History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 2

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VI.

KÁMILU-T TAWÁRÍKH
OF
IBN ASÍR.

[Called also by the author Kámil fí-t Táríkh. It is also known to Persian writers as Táríkh-i Kámil. The author of this celebrated general history was Shaikh Abú-l Hasan 'Alí Ibn Abú-l Karam Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn 'Abdu-l Karím ibn 'Abdul-l Wáhid as Shaibání. He was surnamed “'Izzu-d dín; majesty of religion,” but he is commonly known as Ibn Asír (or Athír according to Arabic pronunciation). He was born in the year 555 H. (1160) in the Jazírat ibn 'Umar, an island of the Tigris above Mosul, and hence the epithet “al Jazarí, the islander,” is frequently added to his name. Ibn Khallikán, who was personally acquainted with him, says that he studied first at Mosul and afterwards at Baghdad, in Syria, and at Jerusalem. Returning to Mosul he devoted himself most assiduously to literary pursuits, and his house became the resort of all the learned men who inhabited or visited that town. Ibn Khallikán met him at Aleppo in 626 H., 1229 A.D., and describes him as “a man of the highest accomplishments and most excellent qualities, but extremely modest.” He speaks of him fondly in another place as “Our Shaikh, Ibn Asír,” and of his accomplishments he says “His knowledge of the traditions and his acquaintance with that science in its various branches placed him in the first rank, and his learning as an historian of the ancients and moderns was not less extensive; he was perfectly familiar with the genealogy of the Arabs, their adventures, combats, and history; whilst his great work, the Kámil or complete, embracing the history of the world from the earliest period to the year 628 of the Hijra (1230 A.D.), merits its reputation as one of the best productions of the kind.”

The Kámilu-t Tawáríkh enjoys a very high reputation, and has been much used and quoted both in Asia and Europe. Ibn Khaldún borrowed largely from it, and it has been drawn upon by Ockley for his History of the Saracens, by Malcolm for the History of Persia, and by Weil for his Geschichte der Chalifen. The narrative is very clear and succinct, but the work, from its great range, is very voluminous. It contains a few brief notices of the Jats in the second and third centuries of the Hijra, and it also gives some interesting details of the Arab occupation of Sind, but so far as India is concerned it is chiefly valuable for its notices of the Ghaznivides and the Ghorians. The work closes soon after the decline of the latter dynasty.

The author of the Habíbu-s Siyar relates that “the Táríkh-i Kámil, one of the two histories written by Ibn Asír” was translated into Persian under the orders of Mírán Sháh, son of Tímúr, by Najmu-d dín, surnamed Nizárí, one of that prince's secretaries.

Besides the work before us, Ibn Asír wrote an abridgement, containing many corrections and improvements of Abú Sa'du-s Samání's Ansáb, upon Patronymics, etc. Another of his works was the “Akhbáru-s Sahába; history of the companions of the Prophet.” He had two brothers, who also engaged in literary pursuits, and one of them, Majdu-d dín, wrote a work on the traditions, entitled “Jámi'u-l Usúl min Hadísu-r Rasúl,” which has been erroneously attributed to our author.

There are MSS. of several portions of the Kámilu-t Tawáríkh in the British Museum and in the Bodleian Library; and in Sir H. Elliott's Library there is a borrowed MS. of part of the work, in bad condition and much worm-eaten. A complete edition of the whole work will soon be available, as it is passing through the press at Leyden, under the careful and able editorship of Professor Tornberg, who bases his text upon the MSS. of Berlin, Paris, and the British Museum. Seven volumes have already been published, and the whole work will be comprised in twelve.246

EXTRACTS.

Hijra 151. A.D. 768.

In this year the Kurks made an attack upon Jidda.

Hijra 153. A.D. 770.

In this year Al Mansúr returned from Mecca to Basra, and embarked forces in ships against the Kurks who, as before related, had made an incursion upon Jidda.

Hijra 160. A.D. 776.—Conquest of the town of Barada.246a

In the year 159, Al Mahdí sent an army by sea under 'Abdu-l Malik bin Shahábu-l Musamma'í to India. The force consisted of a large number of troops and volunteers, among whom was Al Rabí' bin Subaih. They proceeded on their way and at length disembarked at Barada. When they reached the place they laid siege to it. The people of the neighbourhood fought with them frequently. The town was reduced to extremities, and God prevailed over it in the same year. The people were forbidden to worship the Budd, which the Muhammadans burned. Some of the people were burned, the rest were slain, and twenty Musul-máns perished in testimony of their faith. God came to them, and raised the sea against them, so they waited until the weather should be favourable. Disease then fell upon them, and about a thousand of them died, among whom was Rabi' bin Subaih. They then returned homewards and reached the coast of Persia, in what is called the Bahru-l Hamrán. There the wind rose in the night time and wrecked their vessels. Some were drowned, and some escaped.

Hijra 219. A.D. 834.—War against the Jats.

In the month of Jumáda-l ákhir, Al M'utasim sent 'Ajíf bin 'Isa to fight against the Jats, who had seized upon the roads of Hajar, and had plundered the corn which was in the stacks of Kaskar, and in the stores of the towns. They spread terror over the roads, and planted posts in all directions towards the desert. At the news of the approach of Ajíf they retired. Ajíf marched to below Wásit and there took post on the river Bardád and Anhárá. Then they retreated and entered another place, but the roads baffled them. Ajíf then forced 1,500 of them to fight, and killed on the field of battle 300 men. Their leaders he made prisoners, and sent the chief to the gate of M'utasim. Ajíf was engaged against the Jats twenty-five days, and vanquished a great many of them. The chief of the Jats was Muhammad bin 'Usmán, and the commander was Samlú. Ajíf then took up a position, and remained opposed to them seven months. Mansúr bin Bassám was at Músal.

Hijra 220. A.D. 835.—Defeat of the Jats by Ajíf.

In this year Ajíf came to Baghdad from his expedition against the Jats, after having defeated and killed many of them. The remnant was compelled to ask quarter, which was conceded to them. They then marched away with him in Zi'l hijja, 219 (834 A.D.) and their number, including women and children, was twenty-seven thousand. The fighting men among them were twelve thousand. Ajíf placed his conquered foes in boats, and sent them dressed as they had appeared in battle, with their trumpets, to Baghdad. They reached that city on the tenth Muharram, 220. They proceeded in boats to the Shammásiya (suburb of Baghdad). The Jats were accoutred as for battle, and were blowing their horns, And Azíf gave to each of his men two dínárs (as a present). The Jats stayed on board their ships three days, and were then handed over to Bishr ibnu-s Samaida', who conveyed them to Khánikín. Thence they were removed to the (northern) frontier to 'Ain-zarba, and the Byzantines made a raid upon them and not one of them escaped.248

Conquest of Bhátía.

In the year 396 Hijra (1006 A.D.) Yamínu-d daula fought against Bhátía, one of the dependencies of Hind, which is situated beyond Multán. The chief of the place was named Bahírá. It is a fine city, enclosed with high walls, and a deep ditch. The chief marched out to meet his enemy, and fought for three days with the Musulmáns. On the fourth he fled, and sought to get back into the city; but the Musulmáns reached the gate before the fugitives, overpowered them, and disarmed them. A dreadful slaughter ensued, the women were dishonoured, and the property seized. When Bahírá saw this destruction, he fled with some trusty followers to the tops of the mountains. Mah-múd sent a force in pursuit, which overtook and surrounded the party, and put all the chiefs to the sword. Bahírá saw that no hope was left, so he drew a dagger and killed himself. Mah-múd remained in Bhátía until he had settled its affairs, and drawn up rules for its governance. He then returned towards Ghazna, having appointed a representative at Bhátía to instruct the people who had become Muhammadans. On his journey home he encountered great difficulties from heavy rains and swollen rivers, and great quantities of things belonging to him and his army were carried away by the waters.

Conquest of Multán.

In the year 396 Hijra (1006, A.D.) Sultán Yamínu-d daula fought against Multán. The cause of this was that the ruler of the place, Abú-l Futúh was disaffected, false to his faith, and inclined to heresy (ilhád). He had also required the people of his country to follow his opinions, and they had consented. Yamínu-d daula resolved to attack him and marched against him, but the rivers on the road were very large and broad, especially the Síhún (Indus), and the enemy was ready to oppose the passage. So Mahmúd sent to Andbál249 and asked permission to pass through his country to Multán, but the request was refused. Mahmúd resolved therefore to deal with him first, and afterwards to prosecute his original intention. So he entered into his country and overran it; and he killed many of the people, plundered their property, and fired their houses. Andbál fled and Mahmúd followed his traces, like fire in the tracks of Satan, from pass to pass until he reached Kashmír. When Abú-l Futúh heard of this victory, he saw the futility of his rebellion, and sending his property to Sarandíp, he evacuated Multán. Yamínu-d daula then went to Multán, and finding the people infatuated in their heresy, he besieged the place closely, and carried on the fight until he took it by storm. He fined the inhabitants 20,000 dirhams for their rebellion.

Conquest of Mansúra.

After the capture of Somnát, Mahmúd received intelligence that Bhím the chief of Anhalwára had gone to the fort of Kandahat, which is situated about forty parasangs from Somnát between that place and the desert. He marched thither, and when he came in front of the place he questioned some men who were hunting, as to the tide. From them he learned that there was a practicable ford, but that if the wind blew a little, he might be submerged. Mahmúd prayed to the Almighty and then entered the water. He and his forces passed over safely, and drove the enemy out of the place. From thence he returned, intending to proceed against Mansúra, the ruler of which was an apostate Muhammadan. When the news of Mahmúd's approach reached this chief, he fled into the date-palm forests. Mahmúd proceeded against him, and surrounding him and his adherents, many of them were slain, many drowned, and but few escaped. Mahmúd then went to Bhátía, and after reducing the inhabitants to obedience, he returned to Ghazní, where he arrived on the 10th Safar 417 H.

Revolt and Death of Ahmad Níáltigín.

In the year (4)25 (1034 A.D.), Mas'úd, son of Mahmúd, returned to Hind to destroy the Turks (al ghuzz); and Ahmad Níál-tigín again exerting himself to excite rebellion in the provinces of Hind, proceeded with all his assembled forces to the territories (bilád) of Bálází. Mas'úd sent a numerous army against him, and the chiefs of Hind being averse to his entering into their territories, closed the roads against him. Before the army reached the passage he attacked it, and retreated fighting towards Multán. Several of the Indian chiefs proceeded to Bhátía. He had with him a considerable unbroken force, and the chief of the place not having strength to arrest his progress, Ahmad demanded boats to enable him to cross the river Indus, and these were supplied. In the midst of the stream there was an island, which Ahmad and his adherents perceived, and close by in another direction lay the desert. They did not know that the water was deep there. The Indian chief directed the owners of the boats to transport the fugitives to the island and to return. Ahmad and his adherents remained there, and they had no food but what they had brought with them. They stayed there nine days, and their provisions were consumed. Having even devoured their animals they were reduced to extremity, and resolved to pass through the water; but they had no sooner entered it than they discovered its depth, and, besides this, a great impediment in the mud. The Indian sent over his soldiers against them in boats, who attacked them while they were in that plight, and killed many of them. The sons of Ahmad were taken prisoners, and when Ahmad himself fell into their hands they killed him. His companions also were all either slain, taken prisoners, or drowned.

War between Shahábu-d dín and the King of Benares.

Shahábu-d dín Ghorí, king of Ghazní, sent his slave, Kutbu-d dín, to make war against the provinces of Hind, and this general made an incursion in which he killed many, and returned home with prisoners and booty. The king of Benares was the greatest king in India, and possessed the largest territory, extending lengthwise from the borders of China to the province of Maláwa (Málwá), and in breadth from the sea to within ten days' journey of Lahore. When he was informed of this inroad, he collected his forces, and in the year 590 (1194 A.D.), he entered the territories of the Muhammadans. Shahábu-d dín Ghorí marched forth to oppose him, and the two armies met on the river Jumna,251 which is a river about as large as the Tigris at Músal. The Hindu prince had seven hundred elephants, and his men were said to amount to a million. There were many nobles in his army. There were Mussulmáns in that country since the days of Mahmúd bin Subuktigín, who continued faithful to the law of Islám, and constant in prayer and good works. When the two armies met there was great carnage; the infidels were sustained by their numbers, the Musulmáns by their courage, but in the end the infidels fled, and the faithful were victorious. The slaughter of the Hindus was immense; none were spared except women and children, and the carnage of the men went on until the earth was weary. Ninety elephants were captured, and of the rest some were killed, and some escaped. The Hindu king was slain, and no one would have recognized his corpse but for the fact of his teeth, which were weak at their roots, being fastened in with golden wire. After the flight of the Hindus Shabábu-d dín entered Benares, and carried off its treasures upon fourteen hundred camels. He then returned to Ghazní. Among the elephants which were captured there was a white one, A person who saw it told me that when the elephants were brought before Shahábu-d dín, and were ordered to salute, they all saluted except the white one. No one should be surprised at what I have said about the elephants, for they understand what is said to them. I myself saw one at Músal with his keeper, which did whatever his keeper told him.

VII.

NIZÁMU-T TAWÁRÍKH
OF
SA'ÍD 'ABDU-LLAH, BAIZÁWÍ.

THIS “Arrangement or String of Histories” is a small work devoted to general history, well known in Europe, but in too compendious a form to be of any great use, for in some of the dynasties treated of we have little beyond the names of the kings and the dates of their decease. Its value is chiefly attributable to the early period at which it was written.

The author was Abú Sa'íd 'Abdu-llah bin Abú-l Hasan 'Alí Baizáwí.252 His father was, as well as himself, a “Kázíu-l kuzzát,” or chief kází, and his grandfather exercised the functions of Imám. He was born at Baizá, a town at a short distance from Shíráz, and was kází, first at Shíráz and afterwards at Tabríz, where he died in the year 685 H., 1286, A.D. Hájí Khalfa says he died either in that year or 692 H.252a This author has obtained great celebrity from his commentary upon the Kurán, entitled Anwáru-t Tanzíl wa asrára-t Táwíl—“the lights of revelation and mysteries of allegorical interpretation,” which has itself been commented on by many succeeding authors, of which a bit is given by Hájí Khalfa, in his Lexicon, Vol. I. pp, 469-81. This is considered generally the best commentary, and has been largely used by Sale and others. There are several copies of it in Europe, enumerated by De Rossi. It has lately been printed at Leipsig by Professor Fleischer. Baizáwí was the author of other works on law, theology, logic, and grammar, all written in Arabic, but the Nizámu-t Tawáríkh is in Persian, in order, as he says, “that it might be of more general use.”

A full account of the Nizámu-t Tawáríkh has been given by Silvestre de Sacy, in the Notices des Manuscripts, Tom. lv. pp. 672-696, from the Appendix of which article it appears that there is another work of the same name, composed by Kází Jalálu-d dín, wazír of Mahmúd the Ghaznivide, in which I am disposed to apprehend some error of name or designation. Amongst other extracts given by him he has translated the brief histories of the Assassins and Atábaks.

There is some doubt about the exact date of the composition of this work. It is generally supposed that it was written about 674 H., but there are dates mentioned in it subsequent to that period. For instance, in the history of the Atábaks, there is one of 686, and towards the close of the Moghal history, there are 684 and 690; and 694 is repeated four times. There appears nothing like interpolation in these passages, and there would therefore appear some reason to suppose that 694 was the real date of composition, or at least of final revision, and that the latest date mentioned by Hájí Khalfa, namely, 699 (A.D. 1299-1300), is the most probable one of the author's death. Still this is opposed to all other authorities. M. Silvestre de Sacy examined two copies of the work in the Bibliothèque Nationale, in one of which he found dates later than 674. He mentions particularly the date of 689 (in my copy 686) in the history of the Atábaks, and he observes, what is very true, that at the beginning of that history their power is said to have commenced in 543, and to have lasted up to the time of composition, 130 years (131 in mine), which fixes the date in 674. It is easy, however, to read 650 for 630. M. de Sacy does not notice the additions to the Moghal history in either of the copies in the Bibliothèque Nationale. My own copy, which is taken from a very excellent one written in 1108 H., has distinctly in the preface, as well as the conclusion, the year of 694 H. It is to be observed, that in Arabic 90 and 70 are written almost in the same form, when without diacritical marks. I have seen one copy in which the Perso-Moghal history is carried down to 739 H., but that evidently contained additions by the copyist. Altogether, if so many authorities were not arrayed against me, I should prefer fixing the date at 694, instead of 674. The question, however, is not of the least consequence. The work is divided into four books.

CONTENTS.

Book I.—Prophets and Patriarchs from Adam to Núh, pp. 6-12.

Book II.—Kings of Persia to the time of the Musulmáns. 1. Peshdádí; 2. Kaíání; 3. Ashgání; 4. Sassání. Pp. 13-77.

Book III.—Muhammad and his successors, including the Um-mayides and 'Abbásides. Pp. 78-119.

Book IV.—Dynasties established in Írán during the time of the 'Abbásides. 1. Saffárí; 2. Sámání; 3. Ghaznivides; Dai-lima; 5. Saljúkí; 6. Maláhida; 7. Salgharí; 8. Khwárizmí; 9. Moghal. Pp. 119-200.

SIZE.—Small 8vo. containing 200 pages, each of 11 lines.

The Nizámu-t tawáríkh is better known in Europe than in India. Besides the copies noticed by S. de Sacy, there is one in the British Museum, No. 16708. Sir W. Ouseley quotes another. Yet it is mentioned by M. Fræhn amongst his Desiderata.254

EXTRACTS.

The Kings of Ghazní.

Their number amounts to twelve, and their rule endured for one hundred and sixty-one years. The origin of this family dates from the middle of the days of the Dailamites, but as its members were great men under the Sámánís, I am desirous that my accounts of these two dynasties should not be separated. The following are the names of these kings, viz.:—1. Sultán Yamínu-d daula Abú-l kásim Mahmúd, son of Násiru-d dín Subuktigín; 2. Mas'úd, son of Mahmúd; 3. Muhammad Ma-khúl (the blind), son of Mahmúd; 4. Maudúd, son of Mas'úd; 5. Mas'úd, son of Maudúd; 6. 'Alí, son of Mas'úd; 7. 'Ab-du-r Rashíd, son of Mahmúd; 8. Ibráhím, son of Mas'úd; 9. Mas'úd, son of Ibráhím; 10. Arslán Sháh, son of Mas'úd; 11. Bahrám Sháh, son of Mas'úd; 12. Khusrú Sháh, son of Bahrám Sháh. Násiru-d dín died in the year 387 H. (997 A.D.) and the command of his troops descended to Mahmúd by inheritance, and by confirmation of Núh, son of Mansúr. His victory over 'Abdu-l Malik, when that chieftain was put to flight, added much to his power, and he was confirmed in the government of Khurásán and Sijistán, and he received a robe of honour with the title of Sultán from the Khalif, who also made a treaty with him. In consequence of the complaints of the oppression practised by the descendants of Fakhru-d dín Dailamí, he marched towards Júrján and 'Irák, and took the country from them. Afterwards he turned his arms towards Hind, and conquered many of its cities and forts. He demolished the Hindú temples255 and gave prevalence to the Muhammadan faith. He ruled with great justice, and he stands unparalleled among all the Muhammadan kings. He summoned Isráíl son of Sulaimán, the Saljúk, from Máwaráu-n Nahr, and apprehending danger from the immense number of that tribe, he sent him to the fort of Kálinjar in Hind, where he remained till he died. The capture of this Saljúk chief was the cause of the weakness of his descendants. Mahmúd Subuktigín died in A.H. 420 (1029 A.D.).

Sultán Mas'úd.

According to the will of Mahmúd, his son Mas'úd was to have the government of Khurásán, 'Irák, and Persia, and his second son, Muhammad, the kingdom of Ghazní and the country of Hind. Mas'úd requested his brother to have his name read along with his own in the Khutba, but this was not complied with, therefore Mas'úd marched to invade Ghazní. Before he reached there, Muhammad was taken prisoner by Yúsuf, son of Subuktigín, and sent to the fort of Bulbad.256 Mas'úd, after his arrival at Ghazní, sent Yúsuf to prison, and became master of all the dominions of his father. In his time the Saljúks crossed the Jíhún and invaded Khurásán. He fought with them and made peace with them several times, but being defeated in A.H. 432 (1040 A.D.) he returned to Ghazní where his brother Muhammad had regained power in his absence. On his arrival he was consigned to a fort, and Ahmad, son of Muhammad went direct from his father to the fort and there slew him, A.H. 433 (1041 A.D.)

Sultán Muhammad, Makhúl.

Sultán Muhammad Makhúl bin Mahmúd ruled for nearly four years over the dominions of Ghazní, after the death of his father. When his brother was slain, Maudúd, son of the deceased, armed against him, and proving victorious, put him and his sons to death.

Sultán Maudúd.

Maudúd, having taken revenge for his father's death, sat on the throne for nearly seven years, and brought the country of his uncle under his dominion. He died in A.H. 441 (1049 A.D.).

Sultán Mas'úd II.

Mas'úd, son of Maudúd, was quite a boy at the death of his father. The Government was carried on for a few days in his name, but the ministers and nobles then conspired to place the royal crown on the head of his uncle.

Sultán 'Alí.

When Sultán 'Alí, son of Mas'úd, obtained the throne, 'Abdu-r Rashíd, son of Mahmúd, who for many years had been in prison, contrived to escape, and having collected an army, 'Alí fled before him, and was discomfited.

Sultán 'Abdu-r Rashíd.

He reigned nearly seven years, and died A.H. 445 (1053 A.D.).

Sultán Ibráhím.257

Sultán Ibráhím, son of Mas'úd, ruled for a period extending from A.H. 450 to 492 (1058 to 1098). He raised no palaces for himself, but only mosques and colleges for the great and glorious God.

Sultán Mas'úd III.

Mas'úd, son of Ibráhím, occupied the throne for sixteen years, and expired in A.H. 508 (1114 A.D.)

Sultán Arslán Sháh.

Sultán Arslán Sháh, by his wisdom and prudence, obtained the succession to his father Mas'úd. His brother Bah-rám then fled in alarm, and sought refuge with his maternal uncle, Sultán Sanjar, the Saljúk, whom he brought against Ghazní. A battle ensued, in which Arslán Sháh was defeated, and Sanjar having placed Bahrám on the throne, returned to Khurásán. Soon after his departure, Arslán Sháh attacked Bahrám, who was again obliged to fly, but being once more assisted by Sanjar, with a large army, he went up against Ghazní, gained a victory, and put Arslán Sháh to death, in A.H. 512 (1118 A.D.).

Sultán Bahrám Sháh.

Bahrám Sháh, son of Mas'úd, had reigned some days, when he was attacked in Ghazní by 'Aláu-d dín Husain, son of Hasan, the first of the kings of Ghor. Bahrám Sháh fled before him from Ghazní, in which place 'Aláu-d dín established his own brother, Saifu-d dín, and then returned. Afterwards Bahrám Sháh came back to Ghazní, and ordered Saifu-d dín to be seated on a cow, and paraded round the city. When 'Aláu-d dín heard of this he became greatly infuriated, and marched with a large army towards Ghazní, but Bahrám died before his arrival. He was succeeded by his son, Khusrú Sháh.

Sultán Khusrú Sháh.

A few days after his accession 'Aláu-d dín arrived, and Khusrú fled to the country of Hind. 'Aláu-d dín then plundered Ghazní, and massacred a great number of its inhabitants. He left there his nephews, Ghiyásu-d dín Abu'l Fath Muhammad, and Shahábu-d dín Abú-l Muzaffar, sons of Sám, son of Hasan. They having succeeded in the capture of Khusrú Sháh, by various expedients through which he was lulled into security, kept him prisoner in a fort. They subjugated all the countries which had been under the rule of the kings of Ghazní, and and chose Dehli for their residence. Khusrú Sháh died in A.H. 555 (1160 A.D.), and with him ended the Ghaznivide dynasty.

After some time Ghiyásu-d dín died, and the country remained in the sole and absolute possession of Shahábu-d dín to the time of Sultán Muhammad Takash, when he was assassinated by the Maláhida (Isma'íleans) in Hirát. He was succeeded in the kingdom of Hind by Sultán Shamsu-d dín Altamsh, one of his slaves (mawálí), with whose descendants it remains to this day. The only names which the compiler knows of the Ghorian dynasty who ruled in Hind are these three:— 'Aláu-d dín Husain Jahán-soz, Ghiyásu-d dín Muhammad, Shahábu-d dín Muhammad,

VIII.

TABAKÁT-I NÁSIRÍ
OF
MINHÁJU-S SIRÁJ.

[This is a general history from the earliest times up to 658 Hijra (A.D. 1259). The author was Abú 'Umar Minháju-d dín, 'Usmán ibn Siráju-d dín al Júzjání. In the course of his work he mentions many interesting facts concerning himself and his family. He tells us that his ancestor in the third degree, Imám 'Abdu-l Khálik, came from Júzján259 to Ghazní to seek a wife, in compliance with a command which he several times received in dreams. Here he gained the good graces of the reigning monarch, Ibráhím, and received in marriage one of his forty daughters, all of whom were “married to illustrious nobles or learned men of repute.” They had a son named Ibráhím, who was father of Mauláná Minháju-d dín 'Usmán, who was father of Mauláná Siráju-d dín, who was father of our author, Minháju-s Siráj. Siráju-d dín was a man of some distinction. He was appointed Kází of the army of Hindustán by Muhammad Ghorí in A.H. 582 (1186 A.D.), and his son refers to him by his titles of “'Ajúbatu-z Zamán afsahu-l 'Ajam—the wonder of the time and the most eloquent man of Persia.”

The author of this work, Minháju-s Siráj, came from Ghor to Sind, Úch and Multán in 624 A.H. (A.D. 1227), and his character for learning must then have been already established, as he tells us that the Fírozí College at Úch was placed under his charge. In the year following, Sultán Shamsu-d dín Altamsh led his armies from Dehli to suppress Násiru-d dín Kubácha, who had succeeded in gaining sovereign authority in those quarters, and after the defeat and death of Kubácha, Minháju-s Siráj was admitted to an interview with Altamsh, and returned in his train to Dehli, where he arrived in Rámazán, 625 (August, 1228). In 629 A.H. he followed Altamsh to the siege of Gwalior, where he was appointed one of the court preachers, and soon afterwards was made “law-officer, and director of the preaching, and of all religious, moral, and judicial affairs.” He abandoned this position in 635, when the forces of Sultán Raziya marched there. After the death of this able but unfortunate queen, we find him at Dehli, writing congratulatory verses upon the accession of her successor, Bahrám Sháh, and when a panic fell upon the city at the threatened incursion of the Moghals, he was called upon to preach and conciliate the minds of the people. Soon after this, in A.H. 639 (1241 A.D.) Bahrám Sháh made him Kází of the capital and of all his territories. But he did not hold this office long. Bahrám Sháh was deposed, and slain at the end of 639 H., and Minháju-s Siráj immediately afterwards tendered his resignation.

In Hijra 640, he started for Lakhnautí, and stayed there until the end of 642. This residence in the capital of Bengal afforded him opportunities for acquiring accurate information respecting that outlying Musulmán territory, and makes all that he says upon that subject of especial value.

At the end of 642, he returned to Dehli and arrived there early in the following year. He was immediately appointed Principal of the Násiriya College, and superintendent of its endowments. He was also made Kází of Gwalior, and preacher in the metropolitan mosque. At the beginning of 644 H. (1246 A.D.) Násiru-d dín Mahmúd ascended the throne, and our author received a prize for his congratulatory ode on the occasion, specimens of which he inserts in his history. The full tide of prosperity had now set in upon him; he received many honours from the Sultán Násiru-d dín, and from the distinguished noble whom he calls Ulúgh Khán-i Mu'azzam, who succeeded Násiru-d dín on the throne, and is better known as Ghiyásu-d dín Balban. The author records the grant of a village which he received in in'ám, and mentions with great complacency the many favours of which he was the recipient. Finally he was honoured with the title of Sadr-i Jahán, and was again made Kází of the state and magistrate of the capital.

In honour of his patron, Násiru-d dín, he named his work Tabakát-i Násirí, and he breaks off his history rather abruptly in the fifteenth year of that monarch's reign, intending, as he said, to resume his pen if life and opportunity were afforded him. The date of his death is not known, but he probably survived Násiru-d dín, as the period of that monarch's reign is stated in this work as extending to twenty-two years, which, however, is an error, as it lasted only twenty years. The eulogistic way in which he always speaks of the successor of Násiru-d dín would induce the belief that the work appeared in the reign of that Sultán, and the fact is proved by his more than once offering up an ejaculatory prayer for the continuance of his reign.

