four walls of that strong fortress of Ajmír, like a tortoise,” where, in despair, he sacrificed himself in the flames of a pyre, after which the fort, “which was one of the most celebrated in Hind,” was easily taken. “The country of Ajmír was restored to the honours of the ancient time and the dignities of its past days, for the circumstances of that province had altogether departed from their former course to which they now reverted,” “religion was reestablished,” “the road of rebellion was closed,” “infidelity was cut off, and the foundations of idol-worship were utterly destroyed.” The roads were freed from the fear and danger of robbers, and the oppressed subjects were delivered from their distresses.” “The blessed lamp was visited by Ráís and Ránas, and the earth was rubbed by the foreheads of the chiefs and celebrated men of Hind.” After settling the affairs of Ajmír, Kutbu-d dín returned to Dehli.

Arrival of Sultán Muhammad Ghorí in Hindustán.

When Kutbu-d dín heard of the Sultán's march from Ghazna, he was much rejoiced, and advanced as far as Hánsí to meet him, and “had the honour of kissing hands, and being distinguished above all the princes of the earth by the endless favours which were lavished on him.” In the year 592, H. (1196 A.D.), they marched towards Thangar,²²⁶ and the centre of idolatry and perdition became the abode of glory and splendour, and when the ropes of the royal tent were raised to heaven, the neighbourhood was tinged with an hundred hues by the varied coloured tents which were erected round that fortress, which resembled a hill of iron.” “By the aid of God, and by the means of courage and the daily increasing prosperity of the king, that strong castle was taken, which had hitherto remained closed to all the sovereigns and princes of the world.”

“Kuwar Pál,²²⁷ the Ráí of Thangar, who had prided himself on the numbers of his army and the strength of his castle, when he saw the power of the army opposed to him, fear invaded his breast, and he begged for safety for his life, and, like a slave, kissed the face of the earth with the very roots of his teeth.” Upon which he was pardoned and admitted into favour, and, though with the loss of his kingdom, was content that his life was left to him.” “The Musulmáns, and harbís, and zimmís entered into conditions for paying revenue. The country was purified from the defilement of infidelity, and no opportunity remained for opposition and rebellion.”

“The government of Thangar was conferred on Baháu-d dín Tughril,” “who was acquainted with matters of administration, and the customs of setting soldiers in array,” and who received advice and instruction from his majesty how to comport himself properly in his new appointment.

The Capture of Gwálíár.

When the affairs of this tract was settled, the royal army marched, in the year 592 H., (1196 A.D.) “towards Gálewár (Gwáliár), and invested that fort, which is the pearl of the necklace of the castles of Hind, the summit of which the nimble-footed wind from below cannot reach, and on the bastion of which the rapid clouds have never cast their shade, and which the swift imagination has never surmounted, and at the height of which the celestial sphere is dazzled.”—Description of swords and other military weapons.—“In compliance with the divine injunction of holy war, they drew out the bloodthirsty sword before the faces of the enemies of religion. That sword was coloured of cærulean blue, which from its blazing lustre resembled a hundred thousand Venuses and Pleiades, and it was a well-tempered horse-shoe of fire, which with its wound exhibited the peculiarity of lightning and thunder; and in the perfect weapon the extreme of sharpness lay hid, like (poison in) the fangs of a serpent; and (the water of the blade) looked like ants creeping on the surface of a diamond;” and so forth.

“Ráí Solankh Pál who had raised the standard of infidelity, and perdition, and prided himself on his countless army and elephants, and who expanded the fist²²⁸ of oppression from the hiding place of deceit, and who had lighted the flame of turbulence and rebellion, and who had fixed the root of sedition and enmity firm in his heart, and in the courtyard of whose breast the shrub of tyranny and commotion had shot forth its branches, when he saw the power and majesty of the army of Islám,” he became alarmed and dispirited. “Wherever he looked, he saw the road of flight blocked up.” He therefore “sued for pardon, and placed the ring of servitude in his ear,” and agreed to pay tribute, and sent ten elephants as a peace offering, in which he was graciously admitted to protection, and was allowed to retain his fort. “When the neighbouring country was freed from the enemies of religion, and the Ráí of Hind became enrolled amongst the number of servants and friends,” the Sultán prepared to return to Ghazna, and Kutbu-d dín, after his departure, returned to Dehli, where festivities were celebrated on his arrival.—Praise of wine-bibbing and cup-bearers.