The following careful analysis of the contents of the history has been borrowed from Mr. Morley's catalogue of the MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society:—

“The Tabakát-i Násirí is divided into twenty-three books, and contains as follows:—

“Author's Preface, in which he dedicates his work to Abú-l Muzaffar Násiru-d dín Mahmúd Ibnu-s Sultán Altamsh, king of Dehli.

“Book I.—Account of the Prophets and Patriarchs; of Jesus Christ; of Ishmael and the ancestors of Muhammad; and a history of Muhammad himself to the day of his death.

“Book II.—History of the first four Khalífas; of the descendants of 'Alí, and of the ten Mubashshir.

“Book III.—The Khalífas of the Baní Ummayya.

“Book IV.—The Khalífas of the Baní 'Abbás, to the extinction of the Khálifat in A.H. 656 (A.D. 1258).

“Book V.—The history of the early kings of Persia, comprising the Peshdádians, the Kaiánians, the Ashkánians, the Sásánians, and the Akásira from Naushírwán to Yazdajird.

“Book VI.—History of the kings of Yaman, from Hárisu-r Ráísh to Bádán, who was converted to the Islám.

“Book VII.—History of the Táhirides from the Táhir Zúu-l Yumnain to that of Muhammad bin Táhir, the last king of the dynasty, who was conquered by Ya'kúb Lais, in A.H. 259 (A.D. 872).

“Book VIII.—History of the Saffárides from Ya'kúb Lais to the death of 'Amrú Lais in A.H. 289 (A.D. 901).

“Book IX.—History of the Sámánides from their origin to A.H. 389 (A.D. 998) when 'Abdu-l Malik bin Núh was sent as a captive to Uzjand.

“Book X.—History of the Buwaihides from their origin to the time of Abú-l Fawáris Sharafu-d Daula.

“Book XI.—History of the Ghaznivides from Subuktigín to the death of Khusrú Malik in A.H. 598 (A.D. 1201).

“Book XII.—History of the Saljúks of Persia from their origin to the death of Sultán Sanjar in A.H. 552 (A.D. 1157); of the Saljúks of Rúm and 'Irák, from their origin to the time of Ruknu-d dín Kilij Arslán; and an account of Tughril bin Tugh-ril, to his death, and the conquest of 'Irák by Takash, King of Khwárizm.

“Book XIII.—History of the Sanjáriya kings, viz., 1. The Atábaks of 'Irák and Azarbáíján from the time of the Atábak Alptigín to that of the Atábak Abú Bakr bin Muhammad. 2. The Atábaks of Fárs, from Sankar to the time of the Atábak Abú Bakr bin Sa'd bin Zangí A.H. 658 (A.D. 1259) when the author wrote. 3. The Kings of Naishápúr from Maliku-l Muaiyidu-s Sanjarí to the defeat and capture of Sanjar Sháh bin Tughán Sháh, by Takash, king of Khwárizm.

“Book XIV.—History of the kings of Nímrúz and Sijistán from Táhir bin Muhammad to Táju-d dín Níáltigín Khwárizmí who was slain by the Mongols in A.H. 625 (A.D. 1227).

“Book XV.—History of the Kurdíya kings, viz: The Atábaks of Syria, Núru-d dín Zangí and Maliku-s Sálih; and the Ayyú-bites of Egypt, from the time of Ayyúb to the death of Maliku-s Sálih bin Maliku-l Kámil.

“Book XVI.—History of the Khwárizmians, from their origin to the death of Jalálu-d dín Mankburní, in A.H. 629 (A.D. 1231).

“Book XVII.—History of the Shansabániya Sultáns of Ghor, from the origin of the family to the time of 'Aláu-d dín Muhammad bin Abú 'Alí, the twenty-second and last king, who surrendered the city of Fíroz-Koh to Muhammad Khwárizm Sháh in A.H. 612 (A.D. 1215).

“Book XVIII.—The Shansabániya Kings of Bámíán and Tukháristán, from Fakhru-d dín Mas'úd, the first king, to the time of the fifth monarch, 'Aláu-d dín Mas'úd, who was slain by his nephew Jalálu-d dín 'Alí.

“Book XIX.—History of the Shansabániya Sultáns of Ghaznín, from the time of Saifu-d dín Súrí, who conquered Bahrám Sháh Ghaznawi, to that of Kutbu-d dín Aibak, who expelled Táju-d dín Yaldúz, in A.H. 603 (A.D. 1206).

“Book XX.—The Múizziya Sultans of Hindustán, comprising the history of Kutbu-d dín Aibak, and of his son Árám Sháh, whose capital was Dehlí; of Násiru-d dín Kubácha al Mu'izzí and Baháu-d dín Tughril al Mu'izzí; and of the first four Khiljí princes who reigned at Lakhnautí or Gaur, ending with Husámu-d dín Ghiyásu-d dín, who was defeated and slain by Násíru-d dín Mahmúd bin Shamsu-d dín Altamsh, governor of Behár, in A.H. 634 (A.D. 1226).

“Book XXI.—History of the Shamsiya Sultáns of Hindustan, whose capital was Dehlí, from the time of Shamsu-d dín Al-tamsh, who expelled Árám Shah from the throne in A.H. 607 (A.D. 1210) to A.H. 658 (A.D. 1259), when Násíru-d dín Mah-múd, the seventh king of the dynasty, reigned in Dehlí, and the author completed the present history.

“Book XXII.—Account of the most eminent nobles, viceroys, governors, etc., who flourished under the Shamsiya dynasty, from A.H. 625 (A.D. 1227) to the author's own time, ending with a life of Baháu-d dín Alú Khán Balban who was the wazír of Násiru-d dín Mahmúd, and who afterwards, on the death of that monarch, ascended the throne of Dehlí without opposition.

“Book XXIII.—On the incursions of the infidels; comprising an account of the war between Sultán Sanjar Saljúkí and the tribes of Kará Khitá; of the conquest of Turkistán by Muhammad Khwárizm Sháh, and the defeat and death of Gúr Khán, the Kará Khitáian, in A.H. 607 (A.D. 1210); and of Changíz Khán and his descendants, viz:—Jújí Khán, Uktáí Khán, Chaghatáí Khán, Kuyúk Khán, Bátu Khán, Mangú Khán, Hulákú Khán, and Barakah Khán, to A.H. 658 (A.D. 1259).”

The Tabakát-i Násirí is held in very high esteem both in India and Europe. Firishta and others refer to it as an excellent work of high authority; Anquetil du Perron calls it a “precious work,” and Elphinstone mentions it as a work of the highest celebrity. Stewart in his History of Bengal, follows it very closely, and considers it “a very valuable book.” These encomiums are not altogether undeserved; it is written in a plain, unaffected style, and the language is considered very correct. The author but rarely indulges in high-flown eulogy, but narrates his facts in a plain, straightforward manner, which induces a confidence in the sincerity of his statements, and the accuracy of his knowledge. He appears to have been industrious in collecting information from trustworthy persons, and he often mentions his authority for the facts he records. Still he is very meagre in his details, and Mr. Morley justly observes, “many portions of the history are too concise to be of much use.” He is also particularly disappointing occasionally in the brevity with which he records important matters about which he might have obtained full information, such, for instance, as the irruption of the “infidels of Changíz Khán” into Bengal, as far as the walls of Lakhnautí, in 642 H. (1245 A.D.)

Another defect of the work arises from its plan, which necessitates repetition, and requires events to be related in more than one place. Thus, the record of the reign of Násiru-d dín and the memoir of Ulugh Khán (Ghiyásu-d dín) go over the same ground, and record many of the same facts but with considerable variety of detail.]

It is strange (says Sir Henry Elliot) that the Tabakát-i Nasirí should be so scarce in India. I know of only one copy besides my own, although there is no work for which I have searched so much.265 It is in one of the royal libraries of Luck-now, and though several of my correspondents had declared that it was not to be found there, I discovered it at last by making a man ascend a ladder, and read out the title of every work in the library. After the lapse of almost three hours the name was read out. The work is by no means uncommon in Europe. Scarcely any one is so much quoted by Orientalists. It is possible that the reason of its being so scarce in India is that it vituperates the Mughals, and shows the consternation which they occasioned at the time of their first conquests, inasmuch as the author represents them as manifest signs of the approach of the day of judgment.265a

[The portions of the Tabakát-i Násirí which relate to India have been printed in the Bibliotheca Indica, under the super-intendance of Major Lees, in a volume of 450 pages. This contains the 11th and the 17th to the 22d Tabakats or books. Major Lees' preface to this volume states the reasons for thus limiting the publication, and contains some critical observations upon the value of this work, and of others which furnish the materials for the history of the early Muhammadan rulers of India.266

Size of Sir H. Elliot's MS.—Small folio, 12 by 8 inches. Seventeen lines in each page.]

EXTRACTS.

TABAKAT XI.

HISTORY OF THE GHAZNIVIDE SOVEREIGNS.

[Page 6 to 27 of the Printed Text.]

Imám Abú-l Fazl al Hasan Baihakí relates in the Tárikh-i Násirí, that Sultán Sa'íd Mahmúd heard from his father, Amír Subuktigín,266a that his (Subuktigín's) father was called Kará-bahkam. His name was Jauk (troop), and in Turkí they call a troop bahkam; so that the meaning of the name Kará-bahkam is “black troop.” Whenever the Turks in Turkistán heard his name they fled before him on account of his activity and courage.

Imám Muhammad 'Alí Abu-l Kásim Hamádí says in his Táríkh-i Majdúl, that Amír Subuktigín was a descendant of King Yazdajird. When this monarch was slain in a mill in the country of Merv, in the reign of the commander of the faithful 'Usmán, his followers and dependants (atbá' wa ashyá'), came to Turkistán, and entering into intermarriages with the people of that country after two or three generations (their descendants) became Turks. Their palaces in this country are still standing. The following is a genealogical table of this race:—Amír Subuk-tigín, son of Jauk Kará-bahkam, who was the son of Kará Arslán, the son of Kará-malat, son of Kará Nu'mán, son of Fíroz, son of Yazdajird, who was the sovereign of Persia,267 —but God knows the truth.

I.—Amíru-l Ghází Násiru-d dín Subuktigín.

Imám Abú-l Fazl Baihakí writes that Nasr Hájí was a trader in the reign of 'Abdu-l Malik Núh Sámání. He bought Subuk-tigín, and took him to Bukhárá as a slave. The marks of wisdom and activity were stamped upon his forehead, and he was purchased by the Lord Chamberlain (Amír hájib), Alptigín. In the service of this nobleman he went to Tukháristán, and when Alptigín was appointed governor of that place he continued to serve him. In the course of events Alptigín came afterwards to Ghaznín, when he conquered the country of Záwulistán, and wrested Ghaznín from the hands of Amír Anúk.267a

Eight years afterwards Alptigín died,267b and was succeeded by his son Is'hák. This chief fought with Anúk, and being defeated he went to Bukhárá, where he succeeded in obtaining assistance from Amír Mansúr Núh. Thus strengthened, he returned and retook Ghazní. One year later he expired, and Bilkátigín,267c the chief of the Turks, was raised to his place. This chief was a very just and religious man, and was one of the greatest warriors in the world. He died after a reign of two years. Amír Subuk-tigín was in his service. Bilkátigín was succeeded by Amír Parí,268 who was a very depraved man. A party of the inhabitants of Ghazní opened communications with Abú 'Alí Anúk, and invited him back. Abú 'Alí obtained the aid of the son of the king of Kábul,268a but when they came into the vicinity (hadd) of Charkh,268b Subuktigín with five hundred Turks fell upon them, and defeated them. He put a great number to the sword, and took many prisoners. He also captured two elephants, and carried them to Ghazní. After the achievement of this victory the people, who were disgusted with Parí on account of his wickedness (fasád), raised Subuktigín with unanimous consent to the chieftainship of Ghazní. On the twenty-seventh of Sha'bán, A.H. 366 (April, 977), on Friday, he came out of the fort with the umbrella, jewels, and banners, and proceeded to the Jámi' Masjid, where he was confirmed in the government and sovereignty of the country. He carried his arms from Ghaznín to different countries, and brought Zamín-dáwar,268c Kusdár, Bámíán, the whole of Tukháristán and Ghor into his possession. On the side of India he defeated Jaipál at the head of a large army and numerous elephants. He also drove back Bughrá Khán, of Káshghar, (from his attacks upon) the Sámánian dynasty. He then went to Balkh, and restored the chief of Bukhárá to his throne. In his time great exploits were performed, and all the sources of internal dissensions in Khurásán were eradicated.

In the month of Shawwál, A.H. 384 (November, 994), the command of Khurásán was conferred on Amír Mahmúd, under the title of Saifu-d daula, and Amír Subuktigín received the title of Násiru-d dín. He expelled Abú-l hasan Saimjúr, and Khurásán was cleared of its enemies. Amír Subuktigín was a wise, just, brave, and religious man, faithful to his agreements, truthful in his words, and not avaricious for wealth. He was kind and just to his subjects, and the Almighty God had bestowed upon him all the great qualities which are admirable in nobles and princes. The length of his reign was twenty years, and of his life fifty-six years. He died in the vicinity of Balkh, at the village of Barmal Madrúí, A.H. 386 (996 A.D.).269

II.—Reign of the great King Yamínu-d daula Mahmúd Nizámu-d
dín Abú-l Kásim Mahmúd, son of Subuktigín
.

Sultán Mahmúd was a great monarch. He was the first Muhammadan king who received the title of Sultán from the Khalif. He was born on the night of Thursday, the tenth of Muharram, A.H. 361269a (2nd October, 971), in the seventh year after the time of Bilkátigín. A moment (sá'at) before his birth, Amír Subuktigín saw in a dream that a tree sprang up from the fire-place in the midst of his house, and grew so high that it covered the whole world with its shadow. Waking in alarm from his dream, he began to reflect upon the import of it. At that very moment a messenger came, bringing the tidings that the Almighty had given him a son. Subuk-tigín greatly rejoiced, and said, I name the child Mahmúd. On the same night that he was born, an idol temple in India, in the vicinity of Parsháwar, on the banks of the Sind, fell down.

* * * * *

Mahmúd was a man of great abilities, and is renowned as one of the greatest champions of Islám. He ascended the throne in Balkh, in the year 387 H. (997 A.D.), and received investiture by the Khalífá Al Kádir bi-llah. His influence upon Islám soon became widely known, for he converted as many as a thousand idol-temples into mosques, subdued the cities of Hindustán, and vanquished the Ráís of that country. He captured Jaipál, who was the greatest of them, kept him at Yazd (?), in Khurásán, and gave orders so that he was bought for eighty dirams.270 He led his armies to Nahrwála and Gujarát, carried off the idol (manát) from Somnát, and broke it into four parts. One part he deposited in the Jámi' Masjid of Ghazní, one he placed at the entrance of the royal palace, the third he sent to Mecca, and the fourth to Medina. 'Unsurí composed a long Kasída on this victory. [The story of his return from Somnát through the desert of Sind follows (see supra, p. 191), and an account is given of the state and pomp of his Court.] He died in the year 421 H. (1030 A.D.), in the thirty-sixth year of his reign, and at sixty-one years of age.

III.—Muhammad bin Mahmúd Jalálu-d daula.270a

Jalálu-d daula Muhammad was a good amiable man. Many curious poems are attributed to him. When his father Mahmúd died, his brother Mas'úd was in 'Irák, and the nobles of the court of Mahmúd resolved upon placing Muhammad on the throne, which they did in the year 421 H. (1030 A.D.). He was a man of gentle temper, and had not the energy necessary for governing a kingdom. A party of the friends of Mas'úd wrote to him in 'Irák, and that prince gathered a force, with which he marched upon Ghazní. When intelligence of his design reached Ghazní, Muhammad prepared an army and went out to meet his brother. 'Alí Kuríb was Hájib and commander-in-chief. When they reached Takínábád271 they heard of Mas'úd's approach, so they seized upon Muhammad, blinded him, and put him in prison. 'Alí Kuríb then led his army on to Hirát to meet Mas'úd. When he came within a stage of that place, he went to wait upon the Sultán, but Mas'úd ordered him to be made prisoner, and his whole force to destroyed. On this occasion Muhammad reigned for seven months. When Mas'úd was killed at Máríkala, Sultán Muhammad was brought out of prison, and although he was blind he was once more placed upon the throne. He then marched at the head of his army towards Ghazní, but Maudúd, son of Mas'úd, came forth to avenge his father, met his uncle in battle, defeated him, and slew him and his children. The second time he reigned four months. His age was forty-five years when his death occurred, in the year 432 H.

IV.—Násiru-d dín Allah Mas'údu-sh Shahíd (the Martyr).271a

Násiru-d dín Allah was the appellation of this prince, but his family name was Abú Mas'úd. He and his brother Sultán Mu-hummad were born on the same day. Sultán Mas'úd, the martyr, ascended the throne in A.H. 422 (1031 A.D.). He was so exceedingly generous that people used to call him “the second 'Alí,” and for his bravery they named him “the second Rus-tam,” No man could lift his battle-axe from the ground with one hand, and even an elephant could not stand before him. His father envied his strength, and used to keep him under control. He (Mahmúd) kept Muhammad at Ghazní, and at length he obtained authority from the Khalif to place the name and titles of Muhammad in the Khutba before those of Mas'úd. Khwája Abú Nasr Mishkán says: “When the letters (of the Khalif) were read in Mahmúd's court, it was felt by us, and by all the princes and great men, to be a heavy blow, for marks of intelligence and courage were apparent on the brow of Mas'úd. When the prince came forth from the presence of his father, I, Abú Nasr Mishkán went after him and said to him, “O prince, this postponement of your name in the letter of the Khalif is very offensive to your servants.” The prince said, “Don't grieve about it, the sword is a truer prophet than the pen.” He then told me to return. I had no sooner got back than the informers told the Sultán Mahmúd of my devotion to Mas'úd. He sent for me, and I waited upon him. He asked me why I went after Mas'úd, and what I had said to him. I related exactly all that had passed, without reserve, for by concealment my life would have been imperilled. The Sultán then said, “I know that Masúd excels Muhammad in every respect, and after my death the kingdom will devolve upon him, but I take this trouble now on behalf of Muhammad, that the poor fellow may enjoy some honour and gratification during my lifetime, for after my death it will not be so safe for him. May God have mercy on him.”

Abú Nasr Mishkán goes on to say:—“In this incident two things surprised me very much. The first was the answer which Mas'úd so kindly and discreetly gave me. The second was the quickness and strict control of Mahmúd, from whom this little attention of mine could not be concealed.” When Sultán Mah-múd took 'Irák he placed Mas'úd on the throne of that country, and before that period Hirát and Khurásán had been ruled in his name. After he ascended the throne of Spáhán (Ispahán) he took the countries of Re, Kazwín, Hamadán, and Táram,272 and he overcame the Dailamites. Several times he received robes of honour from the Khalifate. After the death of Mah-múd he came to Ghazní, and took possession of his father's kingdom. Several times he led his armies to India, and waged religious war. Twice he went to Tabaristán and Mázandarán. Towards the end of his reign the Saljúks made inroads, and three times he scattered their forces in the neighbourhood of Marv and Sarakhs. But as it was the will of God that the kingdom of Khurásán should come into the hands of the Saljúks, he eventually fought a bloody battle with them for three days at Tálikán.273 On the third day, which was a Friday, the Sultán was defeated, and retreated by way of Gharjistán to Ghazní. In panic he collected his treasures and went towards India, but in Máríkala273a his Turkí and Hindí slaves revolted, took him prisoner, and raised Muhammad to the throne. They sent Mas'úd to the fort of Kírí,273b and there he was slain in the year 432 H. (1040 A.D.). His age was forty-five years, and he had reigned nine years.

V.—Maudúd, son of Mas'úd, son of Mahmúd.273c

Shahábu-d daula Abú Sa'd Maudúd, son of Násiru-d dín Allah Mas'úd, upon receiving the news of his father's assassination, ascended the throne. When his father, Mas'úd, started for Hindustán, he was appointed to act as vicegerent over Ghazní and its dependencies, and it was in the year 432 H. (1040 A.D.), that he mounted the throne. To avenge his father he collected an army, and set out towards Hindustán, against his uncle Muhammad. The opposite party had taken Muhammad out of prison, and had seated him on the throne. The nobles of Hindustán submitted to him, and the Mahmúdí and the Mas'udí Turks who had revolted against Mas'úd rallied round him and supported him. For four months they upheld him as ruler, but Maudúd defeated him at Takarhárúd,274 and took him prisoner, with all his children and dependants. Maudúd avenged his father's blood upon him, and the Turks and Tájiks and every one else who had taken part in his father's assassination he put to death. He thus obtained honour and renown. Afterwards he returned to Ghazní, and brought his father's territories under his power. He reigned nine years, and died in the year 441 H. (1049 A.D.), at the age of thirty-nine years.

VI.—'Álí, son of Mas'úd, and Muhammad, son of Maudúd.

These two princes, uncle and nephew, were raised jointly to the throne by the Turks and nobles. Every man took matters into his own hands, and when it was seen that they had no wisdom or power, and that ruin was coming upon the army and the people, they were dethroned after two months' reign, and sent back to a fort. 'Abdu-r Rashíd was raised to the throne in their stead.

VII.—'Abdu-r Rashíd, son of Mahmúd.

Sultán Baháu-d daula 'Abdu-r Rashíd, son of Mahmúd, ascended the throne in the year 441 H. (1049 A.D.) He was a learned and clever man, and used to listen to chronicles and write history; but he had no firmness or courage, and so changes and reverses came upon the state. The Saljúks, on the side of Khurásán, coveted the throne of Ghazní. Dáúd obtained the throne of Khurásán. Alp Arslán, son of Dáúd, was a good general, and they resolved to attack Ghazní. Alp Arslán advanced from Tukháristán with a large force, and his father, Dáúd, marched by way of Sístán to Bust. 'Abdu-r Rashíd collected an army, and placed at the head of it Tughril, who had been one of the slaves of Mahmúd, and was a very energetic man. He marched against Alp Arslán, and routed him in front of the valley of Khamár. From thence he returned speedily to Bust, and Dáúd retreated before him to Sístán. He defeated Beghú, the uncle of Dáúd, and when he had achieved two or three such victories he returned to Ghazní, where he killed 'Abdu-r Rashíd and placed himself on the throne. 'Abdu-r Rashíd reigned two years and-a half.275 His age was thirty.

VIII.—Tughril, the accursed.

Tughril had been a slave of Mahmúd, and was a man of great energy and courage. In the reign of Sultán Maudúd he went from Ghazní to Khurásán, and entered the service of the Saljúks. For some time he remained there, and learnt their method of war. In the time of 'Abdu-r Rashíd he returned to Ghazní, where he took 'Abdu-r Rashíd and slew him, together with eleven other princes. He then ascended the throne of Ghazní, and reigned for forty days with great tyranny and injustice. Some one asked him how the desire of sovereignty had entered into his mind, and he replied, “When 'Abdu-r Rashíd sent me against Alp Arslán he made some promises to me, and confirmed them by giving me his hand. He was then so overpowered by fear that the sound of the tremor which had seized upon his bones came to my ears, and I knew that such a coward could never rule and govern. It was then that the desire of sovereignty fell upon me.” Forty days after his usurpation, a Turk, by name Noshtigín, who was a soldier, turned against Tughril, and conspiring with some of his friends, they killed him on the throne. His head was then brought out, placed upon a pole, and carried round the city, so that the people might have assurance of security.

IX.—Farrukh-zád, son of Mas'úd.

When the Almighty God had recompensed Tughril for his atrocious deeds, and the people were delivered from him and his unbounded tyranny, there were left surviving in the fort of Barghand,276 two princes who were sons of Mas'úd. One of these was named Ibráhím, and the other Farrukh-zád. Tughril, the accursed, had sent a party of men to the fort of Barghand to put them to death. The commandant of the fort pondered over the matter for a day, and kept these emissaries at the gate of the fort upon the understanding that they were to come in on the following day, and execute their orders. Suddenly some fleet messengers arrived with the intelligence that the accursed Tugh-ril had been killed. When that wretched man fell in Ghazní by the hand of Noshtigín, the grandees, princes, and generals set about searching for a king. It was then discovered that two persons (of the royal family) were left surviving in the fort of Barghand. Accordingly they all repaired to that place. At first they wished to raise Ibráhím to the throne, but he was very feeble in body, and as no delay could be admitted, Farrukh-zád was brought out, and proclaimed king on Saturday, the ninth of Zílka'da, A.H. 443 (March, 1052 A.D.).

Farrukh-zád was very mild and just. When he ascended the throne the country of Záwulistán was in a state of desolation from disease and murrain,276a so he remitted the revenue that it might again become prosperous. He secured the territories of the kingdom, and reigned seven years. He died of colic in the year 451 (1059 A.D.), at the age of thirty-four years.

X.—Sultán Ibráhím.276b

Sultán Zahíru-d daula wa Nasíru-l Millat Razíu-d dín Ibráhím, son of Mas'úd, was a great king,—wise, just, good, God-fearing, and kind, a patron of letters, a supporter of religion, and a pious man. When Farrukh-zád became king, Ibráhím was taken out of the fort of Barghand, and brought to that of Nai, and on the death of Farrukh-zád all men concurred in recognizing his succession. An officer named Hasan went to wait upon him, and with the approbation of the people of the kingdom he was brought out from the fort, and on Monday he auspiciously ascended the throne. The next day he spent in mourning for his late brother, and paid a visit to his tomb, and to the tombs of his ancestors. All the nobles and great men walked on foot in attendance upon him. He bestowed no favours upon any one, and hence apprehensions about his rule took possession of the hearts of the people. When the intelligence of his accession reached Dáúd, the Saljúkí, he sent some nobles into Khurásán, and made peace with him. After the death of Dáúd, his son, Alp Arslán, confirmed this treaty of peace. Ibráhím strengthened himself in the possession of his ancestors; the disorders which had arisen in the country from the late extraordinary events he rectified, and the Mahmúdí kingdom began once again to flourish. Ruined places were built afresh, and several fortified places and towns were founded, as Khaírá-bád, Ímanábád, and other places. Many wonders and marvels appeared in his reign, and Dáúd, the Saljúkí, died, who in havoc, war, slaughter, and conquest, passed like a flash of lightning. Ibráhím was born at Hirát, in the year of the conquest of Gurgán, 424 H. (1033 A.D.) He had thirty-six sons and forty daughters. All the daughters he married to illustrious nobles or learned men of repute. One of these princesses was ancestress in the third degree of Minháj Siráj. The cause of the emigration of the author's ancestors from Júzján, was that Imám 'Abdu-l Khálik, who is buried at Táhirábád, in Ghazní, saw in a dream while he lived in Júzján, an angel who told him to rise, go to Ghazní, and take a wife. Upon his awaking it struck him that this might be some work of the devil, but as he dreamed the same thing three times successively, he acted in compliance with his dream, and came to Ghazní. There he married one of the daughters of Ibráhím, and by that princess he had a son named Ibráhím. This Ibráhím was father of Mauláná Minháju-d dín 'Usman, who was father of Maulána Siráju-d dín, the wonder of his time, and father of Minháju-s Siráj. Sultán Ibráhím reigned happily for forty-two years, and died in the year 492 H. (1098 A.D.), at the age of sixty.

XI.—'Aláu-d dín Mas'úd, the Generous, son of Ibráhím.278

Sultán Mas'úd, the generous, was a virtuous prince, who had a prosperous reign. He possessed many excellent qualities, and was adorned with justice and equity. He ascended the throne in the days of Al Mustazhar bi-llah Ahmad, commander of the faithful, son of Muktadar. He was very modest and liberal. He abolished all the tyrannical practices which had been introduced in former reigns, and cancelled the newly-established imposts throughout the dominions of Mahmúd, and the country of Záwulistán. Taxes and imposts were remitted in all his dominions. He restored to the princes, nobles, and grandees their possessions as they had held them in the reign of Sultán Ibrá-hím, and he adopted whatever seemed best for the welfare of the state. Amír 'Azdu-d daula was confirmed in the governorship of Hindustán. In the days of this prince the great Hájib died; but Hájib Taghátigín crossed the river Ganges, and made an incursion into Hindustán, carrying his arms farther than any army had reached since the days of Sultán Mahmúd. All the affairs of state were reduced to a system in his reign, and there was nothing to disturb the minds of any one in any quarter. He was born in Ghazní in A.H. 453 (1061 A.D), and after reigning seventeen years, he died in the year 509 (1115 A.D.), at the age of fifty-seven. He married the sister of Sultán Sanjar, who was called Mahd-i 'Irák (Cradle of 'Irák).

XII.—Malik Arslán, son of Sultán Mas'úd.

Malik Arslán Abú-l malik ascended the throne A.H. 509 (A.D. 1115), and brought Garmsír and the kingdom of Ghazní under his rule. Bahrám Sháh, his uncle, fled to Sultán Sanjar, in Khurásán. Several wonderful phenomena occurred in the reign of this prince. One was that fire and lightning fell from the sky, and burnt the markets of Ghazní. Other distressing calamities and events occurred during his reign, making it hateful to the people. Arslán was famous for his magnanimity and energy, courage, and bravery. After he had ascended the throne he treated his mother, Mahd-i 'Irák, with contempt, and this incensed Sanjar, who gave his aid to Bahrám Sháh, and marched to Ghazní. Malik Arslán gave him battle, but being defeated, he fled to Hindustán, and fell into great distress. He expired in A.H. 511 (1117 A.D.), after a reign of two years, in the thirty-fifth year of his age.

XIII.—Bahrám Sháh.279

Mu'izzu-d daula Bahrám Sháh, was handsome and manly, liberal, just, and a friend of his people. In the early part of his career, when Malik Arslán succeeded his father, Sultán Mas'úd the generous, he went to Khurásán, the throne of which country was occupied in those days by the great Sultán Sa'íd Sanjar. Bahrám Sháh remained for some time at his Court. But at length Sultán Sanjar marched against Ghazní, and defeated Malik Arslán in battle. Bahrám Sháh then mounted the throne, and was supported by Sultán Sanjar. Saiyid Hasan composed an ode, which he recited at Court in the presence of Sanjar. Sanjar went back to Khurásán, and Bahrám took possession of the country. He made some expeditions to Hin-dustán, and on the twenty-seventh of Ramazán, A.H. 512, he captured Muhammad Báhalím, and kept him a prisoner; but he afterwards liberated him, and assigned the whole country of Hindustán to him. This officer again revolted and built the fort of Nágor, in the Siwálik hills, in the vicinity of Bera.279a He had many sons and dependants. Bahrám Sháh proceeded to Hindustán to subdue the fort, and Muhammad Báhalím marched towards Multán to meet him, and gave battle, but God punished him for his ingratitude, and he, with his ten280 sons, their horses and arms, fell on the day of battle into a quagmire,280a so that no trace of him was left. Bahrám Sháh returned to Ghazní, and had to fight against the kings of Ghor. In the war his son Daulat Sháh was slain, and in one campaign he was defeated three times by Sultán 'Aláu-d dín. Ghazní fell into the hands of the Ghorians, who set it on fire and destroyed it. Bahrám Sháh went to Hindustán, but when the Ghorians had retired, he again came to Ghazní, and there expired. His reign lasted forty-one years.

XIV.—Khusrú Sháh, Son of Bahrám Sháh.280b

Sultán Yamínu-d daula Khusrú Sháh ascended the throne in A.H. 552 (1157 A.D.) The kings and princes of Ghor had shaken the throne of the descendants of Mahmúd, and had wrested from them and desolated the countries of Ghazní, Bust, Zamín-dáwar, and Takínábád. Weakness had thus fallen on the kingdom and its splendour was departed. When Khusrú Sháh ascended the throne he was weak and unable to bring the country under his rule.

A body of Ghuzz (Turks) also arose and attacked Khurásán280c where the reign of Sultán Sa'íd Sanjar had come to an end. An army likewise came against Ghazní, and Khusrú Sháh being unable to resist them went to India. He thus lost Ghazní which fell into the hands of the Ghuzz, and so remained for twelve years. But at length Sultán Sa'id Ghíyásu-d dín Muhammad Sám led an army from Ghor, expelled the Ghuzz, took possession of Ghazní, and mounted the throne. Khusrú Sháh had gone to Láhore in Hindustán, where he died. He reigned seven years.

XV.—Khusrú Malik Son of Khusrú Sháh, the last King of the
Ghaznivide Dynasty
.

Khusrú Malik Táju-d daula Sultán Jahán, the gentle king, mounted the throne at Lahore. This prince was exceedingly gentle, liberal, and modest, but fond of pleasure. He possessed many excellent qualities, but as he lived when the rule of his family came to an end, he was held in small esteem. With him closed the power of his house, and anarchy reigned in the country. All the nobles and officers of the State, both Turks and freemen, (atrák o ahrár), deserted him. The slaves and servants of the throne took the government into their own hands, while he in-indulged in luxury and pleasure.

Sultán Sa'íd Mu'izzu-d daula Muhammad Sám came every year from Ghazní, continually increasing his hold upon Hind and Sind, till at length in A.H. 577 (1181 A.D.), he advanced to the gates of Lahore, where he took the elephant and the son of Khusrú Sháh and carried them off with him.

In A.H. 583 (1187 A.D.) he again advanced on Lahore and took it. He then dethroned Khusrú Malik, sent him to Ghazní from whence he was subsequently sent to Fíroz-Koh, which was the capital of the great king Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín Muhammad Sám. By order of this monarch, Khusrú Malik was kept a prisoner in the fort of Balrawán, in Gharjistán. When the war (hádisa) of Sultán Sháh (of Khwárizm) broke out in Khurásán, the kings of Ghor281 were obliged to throw themselves into it, and they then put Sultán Khusrú Malik to death in the year 598 H. (A.D. 1201). His son Bahrám Sháh who was a captive in the fort of Saifrúd in Ghor, was also slain. Thus ended the house of Násiru-d dín Subuktigín. The kingdom of Írán, the throne of Hindustán, and the country of Khurásán all fell into the possession of the Shansabániya Kings.

TABAKAT XVII.

THE SHANSABÁNIYA SULTÁNS AND THE KINGS OF GHOR.282

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1.—Amír Fúlád Ghorí Shansabí.282a

Amír Fúlád Ghorí was one of tke sons of Malik Shansab, son of Harnak. The mountains of Ghor came into his possession, and he gave new life to the names of his forefathers. When the founder of the house of 'Abbás, Abú Muslim Marwazí, revolted, and resolved upon expelling the officers of the Ummayides from Khurásán, Amír Fúlád led the forces of Ghor to his assistance, and took an active part in the victories of the race of 'Abbás, and of the people of the house of the prophet. The fortress of Man-desh 282b was in his possession, and he ruled for some time over the Jabbál and Ghor. Upon his death he was succeeded by the sons of his brother, but after these nothing is known of the rulers of Ghor until the time of Amír Banjí Nahárán.

2.—Amír Banjí, son of Nahárán.

Amír Banjí Nahárán was a great chief, and his history is well known in Ghor. He is considered one of the greatest kings of that territory, and all its kings are descended from him. His pedigree is thus given.

* * * * *

Amír Banjí was a handsome and excellent man, possessing good qualities, and of very estimable character. When the power of the family of 'Abbás was established, and the territories of the Muhammadans came under the rule of the Khalifs of that house, the first person of the Ghorí family who went to the seat of the Khiláfat, and obtained the title of sovereignty and a royal banner was Amír Banjí Nahárán. The cause of his going to the presence of Hárúnu-r Rashíd, the commander of the faithful, was as follows:—There was a tribe in Ghor called Shíshání, who asserted that their ancestors were first converted to Muhammadanism, and then the Shansabánís. Muhammad is called in the Ghorí language Hamd, and when they espoused the faith they were designated Hamdís, or Muhammadans. In the time of Amír Banjí there was a man of the Shíshání tribe whose name was Sís, or in the Ghorí language Shísh. A dispute arose between this Amír Shísh and Amír Banjí, for the chiefship of Ghor, and contention broke out among the people. It was agreed by both parties that Amír Banjí and Shísh should both repair to the Khalif, and whoever brought back a patent of sovereignty and royal ensign should be the chief.

[Account of the interview which the two chiefs had with the Khalif, when Amír Banjí, through the instruction in court etiquette which he had received from a Jew, was named chief, and Shísh was made general.]

From that time the title of the Shansabání kings, according to the gracious words of Hárúnu-r Rashíd, commander of the faithful, became Kasím-i Amíru-l Múminín. The two chiefs returned to Ghor, and assumed their respective offices of rules of Ghor and commander of the army. These two offices are held to this day by the different parties, according to this arrangement. The kings of Ghor were all Shansabáníans, and the commanders of the army are called Shisháníyins, such as Múadu-d dín, Abú-l 'Abbás Shísh, and Sulaimán Shísh.

3.—Amír Súrí.

The writer of this work has not been able to obtain the annals of the kings of Ghor from the reign of Amír Banjí down to the present reign, so as to enable him to write their history in detail. The author resides in Dehli, and through the disorders which the inroads of the infidel Mughals have caused in the territories of Islám, there has been no possibility of his copying from the histories which he had seen in Ghor. He has written what he found in the Táríkh-i Násirí and the Táríkh-i Haizam Nábí, as well as what he was able to gleam from old men of Ghor, but his readers must pardon imperfections.

It is said that Amír Súrí was a great king, and most of the territories of Ghor were in his possession. But as many of the inhabitants of Ghor, of high and low degree, had not yet embraced Muhammadanism, there was constant strife among them. The Saffáríans came from Nímroz to Bust and Dáwar, and Yákúb Lais overpowered Lak-lak, who was chief of Takín-ábád, in the country of Rukhaj.284 The Ghorians sought safety in Sarhá-sang,284a and dwelt there in security, but even among them hostilities constantly prevailed between the Muhammadans and the infidels. One castle was at war with another castle, and their feuds were unceasing; but owing to the inaccessibility of the mountains of Rásiát, which are in Ghor, no foreigner was able to overcome them, and Shansabání Amír Súrí was the head of all the Mandeshís. In Ghor there are five great and lofty mountains, which the people of Ghor agree in considering as higher than the Rásiát mountains. One of these is Zár Murgh, in Mandesh, and the capital and palace of the Shansabání kings are at the foot of this mountain. It is said that Zál Zar, father of Rustam, was here nourished by a Símurgh, and some of the inhabitants of the foot of the mountain say that between the fifth and sixth centuries a loud voice of cry and lamentation was heard to proceed from it, announcing the death of Zál. The second mountain is called Sar Khizr; it is also in the territory of Mandesh, in the vicinity of Takhbar. The third is Ashak, in the country of Timrán, which is the greatest and highest of the whole territory of Ghor. The country of Timrán lies in the valleys and environs of this mountain. The fourth is Wazní, and the territories of Dáwar and Wálasht, and the fort of Kahwarán, are within its ramifications and valleys. And the fifth mountain is Faj Hanísár,285 in the country of Ghor. It is very inaccessible and secure. It is said that the length, breadth, and height of of this mountain are beyond the limits of guess, and the power of understanding. In the year 590 (1194 A.D.), a piece of the trunk of an ebony tree was found on this mountain, which exceeded two hundred mans in weight, and no one could tell how large and high the tree must have been.

4.—Malik Muhammad Súrí.

Abú-l Hasan al Haizam, son of Muhammad-n Nábí author of the Táríkhu-l Haizam, says that when the government of Khurásan and Záwulistán departed from the Sámáníans and Saffárians, and fell to Amír Subuktigín, he led his army several times towards the hills of Ghor, and carried on many wars. When Amír Mahmúd Subuktigín succeeded to the throne, the kingdom of Ghor had devolved upon Amír Muhammad Súrí, and he had brought all the territories of Ghor under his sway. Sometimes he made submission to Sultán Mahmúd, and at others he revolted, and withheld the payment of the fixed tribute, and the contingent of arms which he had agreed to supply. Relying on the strength of his forts, and the numbers and power of his army, he was continually engaging in hostilities. Sultán Mahmúd was consequently always on the watch, and his mind was much disturbed by Súrí's power, his large army, and the security afforded to him by the height and inaccessibility of the hills of Ghor. At last he marched to Ghor with a considerable army. Muhammad Súrí was besieged in the fort of Áhangarán, and held out for a long time. He fought desperately, but was at last compelled to evacuate the fort, upon conditions, and made his submission to Sultán Mahmúd.

The Sultán took him and his younger son, whose name was Shísh, to Ghazní, because the lad was very dear to his father. When they reached the neighbourhood of Gílán, Amír Muhammad Súrí died. Some say that he was taken prisoner, and and as he had a very high spirit he could not brook the disgrace. He had a ring, under the stone of which was concealed some poison, which he took and then died. The Sultán immediately sent his son Shísh back to Ghor, and gave the chieftainship of Ghor to the eldest son, Amír Abú 'Alí bin Súrí, an account of whom follows.

5. Amír Abú 'Alí bin Muhammad bin Súrí.
6. Amír Abbás bin Shísh bin Muhammad bin Súrí.
7. Amír Muhammad bin 'Abbás.
8. Malik Kutbu-d dín al Hasan bin Muhammad bin 'Abbás.
9. Malik 'Izzu-d dín al Husain bin Hasan Abu-s Salátín.
10. Malik Kutbu-d dín Muhammad bin Husain, King of the Jabbál.
11. Sultán Baháu-d dín Sám bin Husain.
12. Malik Shahábu-d dín Muhammad bin Husain, King of Mádín, by Ghor.
13. Malik Shujá'u-d dín 'Alí bin Husain.

14. Sultán 'Aláu-d dín Husain bin Husain bin Sám.

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Sultán Baháu-d dín Sám, son of Husain, died in Kídán, whilst he was leading his army to Ghazní in order to exact revenge for the death of Sultán Súrí, King of the Jabbál. Sultán 'Aláu-d dín then ascended the throne of Ghor and Fíroz Koh. He assembled the forces of Ghor and Gharjistán, firmly resolved upon attacking Ghazní. Sultán Yamínu-d daula Bahrám Sháh, when he heard of these preparations, assembled the troops of Ghazní and Hindustán and passing through Garmsír by way of Rukhaj and Takínábád, he came to Zamín-dáwar. When 'Aláu-d dín came up with his army, Bahrám Sháh sent messengers to him, saying, “Go back to Ghor, and stay in the states of your forefathers; you have not the strength to resist my army, for I have brought elephants with me.” When the envoys delivered this message, 'Aláu-d dín replied, “If you have brought elephants (píl) I have brought the Kharmíls,—besides, you mistake, for you have slain my brothers, whilst I have killed no one belonging to you. Have you not heard what the Almighty says? ‘Whosoever is slain unjustly we have given his heir power (to demand satisfaction); and let him not exceed bounds in putting to death, for he is protected.’” When the messengers returned, both armies made ready for battle, Sultán 'Aláu-d dín called for his two champions,287 named Kharmíl, who were the heads of the army and the renowned heroes of Ghor. One of these was Kharmíl Sám Husain, father of Malik Násiru-d dín Husain; the other was Kharmíl Sám Banjí. Both of these men were famous for courage. 'Aláu-d dín sent for them and said, “Bahrám Sháh has sent to say that he has brought elephants, and I have answered that I have brought the Kharmíls. You must each take care to bring an elephant to the ground to-day.” They bowed and retired. The two armies were drawn up at a place called Kotah-báz-báb. The two champions were on foot, and throwing off their coats of mail, they advanced to battle. When the elephants of Bahrám Sháh charged, the two champions each singled out one; and creeping under the armour, they ripped open the bellies of the animals with their knives. Kharmíl Sháh Banjí fell under the feet of the elephant, and the animal rolling upon him, they both perished together. Kharmíl Sám Husain brought down his elephant, extricated himself, and mounted a horse.

When 'Aláu-d dín had cased himself in armour ready for the fight, he called for an overcoat of red satin, which he put on over his armour. His attendants enquired why he did so, and he said, it was to prevent his men seeing his blood and feeling discouraged, in the event of his being wounded with a lance or arrow.

It is the practice in the armies of Ghor for the infantry to protect themselves in battle with a covering made of a raw hide covered thickly on both sides with wool or cotton. This defensive covering is like a board, and is called károh. When the men put it on they are covered from head to foot, and their ranks look like walls. The wool is so thick that no weapon can pierce it.

Daulat Sháh, son of Bahrám Sháh, advanced to the assault, mounted on an elephant at the head of his cavalry, and 'Aláu-d dín directed his károh-wearers to make an opening in their line, and allow the prince and his followers to pass through. When all had gone through the károh-wearers closed up the gap in their line, and the prince with his elephant and all his cavalry were slain.

When the armies of Bahrám Sháh saw this manœuvre and its bloody result, they broke and fled. 'Aláu-d dín pursued them from stage to stage until they reached a place called Josh-áb-garm (hot wells) near Takínábád. Here Bahrám Shah made a stand, but was again defeated. 'Aláu-d dín followed in hot pursuit, and Bahrám Sháh having drawn together some of his scattered forces, and some reinforcements from Ghazní, he a third time gave battle, and once more was routed.

The victor then entered Ghazní, and for seven nights and days he gave it to the flames. Writers record how that during these seven days the clouds of smoke so darkened the air that day seemed to be night, and the flames so lighted the sky at night that night looked like day. For these seven days plunder, devastation, and slaughter, were continuous. Every man that was found was slain, and all the women and children were made prisoners. Under the orders of the conqueror, all the Mahmúdí kings, with the exception of Mahmúd, Mas'úd, and Ibráhím, were dragged from their graves and burnt. All this time, 'Aláu-d dín sat in the palace of Ghazní occupied with drinking and debauchery. He had directed that the tomb of Saifú-d dín Súrí and of the King of the Jabbál should be sought out. Coffins were made for their bodies, and all the army was ordered to prepare for mourning. When the seven days were over, the city burnt and destroyed, and its inhabitants slain or scattered, on that very night, 'Aláu-d dín composed some verses in his own praise, which he gave to the minstrels to set to music and sing before him. (Verses.)

He then ordered that the remnant of the people of Ghazní should be spared. Breaking up his court, he went to the bath, and on the morning of the eighth day he led the nobles and followers of Ghor to the tombs of his brothers, where he put on garments of mourning, and with all his army he remained there seven days and nights, mourning, making offerings, and having the Kurán read. He then placed the coffins of his brothers in cradles, and marched with them towards Dáwar and Bust; he destroyed all the palaces and edifices of the Mahmúdí kings, which had no equals in the world, and devastated all the territory which had belonged to that dynasty. After that he returned to Ghor, and interred the remains of his brothers in the tombs of their ancestors.

While at Ghazní he had given directions that several of the Saiyids of that town should be taken in retaliation of Saiyid Majdu-d dín, wazír of Sultán Súrí, who was hanged with him from the bridge of Ghazní. These captives were brought into his presence, and bags filled with the dirt of Ghazní were fastened round their necks. They were thus led to Fíroz-koh, and there they were slain. Their blood was mixed with the earth they had carried from Ghazní, and with that mixture 'Aláu-d dín built some towers on the hills of Fíroz-koh, which are standing to this day. May God forgive him!

Having thus exacted vengeance, he devoted himself to pleasure and wine, and he composed some more verses for minstrels to sing in his praise.

When he ascended the throne of Fíroz-koh he imprisoned his two nephews, Ghiyásu-d dín Muhammad Sám and Mu'izzu-d dín Muhammad Sám, sons of Sultán Baháu-d dín Sám, in a fort of Wahíristán, and settled an allowance for their maintenance. [Transactions with Sultán Sanjar Saljúkí.]

Towards the end of his life some emissaries of the Muláhi-datu-l maut came to him, and he paid great honour to these heretics, inviting them into all parts of his kingdom. They on their part were desirous of establishing their sway over the people of Ghor. This remains a stain upon the fame of 'Aláu-d dín.

15. Malik Násiru-d dín al Husain bin Muhammad al Madainí.
16. Sultán Saifu-d dín Muhammad bin Sultán 'Aláu-d dín Husain.
17. Sultánu-l 'azam Ghiyásu-d dunyá wau-d dín Abú-l Fath Muhammad Sám Kasím Amíru-l muminín.
18. Máliku-l Hájí 'Aláu-d dín Muhammad bin Abú 'Alí bin Husain ash Shansabí.
19. Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín Mahmúd bin Muhammad Sám Shansabí.
20. Sultán Baháu-d dín Sám bin Mahmúd bin Muhammad Sám.
21. Sultán 'Aláu-d dín Atsar bin Husain.
22. Sultán 'Aláu-d dín Muhammad bin Abú 'Alí, the last of these kings.

TABAKAT XIX.

THE SHANSABÁNIYA SULTÁNS OF GHAZNÍ.

[Printed Text, p. 111.]

This book contains an abridged account of the Shansabání Sultáns, whose glory added lustre to the throne of Ghazní, and elevated the kingdoms of Hind and Khurásán. The first of them was Sultán Saifu-d dín Súrí. After him came Sultán 'Aláu-d dín Husain, who took Ghazní, but did not reign there. The throne was next taken by Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín Muhammad Sám. When he was killed the crown was confided to his slave, Sultán Táju-d dín Yalduz, and so the line ended.

1.—Sultán Saifu-d dín Súrí.

Saifu-d dín was a great king, of handsome appearance and noble carriage, and distinguished for courage, energy, humanity, justice, and liberality. He was the first individual of this family who received the title of Sultán. When the news reached him of the destruction which had fallen upon his elder brother the king of the Jabbál (Kutbu-d dín), he resolved upon taking vengeance upon Bahrám Sháh. He gathered a great force in the states of Ghor and marched to Ghazní, where he routed Bahrám and took the city. Bahrám fled to Hindustán, and Saifu-d dín ascended the throne of Ghazní, when he placed the territories of Ghor under his brother, Sultán Baháu-d dín Súrí, father of Ghiyásu-d dín and Mu'izzu-d dín. After he had secured Ghazní the chiefs of the army and the nobles of the city and environs submitted to him, and he conferred many favours upon them, so that the army and the subjects of Bahrám Sháh were overwhelmed by his bounteous care. When winter came on he sent his own forces back to Ghor, and kept with him only the troops and officers of Bahrám Sháh in whom he placed full confidence. His wazír, Saiyid Majdu-d dín Musawí, and a few of his old servants remained with him, all the rest of his officers both at Court and in the country had been in the service of the old government.

In the depth of the winter, when the roads to Ghor were closed by heavy falls of snow, the people of Ghazní saw that no army or assistance could come to Saifu-d dín from that quarter, so they wrote to Bahrám Sháh explaining how matters stood, and pressing upon him the necessity of seizing this favourable opportunity for the recovery of his dominions. The deposed king acted upon these advices, and marched suddenly to Ghazní and attacked his foe. Súrí, with his wazír and his old servants, abandoned the city and took the road to Ghor, but the horsemen of Bahrám Sháh pursued them and overtook them in the neighbourhood of Sang-i Surákh.291 They fought desperately until they were unhorsed, and then retreated into the hills, where they kept up such a shower of arrows that the foe could not approach them. When the last arrow had been shot the horsemen captured them, bound them hand and foot, and conducted them to Ghazní. At the gate of the city Sultán Súrí was placed upon a camel, and his wazír, Majdu-d dín, upon another. They were then led ignominiously round the city, and from the tops of the houses, ashes, dirt, and filth were thrown upon their venerable heads. When they reached the one-arched bridge of Ghazní, the Sultán and his wazír were both gibbeted over the bridge. Such was the disgraceful cruelty practised upon this handsome, excellent, just, and brave king. The Almighty, however, prospered the arms of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín Jahán-soz, brother of Sultán Súrí, who exacted full retribution for this horrible deed, as we have already related in another place.

2. Sultánu-l Ghází Mu'izzu-d dunyá wau-d dín Abú-l Muzaffar
Muhammad bin Sám
.292

Historians relate that Sultán 'Alau-d-dín was succeeded by his son Sultán Saifu-d dín. This king released the two princes Ghiyá-su-d dín and Mu'izzu-d dín (his cousins) who were confined in a fort of Wahíristán, as has been already narrated in the history of Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín. Prince Ghiyásu-d dín dwelt peacefully at Fíroz-koh in the service of Sultán Saifu-d dín, and Prince Mu'izzu-d din went to Bámíán into the service of his uncle Fakhru-d dín Mas'úd.

When Ghiyásu-d dín succeeded to the throne of Ghor after the tragical death of Saifu-d dín, and the intelligence thereof came to Bámíán, Fakhru-d dín addressed his nephew Mu'izzu-d dín saying, “Your brother is acting, what do you mean to do? You must bestir yourself.” Mu'izzu-d dín bowed respectfully to his uncle, left the Court, and started just as he was for Fíroz-koh. When he arrived there he waited upon his brother and paid his respects, as has been already related. One year he served his brother, but having taken some offence he went to Sijistán to Malik Shamsu-d dín Sijistání and staid there one winter. His brother sent messengers to bring him back, and when he arrived he assigned to him the countries of Kasr-kajúrán and Istiya.293 When he had established his authority over the whole of Garmsír he made over to his brother the city of Takíná-bád, which was the largest town in Garmsír. This Takínábád is the place which was the cause of the quarrel with the house of Mahmúd Subuktigín, and it passed into the hands of the kings of Ghor. Sultán-i Ghází 'Aláu-d dín sent the following quatrain to Khusrú Sháh bin Bahrám Sháh:

“Thy father first laid the foundation of this place
“Before the people of the world had all fallen under injustice.
“Beware lest for one Takínábád thou shouldest bring
“The empire of the house of Mahmúd to utter ruin.”

When Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín became master of Takínábád the armies and leaders of the Ghuzz had fled before the forces of Khitá towards Ghazní, where they remained for twelve years, having wrested the country from the hands of Khusrú Shah and Khusrú Malik. Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín kept continually assailing them from Takínábád, and troubling the country. At length in the year 569 H. (1173 A.D.) Sultán Ghiyásu-dín conquered Ghazní, and returned to Ghor, after placing his brother Mu'izzu-d dín upon the throne, as has been before related. This prince secured the territories of Ghazní, and two years afterwards in 570 H. (1174 A.D.) he conquered Gurdez.

In the third year he led his forces to Multán and delivered that place from the hands of the Karmatians. In the same year 571 H. (1175 A.D.) the people of Sankarán293a revolted and made great confusion, so he marched against them and put most of them to the sword. It has been written by some that these Sankaráníáns have been called martyrs, in agreement with the declaration of the Kurán, but as they stirred up strife and revolted they were made examples of, and were put to death from political necessity.

In the year after this victory he conducted his army by way of Uch and Multán towards Nahrwála. The Ráí of Nahrwála, Bhím-deo,294 was a minor, but he had a large army and many elephants. In the day of battle the Muhammadans were defeated and the Sultán was compelled to retreat. This happened in the year 574 H. (1178 A.D.).

In 575 H. (1179 A.D.) he attacked and conquered Farsháwar (Pesháwar), and two years afterwards he advanced to Lohor (Lahore). The power of the Ghaznivides was now drawing to its close and their glory was departed, so Khusrú Malik sent his son as a hostage, and an elephant as a present to the Sultán. This was in the year 577 H. (1181 A.D.) Next year the Sultán marched to Dewal, subdued all that country to the sea shore, and returned with great spoil. In 580 H. (1184 A.D.) he went to Lahore, ravaged all the territories of that kingdom, and returned after building the fort of Síálkot, in which he placed Husain Kharmíl as governor. When the Sultán was gone, Khusrú Malik assembled the forces of Hindustán, and having also obtained a body of Kokhars (Gakkars) he laid siege to Síálkot, but, after some interval, was obliged to withdraw. The Sultán returned to Lahore in 581 H. (1185 A.D.).

The house of Mahmúd had now come to its end; the sun of its glory was set, and the registrar of fate had written the mandate of its destruction. Khrusrú Malik could offer no resistance; he came forth peacefully to meet the Sultán, and was made prisoner. Lahore fell completely into the power of the Ghorí prince, and he secured all its dominions in Hindustán.

'Alí Karmákh, chief of Multán, was appointed commander at Lahore, and the father of the writer of this book, Mauláná A'júbatu-z Zamán Afsahu-l 'Ajam Siráju-d dín Minháj, was appointed Kází of the army of Hindustan, and received the honour of investiture from Mu'izzu-d dín. He held his Court at the head quarters of the army, and twelve camels were assigned for moving from place to place his Bench of Justice.

The Sultán returned to Ghazní carrying Khusrú Malik with him, and on arriving there he sent him on to Fíroz-koh, to the Court of the great king Ghiyásu-d dín. This monarch sent him prisoner to the fort of Bahrawán, and confined his son Bahrám Sháh in the fort of Saifrúd.295 When the war with Khwárizm Sháh broke out in the year 587 H. (1191 A.D.) Khusrú Malik and his son were put to death.295a

The victorious Sultán then prepared another army, with which he attacked and conquered the fort of Sarhind. This fort he placed under the command of Zíáu-d dín Kází Tolak, (son of) Muhammad 'Abdu-s Salám Nasáwí Tolakí. This Kází Ziáú-d dín was cousin (son of the uncle) of the author's maternal grandfather. At the request of the Kází, Majdu-d dín Tolakí selected 1200 men of the tribe of Tolakí, and placed them all under his command in the fort so as to enable him to hold it until the return of the Sultán from Ghazní.