The Conquest of Nahrwála, and the Flight of the Ráí.

In the year 591 H. (1195 A.D.), when Kutbu-d dín was again at Ajmír, intelligence was brought him that a party of seditious Mhers, “who were always shooting the arrow of deceit from the bow of refractoriness,” had sent spies and messengers towards Nahrwála, representing that a detachment of the army of the Turks had arrived at Ajmír, of no great strength and numbers, and that if from that quarter a force could be immediately sent to join them, before the enemy could find the opportunity of putting themselves in a state of preparation, they could make a sudden night attack upon them, and might rid the country of them, and if anyone of the Turkish army were to escape from the talons of the eagle of death, he must necessarily take the road of flight, and with his two horses would make three stages into one, until he reached Dehli in a state of distraction.”

When this treacherous plan was revealed, Kutbu-d dín determined to anticipate it, and during the height of the hot season “before the sun arose, fell upon the advance guard of the black infidels, and like lions attacked them right and left.” The action lasted during the whole day, and next morning that immense army of Nahrwála came to the assistance of the vanguard, slew many of the Musulmáns, wounded their commander, pursued them to Ajmír, and encamped within one parasang of that place.

In this predicament, a confidential messenger was sent to Ghazna²²⁹ “to explain before the sublime throne the position of the army of the infidels, and to ask for orders as to future proceedings.” “A royal edict was issued conferring all kinds of honours and kindnesses upon the Khusrú, and leaving to his entire discretion the subjection and extirpation of the turbulent.” A very large army was despatched to reinforce him, under the command of Jahán Pahlawán, Asadu-d dín Arslán Kalij, Nasíru-d dín Husain, 'Izzu-d dín son of Muwaiyidu-d dín Balkh, and Sharfu-d dín Muhammad Jarah.” These reinforcements arrived at the beginning of the cold season, when “the vanguard of the army of winter began to draw its sword from the scabbard, and the season of collecting armies and the time of making raids had returned.”

“In the middle of the month of Safar, 593 H. (Jan., 1197), the world-conquering Khusrú departed from Ajmír, and with every description of force turned his face towards the annihilation of the Ráí of Nahrwála.” When he reached the lofty forts of Pálí and Nandúl,^229a he found them abandoned, and the abode of owls, for the people had fled at the approach of the Musulmáns, and had collected under their leaders Ráí Karan and Dárábars, in great numbers “at the foot of Mount Ábú, and at the mouth of a pass stood ready for fight and slaughter.” The Musulmáns did not dare to attack them in that strong position, especially as in that very place Sultán Muhammad Sám Ghorí had been wounded, and it was considered of bad omen to bring on another action there, lest a similar accident might occur to the commander. The Hindús seeing this hesitation, and misconstruing it into cowardice and alarm, abandoning the pass, “turned their faces towards the field of battle and the plain of honour and renown;” for “they were persuaded that fear had established itself in the hearts of the protectors of the sacred enclosure of religion.” “The two armies stood face to face for some time, engaged in preparations for fight, and on the night preceding Sunday, the 13th of Rabí'u-l awwal, in a fortunate moment the army of Islám advanced from its camp, and at morn reached the position of the infidels.” A severe action ensued from dawn to mid-day, when “the army of idolatry and damnation turned its back in flight from the line of battle. Most of their leaders were taken prisoners, and nearly fifty thousand infidels were despatched to hell by the sword, and from the heaps of the slain, the hills and the plains became of one level.” Ráí Karan effected his escape from the field. “More than twenty thousand slaves, and twenty elephants, and cattle and arms beyond all calculation, fell into the hands of the victors.” “You would have thought that the treasures of the kings of all the inhabited world had come into their possession.”

“The city of Nahrwála, which is the most celebrated in that country, full of rivers,” and the kingdom of Gujarát, which is “a separate region of the world,” came under the dominion of the Musulmáns, “and high and low were treated with royal benignity and justice.” “The chief nobles and pillars of the State were favoured with handsome robes of honour, and received abundant proofs of royal kindness,” then “the standards of the Khusrú, victorious in battle, returned to Ajmír,” whence they were moved towards Dehli, where they arrived at an auspicious moment. As an earnest of his regard and respect, Kutbu-d dín sent to Ghazna treasures and various rarities, which were received by his majesty with suitable acknowledgments of the value and splendour of his general's services.