Ráí Kolah Pithaurá came up against the fort, and the Sultán returned and faced him at Naráín.295b All the Ráís of Hindustán were with the Ráí Kolah. The battle was formed and the Sultán, seizing a lance, made a rush upon the elephant which carried Gobind Ráí of Dehli. The latter advanced to meet him in front of the battle, and then the Sultán, who was a second Rustam, and the Lion of the Age, drove his lance into the mouth of the Ráí and knocked two of the accursed wretch's teeth down his throat. The Ráí, on the other hand, returned the blow and inflicted a severe wound on the arm of his adversary. The Sultán reined back his horse and turned aside, and the pain of the wound was so insufferable that he could not support himself on horseback. The Musulman army gave way and could not be controlled. The Sultán was just falling when a sharp and brave young Khiljí recognized him, jumped upon the horse behind him, and clasping him round the bosom, spurred on the horse and bore him from the midst of the fight.

When the Musulmans lost sight of the Sultán, a panic fell upon them; they fled and halted not until they were safe from the pursuit of the victors. A party of nobles and youths of Ghor had seen and recognized their leader with that lion-hearted Khiljí, and when he came up they drew together, and, forming a kind of litter with broken lances, they bore him to the halting-place. The hearts of the troops were consoled by his appearance, and the Muhammadan faith gathered new strength in his life. He collected the scattered forces and retreated to the territories of Islám, leaving Kází Tolak in the fort of Sarhind. Ráí Pithaurá advanced and invested the fort, which he besieged for thirteen months.

Next year the Sultán assembled another army, and advanced to Hindustán to avenge his defeat. A trustworthy person named Mu'ínu-d dín, one of the principal men of the hills of Tolak, informed me that he was in this army, and that its force amounted to one hundred and twenty thousand horsemen bearing armour. Before the Sultán could arrive the fort of Sarhind had capitulated, and the enemy were encamped in the vicinity of Náráin. The Sultán drew up his battle array, leaving his main body in the rear, with the banners, canopies, and elephants, to the number of several divisions. His plan of attack being formed, he advanced quietly. The light unarmoured horsemen were made into four divisions of 10,000, and were directed to advance and harass the enemy on all sides, on the right and on the left, in the front and in the rear, with their arrows. When the enemy collected his forces to attack, they were to support each other, and to charge at full speed. By these tactics the infidels were worsted, the Almighty gave us the victory over them, and they fled.

Pithaurá alighted from his elephant, mounted a horse, and galloped off, but he was captured near Sarsutí,297 and sent to hell. Gobind Ráí, of Dehli, was killed in the battle, and the Sultán recognized his head by the two teeth which he had broken. The capital, Ajmír, and all the Siwálik hills, Hánsí, Sarsuti, and other districts were the results of this victory, which was gained in the year 588 H. (1192 A.D.)

On his return homewards the Sultán placed Kutbu-d dín in command of the fort of Kahrám, and in the same year this chief advancing to Mírat conquered that town, and took possession of Dehli. In the following year he captured the fort of Kol. The Sultán came back from Ghazní in the year 590 (1193 A.D.), by way of Benares and Kanauj,297a defeated Ráí Jai Chandar, in the neighbourhood of Chandawáh, and captured over 300 elephants in the battle.

Under the rule of this just king victory followed the standards of his slave Kutbu-d dín Aibak, so that the countries of Nahrwála and Bhangar, the forts of Gwalior and Badáún, and other parts of Hindustán were conquered. But these victories will be related more in detail hereafter, in describing the victories of Kutbu-d dín.

Sultán Sa'íd Ghiyásu-d dín died at Hirát, when his brother Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín was between Tús and Sarakhs in Khurásán, but the latter returned and secured his succession to the throne. [Proceedings west of the Indus.]

A rebellion had broken out among the Kokhars (Gakkars), and the tribes of the hills of Júd, and in the winter the Sultán went to Hindustán to put down the revolt. He defeated the rebels, and made their blood to flow in streams, but as he was returning home to Ghazní he fell into the hands of these infidels, and was put to death in the year 602 H. (1206 A.D. The period of his reign was thirty-two years. [Detailed lists are given of his judges, relations, generals, victories, and of his] Slaves who attained royalty:—Sultán Táju-d dín Yalduz, Sultán Násiru-d dín Kubácha, Sultán Shamsu-d dín Altamsh, Sultán Kutbu-d dín Aibak.

TABAKAT XX.

THE MU'IZZIYA SULTÁNS OF HIND.

[Page 137 to 165 of the Printed Text.]

This chapter is devoted to the history of those kings who were the slaves and servants of the Sultán Ghází Mu'izzu-d dín Muhammad Sám, and sat upon the throne of royalty in the country of Hindustán. The throne of that king descended to them, as he had designed and as is mentioned above. They adorned their heads with the crown of royalty which had belonged to that king, and the influence of the light of Muhammadanism was preserved through their power over the different parts and provinces of Hindustán.

1. Sultán Kutbu-d dín Aibak.298

Sultán Kutbu-d dín, the second Hátim, was a brave and liberal king. The Almighty had bestowed on him such courage and generosity that in his time there was no king like him from the east to the west. When the Almighty God wishes to exhibit to his people an example of greatness and majesty he endows one of his slaves with the qualities of courage and generosity, and then friends and enemies are influenced by his bounteous generosity and warlike prowess. So this king was generous and brave, and all the regions of Hindustán were filled with friends and cleared of foes. His bounty was continuous and his slaughter was continuous.

When Sultán Kutbu-d dín was first brought from Turkistán, his lot fell in the city of Naishápúr, where he was bought by the chief Kází, Fakhru-d dín 'Abdu-l 'Aziz of Kúfa, who was one of the descendants of the great Imám Abú Hanífa of Kúfa. This Kází was governor of Naishápúr and its dependencies. Kutbu-d dín grew up in the service and society of his master's sons, and with them he learned to read the Kurán, and also acquired the arts of riding and archery. In a short time he became remarkable for his manly qualities. When he had nearly arrived at the age of manhood, merchants brought him to Ghaznín, and the Sultán Ghází Mu'izzu-d dín Muhammad Sám purchased him from them. He was possessed of every quality and virtue, but he was not comely in appearance. His little finger299 was broken from his hand, and he was therefore called Aibak, “maimed in the hand.”299a

Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín used occasionally to indulge in music and conviviality, and one night he had a party, and in the course of the banquet he graciously bestowed gifts of money and of uncoined gold and silver upon his servants. Kutbu-d dín received his share among the rest, but whatever he got, either gold or silver, coined or uncoined, he gave it all, when he went out of the assembly, to the Turkí soldiers, guards, faráshes and other servants. He kept nothing, either small or great, for himself. Next day when this was reported to the king, he was looked upon with great favour and condescension, and was appointed to some important duties about the Court. He thus became a great officer, and his rank grew higher every day, until by the king's favour he was appointed Master of the Horse. While he held this station, the kings of Ghor, Ghaznín, and Bámíán went towards Khurásán, Kutbu-d dín showed great activity in repelling the attacks of Sultán Sháh. He held the command of the foragers, and one day while in quest of forage, he was unexpectedly attacked by the cavalry of the enemy. Kutbu-d dín showed great bravery in the fight which ensued, but his party was small, so he was overpowered, made prisoner, and carried to Sultán Sháh. This prince ordered him into confinement, but when the battle was fought, and Sultán Shah was defeated, the victors released Kutbu-d dín and brought him in his iron fetters, riding on a camel, to his master Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín. The Sultán received him kindly, and on his arrival at his capital Ghaznín, he conferred on him the districts of Kahrám. From thence he went to Mírat, of which he took possession in A.H. 587 (1191 A.D.) In the same year he marched from Mírat and captured Dehli.

In A.H. 590 (1194 A.D.) he and 'Izzu-d dín Husain Kharmíl, both being generals of the army, accompanied the Sultán and defeated Ráí Jai Chand of Benáres in the neighbourhood of Chandawál. In the year 591 H. (1195 A.D.) Thankar was conquered; and in 593 H. (1197 A.D.) he went towards Nahrwála, defeated Ráí Bhím-deo, and took revenge on the part of the Sultán. He also took other countries of Hindustán as far as the outskirts of the dominions of China on the east. Malik 'Izzu-d dín Muhammad Bakhtiyár Khiljí had subdued the districts of Bihár and Núdiya300 in those quarters, as will be related hereafter in the history of that general.

When Sultán-i Ghází Muhammad Sám died, Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín Mahmúd Muhammad Sám, his nephew, gave Kutbu-d dín the royal canopy, and the title of Sultán. In A.H. 602 (1205 A.D.) the new monarch marched from Dehli to attack Lohor, and on Tuesday, the 18th of the month of Zí-l Ka'da, in the same year (June 1206), he mounted the throne in that city. After some time a dispute arose between him and Sultán Táju-d dín Yalduz respecting Lohor, and it ended in a battle, in which the victory was gained by Sultán Kutbu-d dín. Táju-d dín fled. Sultán Kutbu-d dín then proceeded towards Ghaznín, which he captured, and for forty days he sat upon the throne of that city, at the end of which time he returned to Dehli, as has been before mentioned. Death now claimed his own, and in the year 607 H. the Sultán fell from his horse in the field while he was playing chaugán, and the horse came down upon him, so that the pommel of the saddle entered his chest, and killed him. The period of his government, from his first conquest of Dehli up to this time, was twenty years, and the time of his reign, during which he wore the crown, and had the Khutba read and coin struck in his name, was something more than four years.

2. Árám Sháh, son of Sultán Kutbu-d dín Aibak.

On the death of Sultán Kutbu-d dín, the nobles and princes of Hindustán deemed it advisable for the satisfaction of the army, the peace of the people, and the tranquillity of the country, to place Árám Sháh upon the throne. Sultán Kutbu-d dín had three daughters, of whom the two eldest were, one after the death of the other, married to Malik Násiru-d dín Kubácha, and the third to Sultán Shamsu-d dín. Now that Kutbu-d dín was dead, and Árám Sháh was raised to the throne, Malik Násiru-d dín Kubácha marched towards Uch and Multán. Kutbu-d dín had regarded Sultán Shamsu-d dín as well suited for empire, had called him his son, and had given him Badáún in Jágír. The chief men of Dehli now invited him from Badáún and raised him to the throne. He espoused the daughter of Sultán Kutbu-d dín.

When Árám Sháh expired, Hindustán was divided into four principalities. The province of Sind was possessed by Násiru-d dín Kubácha; Dehli and its environs belonged to Sultán Sa'id Shamsu-d dín; the districts of Lakhnautí were held by the Khiljí chiefs and Sultáns, and the province of Lohor was held sometimes by Malik Táju-d dín, sometimes by Malik Násiru-d dín Kubácha, and sometimes by Sultán Shamsu-d dín. An account of each will be given hereafter.

3. Násiru-d dín Kubácha.

Malik Násiru-d dín was an excellent monarch, and was a slave of Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín. He was a man of the highest intelligence, cleverness, experience, discretion, and acumen. He had served Sultán-i Ghází Mu'izzu-d dín for many years in all kinds of offices and positions, and he was well acquainted with all matters, small and great, concerning courts, and military and and civil affairs. He obtained Uch and Multán, which were ruled by Malik Násiru-d dín Aitamur.302 In the battle of And-khod, 302a which Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín fought with the armies of Khitá and the princes of Turkistán, Násiru-d dín had displayed great valour by the stirrups of the Sultán, where he fought desperately, and sent many of the infidels to hell. The warriors of the army of Khitá were distressed by the slaughter which he dealt around, so they all at once came upon him and thus he was overpowered.302b The Sultán Ghází, through this event, came safely to the throne of Ghaznín, and the town of Uch was assigned to Malik Násiru-d dín Kubácha. He married two daughters of Sultán Kutbu-d dín; by the first he had a son, Malik 'Aláu-d dín Bahrám Sháh, who was handsome and of amiable character, but he was addicted to pleasure, and gave way to his youthful passions. When Malik Násiru-d dín Kubácha, after the death of Sultán Kutbu-d dín, went to Uch, he took the city of Multán; and Hindustán, Dewal, and all as far as the sea shore, fell into his power. He also took the forts, towns, and cities of the territory of Sind, and assumed regal dignity. He extended his rule to Tabar-hindh,302c Kahrám, and Sarsutí. He took Lohor several times, and fought a battle with the army of Ghaznín which had come there on the part of Sultán Táju-d dín Yalduz; but he was defeated by Khwájá Muwaidu-l Mulk Sanjarí, who was minister of the king of Ghaznín. He still maintained possession of the territory of Sind. During the struggles with the infidels of Chín, many chiefs of Khurásán, Ghor, and Ghaznín joined him, and upon all his associates he bestowed great favours and honours. There was continual variance between him and Sultán Sa'íd Shams.

When the battle between Jalálu-d dín Khwárizm Sháh and Changíz Khán was fought on the banks of the Indus, Jalálu-d dín came into Sind and went towards Dewal and Makrán. After the victory of Nandua-tari the Moghal prince came with a large army to the walls of the city of Multán and besieged that strong fort for forty days. During this war and invasion Malik Násiru-d dín opened his treasures and lavished them munificently among the people. He gave such proofs of resolution, energy, wisdom, and personal bravery, that it will remain on record to the day of resurrection. This Moghal invasion took place in the year 621 H. (1224 A.D.) One year and six months after, the chiefs of Ghor through this irruption of the infidels, joined Násiru-d dín. Towards the end of the year 623 H. (1226 A.D.), the army of Khilj, consisting of all the forces of Khwárizm, under the command of Malik Khán Khilj, invaded the lands of Mansúra, one of the cities of Siwistán. Malik Násiru-d dín marched to expel them, and a battle ensued, in which the army of Khilj was defeated and the Khán of Khilj was slain. Malik Násiru-d dín then returned to Multán and Uch.

In this same year, the compiler of these leaves, Siráj Minháj, came from the country of Khurásán, via Ghaznín and Mithán, and thence reached Uch by boat, on Tuesday, the 26th of the month of Jumáda-l awwal A.H. 624 (April, 1227 A.D.). In the month of Zí-l hijja of the same year, the Eírozí college at Uch was consigned to the care of the author. On the provocation of the army of 'Aláu-d dín Bahrám Sháh, in the month of Rabí'u-l awwal, A.H. 624, Sultán Sa'íd Shamsu-d dín en-encamped in sight of Uch. Malik Násiru-d dín fled by water towards Bhakkar, and the army of the Sultán, under the command of the Minister of State, Nizámu-l Mulk, pursued him and besieged him in that fort. The Sultán remained two months and twenty-seven days before Uch, and on Tuesday the 27th of Jumáda-l awwal the fort was taken. When the news of this conquest reached Malik Násiru-d dín, he sent his son, 'Aláu-d dín Bahrám Sháh to wait upon the Sultán; but as he reached the camp on the 22nd of Jumáda-l ákhir, the news of the conquest of Bhakkar arrived. Malik Násiru-d dín drowned himself in the river Sind and thus ended his life. He reigned in the territory of Sind, Uch, and Multán for twenty-two years.

4. Sultán Baháu-d dín Tughril.

Malik Baháu-d dín Tughril was a man of kindly disposition, just, charitable, and polite. He was one of the oldest servants of Sultán Ghází Mu'izzu-d dín, who with his favour had made him a great man. When the Sultán conquered the fort of Thankar304 in the country of Bhayána304a after fighting with the Ráí, he consigned it to Baháu-d dín, and he so improved the condition of the country that merchants and men of credit came thither from all parts of Hindustán and Khurásán, He gave all of them houses and goods, and also made them masters of landed property, so that they settled there. As he and his army did not like to reside in the fort of Thankar, he founded the city of Sultán-kot,304b in the territory of Bhayána and made it the place of his residence. From this place he constantly sent his horsemen towards Gwalior. When Sultán Ghází retired from that fort he told Baháu-d dín that he ought to secure it for himself. Upon this hint Baháu-d dín, posted a division of his army at the foot of the fort of Gwalior, and at two parasangs distance he constructed a fortification, where his cavalry might picket at night and return in the morning to the base of the rock. A year passed and the garrison being reduced to extremities sent messengers to Kutbu-d dín and surrendered the fort to him. There was a little misunderstanding between Baháu-d dín and Sultán Kutbu-d dín. Malik Baháu-d dín Tughril was a man of excellent qualities, and he has left many marks of his goodness in the territory of Bhayáná.

5. Malik Ghází Ikhtiyáru-d dín Muhammad Bakhtiyár Khiljí, of
Lakhnautí
.

It is related that this Muhammad Bakhtiyár was a Khiljí, of Ghor, of the province of Garmsír. He was a very smart, enterprising, bold, courageous, wise, and experienced man. He left his tribe and came to the Court of Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín, at Ghaznín, and was placed in the díwán-i 'arz (office for petitions), but as the chief of that department was not satisfied with him he was dismissed, and proceeded from Ghaznín to Hindustán. When he reached the Court of Dehli, he was again rejected by the chief of the díwán-i 'arz of that city,305 and so he went on to Badáún, into the service of Hizbaru-d dín Hasan, commander-in-chief, where he obtained a suitable position. After some time he went to Oudh in the service of Malik Hisámu-d dín Ughlabak. He had good horses and arms, and he had showed much activity and valour at many places, so he obtained Sahlat and Sahlí305a in Jagír. Being a bold and enterprising man, he used to make incursions into the districts of Munír (Monghír), and Behár, and bring away much plunder, until in this manner he obtained plenty of horses, arms, and men. The fame of his bravery and of his plundering raids spread abroad, and a body of Khiljís joined him from Hindustán. His exploits were reported to Sultán Kutbu-d dín, and he sent him a dress and showed him great honour. Being thus encouraged, he led his army to Behár and ravaged it. In this manner he continued for a year or two to plunder the neighbourhood, and at last prepared to invade the country.

It is said by credible persons that he went to the gate of the fort of Behár with only two hundred horse, and began the war by taking the enemy unawares. In the service of Bakhtiyár there were two brothers of great intelligence. One of them was named Nizámu-d dín and the other Samsámu-d dín. The compiler of this book met Samsámu-d dín at Lakhnautí in the year 641 H. (1243 A.D.), and heard the following story from him. When Bakhtiyár reached the gate of the fort, and the fighting began, these two wise brothers were active in that army of heroes. Muhammad Bakhtiyár with great vigour and audacity rushed in at the gate of the fort and gained possession of the place. Great plunder fell into the hands of the victors. Most of the inhabitants of the place were Brahmans with shaven heads. They were put to death. Large numbers of books were found there, and when the Muhammadans saw them, they called for some persons to explain their contents, but all the men had been killed. It was discovered that the whole fort and city was a place of study (madrasa). In the Hindí language the word Behár (vihár) means a college.

When this conquest was achieved, Bakhtiyár returned laden with plunder, and came to Kutbu-d dín, who paid him much honour and respect. A body of the nobles of the Court looked upon the favours which Sultán Kutbu-d dín bestowed upon him, with jealousy. In their convivial parties they used to sneer at him, and to cast jibes and ironical observations at him. Their animosity reached to such a pitch that he was ordered to combat with an elephant at the White Palace. He struck it such a blow with his battle-axe on the trunk that it ran away, and he pursued it. On achieving this triumph, Sultán Kutbu-d dín bestowed rich gifts upon him from his own royal treasure, and he also ordered his nobles to present to him such ample offerings as can scarcely be detailed. Muhammad Bakhtiyár in that very meeting scattered all those gifts and gave them away to the people. After receiving a robe from the Sultán he returned to Behár. Great fear of him prevailed in the minds of the infidels of the territories of Lakhnautí, Behár, Bang (Bengal), and Kámrúp.

It is related by credible authorities that mention of the brave deeds and conquests of Malik Muhammad Bakhtiyár was made before Ráí Lakhmaniya, whose capital was the city of Núdiya. He was a great Ráí, and had sat upon the throne for a period of eighty years. A story about that Ráí may be here related:—

When the father of the Ráí departed this world, he was in the womb of his mother, so the crown was placed upon her belly, and all the great men expressed their loyalty before her. His family was respected by all the Ráís or chiefs of Hindustán, and was considered to hold the rank of Khalif, or sovereign. When the time of the birth of Lakhmaniya drew near, and symptoms of delivery appeared, his mother assembled the astrologers and Brahmans, in order that they might see if the aspect of the time was auspicious. They all unanimously said that if the child were born at that moment it would be exceedingly unlucky, for he would not become a sovereign. But that if the birth occurred two hours later the child would reign for eighty years. When his mother heard this opinion of the astrologers, she ordered her legs to be tied together, and caused herself to be hung with her head downwards. She also directed the astrologers to watch for the auspicious time. When they all agreed that the time for delivery was come, she ordered herself to be taken down, and Lakhmaniya was born directly, but he had no sooner come into the world than his mother died from the anguish she had endured. Lakhmaniya was placed upon the throne, and he ruled for eighty years. It is said by trustworthy persons that no one, great or small, ever suffered injustice at his hands. He used to give a lac to every person that asked him for charity; as was also the custom of the generous Sultán, the Hátim of the time, Kutbu-d dín. In that country the current money is kaudas (kaurís) instead of chítals,308 and the smallest present he made was a lac of kaudas.

Let us return to the history of Muhammad Bakhtiyár. When he came back from his visit to Sultán Kutbu-d dín and conquered Behár, his fame reached the ears of Ráí Lakhmaniya and spread throughout all parts of the Ráí's dominions. A body of astrologers, Brahmans, and wise men of the kingdom, came to the Ráí and represented to him that in their books the old Brahmans had written that the country would eventually fall into the hands of the Turks. The time appointed was approaching; the Turks had already taken Behár, and next year they would also attack his country, it was therefore advisable that the Ráí should make peace with them, so that all the people might emigrate from the territory, and save themselves from contention with the Turks. The Ráí asked whether the man who was to conquer the country was described as having any peculiarity in his person. They replied, Yes; the peculiarity is, that in standing upright both his hands hang down below the knees, so that his fingers touch his shins.308a The Ráí observed that it was best for him to send some confidential agents to make enquiry about that peculiarity. Accordingly confidential agents were despatched, an examination was made, and the peculiarity was found in the person of Muhammad Bakhtiyár. When this was ascertained to be the fact, most of the Brahmans and many chiefs (sáhán) went away to the country of Sanknát,308b and to the cities of Bang and Kámrúp, but Ráí Lakhmaniya did not like to leave his territory.

Next year Muhammad Bakhtiyár prepared an army, and marched from Behár. He suddenly appeared before the city of Núdiya with only eighteen horsemen, the remainder of his army was left to follow. Muhammad Bakhtiyár did not molest any man, but went on peaceably and without ostentation, so that no one could suspect who he was. The people rather thought that he was a merchant, who had brought horses for sale. In this manner he reached the gate of Ráí Lakhmaniya's palace, when he drew his sword and commenced the attack. At this time the Ráí was at his dinner, and golden and silver dishes filled with food were placed before him according to the usual custom. All of a sudden a cry was raised at the gate of his palace and in the city. Before he had ascertained what had occurred, Muhammad Bakhtiyár had rushed into the palace and put a number of men to the sword. The Ráí fled barefooted by the rear of the palace, and his whole treasure, and all his wives, maid servants, attendants, and women fell into the hands of the invader. Numerous elephants were taken, and such booty was obtained by the Muhammadans as is beyond all compute. When his army arrived, the whole city was brought under subjection, and he fixed his head quarters there.

Ráí Lakhmaniya went towards Sanknát309 and Bengal, where he died. His sons are to this day rulers in the territory of Bengal. When Muhammad Bakhtiyár had taken possession of the Ráí's territory, he destroyed the city of Núdiya and established the seat of his government at Lakhnautí. He brought the surrounding places into his possession, and caused his name to be read in the Khutba and struck on the coins. Mosques, colleges, and monasteries were raised everywhere by the generous efforts of him and his officers, and he sent a great portion of the spoil to Sultán Kutbu-d dín.

When several years had elapsed, he received information about the territories of Turkistán and Tibet, to the east of Lakh-nautí, and he began to entertain a desire of taking Tibet and Turkistán. For this purpose he prepared an army of about ten thousand horse. Among the hills which lie between Tibet and the territory of Lakhnautí, there are three races of people. The one is called Kúch (Kúch Behár), the second Mích, and the third, Tiháru.310 They all have Turkí features and speak different languages, something between the language of Hind and that of Tibet. One of the chiefs of the tribes of Kúch and Mích, who was called 'Alí Mích, had been converted to Muhammadanism by Muhammad Bakhtiyár, and this man agreed to conduct him into the hills. He led him to a place where there was a city called Mardhan-kot.310a It is said that in the ancient times when Gurshásp Sháh returned from China, he came to Kámrúd (Kámrúp) and built this city. Before the town there runs a stream which is exceedingly large. It is called Bangamatí.310b When it enters the country of Hindustan it receives in the Hindí language the name of Samundar. In length, breadth, and depth, it is three times greater than the Ganges. Muhammad Bakh-tiyár came to the banks of this river, and 'Alí Mích went before the Muhammadan army. For ten days they marched on until he led them along the upper course of the river into the hills, to a place where from old times a bridge had stood over the water having about twenty (bíst o and) arches of stone. When the army reached the bridge, Bakhtiyár posted there two officers, one a Turk, and the other a Khiljí, with a large force to secure the place till his return. With the remainder of the army he then went over the bridge. The Ráí of Kámrúp, on receiving intelligence of the passage of the Muhammadans, sent some confidential officers to warn Bakhtiyár against invading the country of Tibet, and to assure him that he had better return and make more suitable preparations. He also added that he, the Ráí of Kámrúp, had determined that next year he also would muster his forces and precede the Muhammadan army to secure the country. Muhammad Bakhtiyár paid no heed to these representations, but marched on towards the hills of Tibet.

One night in the year 641 (1243 A.D.) he halted at a place between Deo-kot and Bangáwan, and stayed as a guest in the house of Mu'atamadu-d daula, who had formerly been an equerry in the service of Muhammad Bakhtiyár and had lived in the town of Lakhnautí. From this man he heard that after passing over the bridge, the road lay for fifteen stages through the defiles and passes of the mountains, and at the sixteenth stage level land was reached. The whole of that land was well populated, and the villages were flourishing. The village which was first reached had a fort, and when the Muhammadan army made an attack upon it, the people in the fort and the surrounding places came to oppose them, and a battle ensued. The fight raged from morning till the time of afternoon prayer, and large numbers of the Muhammadans were slain and wounded. The only weapons of the enemy were bamboo spears; and their armour, shields and helmets, consisted only of raw silk strongly fastened and sewed together. They all carried long bows and arrows. When night came on, the prisoners who had been taken were brought forward and questioned, and it was then ascertained that at five parasangs from that place there was a city called Karam-batan, 311 and in it there was about three hundred and fifty thousand brave Turks armed with bows. The moment the horsemen of the Muhammadans arrived, messengers went to report their approach, and these messengers would reach their destination next morning. When the author was at Lakhnautí, he made enquiries about that place, and learnt that it was a pretty large city. The ramparts of it are built of stone. The inhabitants of it are Brahmans and Núnís,311a and the city is under the sway of the chief of these people. They profess the Buddhist311b religion. Every morning in the market of that city, about fifteen hundred horses are sold. All the saddle horses311c which come into the territory of Lakhnautí are brought from that country. Their roads pass through the ravines of the mountains, as is quite common in that part of the country. Between Kámrúp and Tibet there are thirty-five mountain passes through which horses are brought to Lakhnautí.

In short, when Muhammad Bakhtiyár became aware of the nature of the country, and saw that his men were tired and exhausted, and that many had been slain and disabled in the first day's march, he consulted with his nobles, and they resolved that it was advisable to retreat, that in the following year they might return to the country in a state of greater preparation. On their way back there was not left on all the road a single blade of grass or a bit of wood. All had been set on fire and burnt. The inhabitants of the valleys and passes had all removed far away from the road, and for the space of fifteen days not a sír of food nor a blade of grass or fodder was to be found, and they were compelled to kill and eat their horses.

When, after descending the hills of the land of Kámrúp, they reached the bridge, they found that the arches of it had been demolished. The two officers who had been left to guard it had quarrelled, and in their animosity to each other had neglected to take care of the bridge and the road, so the Hindús of Kámrúp had come there and destroyed the bridge. When Muhammad Bakhtiyár with his army reached the place, he found no means of crossing. Neither was there a boat to be found, so he was greatly troubled and perplexed. They resolved to fix on some place where to encamp, and prepare rafts and boats to enable them to cross the river.

In the vicinity of this place was perceived a temple, very lofty and strong, and of beautiful structure. In it there were numerous idols of gold and silver, and one very large golden idol, which exceeded two or three thousand miskáls in weight. Muhammad Bakhtiyár and the remnant of his army sought refuge in that temple, and set about procuring wood and ropes for constructing rafts to cross the stream. The Ráí of Kámrúp was informed of the distress and weakness of the Muhammadans, and he issued orders to all the Hindús of his territory to come up, levy after levy, and all around the temple they were to stick their bamboo spears in the ground and to plait them together so as to form a kind of wall. When the soldiers of Islám saw this they told Muhammad Bakhtiyár that if they remained passive they would all be taken in the trap of the infidels and be made prisoners; some way of escape must be sought out. By common consent they made a simultaneous sally, and directing their efforts to one spot, they cleared for themselves a way through the dangerous obstacle to the open ground. The Hindús pursued them to the banks of the river and halted there. Every one exerted his ingenuity to devise some means of passing over the river. One of the soldiers urged his horse into the water, and it was found fordable to the distance of a bow-shot. A cry arose in the army that a fordable passage was found, and all threw themselves into the stream. The Hindús in their rear took possession of the banks. When the Muhammadans reached the middle of the stream, the water was found to be very deep, and they nearly all perished. Muhammad Bakhtiyár with some horse, to the number of about a hundred, more or less, crossed the river with the greatest difficulty, but all the rest were drowned.

When Muhammad Bakhtiyár escaped from this watery grave, the intelligence of it reached the people of Kúch and Mích. 'Alí Mích, the guide, sent his relatives forward on the road to meet him, and received him with much kindness and hospitality. When Bakhtiyár reached Deokot he was seized by sickness, occasioned by excess of grief. He would never go out, because he felt ashamed to look on the wives and children of those who had perished. If ever he did ride out, all people, women and children, from their housetops and the streets, cried out cursing and abusing him. In this position the remark often fell from his tongue, “Has any misfortune befallen Sultán Ghází Mu'izzu-d dín Muhammad Sám, that my fortune has turned so bad?” It was even so, for Sultán Ghází was killed about that time. Muhammad Bakhtiyár grew worse under his trouble, took to his bed, and died. Some writers say that there was a chief under Muhammad Bakhtiyár, of the same tribe as himself, 'Alí Mardán Khiljí by name. He was a very bold and dauntless man, and the district of Kúní had been assigned to him. When he heard of Bakhtiyár's sickness he came to Deokot, where Bakhtiyár was lying ill. Three days had elapsed since anyone had been admitted to see him, but 'Alí Mardán by some means got in to him, drew aside the sheet with which he was covered, and killed him with a knife. His death took place in A.H. 602 (1205 A.D.)

6. Malik 'Izzu-d dín Muhammad Shírán Khiljí.

It is related that Muhammad Shírán and Ahmad Írán were two brothers, sons of a noble Khiljí. They were in the service of Muhammad Bakhtiyár, and when this chief started on his campaign in Kámrúp and Tibet, he sent Shírán and his brother Ahmad with detachments of his troops to Lakhnautí and Jájnagar. On the arrival of the news of the defeat and death of Bakhtiyár, they returned from their stations, and came dutifully to Deokot. From that place he (Muhammad Shírán) went to Nárkotí, which belonged to 'Alí Mardán, and seizing him in punishment of the crime he had committed, put him in prison under the charge of the Kotwál of the place, whose name was Bábá Kotwál Isfahání. He then came back to Deokot and collected all the nobles. This Muhammad Shírán was a very active and high principled man.

When Muhammad Bakhtiyár sacked the city of Núdiya and defeated Ráí Lakhmaniya, the soldiers, followers, and elephants of the Ráí were dispersed, and the Muhammadans pursued and plundered them. Muhammad Shírán was three days absent from the camp on this pursuit, so that all the officers began to be apprehensive about him. After the third day, news was brought that Muhammad Shírán had captured eighteen or more elephants in a certain jungle, with their drivers, and alone by himself he was keeping them there. Horsemen were sent out to his assistance and all the elephants were brought in. In short, Muhammad Shírán was an energetic man, ready and full of expedients. When he returned, after taking 'Alí Mardán prisoner, as he was the chief of all the Khiljí nobles, they all rendered him homage, but each noble continued to rule over the districts which belonged to himself. 'Alí Mardán contrived to ingratiate himself with the Kotwál, and, escaping from prison, he went to the Court of Delhi. Upon his representations Sultán Kutbu-d dín sent Káímáz315 Rúmí from Oude towards Lakhnautí, and in execution of the royal orders the Khiljí chiefs were quieted. Hisámu-d dín 'Auz Khiljí, who had received the districts of Gan-gatorí 315a from Muhammad Bakhtiyár, came to receive Káímáz Rúmí, and went with him to Deokot. Here Káímáz transferred to him the district of Deokot, and then returned. Muhammad Shírán and other Khiljí chiefs having assembled, determined to attack Deokot, so Káímáz came back from the middle of his journey and fought a battle with the Khiljí chiefs, and Muhammad Shírán and the other Khiljís were defeated. Quarrels afterwards broke out among these chiefs in the neighbourhood of Makída315b and Mantús, and Muhammad Shírán was slain. His tomb is in that country.

7. Malik 'Aláu-d dín 'Alí Mardán Khiljí.

'Alí Mardán was very resolute, bold, and fearless. When he escaped from the prison at Nárkotí, he came to Sultán Kutbu-d dín, and with him went to Ghaznín, where he fell into the hands of the Turks of that place. It is related that one day as he was going to a hunting-ground with Sultán Táju-d dín Yalduz, he said to one of the Khiljí nobles, who was called Sálár-i Zafar (victorious general), “What would you say if I were to kill Táju-d dín Yalduz with one arrow, and to make you king on the spot.” Zafar Khilj was a wise man, and he prevented him from committing the (crime). When he returned from the hunt Zafar gave him two horses and sent him away. On reaching Hindustan, he waited upon Sultán Kutbu-d dín and received much honour and favour. The province of Lakhnautí was conferred on him and he went to that place. When he had crossed the Kosí river, Hisámu-d dín 'Auz Khiljí came from Deo-kot to meet him. He then entered Deo-kot, assumed the reins of government, and brought all the territories under his rule. When Sultán Kutbu-d dín died, 'Alí Mardán assumed royal state, and ordered his name to be read in the Khutba, under the title of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín. He was a cruel and sanguinary man. He sent his army in different directions and slew many Khiljí chiefs. The Ráís of the surrounding places grew apprehensive of him, and sent him presents and tribute. He began to issue orders to various parts of Hindustan, and to utter most extravagant vaunts before the assembly, and in open court he talked about the kings of Khurásán, Ghazní, and Ghor, and uttered the most useless absurdities. He even talked of sending his mandates to Ghaznín Khurásán, and 'Irák, requiring them to submit to his rule.

It is related that there was a merchant in that country who was reduced to poverty and had lost all his wealth. He requested a donation from 'Alí Mardán, and the king enquired what place he was a native of. He replied, Safáhán (Ispahán). The king then ordered a farmán to be written, granting to him Safáhán as his jágir. Through dread of his great severity and harshness, no one dared to say that Safáhán was not in his possession. If any person told him, when he made such grant, that the place was not his, he replied, “I shall take it.” So he granted Safáhán to that merchant, who was indigent and miserable. The great and wise persons of the place represented in behalf of the poor fellow, that he required money for the expences of the journey and for the fitting out of an army to take possession of his grant of Ispahán. A large sum of money was accordingly ordered to be given to the merchant. To such a degree was the haughtiness and severity and false pride of 'Alí Mardán excited. Besides all this, he was a cruel man and a tyrant. The poor people, the peasants, and the army were all tired of his tyranny and cruelty. They had no way of escape but in rebellion. A number of Khiljí chiefs combined against him and killed him. They then placed Hisámu-d dín 'Auz upon the throne. The length of 'Alí Mardán's reign was two years, more or less.

8. Malik Hisámu-d dín 'Auz Khiljí.

Hisámu-d dín 'Auz was a man of kindly disposition. He was a Khilj of Ghor. It is said that once upon a time he was driving a laden mule along the skirts of the hills of Ghor to a certain village, on his journey from the country of Záwulistán to the highlands called Pasha-afroz. Two fakírs in religious garb came to him and asked him whether he carried any food on his mule. 'Auz Khiljí replied that he did. He had with him some traveller's bread, which he took from a bag on the back of the mule and spread it before the darweshes. When they had eaten the food, he produced some water and held it in a vessel before them. The fakírs partook of the food and drank of the water which he presented; they began to talk with each other saying, “This man has rendered us a service, we must not let him lose by it.” They turned their faces towards 'Auz Khiljí and said, “O chief, go towards Hindustan; we give you the country as far as Muhammadanism has spread.”

At this direction of the fakírs he returned from that spot, and placed his wife upon his mule, and took his way towards Hindustán. He joined Muhammad Bakhtiyár; and his fortune reached such a degree of success that his name was read in the Khutba and struck upon the coin throughout the territory of Lakhnautí. To him the title of Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín was given. He made the city of Lakhnautí the seat of his government, and built a fort for his residence. People flocked to him from all quarters, for he was exceedingly good, and possessed solid endowments, both external and internal. He was polite, brave, just and generous. During his reign, the army and the people in general lived in tranquillity and comfort. All his nobles were greatly benefitted by his gifts and bounty, and obtained immense wealth. He left many fine monuments of his goodness behind him in the country. He raised public buildings and mosques. He gave stipends to learned men and to shaikhs and saiyids; he also bestowed property and goods upon other classes of the people. For instance, there was a descendant of the Imám of Fíroz-koh, who was called Jalálu-d dín, son of Jamálu-d dín Ghaznawí. He came with a body of men from his native country to Hindustán in A.H. 608 (1211 A.D.) After some years he went back to Fíroz-koh, taking immense wealth with him. On being asked how he obtained those riches, he said, that when he reached Hindustan, he went to Dehli, and from thence he determined to proceed to Lakhnautí. When he reached that place the Almighty so favoured him that his name was mentioned in the Court of Ghiyásu-d dín. That kind-hearted king awarded him from his treasure a large dish-full of gold and silver tankas, worth about ten thousand silver tankas. He also ordered the chiefs, nobles and ministers to give something, and accordingly each one gave him some present, amounting in the whole to about three thousand pieces more, and at the time of his departure, five thousand pieces were added to what he had formerly received; so that the Imám-záda obtained eighteen thousand tankas through the favour of that Ghiyásu-d dín Khiljí, king of Lakhnautí.

When the writer of this book reached the territory of Lakh-nautí in A.H. 641 (1243 A.D.), he witnessed the charity of this king with his own eyes.

The territory of Lakhnautí consists of two parts, on opposite banks of the Ganges. That to the west is called Dál,318 the city of Lakhnautí is on this side. The eastern side is called Bar-banda, 318a and the city of Deo-kot is on that side. From Lakh-nautí to the gates of Lakhnaur,319 and on the other side of the river as far as the city of Deo-kot, embankments (pul) have been raised, which extend for ten days' journey. The reason for this is that during the rains all that country is inundated and if there were no embankments people would have to go to different parts and places in boats. In his reign, the roads by means of these embankments became passable by all men. It is also said that when, after the death of Malik Násiru-d dín Mahmúd, Sultán Sa'íd Shamsu-d dín came to the territory of Lakhnautí to repress the rebellion of Ikhtiyáru-d dín, he noticed the charity of Ghiyásu-d dín. Whenever afterwards he mentioned his name he used to call him Sultán, and it pleased him to say that, considering his great charity, no one ought to hesitate about giving him that title. Indeed he was a generous, just, and good-natured man. All the territories of Lakhnautí, such as Jájnagar and the provinces of Bengal, Kámrúp, and Tirhut, used to send him offerings. The district of Lakhnaur submitted to him, and brought him elephants, furniture, and treasures in abundance, and he established his officers there.

Sultán Sa'íd Shamsu-d dín sent armies several times from Dehli, and having conquered the province of Behár he stationed his officers there. In 622 (1225 A.D.) he invaded Lakhnautí and Ghiyásu-d dín advanced his boats up the stream to oppose him, but peace was made between them. Shamsu-d dín accepted thirty-eight elephants, and treasure to the amount of eighty lacs. He ordered the Khutba to be read in his name. On his departure he gave Behár to Malik 'Aláu-d dín Jání. Ghiyásu-d dín 'Auz came to Behár from Lakhnautí, and took it, and acted tyrannically. At last in the year 624 (1227 A.D.), Malik Shahíd Násiru-d dín Mahmúd, son of Sultán Shamsu-d dín, having collected an army in Hindustán, and accompanied by 'Izzu-l Malik Jání, marched from Oude to Lakhnautí. At this time Ghiyásu-d dín 'Auz had gone on an expedition to Bengal and Kámrúp, and had left Lakhnautí stripped of defenders. Malik Násiru-d dín Mahmúd captured the place, and when Ghiyásu-d dín heard of its fall, he returned and fought a battle with the conqueror, but he and all his officers were made prisoners. He was then killed, after a reign of twelve years.

TABAKAT XXI.

HISTORY OF THE SHAMSIYA KINGS OF HINDUSTÁN.

[Page 164 to page 228 of the Text.]

1.—Sultán Shamsu-d dunyá wau-d dín Abú-l Muzaffar Altamsh.

It was destined from all eternity by the most high and holy God that the country of Hindustan should be placed under the protection of the great king, the light of the world and religion, Sultán Abú-l Muzaffar Altamsh. [The exordium goes on at some length in a similar inflated style of eulogy of the monarch and of Dehli his capital.]

It is related by credible persons that Sultán Shamsu-d dín was chosen by the destiny of Providence in his early age from the tribes of Albarí320 in Turkistan for the sovereignty of Islám and of the dominions of Hindustan. His father, whose name was Yalam Khán, had numerous dependents, relatives, and followers in his employ. The future monarch was from his childhood remarkable for beauty, intelligence, and grace, such as excited jealousy in the hearts of his brothers, so they enticed him away from his father and mother with the pretence of going to see a drove of horses. His case was like that of Joseph: “They said, father, why dost thou not trust Joseph with us, for we are sincere friends to him? Send him with us in the morning, that he may amuse himself and sport, and we will take care of him.” When they brought him to the drove of horses, they sold him to the dealer. Some say that his sellers were his cousins. The horse-dealers took him to Bukhárá, and sold him to one of the relations of the chief judge of that city. For some time he remained with that great and noble family, the chiefs of which nourished and educated him like a son.

A credible person has related, that he heard in the gracious words of the king himself, that on a certain occasion one of the members of the family gave him a piece of money and ordered him to go to the bázár and buy some grapes. He went to the bázár, and on the way lost the piece of money. Being of tender age, he began to cry for fear; and while he was weeping and crying, a fakír came to him, took his hand, purchased some grapes, and gave them to him, saying: “When you obtain wealth and dominion, take care that you show respect to fakírs and pious men, and maintain their rights.” He gave his promise to the fakír, and whatever fortune and power he obtained he always ascribed to the favour shewn him by that fakír. It is firmly believed that no king so benevolent, so sympathising, and so respectful to the learned and to elders as he was, ever rose by his native energy to the cradle of empire.

From that noble and distinguished family, he was purchased by a merchant whose name was Hájí Bukhárí, and he sold him to another merchant named Jamálu-d dín Chast Kabá, who brought him to Ghazní. No Turk equal to him in beauty, virtue, intelligence, and nobleness, had at that time been brought to that city. Mention of him was made before his majesty Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín Muhammad Sám, who ordered that a price should be named for him. He was coupled with another Turk named Aibak, and a thousand dínárs in refined gold was fixed as the price of each, but Jamálu-d dín Chast Kabá demurred to sell him for this price, so the Sultán gave orders that nobody should purchase him. After this, Jamálu-d dín Chast Kabá stayed one year in Ghazní, and then went to Bukhárá, carrying the future Sultán with him. After staying there three years, he again brought him back to Ghazní; but no one, for fear of the king's orders, ventured to purchase. He had been there one year, when Kutbu-d dín322 returned to Ghaznín with Malik Nasíru-d dín Husain, after the invasion of Nahrwálá and the conquest of Guzerát. He heard an account of Shamsu-d dín, and asked the permission of Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín to purchase him. The Sultán said that orders had been passed that he should not be purchased in Ghazní, but he might take him to Dehli and buy him there. Kutbu-d dín consigned to Nizámu-d dín Muhammad the management of the business, and ordered him to take Jamálu-d dín Chast Kabá with him to Hindustán that he might purchase Shamsu-d dín there. According to these directions, Nizámu-d dín brought them to Dehli, and Kutbu-d dín purchased him and the other slave for one lac of chítals. The other slave was a Turk, whose name was Aibak, but this was changed to Tamgháj,322a and he became chief of Tabarhindh. He was slain in the battle fought between Táju-d dín Yalduz and Kutbu-d dín. Altamsh was made chief of the guards. Kutbu-d dín called him his son and kept him near his person. His rank and honour increased every day. Marks of intelligence were evident in all his actions, so he was elevated to the rank of Amír-shikár (chief huntsman). When Gwálior was taken he became amír of that place. After that he obtained the district and town of Baran and its dependencies. Some time after this, when the proofs of his energy, bravery, and heroism were fully displayed, and had been witnessed by Kutbu-d dín, the country of Badáún was entrusted to him. When Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín Muhammad Sám returned from Khwárizm, after being defeated in the battle of Andkhod by the armies of Khítá, the Kokhar (Gakkar) tribes broke out in rebellion, and the Sultán marched against them from Ghazní. Kutbu-d dín, according to his orders, brought up an army from Hindustán, and Shamsu-d dín accompanied him with the forces of Badáún. In the height of the battle, Shamsu-d dín rode into the stream of the Jailam, where that wretched rabble had taken refuge, and exhibited great bravery, galling the enemy so with his arrows that he overcame their resistance, and sent them from the tops of the waves into the depths of hell: “they drowned and entered the fires.”

The Sultán in the midst of the battle observed his feats of daring and courage, and enquired who he was. When his majesty was enlightened upon this point he called him into his presence and honoured him with especial notice. Kutbu-d dín was ordered to treat Altamsh well, as he was destined for great works. His majesty then ordered the deed of his freedom to be written out and graciously granted him his liberty.

When Sultán Kutbu-d dín expired at Lahore,323 the commander-in-chief, 'Alí Isma'íl, who had charge of Dehli, joined with some other nobles and principal men, and sent letters to Badáún inviting Shamsu-d dín. When he arrived he mounted the throne of Dehli in A.H. 607 (1210 A.D.) and established his authority. The Turks and the Mu'izzí chiefs assembled from all quarters in Dehli, but the Turks and Mu'izzí chiefs of that city did not join them. They resolved to try the effect of resistance, so they went out of Dehli, collected in the environs and raised the standard of revolt. Sultán Shamsu-d dín marched out of Dehli with a body of horse and his own personal followers, defeated them in the plains of the Jumna and put most of their horsemen to the sword. Afterwards Sultán Táju-d dín made a treaty with him from Lahore and Ghazní and sent him some insignia of royalty. Quarrels arose several times between Sultán Shamsu-d dín Altamsh and Malik Násiru-d dín Kubácha about Lahore, Tabar-hindh, and Kahrám; and in the year 614 (1217 A.D.) he defeated Kubácha. Hostilities also broke out at different times between him and the chiefs of various parts of Hindustán and the Turks, but as he was assisted by Divine favour, every one who resisted him or rebelled was subdued. Heaven still continued to favour him, and all the territories belonging to Dehli, Badáún, Oudh, Benares, and the Siwálik hills came into his possession.

Sultán Táju-d dín Yalduz having fled before the army of Khwárizm came to Lahore. A dispute arose between him and Sultán Shamsu-d dín regarding the limits of their possessions, and a battle was fought between them at Náráín in A.H. 612 (A.D. 1215) in which the Sultán achieved the victory, and Táju-d dín Yalduz was taken prisoner. He was brought, according to orders, to Dehli and was sent to Badáún, where he was buried.324

After this another battle was fought in the year 614 H. (1217 A.D.) with Malik Násiru-d dín Kubácha, and he was again defeated.

Great events now occurred in Khurásán through the appearance of the Moghal Changíz Khán. In A.H. 615 (1218 A.D.) Jalálu-d dín, king of Khwárizm, having fled from the army of the infidels came towards Hindustán, and some fighting followed on the frontiers of Lahore. Shamsu-d dín led his forces out of Dehli towards Lahore, and Khwárizm Sháh fled before the army of Hindustán and went towards Sind and Siwistán.

After this, in 622 H. (1225 A.D.), Sultán Shamsu-d dín carried his arms towards Lakhnautí, and Ghiyásu-d dín 'Auz Khiljí placed the yoke of servitude on the neck of submission and presented thirty elephants and eighty lacs of the current coin. He also ordered the Khutba to be read and the coin to be struck in the name of Shamsu-d dín.

In A.H. 623 (1226 A.D.) he marched to conquer the fort of Ranthambhor324a which is celebrated in all parts of Hindustán for its great strength and security. It is related in the Hindu histories that it had been invaded by more than seventy (haftád o and) kings, and no one had been able to take it. In the space of a few months in the year 623, through the favour of God, the fort fell into the hands of Shamsu-d dín. One year after this, A.H. 624, he attacked the fort of Mandúr in the Siwálik hills325 there also God bestowed victory on him, and much plunder fell into the hands of his followers. After another year, in A.H. 625 (122 A.D.), an army was sent from Dehli towards the cities of Uch and Multán. The author of this book, Minháj Siráj, had come from Ghor and Khurásán to Sind, Uch, and Multán, in the month of Rajab, A.H. 624. On the first of Rabi'u-l awwal, A.H. 625 (Feb. 1228), Sultán Sa'íd Shamsu-d dín reached the foot of the fort of Uch. Malik Násíru-d dín Kubácha had pitched his camp at the gate of the fort of Amrawat325a and all his followers and baggage were in ships and boats moored in front of the camp.

On Friday, after the time of prayer, some swift runners came from the direction of Multán and reported that Malik Násiru-d dín Aitamur had been detached from Lahore and had come to the fort of Multán; also that Sultán Shamsu-d dín himself was marching towards Uch viâ Tabarhindh. Malik Násiru-d dín Kubácha fled with all his army in boats to Bhakkar, and ordered his minister, 'Ainu-l Mulk Husain Ashgharí, to remove all the treasure from the fort of Uch to Bhakkar.

Sultán Shamsu-d dín sent two of his principal generals in advance with an army to the walls of Uch. One of these was Malik 'Izzu-d dín Muhammad Sálár, lord chamberlain, and the other was Kazlak Khán Sanjar Sultáni, chief of Tabarhindh. Four days after, the Sultán himself arrived at Uch with all his elephants and baggage, and pitched his tents there. He sent his minister, Nizámu-d dín Muhammad Junaidí, with other nobles, in pursuit of Malik Násiru-d dín to the fort of Bhakkar. Fighting continued for one month under the walls of Uch, and on Tuesday, the 29th of Jumáda-l ákhir A.H. 625 (May, 1228), the place capitulated. In the same month Malik Násiru-d dín Kubácha drowned himself at the fort of Bhakkar in the waters of the Indus, having a few days before sent his son, Malik 'Aláu-d dín Bahrám Sháh to wait upon Sultán Shamsu-d dín. After a few days the treasures were taken possession of, and the remaining forces of Malik Násiru-d dín entered into the service of the conqueror. All that country down to the sea shore was subdued. Malik Sinánu-d dín Habsh, chief of Dewal and Sind, came and did homage to the Sultán. When the noble mind of the king was satisfied with the conquest of the country, he returned to Dehli.

The writer of this book had obtained an audience at the Court of that great and religious king on the first day his camp was pitched at Uch (may God preserve it!), and was received with favour. When his majesty returned from that fort, the compiler also came to Dehli (may God glorify it!) with the victorious army of that invincible king, and reached the city in the month of Ramazán A.H. 625 (August 1228). At this time messengers bringing splendid robes from the seat of the Khiláfat reached the frontiers of Nágore, and on Monday, the 2nd of Rabi'u-l awwal A.H. 626, they arrived at the capital, and the city was adorned by their presence. The king and his chief nobles and his sons and the other nobility and servants were all honoured with robes sent from the metropolis of Islám.

After great revelling and rejoicing, news arrived in Jumáda-l awwal, 626 (April, 1229), of the death of Prince Sa'íd Násiru-d dín Mahmúd. Balká326 Malik Khiljí had broken out in rebellion in the territories of Lakhnautí, and Sultán Shamsu-d dín led thither the armies of Hindustan, and having captured the rebel, he, in A.H. 627, gave the throne of Lakhnautí to Malik 'Aláu-d dín Jání, and returned to his capital in the month of Rajab of the same year.

In A.H. 629 he marched for the conquest of Gwalior, and when his royal tents were pitched under the walls of the fort, Mílak Deo,327 the accursed son of Basíl the accursed, began the war. For eleven months the camp remained under the fort. In the month of Sha'bán of the same year the author of this book came to the Court from Dehli and obtained audience. He was ordered to preach in turn at the door of the royal tent. Discourses were appointed to be delivered three times every week, and during the month of Ramazán on every day. But in other months the rule of three times was observed. Ninety-five times religious assemblies were convened at the royal tents. On both 'Íds, viz. 'Íd-i fitr and 'Íd-i azha', the appropriate prayers were read at three different places in the army of Islám. At one of these, at the fort of Gwalior on the northern side, this well-wisher of the government, Minháj Siráj, was ordered on the Id-i azha' to read the Khutba and the prayers, and was honoured with the reward of a costly khil'at. The same rule was observed until the fort was conquered, on Tuesday, the 26th of Safar A.H. 630 (November, 1232).

The accursed Mílak Deo went out of the fort in the night time and fled. About seven hundred persons were ordered to receive punishment at the door of the royal tent.327a After this, promotions were made in the ranks of the nobles and great officers. Malik Zíáu-d dín Muhammad Junaidí was appointed chief justice, and the commander-in-chief Rashídu-d dín (peace be to him!) was made kotwal, and Minháj Siráj, the well-wisher of this government, was made law officer, and was entrusted with the supervision of the preaching, and of all religious, moral, and judicial affairs. Rich khil'ats and valuable largesses were distributed. May the Almighty aid the pure soul and generous heart of that most beneficent, heroic, and kind king! His majesty started on his return from the fort on the 2nd of Rabi'u-l awwal in the same year, and pitched his tents that day at about one parasang towards Dehli from the walls of the fort. A halt of five days was made there. After he had reached the capital he sent, in A.H. 632328 (1234 A.D.), the army of Islám towards Málwa and took the fort and city of Bhílsá.328a There was a temple there which was three hundred years in building. It was about one hundred and five gaz high. He demolished it. From thence he proceeded to Ujjain, where there was a temple of Mahá-kál, which he destroyed as well as the image of Bikramájít, who was king of Ujjain, and reigned 1316 years before this time. The Hindu era dates from his reign. Some other images cast in copper were carried with the stone image of Mahá-kál to Dehli.

In A.H. 636, he led the armies of Hindustán towards Banyán.328b In this journey his majesty fell sick and was obliged by his severe illness to return home. Wednesday morning, the 1st of Sha'bán, was fixed by the astrologers for his entrance into Dehli, the seat of his government, and he entered the city in a howda on the back of an elephant. His illness increased, and nineteen days after, on the 20th of Sha'bán, 633 H. (end of April, 1235), he departed from this perishable to the eternal world. The period of his reign was twenty-six years. [Lists of his judges, generals, relations, and victories, follow.]

2. Malik Sa'íd Násiru-d dunyá wau-d dín Mahmúd.

Malik Násiru-d dín Mahmúd was the elder son of Sultán Shamsu-d dín. He was an intelligent, learned, and wise prince, and was possessed of exceeding bravery, courage, generosity, and benevolence. The first charge which the Sultán confided to him was that of Hánsí. Some time after, in 623 H. (1226 A.D.), Oudh was entrusted to him. In that country the prince exhibited many estimable qualities. He fought several battles, and by his boldness and bravery he made his name famous in the annals of Hindustán. He overthrew and sent to hell the accursed Bartúh (?) under whose hands and sword more than one hundred and twenty thousand Musulmans had received martyrdom. He overthrew the rebel infidels of Oudh and brought a body of them into submission.