Capture of the Fort of Kálinjar.

In the year 599 H. (1202 A.D.), Kutbu-d dín proceeded to the investment of Kálinjar, on which expedition he was accompanied by the Sáhib-Kirán, Shamsu-d dín Altamsh. Encomiums on both warriors follow through several pages. “The accursed Parmár,” the Ráí of Kálinjar, fled into the fort after a desperate resistance in the field, and afterwards surrendered himself, and “placed the collar of subjection” round his neck, and, on his promise of allegiance, was admitted to the same favours as his ancestor had experienced from Mahmúd Subuktigín, and engaged to make a payment of tribute and elephants, but he died a natural death before he could execute any of his engagements. His Díwán, or Mahtea, by name Aj Deo, was not disposed to surrender so easily as his master, and gave his enemies much trouble, until he was compelled to capitulate, in consequence of severe drought having dried up all the reservoirs of water in the forts. “On Monday, the 20th of Rajab, the garrison, in an extreme state of weakness and distraction, came out of the fort, and by compulsion left their native place empty,” “and the fort of Kálinjar which was celebrated throughout the world for being as strong as the wall of Alexander” was taken. “The temples were converted into mosques and abodes of goodness, and the ejaculations of the bead-counters and the voices of the summoners to prayer ascended to the highest heaven, and the very name of idolatry was annihilated.” “Fifty thousand men came under the collar of slavery, and the plain became black as pitch with Hindús.” Elephants and cattle, and countless arms also, became the spoil of the victors.

“The reins of victory were then directed towards Mahobá, and the government of Kálinjar was conferred on Hazabbaru-d dín Hasan Arnal. When Kutbu-d dín was satisfied with all the arrangements made in that quarter, he went towards Badáún,²³² “which is one of the mothers of cities, and one of the chiefest of the country of Hind.”

Shortly afterwards, “Ikhtiyáru-d dín Muhammad Bakh-tiyár, one of the chief supports of the State, the splendour of Islám, and celebrated throughout Hind for his religious wars, joined the auspicious stirrups and came to pay his respects from the direction of Oudh and Behár.” “He presented twenty elephants and various kinds of jewels and moneys.” “He was received with royal kindness and beneficence, and he was exalted above the leaders of the time;” and when he took his audience of leave, the blessed commands, investing him with authority, were renewed and augmented, and a tent, a naubat, a drum, a standard, and magnificent robe of honour, a horse and trappings, a waistband, sword, and a vest from the private wardrobe were conferred upon him.”

“In a fortunate moment, and under an auspicious bird, the blessed standards were waved, and directed towards Dehli, the capital of prosperity and the altar of excellence.”—Rhapsody on Kutbu-d dín's justice.

When the sublime standards were returning in the year 600 H. (1203 A.D.) from the capital of Khwárizm, the army of Khitá (God's curse on it!) made an attack upon them, while on their march within the borders of Andkhúd, in numbers exceeding the stars of heaven and the particles of the earth, and the great king, wounded and defeated, fled from the field of hatred towards Ghazna.”