From Oudh he determined to march against Lakhnautí, and the king placed the armies of Hindustán under his command. Several well-known chiefs, as Bolán (?) and Malik 'Aláu-d dín Jání, went with him to Lakhnautí. Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín 'Auz Khiljí had marched from Lakhnautí to invade the territory of Bang (Bengal), and had left no force at his centre of government. Malik Sa'íd Násiru-d dín, on arriving there with his army, took peaceable possession of the fort of Basankot and of the city. Ghiyásu-d dín 'Auz Khiljí, on receiving this intelligence, returned to Lakhnautí, and Malik Nasiru-d dín with his army met him and defeated him. Ghiyásu-d dín, with all his relations and chiefs of Khilj, the treasures and the elephants, fell into his hands. He put Ghiyásu-d dín to death and confiscated all his treasures. From thence he sent presents and offerings to all the saiyids and the learned and religious men of Dehli and all towns.

When Shamsu-d dín received the khil'ats from the reigning Khalífa, he sent one of the most valuable with a red canopy to Lakhnautí, and Malik Násiru-d dín thus received great honour and distinction. All the nobles and great men turned their eyes towards him as the heir of his father's kingdom, but the decrees of fate did not accord with the wishes of the people. One year and a-half afterwards he fell sick and died. When the news of his death reached Dehli all people were greatly distressed.

Sultán Ruknu-d dín Fíroz Sháh.

Sultán Ruknu-d dín Fíroz Sháh was a generous and handsome king, full of kindness and humanity. In liberality he was a second Hátim. His mother, the queen of the world, Sháh Turkán, was originally a Turkí handmaid, but had become the chief wife of Sultán Shamsu-d dín Altamsh. She lavished many offerings and much charity on learned men, saiyids, and devotees.

In the year 625 H. (1228 A.D.) Sultán Ruknu-d dín received a grant of Badáún with a green umbrella. 'Aínu-l Mulk Husain Ash'arí, who had been the wazír of Násiru-d dín Kubácha, then became wazír of Ruknu-d dín. When Shamsu-d dín returned from the conquest of Gwalior to Dehli, he conferred the territories of Lahore, which had been the capital of Khusrú Malik, on Ruknu-d dín; and on his return from his last campaign, from the Indus and Banyán, he took Ruknu-d dín with him to Dehli, for the eyes of all men were on him, as the eldest of the king's sons since the death of Násiru-d dín Mahmud. On the death of Sultán Shamsu-d dín Altamsh, the princes and nobles placed Ruknu-d dín upon the throne on Tuesday, 29th of Sha'bán 633 H. (beginning of of May, 1236), and the crown and throne were graced by his accession. The nobles were gratified and received robes of honour. When they returned home from the capital, the new monarch opened the doors of his treasury and gave himself up to pleasure, squandering the public wealth in improper places. So devoted was he to licentiousness and debauchery that the business of the State was neglected and fell into confusion.

His mother, Sháh Turkán, began to interfere in the government of the country. During the life of her husband his other women had looked upon her with envy and disdain. She now seized the opportunity of punishing them, and in blind fury and vindictiveness she put several of them to death. This state of things began to trouble the minds of public men. In addition to her other cruel acts she caused the young prince Kutbu-d dín, son of the late king, and a very excellent youth, to be blinded and afterwards to be put to death. These acts aroused an inimical feeling in the hearts of the great men in all directions. Malik Ghiyásu-d dín Muhammad Sháh, son of the late Sultán, and younger than Ruknu-d dín, commenced hostilities in Oudh. He seized upon the treasure of Lakhnautí in its passage to the capital, and plundered several towns of Hindustán. Malik 'Izzu-d dín Muhammad Sálárí governor of Badáún revolted. Malik 'Izzu-d dín Kabír Khán, governor of Multán, Malik Saifu-d dín Kochi, governor of Hánsí, and Malik 'Aláu-d dín, governor of Lahore, conspired and broke out into rebellion. Sultán Ruknu-d dín led his army from Dehli to repress these malcontents, but his wazír, Nizámu-l mulk Muhammad Junaidí, took the alarm and deserted him at Kílú-gharí. He then went off towards Kol and joined 'Izzu-d dín Muhammad Sálárí of Badáún. These two afterwards joined Malik Jání and Kochí. Sultán Ruknu-d dín marched on to Kahrám. The Turkí nobles and the royal attendants who were about the person of the Sultán leagued together, and, in the neighbourhood of Mansúrpúr and Náráín, Táju-d dín Muhammad, secretary and controller, Baháu-l Mulk Husain Asha'rí, Karímu-d dín Záhid, Zíáu-l Mulk son of Nizámu-l Mulk Junaidí, Nizámu-d dín Sharkání, Khwája Rashídu-d dín Málkání, Amír Fakhru-d dín, and other confederate officials, killed the Tázík.331 In the month of Rabí'u-l awwal 634 H. (November, 1236 A.D.), Raziya, eldest daughter of the late Sultán, quarrelled with the mother of Sultán Ruknu-d dín, and the Sultán was constrained to return to Delhi. His mother had attempted to capture and kill Sultán Raziya, but the people rose, and the latter seized upon the royal palace and made the mother of the Sultán prisoner.

When Ruknu-dín arrived at Kílú-gharí he found that rebellion had broken out, and that his mother had been made prisoner. The guards and Turkish nobles came into the city, and joining Raziya, proffered their allegiance to her, and raised her to the throne. Being thus elevated to the throne, she sent an army of Turks and nobles to Kílú-gharí and they brought Sultán Ruknu-d dín prisoner to Dehli, where he was kept in confinement and died. His death happened on Sunday, the 18th of Rabi'u-l awwal A.H. 634 (November, 1236 A.D.) He reigned for six months and twenty-eight days. He was very generous; no king in any reign had ever scattered gifts, robes of honour, and grants in the way he did, but all his lavishness sprang from his inordinate addiction to sensuality, pleasure, and conviviality. He was so entirely devoted to riot and debauchery, that he often bestowed his honours and rewards on bands of singers, buffoons, and catamites. He scattered his riches to such a heedless extent, that he would ride out drunk upon an elephant through the streets and bázárs, throwing tankas of red gold around him for the people to pick up and rejoice over. He was very fond of playing with and riding upon elephants, and all the elephant drivers were much benefited by his bounty. His nature was averse to hurting any creature, and his tenderness was the cause of his downfall.

Kings should possess all virtues that their people may live at ease. They should be generous, that the army may live satisfied; but sensuality, gaiety, and the society of the base and unworthy bring an empire to ruin. May God pardon him!

Sultán332

Raziya, Daughter of the Sultán.

Sultán Raziya was a great monarch. She was wise, just, and generous, a benefactor to her kingdom, a dispenser of justice, the protector of her subjects, and the leader of her armies. She was endowed with all the qualities befitting a king, but she was not born of the right sex, and so in the estimation of men all these virtues were worthless. (May God have mercy on her!) In the time of her father, Sultán Sa'id Shamsu-d dín, she had exercised authority with great dignity. Her mother was the chief wife of his majesty, and she resided in the chief royal palace in the Kushk-fírozí. The Sultán discerned in her countenance the signs of power and bravery, and, although she was a girl and lived in retirement, yet when the Sultán returned from the conquest of Gwalior, he directed his secretary, Táju-l Malik Mahmúd, who was director of the government, to put her name in writing as heir of the kingdom, and successor to the throne. Before this farmán was executed, the servants of the State, who were in close intimacy with his majesty, represented that, seeing the king had grown up sons who were worthy of the dignity, what wisdom could there be in making a woman the heir to a Muhammadan throne, and what advantage could accrue from it? They besought him to set their minds at ease, for the course that he proposed seemed very inexpedient. The king replied, My sons are devoted to the pleasures of youth, and no one of them is qualified to be king. They are unfit to rule the country, and after my death you will find that there is no one more competent to guide the State than my daughter. It was afterwards agreed by common consent that the king had judged wisely.

When Sultán Raziya succeeded to the throne, all things reverted to their old order. But the wazír of the State, Nizámu-l Mulk Junaidí did not give in his adhesion. He, together with Malik Jání, Malik Kochí, Malik Kabír Khán, and Malik 'Izzu-d dín Muhammad Sálárí, assembling from different parts of the country at the gates of Dehli, made war against Sultán Raziya, and hostilities were carried on for a long time. After a while, Malik Nasíru-d dín Tábashí Mu'izzí, who was governor of Oudh, brought up his forces to Dehli to the assistance of Sultán Raziya. When he had crossed the Ganges, the generals, who were fighting against Dehli, met him unexpectedly and took him prisoner. He then fell sick and died.

The stay of the insurgents at the gates of Dehli was protracted. Sultán Raziya, favoured by fortune, went out from the city and ordered her tents to be pitched at a place on the banks of the Jumna. Several engagements took place between the Turkish nobles who were on the side of the Sultán, and the insurgent chiefs. At last peace was effected, with great adroitness and judicious management. Malik 'Izzu-d dín Muhammad Sálár and Malik 'Izzu-d dín Kabír Khán Ayyáz secretly joined the Sultán and came at night to her majesty's tents, upon the understanding that Malik Jání, Malik Kochí, and Nizámu-l Mulk Junaidí were to be summoned and closely imprisoned, so that the rebellion might subside. When these chiefs were informed of this matter they fled from their camps, and some horsemen of the Sultán pursued them. Malik Kochí and his brother Fakh-ru-d dín were captured, and were afterwards killed in prison. Malik Jání was slain in the neighbourhood of Bábul and Nakwán. Nizámu-l Mulk Junaidí went into the mountains of Bardár,334 and died there after a while.

When the affairs of Raziya were thus settled, she conferred the office of wazír on an upright officer who had been the deputy of Nizámu-l Mulk, and he likewise received the title of Nizámu-l Mulk. The command of the army was given to Malik Saifu-d dín Aibak Bahtú, with the title of Katlagh Khán. To Kabír Khán was assigned the province of Láhore. The country now enjoyed peace, and the power of the State became manifest. Throughout its territories from Lakhnautí to Dewal all the princes and nobles made their submission.

Shortly after Malik Aibak Bahtú died, and Malik Kutbu-d dín Hasan Ghorí was appointed to his office, and was ordered to march against the fort of Rantambhor. The Hindús laid siege to this fort after the death of Shamsu-d dín, and had been before it some time, but when Kutbu-d dín arrived, he drew the Musul-mán forces out of the fort and destroyed it. He then returned to Dehli.

About this time Malik Ikhtiyáru-d dín Ítigín was appointed lord chamberlain, and Amír Jamálu-d dín Yákút, the superintendent of the stables, was made a personal attendant of her majesty. This created jealousy among the Turkish generals and nobles. The Sultán Raziya now threw off the dress and veil of women. She put on a coat (kabá) and cap, and showed herself among the people. When she rode on an elephant all men clearly saw her. She now ordered an army to march to Gwalior, and sent with it large gifts. There being no possibility of resistance, this well-wisher of the victorious government, Minháj Siráj, together with Majdu-l Umará Zía'u-d dín Junaidí, chief justice of Gwalior, and with other principal officers, came out of the fort of Gwalior on the 1st of Sha'bán, A.H. 635 (Feb. 1238), and proceeded to the Court of Dehli. In the month of Sha'bán of the same year, Sultán Raziya (may peace be to her!), appointed this well-wisher to the Násiriya college335 and to the office of Kází of Gwalior. In A.H. 637 (1239 A.D.) Malik 'Izzu-d dín Kabír Khán, governor of Lahore, broke out in revolt. The Sultán led her army from Dehli in that direction and pursued him. After a time he made peace and did homage. The province of Multán, which was held by Malik Karákash, was given to Malik 'Izzu-d dín Kabír Khán.

On Thursday, the 19th of Ramazán A.H. 637 (April, 1240), Sultán Raziya returned to the capital. Malik Altúniya, who was governor of Tabarhindh,335a revolted, and some of the officers of the Court on the frontier supported him. On Wednesday, the 9th of the same month and year she marched with a numerous army towards Tabarhindh to put down these rebels. When she arrived there she was attacked by the Turks, who put Amír Jalálu-d dín Yákút, the Abyssinian, to death. They then seized the Sultán Raziya and sent her a prisoner to the fort of Tabarhindh.

Among the incidents which occurred at the beginning of the reign of Sultán Raziya, this was the most remarkable, that the Karmatians and heretics of Hindustán, being seduced by a person with some pretensions to learning, who was called Núr Turk, flocked to him in large numbers from all parts of Hindus-tán: such as Guzerát, Sind, the environs of the capital, and the banks of the Jumna and Ganges. They assembled in Dehli, and making a compact of fidelity to each other, they, at the instigation of this Núr Turk, declared open hostility against the people of Islám. When Núr preached, the rabble used to gather round him. He used to say that the learned Sunnis and their flocks were násibís, and to call them marjís.336 He endeavoured also to inflame the minds of the common people against the wise men who followed the doctrines of Abú Hanífa and Sháfi'í. On a day appointed, on Friday, the 6th of the month of Rajab. A.H. 634 (March, 1237), the whole body of heretics and Karmatians, to the number of about one thousand men, armed with swords, shields, arrows, and other weapons, came in two parties to the Jáma' masjid of Dehli. One division came from the northern side and passed by the fort of Núr to the gate of the masjid. The other proceeded from the clothes bázár, and entered the gate of the Mu'izzí, under the impression that it was the masjid. On both sides they attacked the Musulmáns. Many of the faithful were slain by the sword and many were trampled to death by the crowd. When a cry arose from the people in consequence of this outrage, the brave officers of the government, such as Nasíru-d dín Aitamur Balarámi, Amír Imám Násir Shá'ir and others, fully armed with mail, cuirass, and helmet, with spears, shields, and other weapons, gathered on all sides and rode into the masjid. They plied their swords on the heretics and Karmatians; and the Musulmáns who had gone (for refuge) to the top of the mosque hurled down stones and bricks till every heretic and Karmatian was sent to hell, and the riot was quelled.336a Thanks be to God for the favour and glory he has given to the faith.

When Sultán Raziya was taken prisoner to Tabarhindh, Malik Altúniya espoused her and led her army towards Dehli to regain possession of the kingdom. Malik 'Izzu-d dín Muhammad Sálárí and Malik Karákash left the capital and went to join them. Meanwhile, Mu'izzu-d dín had ascended the throne, Ikhtiyáru-d dín Ítigín, lord chamberlain, had been slain, and Badru-d dín Sankar Rúmí had been appointed his successor. In the month of Rabí'u-l awwal A.H. 638 (Sept. 1240), the Sultán marched his army from Dehli to repel his opponents, and Sultán Raziya and Malik Altúniya were defeated. When in their flight they reached Kaithal, their remaining forces abandoned them, and they both fell into the hands of the Hindús and were killed. The date of this defeat was the 24th of Rabí'u-l awwal A.H. 638 (Oct. 1240), and the Sultán Raziya was killed on the day following. She had reigned three years and six days.

5. Mu'izzu-d dín Bahrám Shah.

Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín Bahrám Sháh was a victorious king; a fearless, intrepid, and sanguinary man. Still he had some virtues. He was shy and unceremonious, and had no taste for the gorgeous attire which kings love to wear, nor for the belts, accoutrements, banners, and other insignia of royalty. When Sultán Raziya was sent to prison at Tabarhindh, the nobles and the generals agreed to send him to Dehli, and on Monday the 27th of Ramazán 637 (April, 1240) they raised him to the throne. After all the nobles and the generals and the army had returned to Dehli, on Sunday the 11th Shawwál of the same year, they assembled at the palace and made a general agreement to uphold him as king on condition of Ikhtiyáru-d dín Ítigín being made deputy. On that day the author of this work was present and composed the following gratulatory lines.

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Ikhtiyáru-d dín, having been appointed deputy, he in virtue of his office assumed the direction of all affairs of State, and with the acquiescence of the wazír Nizámu-l mulk Mahzabu-d dín Muhammad 'Auz Mustaufí the duties of administration also came under his control. After a month or two this state of affairs became very irksome to the Sultán. The Sultán's sister had been married to Kází Násiru-d dín, but being divorced, the deputy took her to wife. Music played three times a day at his gate, an elephant was always there in waiting,338 and he maintained great state. On Monday, the 8th of Muharram 638 H. (July, 1240), there was a sermon in the Palace of the White-roof, and after the sermon the Sultán sent two inebriated Turks from the top of the palace as assassins, who killed Ikhtiyáru-d dín in front of the royal seat in the White Palace. The wazír Mahzabu-d dín also received two wounds in his side, but his time was not come, and he rushed out away from them. Malik Badru-d dín Sankar became lord chamberlain and assumed the management of the State.

When Raziya and Altúniya marched from Tabarhindh upon Dehli, they were baffled in their enterprise and were defeated. Both were killed by the Hindús as we have already related. Badru-d dín Sankar now assumed a very imperious position; he issued orders and carried on the government without consulting the Sultán, and sought to domineer over the wazír Nizámu-l Mulk Mahzabu-d dín. The wazír complained to the Sultán and succeeded in setting him against Badru-d dín. When the latter perceived this he was afraid of the Sultán, and sought to set him aside and to raise one of his brothers to the throne in his stead.

On Monday, the 8th of Safar, 639 H. (Aug. 1241) Badru-d dín convoked a meeting of nobles and chiefs at the house of Sadru-l Mulk Táju-d dín 'Alí Músawí, mushrif of the State. There were present the chief Kází Jalálu-d dín Káshání, Kází Kabíru-d dín, Shaikh Muhammad Shámí, and others. When they had met and were deliberating about the removal of the Sultán, they determined to send Sadru-l mulk to the wazír Nizámu-l mulk Mahzabu-d dín to invite his attendance, and to finally settle the matter in concurrence with him. It so happened that when Sadru-l mulk came to the house o the wazír, one of the confidential attendants of the king was present. When the wazír heard of the arrival of Sadru-l mulk, he concealed this trusty servant in a place where he could hear the conversation. Sadru-l mulk entered and proceeded to talk about the removal of the king and to ask the co-operation of the wazír. The minister desired his visitor to return and say that he would wait upon the gentlemen as soon as he had performed his ablutions. Sadru-l mulk had no sooner departed than the wazír released the Sultán's man and asked him if he had heard what had passed. He then directed him to go quickly and tell his master that the best thing he could do would be to take horse and to proceed against the conspirators and scatter them.

The facts being reported to the Sultán by his faithful adherent, he instantly mounted and dispersed the plotters. Badru-d dín Sankar joined the king's party, and the Sultán returned to his palace, where he held a darbar. Badru-d dín was ordered to depart instantly to Badáún and assume the management of that province; Kází Jalálu-d dín Káshání was dismissed from his post of Kází, and Kází Kabíru-d dín and Shaikh Muhammad Shámí took the alarm and fled the city. After four months, Badru-d dín Sankar returned to the capital, but the Sultán's heart was entirely alienated from him, so he ordered him to be imprisoned. The king also directed Jalálu-d dín Músawi to be apprehended, and he had them both slain in prison.

These proceedings set the hearts of the nobles against the Sultán; they were alarmed and had no longer any confidence in him. The wazír also longed to exact vengeance for the wounds he had received. The nobles, generals, and Turks all became disaffected, while on his side the Sultán was alarmed by their proceedings. In the end this uneasy feeling spread like an epidemic, and was the cause of the fall of the Sultán and of rebellion among his people.

One of the most important events in the reign of Mu'izzu-d dín was that which happened to the city of Lahore. An army of infidel Mughals came from Khurásán and Ghazní to the gates of that city and waged war for some time. Malik Karákash, governor of Lahore, was a brave, energetic, and intrepid man, but the people of the city did not support him, and were backward in keeping watch and in fighting. When Karákash perceived this lukewarmness, he one night left the city with his own soldiers and went off towards Dehli. The infidels pursued him, but the Almighty watched over him and gave him safe deliverance. When the city was left without a ruler the infidels captured it on Monday, 18th of Jumáda-l ákhir, 639 H. (December 1241), slaughtered the Muhammadans and made their dependants captives.

As soon as this dreadful intelligence reached Dehli, the Sultán assembled the people of the city at the White Palace, and the writer of this book received orders to preach and induce the people to support the Sultán.

There was a Turkoman darwesh named Ayúb, a devout man, clad in the hairy garment of a recluse. He had lived for some time quietly in the Sultán's water palace, and was brought into the society of the Sultán, who conceived a liking for him. This darwesh began to take a part in the business of the state. He had formerly lived in the town of Mihrpúr, where he had been imprisoned by Kází Shamsu-d dín Mihr. When the Sultán had become accustomed to listen to his advice, the darwesh exerted himself so that he induced the king to have Kází Shamsu-d dín Mihr cast under the feet of an elephant. On this fact becoming known the people conceived a great dread of the Sultán. The Sultán now sent Kutbu-d dín Husain and his wazír, with nobles, generals, and soldiers, to oppose the Mughals who were at Lahore, and to guard his frontier.

On Saturday, 10th Jumáda-l awwal, 639 H. (November, 1241), his majesty Mu'izzu-d dín conferred upon the author of this work the office of Kází of the capital and of all his territories, accompanied with many honours and costly presents.

The army which had been sent against the Mughals reached the banks of the Biyáh. There the minister Mahzabu-d dín Nizámu-l mulk, who cherished hopes of vengeance and of removing the Sultán from the throne, wrote a letter secretly to him. In this letter he represented that the generals and Turks in the army were never likely to become loyal, and that the best course for the king to adopt would be to send orders for him (the wazír) and Kutbu-d dín to kill all the generals and Turks in any way they could, and so free the kingdom of them.

When this letter arrived, the Sultán hastily and rashly, without thought or consideration, wrote the desired order, and sent it off. On its reaching the wazír he showed it to the generals and Turks, and told them how the king wished to deal with them. They all at once revolted, and at the suggestion of Khwája Mahzabu-d dín they formed a plot for the removal and deposition of the king.

On the Sultán's receiving intelligence of this revolt of his generals and army, he sent the Shaikhu-l Islám Saiyid Kutbu-d dín to endeavour to allay the outbreak. He accordingly went to the army, but exerted himself to increase the strife.341 He returned with the army at his heels, and hostilities commenced under the walls of the capital. The author, Minháj Siráj, and some of the chief men of the city, endeavoured in vain to allay the strife and make peace.

The army reached the city on Saturday, the 19th Sha'bán, 639, and the siege went on until the month of Zí-l ka'da. Many were killed on both sides, and the suburbs of the city were laid waste. The reason of these protracted hostilities was that there was in the king's service a man named Fakhru-d dín Mu-bárak Sháh Farkhí, who was chief of the carpet spreaders (mihtar-farrásh). This man had gained the favour of the king, and had great ascendancy over him. Whatever he advised the king performed, and the counsels of the farrásh were not for peace.

On Friday, the 7th Zí-l ka'da, the followers of Khwája Mah-zab distributed three thousand chítals among a lot of foolish men, and excited inimical feelings among some even of this author's kindred (God forgive them!). They made a riot in the Jámi' masjid, after prayers, and drew their swords upon him. By God's mercy the author had a knife and a staff, which he seized, and with the help of some armed slaves whom he had with him he made his way through the crowd.

The generals and Turks took the fort, and next day, on Saturday, the 8th Zí-l ka'da, 639 H. (May, 1242), they obtained possession of the whole city. The Sultán was made prisoner. Mubárak Shah, farrásh, who had embittered the strife, was also taken and was killed. In the night of Tuesday, the 17th of Zí-l ka'da, the Sultán was slain. He had reigned two years one month and a-half.

6.—Sultán 'Aláu-d din Mas'úd Sháh bin Fíroz Sháh.

Sultán 'Aláu-d dín Mas'úd Sháh was son of Sultán Ruknu-d dín Fíroz Sháh. He was a generous and good-natured prince, possessed of many estimable qualities. On Saturday, the 8th of Zí-l ka'da, 639 H. (May, 1242), when the city of Dehli was wrested from the hands of Mu'izzu-d dín, the generals and nobles by common consent released from prison the three princes Násiru-d dín, Malik Jalálu-d dín, and 'Aláu-d dín. They conveyed them from the White Palace to the public hall of the palace of Fíroz, and there they agreed to make 'Aláu-d dín king, although Malik 'Izzu-d dín Balban had previously seated himself upon the throne. This Balban had caused his name to be proclaimed as king through the city, but it was not accepted. 'Aláu-d dín was raised to the throne, and the people gave a general acquiescence. Kutbu-d dín Husain Ghorí was made deputy of the kingdom, and Nizámu-l Mulk wazír, and Malik Karákash lord chamberlain. The districts of Nágor, Mandawar, and Ajmír were assigned to Malik 'Izzu-d dín Balban, and the country of Badáún was given to Malik Táju-d dín Sanjar Katlak.

On the fourth day after the capture of Dehli the writer of these pages begged to be relieved of his office of Kází, and the post remained vacant for twenty-six days, till the fourth of Zí-l hijja, when Kází 'Imádu-d dín Muhammad Shakúrkání was appointed.

Nizámu-l Mulk Mahzabu-d dín exercised unbounded power over the country, and he took the district of Kol as his appanage. Previous to this he had caused music to play, and an elephant to wait at the door of his mansion. Everything was taken out of the hands of the Turkí nobles, so that they became embittered against him. They conspired together, and on Wednesday, 2nd Jumáda-l awwal, 640 H. (30th Oct., 1242 A.D.), they killed him in the camp before the city, in the plain of Hauz-rání.

The author of this work resolved at this time to make a journey to Lakhnautí, and he started from Dehli on Friday, the 9th Rajab, 640 H. Táju-d dín Katlak paid him great attention in Badáún, and so also did Kamru-d dín Kairán in Oudh (May God immerse them in his mercy!). Tughán Khán 'Izzu-d din Tughril had come with his army and boats to the confines of Karra. The author joined him from Oudh, and went with him to Lakhnautí. On Sunday, the 7th Zí-l hijja, 640 H., the author arrived at that place, having left his children and wives all in Oudh. Subsequently he sent some trustworthy persons who brought them to Lakhnautí. Tughán Khán showed him great kindness, and bestowed upon him boundless favours. The writer stayed at Lakhnautí two years.

In the course of these two years 'Aláu-d dín achieved many victories in different parts of his dominions. After the death of Khwája Mahzab, the post of wazír was given to Sadru-l Mulk Najmu-d dín Abú Bakr, and the office of lord chamberlain was given to Dáru-l Mulk Báligh Khán, together with the district of Hánsí. At this time there was much fighting going on.

When Tughán Khán returned from Karra to Lakhnautí he deputed Sharfu-l Mulk Ash'ari to the presence of 'Aláu-d dín, and he was named governor of Lakhnautí, receiving the honour of the red umbrella through Kází Jalálu-d dín, who was kází of Oudh. On Sunday, 11th of Rab'u-l ákhir, 641 H., the bearers of these honours arrived at Lakhnautí and Tughán Khán was invested.

One of the good things done by 'Aláu-d dín was that about this time, he, with the assent of the nobles and officers, released his two uncles. On the 'Íd-i azha' they left their confinement. Malik Jalálu-d dín received the district of Kanauj, and Násiru-d dín the district of Bahráích. Each one in his province devoted himself to peaceful pursuits and the improvement of the condition of his subjects.

In Shawwál 642 H. (March 1245), the infidels of Changíz Khán came to the gates of Lakhnautí. On the 1st Zí-l ka'da, Tamar Khán Kairán arrived at Lakhnautí with an army and generals under orders received from Sultán 'Aláu-d dín. Jealousy sprung up between Tamar Khán and Tughán Khán. On Wednesday, 3rd Zí-l ka'da of the same year, peace was made: Lakhnautí was given to Kairán Khán, and Tughán Khán proceeded to Dehli, The author of this work accompanied him and arrived at Dehli on Monday, 14th Safar, 1243. Here the author was granted the honour of an interview with the sovereign, and on Thursday the 17th Safar, at the suggestion of Ulugh Khán, he was appointed principal of the Násiriya college, and superintendent of its endowments. He was also made kází of Gwálior and preacher in the Jámi' masjid: all his old offices being again entrusted to him. He also received the royal grant of a horse with proper ornamental trappings: honours which none of his family had ever before attained.

In the month of Rajab news arrived from the upper parts (taraf-i bálá) that an army of infidel Mughals had arrived at Uchh. This army was under the command of the accursed Mankúta344 (Mangú Khán). Sultán 'Aláu-d dín gathered his forces from all sides to drive back the Mughal invaders. When he arrived on the banks of the Biyáh the infidels raised the siege of Uchh. The author accompanied his majesty in this campaign, and it was universally admitted by all men of knowledge and intelligence that such an army as was then under the orders of the Sultán had never before been seen. When the infidels heard of its strength and perfection they retreated towards Khurásán.

In this army there was a party of good-for-nothing fellows who had gradually made their way into the society of the Sultán, and were the means of leading him into unworthy habits and practices. It was thus that he acquired the habit of seizing and killing his nobles. He became confirmed in his cruelty; all his excellent qualities were perverted, and he gave himself up to unbounded licentiousness, pleasure, and hunting. Disaffection began to spread through the kingdom, and all the business of the State fell into disorder. The princes and nobles agreed to send envoys with letters inviting Násiru-d dín, and the result will be hereafter related. On Sunday, 23rd Muharram 644 H. (June, 1246) Sultán 'Aláu-d dín was put into prison and died. He reigned four years, one month, and one day.

7. Sultán-i Mu'azzam Násiru-d dunyá wau-d dín Mahmúd.

This prince, son of Sultán Sa'íd Shamsu-d dunyá wau-d dín (Altamsh) was born after the death of his eldest brother, whose name and titles were conferred upon him by his father. His mother was sent to a palace in the town of Loní,345 where he was brought up and educated as a prince. Under the blessing of God he acquired every pleasing virtue.345a

First Year of the Reign—Hijra 644 (1246 A.D.)

Sultán-i Mu'azzam Násiru-d dunyá wau-d dín ascended the throne in the Green Palace at Delhi with the most favourable auspices on Sunday, 23rd Muharram 644 H. (10th June, 1246). Princes and nobles, chiefs and great men, saiyids and learned men, all hastened with joy to express their devotion, and every one, according to his rank, offered congratulations upon his accession. On Tuesday, the 25th, he held a public court in the Fírozí palace, and the people with one acclaim approved of the elevation of this generous, virtuous, and noble looking prince. The great rejoiced at this renewal of the sovereignty, and all parts of Hindustan were happy under his equitable rule. (May his reign endure to the extreme limits of possibility!)

When (in the course of the last reign) the prince left Dehli for Bahráích, his mother Malika-i Jahán Jalálu-d dunyá wau-d dín accompanied him. In that country and in the hills he fought many battles against the infidels. Under his kind rule Bahráích attained great prosperity. The fame of his victorious and successful government spread in all parts of Hindustan, and when the princes and nobles were disgusted with the rule of 'Aláu-d dín, they sent letters secretly to him pressing him to come to the capital. The princess, his mother, prudently gave out that he was going to Dehli for medical attendance. He was placed in a litter, and started from Bahráích attended by the princess, and by some careful men on horse and foot. When night came on they covered the prince's face with a woman's veil, mounted him on horseback, and making all speed they soon reached Dehli. No one knew of his arrival until the day he ascended the throne, and his occupation of the seat of royalty shed honour and splendour upon it.

In the month of Rajab, 644 H., he brought forth the royal standards, and led his army to the banks of the Indus and to Multán, in order to repulse the infidels of Chín. On Sunday, the 1st of Zí-l ka'da he crossed the river of Lahore, from whence he sent a force to ravage the hills of Júd, and the provinces on the Indus.346 Ulugh Khán-i A'zam,346a who now held the office of lord chamberlain, was placed in command of this army. The Sultán with the baggage and elephants encamped on the river Sodra.347 Ulugh Khán, with the help of God, ravaged the hills of Júd and the Jailam, and sent many of the Kokhars (Gakkars) and rebellious infidels to hell. He then advanced to the banks of the Indus, and laid waste all the neighbourhood, but he was obliged to return for want of provender and other necessaries. He returned victorious to the royal camp on the Sodra with great renown, and on Thursday, 5th Zi-l ka'da of the same year his majesty started for Dehli. On the 'Íd-i azha' he offered up his prayers on the hills of Jálandar, and from thence proceeded to the capital. Minháj Siráj, the writer of this work, received under his majesty's orders the gift of a coat and turban, and of a horse with princely trappings.

Second Year of the Reign—Hijra 645 (1247 A.D.)

His Majesty reached Dehli on Thursday, 2nd Muharram, 645 (9th May, 1247) and was detained there for six months by heavy rains. In Jumáda-l ákhir the royal army marched to Panipat, but in Sha'bán it returned and proceeded towards Hindustán through the Doáb. In the neighbourhood of Kanauj there is a fortified village called Nandana,347a where there is a very strong fort vying with the wall of Alexander. A body of infidel Hindús shut themselves up in this place, resolved to fight to the last extremity. For two days the royal army carried on a murderous conflict at this village, but at length the rebels were sent to hell, and the place was subdued.

The author of this work celebrated the victory and all the events of the campaign in verse. The slaughter of the rebellious infidels, the capture of their fortifications, and the success of Ulugh Khán-i Mu'azzam in killing and taking prisoner Dalakí wa Malakí,348 these and all the other incidents are celebrated fully in the poem to which the author gave the name of his gracious master, and called it “Násirí-náma.” For this poem the author received from the Sultán the grant of a fine annual allowance, and from Ulugh Khán he received the grant in in'ám of a village near Hánsí. (May God long maintain the seats of their empire and rule!) But I return to the thread of my history.

On Thursday, 24th Shawwál, 645 (Febuary, 1248), the fort was captured after much fighting and bloodshed. Subsequently, on Monday, 12th Zí-l ka'da, 645, the army marched to Karra. Three days before Ulugh Khán had been sent on before with all the generals and princes of the army. The exploits and successes of this brave and skilful warrior, his victories in the field, his conquests of forts, fortified places, and jungles, his slaughter of rebellious infidels, his taking of booty and captives, and his capture of the dependants of great Ránas cannot here be recounted, but they are celebrated in the Násirí-náma,

There was in this neighbourhood a Rána348a who (orá) was called Dalakí wa Malakí. He had many dependants, countless fighting men, great dominions and wealth, fortified places, and hills and defiles extremely difficult of access. All these he (Ulugh Khán) ravaged. He took prisoners the wives, sons, and dependants of that accursed one, and secured great booty. He secured 1500 horses of a peculiar breed, which he brought in for the use of the army. His other booty may be inferred from this. When he returned and waited on his sovereign all his brother nobles congratulated him on his victories.348b On Thursday, 11th Zí-l ka'da, 645, the Sultán started on his return from that country, and during his progress he was waited upon by Malik Jalálu-d dín Mas'úd, governor of Kanauj, who had the honour of an interview and went home. The Sultán then continued his journey to the capital.

Third Year of the Reign—Hijra 646 (1248 A.D.).

On Wednesday, 24th Muharram, 646 (20th May, 1248), the Sultán reached Dehli, and took his seat upon the throne with great state. When Malik Jalálu-d dín waited upon the king as he was returning, he was appointed governor of Sambal and Badáún, but he all at once took alarm about these two districts and came to the capital. The Sultán stayed at Dehli seven months, until the 6th Sha'bán. He then marched out on a campaign towards the hills and deserts; but he sent on his generals, and then returned to the capital, not finding occasion to proceed in person. He reached Dehli on Wednesday, 9th Zí-l ka'da. The royal army continued its march to the mountains of Rantambhor. Two important events occurred during this campaign. First—Kází 'Imádu-d dín Shakúrkání incurred suspicion, and on Friday, 9th Zí-l hijja he was dismissed from office in the White Palace, and by royal command proceeded to Badáún. On Monday, 12th Zí-l hijja, he was killed by 'Imadu-d dín Ríhán. Second—Malik Baháu-d dín Aibak was killed by the infidel Hindus near the fort of Rantambhor, on the 11th Zí-l hijja.

Fourth Year of the Reign—Hijra 647 (1249 A.D.).

On Monday, 3rd Safar, 647 (May, 1249), Ulugh Khán returned with his army to the capital. Being held in high estimation as a great supporter of the State, and the mainstay of the army, the Sultán, with the concurrence of the princes and nobles, gave his daughter in marriage to the son of the Khán. The marriage took place on Monday, 20th Rabí'u-l ákhir. On Monday, 10th Jumáda-l ákhir, Kází Jalálu-d dín Káshání came from Oudh and was made Kází of the State. On Monday, 22nd Sha'bán, the Sultán marched from Dehli. On Sunday, 4th Shawwál, he crossed the Jumna, intending to war against the Hindus in those parts. The author now received letters from his sister in Khurásán, and the Sultán being informed of the fact, he was graciously pleased, on the suggestion of Ulugh Khán, to give her one hundred beasts of burden,350 and one hundred ass-loads of presents. The Sultán returned to Dehli on Wednesday. On Monday, the 29th Zí-l hijja, the author left Dehli for Multán, with the object of forwarding the presents to Khurásán. When he reached Hánsí, he, with the permission of Ulugh Khán took possession of his in'ám, village. He then proceeded towards Multán by way of Abúhar.

Fifth Year of the Reign—Hijra 648 (1250 A.D.)

On Sunday, 11th Safar (the author) had an interview with Sher Khán on the banks of the river Sind and Biyáh.350a He proceeded from thence to Multán where he arrived on Wednesday 6th Rabí'u-l awwal. On the same day, Malik 'Izzu-d dín Lashkar Khán came from Uchh to take Multán, and the author had an interview with him. He encamped there until the 26th of Rabí'u-l ákhir, but was unable to conquer Multán, which was in the possession of the followers of Sher Khán. The author started for the capital and Malik 'Izzu-d dín Balban went off to Uchh. The author, passing by the fort of Marút (Mírat?) to Sarsuti and Hánsí, arrived at Dehli on the 22nd Jumáda-l awwal. In this year Ikhtiyáru-d dín Gurez made many of the infidel Mughals prisoners at Multán and sent them to Dehli, where their arrival caused much triumph. On Friday, 17 Zí-l ka'da, Kází Jalálu-d dín Káshání died.

Sixth Year of the Reign—Hijra 649 (1251 A.D.).

Malik 'Izzu-d dín broke into revolt at Nágor, and the Sultán marched forth with his army to crush the outbreak, but 'Izzu-d dín came forward and made his submission. The Sultán then returned to the capital. After this Sher Khán marched from Multán to take Uchh, and Malik 'Izzu-d dín returned thither from Nágor, but he was captured in his encounter with Sher Khán and quietly surrendered the fort of Uchh to him, after which he went to Dehli, where he arrived on Sunday, 17th Rabí'u-l ákhir and was appointed governor of Badáún.

On Sunday, 10th Jumáda-l awwal, the writer Minháj Siráj was for the second time appointed Kází of the State and magistrate of the capital.

On Tuesday, 25th Sha'bán, his Majesty marched towards Gwálior, Chanderi, Bazawál (?) and Málwa. He advanced nearly as far as Málwa. Jáhir Deo351 was the greatest of all the Ránas of that country and neighbourhood. He had five thousand horse and two hundred thousand infantry, but he was defeated. The fort of Balwar351a which he had built was taken and plundered. Ulugh Khán exhibited great energy in this campaign, and great plunder and many captives fell into the hands of the victors. The Sultán returned in safety and with honour to Dehli.

Seventh Year of the Reign—Hijra 650 (1252 A.D.)

His Majesty reached Dehli on Monday, 23rd Rabí'u-l awwal 650 (2nd June, 1252) and dwelt for seven months at the capital in great comfort and splendour, engaged in works of benevolence, and in strengthening the administration of justice. On Monday, 22nd Shawwál, he proceeded towards Lahore and Ghazní on the way to Uchh and Multán. When the author took leave of him near Kaithal he was honoured with the gift of a horse with trappings of gold and a saddle. In the course of this journey all the princes and Kháns near the king's route came in to wait upon him. Katlagh Khán from Bayána, and Lashkar Khán 'Izzu-d dín from Badáún, with their followers, attended the Sultán to the banks of the Biyáh. 'Imádu-d dín Ríhán secretly set the feelings of the Sultán and of the princes against Ulugh Khán and perverted their minds.

Eighth Year of the Reign—Hijra 651 (1253 A.D.).

At the beginning of the new year, on Saturday, the 1st Muharram, Ulugh Khán received orders to go to his estates in the Siwálik hills and Hánsí. When the Khán under these orders proceeded from Rohtak towards Hánsí, the Sultán returned to Dehli, and directed his attention to the nobles and public affairs. In Jumáda-l awwal the post of wazír was given to 'Aínu-l mulk Muhammad Nizám Junaidí. Malik Kishlí Khán was made lord chamberlain. Ulugh Mubárak Aibak, brother of the Khán-i mu'azzam (Ulugh Khán) was granted the fief of Karra, and was sent thither. In the same year 'Imádu-d dín Ríhán became prime minister (wakíldar).352

The royal army then marched from Dehli towards Hánsí, with the design of ousting Ulugh Khán. 'Imád Khán now brought forward Kází Shamsu-d dín Bahráíchí, and on the 27th Rajab he made him Kází of the state. Ulugh Khán went from Hánsí to Nágor, and his fief of Hánsí was, through the interest of the lord chamberlain, bestowed upon Prince Ruknu-d dín. In Sha'bán the king returned with the army to Dehli. In the beginning of Shawwál he again set forth, with the intention of subduing Uchh, Multán, and Tabarhindh. When he approached the river Biyáh, a force was despatched to Tabarhindh. Previous to this Sher Khán, through the attacks of the infidels had crossed the river Sindh, and had gone towards Turkistán. Uchh, Multán, and Tabarhindh were left in charge of his officers. On Monday, 22nd Zí-l hijja, (the country) was conquered, and placed under the charge of Arslán Khán. The royal army then returned from the Biyáh.

Ninth Year of the Reign—Hijra 652 (1254 A.D.).

At the beginning of this year victories and spoils were gained in the vicinity of the mountains of Bardár353 and Pinjor. The army then crossed the Jumna. On Wednesday, 16th Muharram, it passed over the Ganges at Miyápúr, and continued its march along the base of the hills to the banks of the Rahab.353a In the course of these hostilities, 'Izzu-d dín Daramshí was killed at Tankala-bálí.353b In revenge for his death the Sultán ordered an attack to be made on Káíthar (Kaithal), on Monday, 16th Safar, such that the inhabitants might not forget for the rest of their lives. He then marched to Badáún, and arrived there with great pomp and display. After a stay of nine days he started for Dehli.

On Sunday, 6th Rabi'u-l awwal, Sadru-l mulk Najmu-d dín Abú Bakr was made minister for the second time, and on Sunday, 20th of the same month, the author was honoured with the title of Sadr-i Jahán (Chancellor of the World), in the neighbourhood of Kol. On Tuesday, 26th Rabí'u-awwal, the Sultán arrived at Dehli, and remained there six months, until news was brought of the confederacy of the nobles with Malik Jalálu-d dín. His Majesty left Dehli in Sha'bán, and proceeded towards Sanám and Tabarhindh. He passed the 'Id-i fitr in Sanám.

The forces of the confederate nobles, of Arslán Khán of Tabar-hindh, Sanján Aibak, and Ulugh Khán, were assembled with Jalálu-d dín in the neighbourhood of Tabarhindh. His Majesty advanced from Sanám to Hánsí, and the nobles retired to Kah-rám and Kaithal. The royal army marched thither, and then the confederates made propositions of peace. 'Imádu-d dín Ríhán was the cause of all the contention, so on Wednesday, 22nd Shawwál, the Sultán directed him to proceed to Badáún, which was given to him as his fief. Peace was thus made. On Tuesday, 17th Zí-l ka'da, after oaths had been taken and agreements concluded, all the nobles and officers waited on the king, and paid their allegiance. Lahore was given to Jalálu-d dín. On Tuesday, 9th Zí-l hijja, the king returned with pomp and splendour to Dehli.

Tenth Year of the Reign—Hijra 653 (1255 A.D.)

At the beginning of the new year an extraordinary event occurred. Under the behests of fate the mind of his Majesty was turned against his mother, the Malika-i Jahán, who was married to Katlagh Khán. Oudh was now granted to them, and they were ordered to proceed thither, which command they obeyed. This happened on Tuesday, 6th Muharram. On Sunday, 23rd Rabí'u-l awwal, his Majesty conferred the office of Kází of the State and magistrate of the capital, as he had done before, on the writer of this work, Minháj Siráj. In Rabíu'-l ákhir, Malik Kutbu-d dín, who was deputy of the State, uttered something which was offensive to the Sultán, and on the 23rd of that month he was arrested and placed in prison, where he was killed.

On Monday, 7th Jumáda-l awwal, the fief of Mírat was conferred on Malik Kishlí Khán Ulugh A'zzam Bárbak-sultání, upon his coming from Karra to pay his respects to the Sultán. On Tuesday, 16th Rajab, Jamálu-d dín Bastámí was made Shaikhu-l Islám. In the same month Malik Táju-d dín Síwistání proceeded from Oudh, and expelled 'Imádu-d dín Ríhán from Bahráích, and he died.

In the month of Shawwál the royal army marched from the capital to Hindustán. On Sunday, 17th Zí-l ka'da, Ulugh Khán Mu'azzam went to Hánsí to superintend the military organization of the Siwálik hills, which having arranged he returned to Dehli. At the end of the year, on Wednesday, 9th Zí-l hijja, he proceeded to the royal camp. Previous to this, Kat-lagh Khán had been directed to leave Oudh, and go to the fief of Bahráích. He resented this, so the Sultán sent a force under Malik Baktam Rukní to put him down. The two armies met near Badáún, and Baktam was killed. The royal army then marched to Oudh to retrieve this disaster, but Katlagh Khán retreated to Kálinjar. Thither Ulugh Khán pursued him, but failing to overtake him, he returned to the royal camp with great booty.

Eleventh Year of the Reign—Hijra 654 (1256 A.D.)

At the beginning of the new year, in the month of Muharram, the royal army having achieved victory, marched triumphant towards Dehli under the protection of the Almighty, and reached the city on the 4th Rabíu'-l awwal. When Katlagh Khán heard of the Sultán's homeward march he began to interfere in the districts of Karra and Mánikpur. A battle followed between him and Arslán Khán Sanjar Chist, in which the latter was victorious. Katlagh Khán could no longer remain in Hindus-tán, so he proceeded into Mawás,355 with the intention of proceeding to the highlands. He reached Santur,355a and there took refuge among the hills and the tribes of those parts. The royal army marched out to quell this disturbance on Tuesday, 20th Zí-l hijja, and at the beginning of the following year the army went to Santúr, and fought a battle with the Hindus of the mountains. Katlagh Khán was with these mountaineers, and a party of nobles in the royal army, who had suspicious fears, went and joined him. They were unable to withstand the troops of the Sultán, so they turned their backs. Ulugh Khán ravaged the whole of the hills with the sword, and penetrated as far as the town of Salmúr, in the defiles and fastnesses of the mountains. No king had ever laid hold upon Salmúr, nor had any Musulman army reached it. He now plundered it, and carried on a devastating warfare. So many of the rebellious Hindus were killed that the numbers cannot be computed or described.

Twelfth Year of the Reign—Hijra 655 (1257 A.D.).

After the return from the campaign, on Sunday, 6th Rabíu'-l awwal, Malik Sanján Aibak, of Khitá, fell from his horse and died. On Sunday, 26th Rabí'u-l ákhir, the Sultán reached the capital with his army.

When the army returned victorious, 'Izzu-d dín Kishlu Khán Balban advanced to the borders of the river Biyáh, with the forces of Uchh and Multán. Malik Katlagh Khán and the nobles who were with him proceeded to join this new revolter in the neighbourhood of Sámána.

When intelligence of this rebellion reached the Sultán, he placed Ulugh Khán at the head of an army, with which he marched from Dehli on Thursday, 15th Jumáda-l awwal. He approached the enemy, and there was only ten kos between the opposing forces, when he discovered that a party of conspirators in the capital, such as the Shaikhu-l Islám, Kutbu-d dín, and Kází Shamsu-d dín Bahráíchí, had secretly addressed letters to to Katlagh Khán and Malik Kishlú Khán Balban, inviting them to come to Dehli, where they would find the gates open and every one in the city ready to assist and support these proceedings. Some faithful reporters in the capital conveyed intelligence of this conspiracy to Ulugh Khán, who sent the letters back to his sovereign in Dehli, informing him of the plot of the nobles, and advising him to order such of them as had fiefs in the neighbourhood of Dehli to proceed to those estates. When the storm had blown over, and they returned to the capital, the Sultán might make an end of them.

On Sunday, 2nd Jumáda-l ákhir, an order was issued directing Saiyid Kutbu-d dín and Kází Shamsu-d dín Bahráíchí to proceed to their estates.

When the letters which the conspirators sent from the city reached Malik Katlagh Khán and Malik Kishlú Khán, they instantly started with all their forces to Dehli, and in two days and a-half they accomplished the distance, one hundred kos. On Thursday, 6th Jumáda-l ákhir, they alighted at their gardens (outside the city), and in the morning, after prayers, they came to the gate of the city and made the circuit of the walls. At night they pitched their camp within sight of Dehli, between the Jumna,357 Kílu-gharí and the city. By the mercy of God it so happened that two days before these nobles came to their gardens on the Jumna, in reliance upon the promises held out in the letters, a number of the conspirators had gone out of the city. When the nobles heard of this they became very cautious in their proceedings.

The Sultán ordered the gates of the city to be closed, and as as the army was absent every preparation was made for war. 'Aláu-d dín Ayyáz Zanjání, lord chamberlain, the deputy of the lord chamberlain, Ulugh Kotwal Beg Jamálu-d dín Naishapúrí, and the diwán i'arz i mamálik, exerted themselves most laudably in making the city secure and in arming the fighting men. At night the nobles, officers, and chief men were posted on the walls of the city. On the following morning, a Friday, the Almighty showed the inhabitants a pleasant sight. Kishlú Khán had made up his mind to retire, and sundry other nobles and the mother of the Sultán, when they perceived this, all made up their minds to retreat. The greater part of their forces, however, would not consent to retreat with them, but encamped near the city. Many of the chief men and officers asked forgiveness, and joined the royal service, and those nobles returned disappointed to the Siwálik hills.

When the news of this enterprise reached Ulugh Khán and the officers of the royal army, they returned towards Dehli, and as they approached the result became known to them. On Tuesday, 11th Jumáda-l ákhir, Ulugh Khán entered the city safely and triumphantly. After this, on Wednesday, 8th Ram-zán, Ziyáu-l mulk Táju-d dín was raised to the dignity of wazír.

At the close of this year the infidel Mughals approached from Khurásán, and advanced into the territories of Uchh and Multán. Kishlú Khán entered into a treaty with them, and joined them at the camp of Sálín-nawín.

Thirteenth Year of the Reign—Hijra 656 (1258 A.D.)

At the beginning of the new year, on Sunday, the 6th Muharram, the Sultán marched with his army from Dehli to oppose the infidel Mughals. Trustworthy writers have recorded that on Wednesday, 4th of the same month, Hulákú, chief of the Mughals, was defeated before the gates of Baghdad, by the forces of the Khalífa M'utasim Bi-llah.358

When the royal army left the city nobles and generals were appointed to the command of forces in different parts. The main body returned to the capital on the 1st Ramazán, and remained there five months. On the 18th Zí-l ka'da the country of Lakh-nauti was given to Malik Jalálu-d dín Mas'úd Malik Jání.

Fourteenth Year of the Reign—Hijra 657 (1259 A.D.).

On the 16th Muharram the royal army marched from the the capital on a campaign against the infidels. On Sunday, 21st Safar, the districts of Bayána, Kol, Balá-rám, and Gwalior were assigned to Malik Sher Khán. Maliku-n nawwáb Aibak was appointed to command an army sent against the infidels of Ran-tambhor, and the Sultán returned to Dehli. On Wednesday, 4th Jumáda-l ákhir, two elephants with treasure came to the court from Lakhnauti. On the 6th of the same month, the Shaikhu-l Islám Jamálu-d dín Bastámí died, and on the 24th Kází Kabíru-d dín also departed. (May God have mercy on them!) By the favour of the Sultán their mansabs were continued to their sons. In Rajab Malik Kishlí Khán-i a'zam Barbak Aibak died, and the office of lord chamberlain was given to his son, Malik 'Aláu-d dín Muhammad. On the 1st Ram-azán, Imám Hamídu-d dín Máríkala died, and the Sultán graciously continued his in'áms to his sons.

After all this trouble the State enjoyed repose; troubles were appeased and wounds were healed. All things went on prosperously. On the 29th Ramazán the Almighty in his bounty gave the Sultán a son. The gifts and honours which were showered on the rich and poor exceeded all powers of description. At the end of Shawwál, Malik Tamar Khán Sanjar under the royal orders returned to Dehli with his army.

Fifteenth Year of the Reign—Hijra 658 (1260 A.D.)

The new year opened auspiciously. On the 16th Ramazán Ulugh Khán was sent into the hills of Dehli, to chastise the rebel inhabitants of Mewát, and to intimidate their Deo. Ten thousand horsemen in armour, and a large army of brave and warlike soldiers were under his command. Great booty was gained, and many cattle captured. Defiles and passes were cleared, strong forts were taken, and numberless Hindús perished under the merciless swords of the soldiers of Islám.

I have resolved, upon reflection, to close my history at this place and with this victory. If life and opportunity are given to me, I may hereafter record any remarkable events that may happen I beg the indulgent reader to forgive my errors, faults, and omissions, I pray that God may preserve in continued prosperity my gracious Sultán, and I hope that my composition of this work may be deemed meritorious both in this world and the next.359

TABAKAT XXII.

[Page 281 to 324 of the printed text.]

No. 25. Al Khákánu-l Mu'azzam Baháu-l hakk wau-d dín Ulugh Khán Balbanu-s Sultání [otherwise called Ghiyásu-d din Balban].

The Khákán-i Mu'azzam Ulugh Khán-i 'azam belonged to the stock of the Khákáns of Albarí.360 His father and the father of Sher Khán were born of the same father and mother, the father being of the race of the Khákáns of Albarí. He was khán over ten thousand houses (khána), and the family was well known in Albarí of Turkistán, among the Turkí tribes. At the present time the sons of his (Ulugh Khán's) paternal uncles rule over these tribes with great distinction. I was informed of these facts by Kurbat Khán Sanjar. The Almighty desired to grant a support to the power of Islám and to the strength of the Muhammadan faith, to extend his glorious shadow over it, and to preserve Hindustán within the range of his favour and protection. He therefore removed Ulugh Khán in his youth from Turkistán, and separated him from his race and kindred, from his tribe and relations, and conveyed him to the country (of Hindustán), for the purpose of curbing the Mughals. God conducted him to Baghdád, and from that city to Guzerat. Khwája Jamálu-d dín Basrí, a man remarkable for piety and integrity, ability and worth, bought him, and brought him up carefully like a son. Intelligence and ability shone out clearly in his countenance, so his patron looked upon him with an eye of kindness and treated him with especial consideration.

In the year 630 H. (1232 A.D.) he brought him to Dehli when Sultán Sá'id Shamsu-d dunyá wau-d dín adorned the throne. With several other Turks he was brought into the presence of the Sultán. When the monarch observed him he bought all the lot of Turks and appointed them to attend before his throne. Ulugh was seen to be a youth of great promise, so the king made him his personal attendant, placing, as one might say, the hawk of fortune on his hand. So that in after times, in the reigns of this monarch's children, it might come to pass that this youth should save the kingdom from the violence and machinations of its foes, and raise it to a high pitch of glory and honour.

At this period, while he was discharging his duties, by the decree of fate, he recovered his brother Kishlí Khán (afterwards) lord chamberlain, at which he rejoiced greatly. His power became conspicuous. When Sultán Ruknu-d dín came to the throne, he went off along with the Turks from Dehli to Hindus-tán, and when the Turks were brought back he returned to Dehli in their army. He was imprisoned for some days and subjected to some indignity. The design in this may have been (God knows!) that he should taste the sufferings of the miserable, so that when he attained to the sovereign dignity he might have compassion on them, and be thankful for his own exaltation. [A story is introduced here.]

Let us return to our history. When Sultán Raziya ascended the throne Ulugh Khán continued to be one of the royal attendants (Khássa-dár) till fortune favoured him, and he became chief huntsman (Amír shikár). Fate proclaimed that the earth was to be the prey of his fortune and the world the game of his sovereignty. He held this office and discharged its duties for some time, till the sun of the supremacy of Raziya set and that of Mu'izzu-d dín Bahrám Sháh shone forth. Fortune still befriended him. After remaining some time in his position of chief huntsman, performing his service, and exhibiting marks of ability, he was made master of the horse. The steed of sovereignty and empire thus came under his bridle and control. When Badru-d dín Sankar became lord chamberlain, he showed a paternal interest in Ulugh Khán, and took such care of his advancement that he was raised to a higher position, and received a grant of the lands of Ríwárí. He went to that place, and by his vigour and bravery punished the hill chiefs362 and brought the district under his rule.