“Aibak Bák, one of the most confidential servants of the State, an officer of high rank in the army, who had been brought up in the royal court, fled from the field of battle, and carried away the impression that by heavenly visitation, the blessed person of the king had met with a misfortune and been slain. He fled with the speed of the wind to Multán, and, on his arrival, went immediately to Amír Dád Hasan, the lord of a standard, and deceit fully persuaded him that he had come for the purpose of imparting to him a royal command, which could only be communicated to him in private, and should not be publicly divulged.” When the private conference was accorded to him, he took the opportunity of assassinating the governor, and so got possession of the fort of Multán. “For a long time the truth of the matter was not revealed, and a report was spread to the effect that the governor had been imprisoned by the royal commands. After some delay, the various servants and officers of the Province became aware of what had really happened, and the intelligence of the true circumstances was spread throughout the far and near countries of Hind and Sind. Upon this, the tribe of Kokars (Gakkhurs) (God annihilate them!) said that from any one who had the least knowledge and sense, it could not be concealed that if the sacred person of the Sultán had been alive, the like of these transactions could never have been done by Aibak Bák, and that therefore the great king had exchanged his throne of empire for one of dust, and had departed from the house of mortality to the world of holiness. In consequence of these impressions, seditious thoughts entered the brains of the Hindús, and the madness of independence and dominion affected the heads of Bakan and Sarkí, the chiefs of the Kokars, who thrust their heads out of the collar of obedience, and opened their hands for the destruction of villages and the plunder of cattle, and kindled the flames of turbulence and sedition between the waters of the Sodra²³⁴ and the Jelam, by the aid of a crowd of the dependants of Satan.” “When their ravages had exceeded all bounds, Baháu-d dín Muhammad, governor of Sangwán, with his brothers, who held lands (aktá') within the borders of Multán, accompanied by many of the chief people of the city, marched out against them, determined to repress the violence of those accursed rebels and enemies of the State and religion; but many of them were captured or slain by the exertions of the army of the infidels, in number like the drops of rain or leaves of the forest. Their power consequently increased day by day, and a general named Sulaimán was obliged to fly before the superior numbers of the enemy.” When these circumstances were reported to Muhammad Ghorí, he determined on proceeding to the scene of action, and sent on the Amír Hájib, Siráju-d dín Abú Bakr, one of his confidential servants, to inform Kutbu-d dín of his intentions. In consequence of which, Kutbu-d dín advanced to meet his Majesty, at the opening of the cold season. “At every stage intelligence reached him from the royal camp, urging his advance, and informing him that the blood-thirsty sword would be sheathed, and the camp would halt, and that no measures would be taken to exterminate the infidels, until he had passed the river (Chináb) which intervened between his and the royal camp.”

“Near the river of Sodra, Kutbu-d dín killed four fierce tigers, at the roaring of which the heart was appalled,” and on the day after crossing that river, he joined the camp of the king on the bank of the Jelam, and was received with royal kindness. “They mounted their horses and swam them like fish across the Jelam,” “and on the bank of the river entered on their plans for the approaching action, and arranged all the preparations for fight, after joining together in consultation.” Kutbu-d dín suggested that it was not right for the king to expose his person against such enemies, and suggested that the command of the Musulmán army should be entrusted to himself alone; but the persuasion of his general seem to have had no effect upon the resolution of the Sultán.—Description of the battle near the ford of the Jelam, the waves of which were filled with blood, and in which “the armies of infidelity and true faith commingled together like waves of the sea, and contended with each other like night and day, or light and darkness.” Shamsu-d dín was also engaged in this fight.—Extravaganzas upon spears and other weapons, and upon war-horses.

The Kokars were completely defeated, and, “in that country there remained not an inhabitant to light a fire.” “Much spoil in slaves and weapons, beyond all enumeration, fell into the possession of the victors.” One of the sons of the Kokar Ráí, the chief instigator of these hostilities, rushed into the river with “a detachment of his Satanical followers, and fled with one horse from the field of battle to a fort on the hill of Júd, and having escaped the sword, threw into it the last breathings of a dying man.” The next day, Muhammad Sám advanced towards the hill of Júd, when the action was renewed, which ended in the capture of the fortress, “and the Hindús like a torrent descended from the top of the hill to the bottom.” “The Ráí of the hill of Júd, putting on the robes of a Brahman, presented himself like a slave, and kissed the face of the earth before the Sultán,” by whom he was admitted to pardon. Immense booty was taken in the fort.

The Sultán then advanced to Lahore, accompanied by Kutbu-d dín and the chief officers of State, and on Kutbu-d dín's taking his audience of leave, before his return to Dehli, he received a dress of honour and an affectionate farewell.

Death of the Sultán of Sultáns, Muhammad Sám.

On the king's return from Lahore towards Ghazní, he had fixed his camp “within the borders of Dhamek, and his tent was pitched on the bank of a pure stream in a garden filled with lilies, jasmins,” and other flowers. Here while he was engaged in his evening prayer, “some impious men (God's curse and destruction on them!) came running like the wind towards his majesty, the king of the world, and on the spot killed three armed attendants and two chamber sweepers. They then surrounded the king's own tent, and one or two men out of these three or four conspirators, ran up towards the king, and inflicted five or six desperate wounds upon the lord of the seven climes, and his spirit flew above the eight paradises and the battlements of the nine heavens, and joined those of the ten evangelists.”

A long elegy follows upon his death. His body was carried to Ghazna. “When this dreadful intelligence was conveyed to the lion-hearted Khusrú,” he was deeply distressed, and, “when he was alone, streams of blood coursed down the face of his cheeks.”

“For the consolation and satisfaction of the distant provinces, the auspicious mandates were issued to the different quarters of both sea and land,” and the nobles and dependants of the Court came forward to offer their allegiance, and “the carpet of his audience-chamber was kissed by the Ráís of Hind and the Khusrús of Chín.” “The keys of direction and prohibition in the capital of Ghazna fell into the hands of his officers, after the flight of Táju-d dín Yalduz, and the whole country of Hind, from Pershaur to the shores of the ocean, and in the other direction, from Siwistán to the borders of the hills of Chín, came into the power of his servants and under the dominion of the executors of his orders.” “The public prayers and coinage of dínárs and dirhams thoughout the whole country, full of rivers, received honour and embellishment from his name and royal titles,” and Lohúr, where the throne of Sultáns had been established, and which was the altar of the good and pious, became the capital.” “By his orders, the precepts of Islám received great promulgation, and the sun of righteousness cast its shadow on the countries of Hind from the heaven of God's assistance.” —Happy results of the king's mercy and justice.

Death of the Sultán of Sultáns “by a fall from his horse while playing the game of chaugán, and his burial at Lahore,” like a treasure in the bowels of the earth.—An elegy upon his death.

Accession of Shamsu-d dín.

“In the year 607 H. (1210 A.D.), the throne of the kingdoms of Hindustán received honour and embellishment from Shamsu-d dín wau-d dunyá the Emperor of Turk and 'Ajam, Abú-l Muzaffar Altamsh.”

Revolt of the Turks in the City of Dehli.

“Sirjándár Turkí, who was the leader of all sedition, and who opened his hand to shed the blood of Musulmáns, with an army of bloodthirsty Turks broke out into open rebellion. Although the Sultán was frequently requested to repress their violence, he “refrained for several days” from doing so. At last, he determined to oppose them with a large army, headed “by the chiefs of the time, such as 'Izzu-d dín Bakhtiyár, Nasíru-d dín Mardán Sháh, Hazabbaru-d dín Ahmad Súr, and Iftikháru-d dín Muhammad 'Umar, all valiant warriors.”

“This army, assaulting like fire and moving like the wind, was drawn out in battle array like a hill of iron, near the Bágh-i Jún (the Jamna Garden).”—Hyperboles on battle, arms, and slaughter.

Aksankar Kitta and Táju-d dín Farrukh Sháh were slain in battle, but Sirjándár Turkí “threw himself into the waters of the Jún, took to flight like a fox in fear of a lion, and departed by the way of river and hill like a crocodile and a leopard, and, starting and trembling, concealed himself in the jungles and forests, like a sword in a scabbard, or a pen in a writing-box,” and all their followers were either killed or dispersed.

Capture of Jálor.

After some time, they represented to his Majesty that the inhabitants of the fort of Jálewar (Jálor) had determined to revenge the blood which had been shed, “and once or twice mention of the evil deeds and improprieties of that people was made before the sublime throne. Shamsu-d dín accordingly assembled a large army, and headed by “a number of the pillars of the State, such as Ruknu-d dín Hamza, 'Izzu-d dín Bakhtiyár Nasíru-d dín Mardán Sháh, Nasíru-d dín 'Alí and Badru-d dín Saukartigín,” valiant men and skilful archers, “who could in a dark night hit with their arrows the mirror²³⁸ on the forehead of an elephant.” “The king took his way towards Jálewar by the aid of God,” “and by reason of the scantiness of water and food it was a matter of danger to traverse that desert, where one might have thought that nothing but the face of demons and sprites could be seen, and the means of escape from it were not even written on the tablet of providential design.”

“Udí Sah, the accursed, took to the four walls of Jálewar, an exceedingly strong fortress, the gates of which had never been opened by any conqueror.” When the place was invested by Shamsu-d dín, Udí Sah requested some of the chiefs of the royal army to intercede for his forgiveness. While the terms of his surrender were under consideration, two or three of the bastions of his fort were demolished. He came, “with his head and feet naked, and placed his forehead on the earth” and was received with favour. The Sultán granted him his life, and restored his fortress, and in return the Ráí presented respectfully an hundred camels and twenty horses, in the name of tribute and after the custom of service.” The Sultán then returned to Dehli, “which is the capital of prosperity and the palace of glory,” and after his arrival, “not a vestige or name remained of the idol temples which had reared their heads on high; and the light of faith shone out from the darkness of infidelity, like the sun from a curtain of sorrow, or after its emerging from an eclipse,²³⁹ and threw its shade over the provinces of Hind and Sind, the far and near countries of idolatry; and the moon of religion and the State became resplendent from the heaven of prosperity and glory.”—Praise of Islám, justice and courage.

Defeat of the army of Ghazna, and seizure of Táju-d dín Yalduz.

“When the beautiful Canopus arose, and the vanguard of winter put the centre of the army of summer to flight,” it entered into the royal determination “to destroy some tribe of the accursed infidels, or to move the auspicious standards for the purpose of capturing some city in the land of Hind.” “In the midst of these reflections, messengers arrived frequently from Táju-d dín, who had admitted into his brain the wind of pride and the arrogance of dominion,” charged with the delivery of ridiculous propositions, which the Sultán was incensed to listen to. Shamsu-d dín resolved to oppose his pretensions by force, and advanced with a large army to Sámánd, which he reached on Monday, the 3rd of Shawwál, 612 H. (Jan., 1216), and on his arrival was attacked by the advanced guard of Malik Táju-d dín. During the action, the enemy suddenly came up towards the left wing of the auxiliaries of the faith, and desired to raise up a disturbance with their “watered blades, and to practice their deceits after the manner of of foxes playing with lions, and with the absurd idea that they could thus take the countries of Hind and Sind.”—Then follows a description of the battle, which is described in terms peculiar to chess, with the introduction of hyperboles upon swords, dirks, maces, war-nooses, horsemen, horse-archers, arrows, spears, elements, justice, and stars.—Táju-d dín was wounded by an arrow shot by Muwaiyidu-l Mulk, and was subsequently taken prisoner and brought before Shamsu-d dín.

The Flight of Násiru-d dín and Conquest of Lahore.

“After some time, the great lord Muwaiyidu-l Mulk Muhammad Junaidí was appointed Wazír.”—Encomium on his merits.—It was represented to his Majesty, that Malik Násiru-d dín “had placed his former engagements under the water of forgetfulness,” “and that in the receipts and disbursements of the account of his tribute he had incurred debt and balance,” “and that all the excellent advice that was offered to him was valued as so much dirt.” His Majesty accordingly, in a fortunate moment, marched in the beginning of Jumáda-l ákhir from Dehli, “may God protect it! (for its water and soil have always been mild and favourable to various temperaments, and its fire and wind have at all times been suitable and agreeable to the disposition of everybody.”) He marched with a large army towards the country of Lohúr, of which when the enemy became aware “they began to be greatly agitated like fish upon dry land, and like water-fowl sought protection from the waters of the Biyáh,” “on the banks of which stream they encamped with an army innumerable as ants and locusts.”

“On the fourteenth of the month of Shawwál, the victorious standards advanced with the whole army in battle array, from the borders of Lorúh to the ford at the village of Chamba.” “Wind-footed they swam across the river, in comparison of which the Oxus and Jaxartes looked like a fountain.”

When Násiru-d dín “saw the victorious army cross that foaming stream without the aid and means of boats,” he fled in alarm, “turning his face from the battle and slaughter” towards Lohúr, whither he was pursued by the victorious army” which could not see a trace of the dust raised by their swift-flying horses.”—His standards, drums, and camp equipage, besides immense booty, fell into the hands of the Royalists. The defeated general afterwards continued his flight “by the road of Úch.”

Shamsu-d dín arrived at Lohúr, “which is among the mothers of the countries of religion, and among the chiefs of the provinces of Islám, and the abode and repose of the excellent and pious, and which for some days, on account of a number of calamities, and changes of governors, and the sedition of rebels, had been distracted by the flames of turbulence and opposition, and was now again reduced to order by the breath of the zephyr of his justice.” The captives who were taken in battle were pardoned, and after writing accounts of the victory and despatching them in various directions, Shamsu-d dín returned to Dehli.

Prince Násiru-d dín appointed Governor of Lahore.

In the beginning of 614 H. (1217 A.D.), the government of Lohúr was committed to the king's son, Násiru-d dín Mahmúd, and the advice which was given to him as to the mode of conducting his administration is given at length.—Description of festivities, with a repetition of rhetorical flourishes about beauties, cups, goblets, stars, locks, mouths, singers, companions, horses, hawks, dogs, tigers, horses, arrows, forts, and the game of chaugán, at which the king recreates himself.

The Capture of Bhakkar.

This portion of the work opens with praise of God and king, upon whom Almighty favours are showered, as is testified by his conquest of Kálewar (Gwalior), Rantanbhor, and Mandúr,²⁴¹ Kanauj, Behár, and Bárah, and his subjection of powerful Ráís, and by his spreading the knowledge of Islám as far as the ocean; and amongst other arrangements made by which good government was secured, “an account of the proceedings of the king was written according to dates so as to form a model for the kings and Sultáns.” The forts of Úch Multán “which were stronger than the wall of Alexander” were also taken “in a manner which astonished the world,” and while he was engaged in these conquests, it was reported to the king that Malik Násiru-d dín Kubácha, who was proud and arrogant, and “who regarded in his cruelty and unkindness the people of God as less than rubbish,” “and out of his own pleasure and drunkenness would roast even hearts and draw tears of blood from the eyes,” had fortified himself within the strong fort of Bhakkar, “the eye of the forts and the face of the kingdom of Hind,” “and which had not been taken by any Khusrú,” and in which were deposited immense treasures.

Upon receiving this information, Shamsu-d dín despatched his minister Khwája-i Jahán Nizámu-l Mulk Muhammad Junaidí with a large army to Bhakkar, in the very height of the hot weather. Part of the army marched by land “a difficult road through the jungles,” and part went by water. After the fort was invested, and the enemy was reduced to extremities, Násiru-d dín despatched his son 'Aláu-d dín Muhammad to Shamsu-d dín with an hundred lacs of Dehliwáls,²⁴² and thousands of suits of clothes. The Sultán received him kindly, but would not allow him to return, in consequence of which, Násiru-d dín became much alarmed and ill, “and his head was bowed down to his knees like a violet, with his eyes of expectation open like a narcissus,” and he “wailed like Jacob for the absence of Joseph.”

Násiru-d dín shortly after died of grief, “and the boat of his life was drowned in the whirlpool of death,” “though he left behind him nearly a thousand boats” which could render no service to him.^242a The result of his death was that “more than five hundred lacs of Dehliwáls, various kinds of inlaid articles and jewels, and pearls exceeding white, and costly garments were deposited in the royal treasury of Shamsu-d dín,” and possession was also taken of “twelve celebrated forts, which had never been before captured,” “and Siwistán and Lúk (Lakkí) as far as the shores of the sea;” “and the coinage was struck, and the prayers read in his auspicious name throughout all the countries of Hindústán and the provinces of Kusdár and Makrán.” He returned to Dehli on the 14th of Rabí'u-l awwal, 624 H.

Arrival of a dress of investiture from the 'Abbásí Khalífa.

After some time a dress of honour was received from the Imám Mustansirbi-llah by the Sultán at Dehli, accompanied by a diploma confirming him in the kingdom of Hindústán, with the title of the great Sultán. He received the diploma with deep respect, and appointed the following day, namely the 23rd Rabí'u-l awwal, 626 H. (Feb. 1229 A.D.) for a general assembly, in which the farmán was read out in the presence of the King, the princes, and nobles. It declared that he was confirmed in the possession “of all the land and sea which he had conquered.” Robes were bestowed upon the ambassadors, the chiefs, and nobles, in honour of the event, and great joy prevailed upon the occasion throughout the capital.