When the power of the Mu'izzí dynasty was declining, the nobles conspired together and came to the gates of the city (Dehli). The princes and nobles all agreed as to the course to be pursued. Ulugh Khán,362a grantee of Ríwárí, displayed such energy and exhibited such remarkable resolution in securing the submission of the provinces, that no one of the princes and nobles, Turks and Táziks, was worth the hundredth part of him. All the confederates admitted that in vigour, courage, and activity he surpassed them all. When the city was conquered he received a grant of Hánsí. On taking possession of the territory he applied himself to its improvement, and through his justice and generosity all the inhabitants were happy and content. His success was so great that other nobles began to look upon it with jealousy, and the thorn of envy began to rankle in their hearts. But it was the will of God that he should excel them all, so that the more the fire of their envy burnt, the stronger did the incense of his fortune rise from the censer of the times. “They seek to extinguish the light of God with their mouths, but God willeth only to perfect his light.” [The author continues in a high strain of benediction and eulogy.]

To return to our history. In the year 640 H. (1242 A.D.) this humble individual (the author) had to travel to Lakhnautí with his family and dependants. In this journey he spent two years. Trustworthy persons have recorded that in the year 641 Ulugh Khán was appointed lord chamberlain. When the royal army marched from the capital he inflicted a severe chastisement on the rebels of Jalálí and Dewalí, and the Mawás in the doab between the Ganges and Jumna. He fought much against the infidels and cleared the roads and neighbouring country from insurgents.

In the year 643 the author under the imperial orders, left Lakhnautí with his family and returned to the capital in company with Tughán Khán Tughril. In this year the accursed Mankútí (Mangú-Khán), who was one of the generals of the Mughals and a prince of Turkistán, marched from the neighbourhood of Tálikán and Kunduz into Sindh. He laid siege to Uchh, one of the most renowned fortresses of Sindh, and equal to Mansúra.363 There was a eunuch in (command of) the fort who belonged to the household of Táju-d dín. Abú Bakr-Kabír Khán Aksunkar was chief justice, and Mukhlisu-d dín was kotwal. When intelligence of this inroad reached the Court, Ulugh Khán made known his views to the Sultán and prepared an army to oppose the Mughals. The princes and nobles were opposed to this expedition,363a but Malik Ulugh Khán was very earnest about it.

When the royal army marched towards the seat of warfare, the Khákán-i Mu'azzam363b Ulugh Khán (may his reign endure!) appointed guides to lead the way, so that the marches might be made with the greatest celerity. In ordinary cases eight kos would be one day's march, but under his arrangements, twelve kos or even more were accomplished. The army arrived on the banks of the Biyáh, made the transit of that river, and reached Lahore on the banks of the Ráví. He there showed great energy and bravery in pushing forward the expedition, and incited the Sultán and the nobles to be earnest for the repulse of the infidel Mughals.

On Monday, 25th Shabán, 643 H. (Nov. 1245), intelligence was brought to the royal camp that the infidel Mughals had raised the siege of Uchh. The reason of their retreat was that Ulugh Khán (when he reached the Biyáh) had sent forward messengers bearing letters from the Sultán addressed to the garrison of the fort, announcing the approach of the royal army, and dilating upon the vast numbers of the soldiers and elephants and the great valour and spirit of the forces which followed the royal standards. He also sent forward an advance force to reconnoitre. When the messengers came near Uchh, some of the letters fell into the hands of the accursed warriors, and some reached the garrison of the fort. The drums were beaten in the fort to announce the joy of the besieged. The contents of the letters and the approach of the army of Islám became fully known to the accursed foe, and the horsemen of the advanced force were in the vicinity of Sindh on the banks of the Biyáh of Lahore. Fear and dismay fell upon the hearts of the accursed, and the goodness of God lent its aid (to the forces of Islam). Trusty men record that when Mankútí heard of the approach of the army of Islám under the royal standard, that it had proceeded by the river Biyáh, near the skirts of the hills, and that it was advancing along the banks of the river,364 he made enquiry of a party (of prisoners) why the army of Islám marched along the bases of the mountains, for that route was long, and the way by Sarsutí and Marút (Mírat?) was nearer? He was answered that the numerous fissures on the banks of the river rendered the way impassable for the army.364a

This answer convinced Mankútí that he had not sufficient strength to withstand the approaching army, and that he must retreat. Panic obtained mastery over him and his forces, so that they could no longer retain their position. He divided his army into three bodies and fled. Many Musulmán and Hindú prisoners obtained their freedom. This victory is attributable to the activity, bravery, and strategy of Ulugh Khán; but for him the victory would not have been gained (may the Almighty keep him safe under his protection!)

After the achievement of this victory Ulugh Khán advised that the royal army should march towards the river Sodra365 in order to impress the minds of the enemy with the great power, bravery, and numbers of the army of Islám. So the army proceeded to the banks of the Sodra, and from thence, on the 27th Shawwal, 643 H., it returned to Dehli, which city it reached on Monday 12th Zí-l-hijja 643 H. (May 1246).

For some time past the mind of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín had been alienated from the nobles, he was seldom visible to the army, and besides this he was given up to depravity. The nobles all agreed to write secretly from Dehli to Násiru-d dunyá wau-d dín, inviting him to set up his pretensions to the throne. On Sunday, 23rd Muharram, 644 (June 1246) he came to Dehli and sat upon the seat of empire. The Khutba was read and the coin of the realm was struck in the auspicious name of Násír. So Ulugh Khán represented how the accursed foe had in the previous year fled before the armies of Islám, and had gone to the upper parts (taraf-i bálá). It now seemed advisable that the royal army should proceed in that direction. This advice was approved and orders were given for the march. On Monday, the 1st Rajab, 644 H., the army set forth and proceeded to the river Sodra. Here Ulugh Khán was detached with several nobles and generals to make an incursion into the hills of Júd. The Rána of these hills had acted as guide to the infidel Mughals, and it was now determined to take vengeance. Ulugh Khán accordingly attacked the hills of Júd, and the countries on the Jailam, and led his forces as far as the banks of the Indus. All the women and dependants of the infidels which were in those parts were obliged to flee, and a party of the Mughal army crossed over the Jailam, and saw the forces which were arrayed under the command of Ulugh Khán. The manifold lines of the army, the numbers of the horse, the armour and the arms, filled the observers with wonder and dismay. The bravery and generalship which Ulugh Khán displayed in scaling the mountains, breaking through defiles, capturing fortified places, and crossing jungles, cannot be described in writing. The fame of this campaign extended to Turkistán. There was no husbandry or agriculture in this country, and fodder became unobtainable. Hence he was compelled to retire, and he returned victorious and triumphant to the royal camp, bringing back all his officers and troops in safety.

On Thursday, 6th Zí-l ka'da, his majesty returned to the capital, which he reached on Thursday, 2nd Muharram, 645 H. The perseverance and resolution of Ulugh Khán had been the means of showing to the army of Turkistán and the Mughals such bravery and generalship that in the course of this year no one came from the upper parts towards Sindh. So Ulugh Khán represented to his Majesty, in the month of Sha'bán, that the opportunity was favourable for making an expedition into Hin-dustán. The Mawás and Ránas366 had not been pinched for several years, but some coercion might now be exercised on them, by which spoil would fall into the hands of the soldiers of Islám, and wealth would be gained to strengthen the hands of the State in resisting the Mughals. The royal armies accordingly marched to Hindustán, passing down the Doab between the Ganges and Jumna. After some fighting, the fort of Nandana366a was captured, and Ulugh Khán was sent with some other generals and a Muhammadan force to oppose Dalaki wa Malakí. This was a Rána in the vicinity of the Jumma, between Kálinjar and Karra, over whom the Ráís of Kálinjar and Málwa had no authority. He had numerous followers and ample wealth; he ruled wisely; his fortresses were strong and secure; in his territories the defiles were arduous, the mountains rugged, and the jungles many. No Muhammadan army had ever penetrated to his dwelling place. When Ulugh Khán reached his abode, the Rána took such care for the safety of himself and his family, that he kept quiet from the dawn till the time of evening prayer, and when it grew dark he fled to some more secure place. At daybreak, the Muhammadan army entered his abode, and then pursued him, but the accursed infidel had escaped into the lofty mountains, to an inaccessible spot impossible to reach except by stratagem, and the use of ropes and ladders. Ulugh Khán incited his soldiers to the attempt, and, under his able direction, they succeeded in taking the place. All the infidel's wives, dependants, and children fell into the hands of the victors with much cattle, many horses and slaves. Indeed, the spoil that was secured exceeded all computation. At the beginning of Shawwál 645 H. (Feb. 1248), the force returned to the royal camp with their booty, and after the Íd-i azha', the whole army marched towards the capital, which it reached on the 4th Muharram, 646 H. (April 1248). A full poetical account of this campaign, in which the several victories are recounted, has been composed; the book is called Násirí náma.367

In Sha'bán, 646 H. (Nov. 1248), the royal army marched through the upper country to the neighbourhood of the Biyáh, and then returned to the capital. Ulugh Khán with several nobles under him, was sent with an ample force towards Rantam-bhor, to overrun the mountains of Mewát and the country of Báhar-deo, who was the greatest of the Ráís of Hindustán. He ravaged the whole of those territories and gained a large booty. Malik Baháu-d dín Aibak was slain under the fort of Rantambhor, on Sunday in the month of Zí-l hijja 646, while Ulugh Khán was engaged fighting in another quarter. The Khán's soldiers showed great courage and fought well; they sent many of the infidels to hell, and secured great spoil; after which they returned to the capital.

On Monday, 3rd Safar, 647 H. (May, 1249), they arrived at Dehli. In the course of this year his majesty was pleased to recognize the great ability and distinguished services of his general.368 He therefore promoted him from the rank of a Malik and the office of lord chamberlain to the dignity of a Khán, and on Tuesday, 3rd Rajab, 647 H., he named him lieutenant of the government, army, and royal fortune (bakhtiyárí), with the title of Ulugh Khán. The truth of the adage that “the worth of titles is revealed by heaven,” was proved in this case, for from that day forth the services of Ulugh Khán to the house of Násir became still more conspicuous. When he was thus promoted, his brother Kishlí Khán Aibak, master of the horse, became lord chamberlain. He was a nobleman of kind and generous character, and endowed with many virtues. Malik Táju-d dín Sanjar Tabar Khán became deputy of the lord chamberlain, and my excellent dear son 'Alau-d dín Ayyáz Tabar Khán Zanjání,368a who was Amíru-l hujjáb (superintendant of the royal door-keepers), was made deputy wakíldar. These appointments were made on Friday, 6th Rajab 647, and Ikhtiyáru-d dín Ítigin, the long-haired, who had been deputy, now became master of the horse.

On Monday, 9th Sha'bán, 647 H. (Nov. 1249), the royal army left the capital and took the field. Passing over the Jumna it encamped and engaged in operations against the Mawás. [Matters personal of the author, see page 350.]

On Tuesday, 25th Sha'bán, 649 H. (Nov. 1251), the royal army marched towards Málwa and Kálinjar. When Ulugh Khán arrived there with the army of Islám, he defeated Jáhir of Ijárí, a great rána, who had a large army and many adherents, and destroyed both him and his kingdom. This Jáhir, rána of Ijárí, was an active and able man. In the reign of Sa'íd Shamsu-d dín, in the year 632 H. (1234), the army of Islám was sent from Bayána Sultán-kot, Kanauj, Mahr, Maháwan and Gwalior, against Kálinjar and Jamú, under the command of Malik Nus-ratu-d dín Tábasí, who was distinguished above all the generals of the time for courage, boldness, ability, and generalship. The army marched on fifty days from Gwalior, and great booty fell into its hands, so much that the imperial fifth amounted to nearly twenty-two lacs. When they returned from Kálinjar they were encountered by this Rána of Ijárí, who seized upon the defiles on the river Sindí in the road of the returning army. The author heard Nusratu-d dín Tábasí say, “No enemy in Hindu-stán had ever seen my back, but this Hindú fellow of Ijárí attacked me as a wolf falls upon a flock of sheep. I was obliged to retire before him until I reached a position where I turned upon him and drove him back.” I tell this story so that my readers may clearly perceive what courage and generalship Ulugh Khán exhibited when he defeated and put to flight such a foe. He further took from him the fortress of Bazor,369 and his conduct and feats in this campaign will stand as a lasting memorial of him.

On Monday, 23rd Rabí'u-l awwal, 650 H. (June, 1252), the army returned to Dehli and remained there for six months. On the 12th Shawwal of the same year, it marched through the upper country to the banks of the Biyáh. At this time Malik Balban held the fief of Badáún, and Katlagh Khán that of Bayána. They were both summoned to the Royal presence, and both attended with all the generals of the army at the royal abode. When the army reached the banks of the Biyáh, 'Imádu-d dín Ríhán conspired with other chiefs, and excited envy and enmity against Ulugh Khán. The envious found their own importance dimmed by his glory, and they resolved to do some hurt and injury to his august person, either in hunting, in passing through mountain defiles, or in crossing rivers. Ulugh Khán's good fortune preserved him, and his adversaries were unable to do him any harm. When the conspirators found that their plans were ineffectual, they agreed upon another course, and presenting themselves at the doors of the royal tent, urged upon his majesty that Ulugh Khán ought to be sent to his estates. The result of all this was that the order was given to him indirectly.370

On Saturday, the new moon of Muharram, 651 H., Ulugh Khán proceeded to Hánsí with his followers and family. When the Sultán reached Dehli, the thorn of envy, which still festered in the malicious heart of Ríhán, impelled him to recommend his majesty to send Ulugh Khán to Nágor, and to give the country of Hánsí to one of the royal princes. His majesty accordingly went to Hánsí, and the Khán removed to Nágor. This happened in Jumáda-l ákhir 651 H. On his departure for Hánsí, 'Imádu-d dín Ríhán became wakíldar,370a and the administration of the royal orders passed into his hands.

Through the envy and malignity of the new minister, the office of Kází of the State was taken from the author, Minháj Siráj, in Rajab, 651, and given to Kází Shamsu-d dín Bahráíchí. On returning to the capital, on the 17th Shawwál, Malik Saifu-d dín Kishlí Khán, brother of Ulugh Khán, was sent to his estate of Karra, and 'Izzu-d dín Balban, son-in-law of Katlagh Khán, was appointed to the charge of the office of lord chamberlain. All the officers who had been appointed through the interest of Ulugh Khán were removed, and the business and quietude of the State were disturbed, all through the machinations of 'Imádu-d dín.

At this period, when Ulugh Khán (May God prolong his reign!) went to Nágor, he led a Muhammadan force in the direction of Rantambhor, Hindí, and Chitror. Báhar Deo, Ráí of Rantambhor, the greatest of the Ráís, and the most noble and illustrious of all the princes of Hindustán, assembled an army to inflict a blow on Ulugh Khán. But it was the will of God that the name of the Khán should be celebrated for his victories in the annals of the time, and although the Ráí's army was large and well appointed with arms and horses, it was put to flight, and many of its valiant fighting men were sent to hell. The Musulmáns obtained great spoil and captured many horses and prisoners (burda). They then returned safe with their booty to Nágor, which, in consequence of Ulugh Khán's presence, had become a place of great importance.

At the opening of the year 651 H., the numerous people who had suffered oppression and hardship through the disgrace of Ulugh Khán retired to their closets, and like fish out of water, and sick men without slumber, from night till morn, and from morn till night, they offered up their prayers to the Creator, supplicating him to let the dawn of Ulugh Khán's prosperity break forth in splendour, and dispel with its brilliant light the gloom occasioned by his rival Ríhán. The Almighty graciously gave ear to the prayers of the wretched, and the cries of the distressed. The victorious banners of Ulugh Khán were borne from Nágor, and he went to the capital. The reason of his return was this. The nobles and servants of the State were all Turks of pure origin and Táziks of good stock, but 'Imádu-d dín was an eunuch and impotent; he, moreover, belonged to one of the tribes of Hindustán. Notwithstanding all this he exercised authority over the heads of all these chiefs, They were disgusted with this state of affairs and could no longer endure it. They suffered so much from the hands of the bullies who were retained by 'Imádu-d dín, that for six months they could not leave their houses, nor could they even go to prayers on Fridays. How was it possible for Turks and Maliks, accustomed to power, rule, and warfare, to remain quiet under such ignominy? The chiefs of Hindustán, of Karra, Mánikpúr, Oudh and the upper country to Badáún, of Tabarhindh, Sanám, Samána, and the Siwálik Hills, sent to Ulugh Khán inviting him to return. Arslán Khán led an army out of Tabarhindh, Ban Khán came forth from Sanám and Mansúrpúr, and Ulugh Khán collected his forces in Nágor and the Siwálik hills. Malik Jalálu-d dín Mas'úd Sháh bin Sultán joined them from Lahore, and they marched upon the capital.

'Imádu-d dín advised his majesty to go forth and repress the malcontents, and accordingly he led his army towards Sanám. Ulugh Khán was in the neighbourhood of Tabarhindh with several other chiefs. The author of this book started from the capital for the royal camp, which was stationed in the city near the royal residence. On Monday, 26th Ramazán, 652 H. he arrived. and on the “Night of Power” he read prayers in the king's abode. On the next day, 27th Ramazán, the opposing armies drew near to each other, the outposts met, and great disquietude arose. The 'Íd-i fitr was passed at Sanám, and on Saturday, 8th Shawwál, the royal army fell back to Hánsí. Malik Jalálu-d dín, Ulugh Khán, and the nobles with them proceeded to Kaithal. The chiefs and nobles on both sides deemed it desirable to hold a parley. General Karra Jamák, a personal attendant of Ulugh Khán, and well-known for his integrity, acted on the part of the insurgents; and the noble of the black banner, Hisámu-d dín Katlagh, well-known for his great age, a man of conciliatory character and great probity, was deputed to meet him. He exerted himself to the utmost with General Karra Jamák and Malik-i Islám Kutbu-d dín Hasan 'Alí.

The discontented nobles represented to his majesty that they were all willing to obey his commands, but that they had no security against the machinations and outrageous conduct of 'Imádu-d dín Ríhán. If he were banished from the Court they would all submit and willingly obey the orders of the Sultán. The royal army marched from Hánsí to Jínd, and on Saturday, 22nd Shawwál 652 H., 'Imádu-d dín was dismissed from his office of minister (thanks to God for it!) and the privileges attaching to the government of Badáún were given to him.

'Izzu-d dín Balban, deputy of the lord chamberlain, repaired to the camp of Ulugh Khán, and on Tuesday, 3rd Zí-l ka'da, Ban Khán Aibak Khitáí came to the royal camp to finally arrange the terms of peace. An extraordinary plot was now formed, with which the author of this book became acquainted. 'Imádu-d dín Khán with a number of Turks of low degree, and inimical to Ulugh Khán, resolved upon cutting down Ban Khán Aibak Khitáí at the entrance of the royal tent, in order that Ulugh Khán, on hearing of the assassination, might (in retaliation) slay 'Izzu-d dín Balban. The peace would thus be prevented, 'Imá-du-dín would retain his position in safety, and Ulugh Khán would be unable to come to Court. Kutbu-d dín Hasan heard of the conspiracy, and sent one of the chief attendants of the chamberlain, Sharfu-l mulk Rashídu-d dín Hanafí, to Ban Khán, advising him not to go to the royal tent in the morning, but to remain at his own lodging. Ban Khán acted on this advice, and so the plot failed. The facts became known to the great men, and under the command of the Sultan, 'Imádu-d dín was sent off to Badáún.

On Tuesday, 17th Zí-l k'ada, his majesty, with the desire of making peace, directed the author, Minháj Siráj, to offer terms of agreement to all. Next day, Ulugh Khán, with the other nobles, came to Court, and had the honour of kissing hands. The Sultán then turned homewards, accompanied by Ulugh Khán, and reached the capital on Wednesday, 9th Zí-l hijja. The kindness of the Almighty now became manifest. For a long time there had been no rain, but upon the approach of Ulugh Khán the Almighty displayed his mercy, and the rain, which is the life of herbs and plants, of men and animals, fell upon the earth. No wonder, then, that people looked upon the return of Ulugh Khán as a happy omen, that his compeers rejoiced over it, and that all were grateful to the Almighty for his bounty.

The year 653 H. opened. Something happened in the royal harem of which no one had accurate knowledge, but Katlagh Khán373 was directed to take charge of the government of Oudh, and thither he proceeded. At the same time the government of Bahráích was given to 'Imádu-d dín Ríhán. The success of Ulugh Khán shone forth with brilliant radiance, the garden of the world began to put forth leaf, and the key of divine mercy opened the doors of the hearts of men who had been driven into seclusion. Among these was the well-wisher of the State, and the partisan of Ulugh Khán, the writer of this book, Minháj Siráj Júzjáni. The censure of his adversaries, and the injustice of his foes, had forced him into retirement and had subjected him to distress and trouble; but now the kind influence of Ulugh Khán was exerted with the Sultán, and on Sunday, 5th Rabi'u-awwal, 653 H., the office of Kází of the State and the seat of justice were given for the third time to the faithful and grateful writer of this history.

Katlagh Khán had gone to Oudh, and some time passed, but circumstances so occurred that he became disaffected. Imperative orders were several times sent to him from Court, but to these he paid no heed. 'Imádu-d dín Ríhán busied himself in stirring up strife, and endeavoured by intrigue and deceit to throw the dirt of his wretched selfish plots on the prosperity of Ulugh Khán, and to cloud the glory of that Khákán with the emanations of his malice. But “Divine mercy is for ever sufficient,” and it prevented the success of these schemes. Malik Táju-d dín Sanjar had been confined in prison by Katlagh Khán. The government of Bahráích had been granted to Sanjar, and this was the reason of his imprisonment. By a bold contrivance he escaped from Oudh out of the hands of his oppressors, and crossing the river Sarú374 in a boat, he proceeded with a few horsemen to Bahráích. Under the decrees of fate the fortune of the Turks now triumphed, and the power of the Hindús was levelled with the dust. 'Imadu-d dín was defeated and taken prisoner, and put to death in Bahráích, in the month of Rajab, 653 H. With him Katlagh Khán's fortunes declined.

When these disturbances arose in Hindustán, several of the chief nobles of the Court were drawn away from their allegiance, and it became necessary to put down the insurrection and to punish the disaffected nobles. The army accordingly left Dehli, on the new moon of Shawwál, 653 H. (December, 1255), and marching towards Hindustán it reached Tilibhát374a (Pilibhít?). Delay had occurred in assembling the forces of the Siwálik hills. These mountains were included in the government of Ulugh Khán, so he hastened to Hánsí. He arrived there on the 17th Zí-l ka'da, and so exerted himself that in fourteen days the soldiers of the Siwálik, of Hánsí, Sarsútí, Jínd, Barwála, and all those parts were collected, and marched to Dehli in great force, and well equipped, where they arrived on the 3rd Zí-l hijja. Ulugh Khán remained in Dehli eighteen days, recruiting and refitting the army of Mewát and the Koh-páya (hills). On the 19th Zí-l hijja he marched with a brave and well-equipped army to the royal camp, and reached Oudh in the month of Muharram, 654 H. Katlagh Khán and the nobles who were leagued with him were all subjects of the Sultán, but adverse circumstances had led them to revolt. From Oudh they retreated over the river Sarú, and by royal command Ulugh Khán pursued them with a strong force. They had, however, got a good start, the jungles were dense, the ways difficult, and the trees numerous, so he could not come up with them. He advanced as far as Bishanpur, on the confines of Tirhut, plundering all the Mawás and Ránas, and returned with great spoil to the royal camp. When Ulugh Khán crossed the Sarú from Oudh on his return from the pursuit, his Majesty marched towards the capital, and Ulugh Khán joined the royal army at Kasmandí. On Tuesday, 6th Rabi'u-l awwal, 654 H., they arrived at Dehli.

Katlagh Khán had found no place in Hindustán where he could make a stand, so in the midst of the campaign he proceeded towards Santúr, and strengthened himself in the hills of that country. The chiefs paid him every respect, for he was a noble of high rank, a grandee of the Court, and one of the principal Turks. He had, therefore, strong claims upon his compeers, and wherever he went he was treated with great consideration.

He made himself secure in the hills of Santúr, and there he was joined by the Rána Debál [Deopál] Hindí, who held a prominent rank among the Hindus, and the custom of whose tribe was to afford a refuge to the fugitive. When intelligence of this junction reached the royal camp, the army marched towards Santúr, at the beginning of Rabí'u-l awwal, 655 H. Ulugh Khán, with the royal army and some officers of the court, by great exertions made his way into the hills with much fighting, and seized upon the passes and defiles. He penetrated as far as Salmúr, a fort and district belonging to that great Ráí. All the Ránas of these parts recognized the Ráí as their superior and paid him respect. He fled before Ulugh Khán, and the city and markets of Salmúr all fell into the hands of the army of Islám. By the favour of God the soldiers of Ulugh Khán thus subdued a place which the armies of Islám had never before reached, and they returned laden with plunder to the capital, where they arrived on the 5th Rabí'u-l ákhir, 655 H.

When the royal army had returned to Dehli, Katlagh Khán issued from the mountains of Salmúr, and Malik Kishlú Khán Balban came from Sindh to the banks of the Biyáh, where the two chiefs joined their forces,376 and marched towards Sámána and Kahrám, taking possession of the country. To put down this confederacy and revolt the Sultán sent Ulugh Khán, Kishlí Khán, and several other nobles. Ulugh Khán left Dehli on Thursday, 15th Jumáda-l awwal, 655 (May, 1257), and hastened with all speed to Kaithal. Katlagh Khán was in the vicinity, and the two armies approached each other. Here they were all brothers and friends—two armies of one government.376a Such an extraordinary state of affairs had never occurred. The antagonists were like coins from one purse, or salt from one cup, and yet the accursed devil had produced such dissension among them. * * * Ulugh Khán deemed it expedient to detach the household troops from the main army, and he placed them under the command of Sher Khán, his cousin. The main body with the elephants he put under the command of his own brother, Kishlí Khán, lord chamberlain. Two distinct divisions were thus formed.

The opposing armies drew near to each other in the vicinity of Sámána and Kaithal, and their lines were within view on either side. Just at this juncture some meddlesome servants of the Court at Dehli wrote letters to Malik Balban and Malik Kat-lagh Khán, inviting them to come to the capital. The city they said was empty of soldiers, and the gates were in their own hands, while the nobles whom they addressed were servants of the State, and no strangers. They ought to come at once and resume their service of the Sultán. Ulugh Khán with his army would remain outside, and everything would turn out as they wished. All that had been represented might be easily accomplished. Some faithful adherents of the throne and partizans of Ulugh Khán got notice of this plot, and they sent off intelligence with all speed to Ulugh Khán. He advised the Sultán to turn all the conspirators out of the city. A full account of this conspiracy has been given in the history of the reign of Násiru-d dín. (God forgive them and lead them to repent of their wickedness!)

While the two armies were confronting each other, a person377 came over as a spy from the camp of Malik Balban Kishlú Khan, representing that he came on behalf of the chiefs and nobles who were with Malik Balban, and who were desirious of joining Ulugh Khán. If a promise of immunity and fair treatment were given to them, and a grant made for the support of the bearer of these overtures, he would bring over all the chiefs and nobles who were with Balban, and would arrange matters in respect of other officers.

Ulugh Khán, on perceiving the intentions of this person, gave orders that the whole of the army should be shown to him. Accordingly all the troops and munitions and implements of war, with the elephants and horses, were displayed before his eyes. The Khán then directed a letter to be written to the chiefs and nobles in the following terms: “Your letter has reached me and its import has been understood. I have no doubt that if you make your submission grants will be made to you all, and your maintenance will be most amply provided for; but if you take a different course, then, on this very day, the world shall learn how your pretensions will be settled by the wounds of the trenchant sword and the flaming spear, and how you will be carried, fettered with the bonds of fate, to the foot of the royal standard.” This letter, half sweet half bitter, half venom half lotion, half courtesy half severity, was written and delivered to that man and he returned.

When the letter was delivered to the officers of Balban, the wise among them perceived its drift, and knew that the dissensions between the nobles and generals would be settled elsewhere (yakjá). Fresh letters now arrived from Dehli, and Malik Balban and Katlagh Khán set forth in that direction and showed no intention of returning. Two days afterwards Ulugh Khán became aware of their design, and his mind was troubled as to what might happen to the throne and capital. After this extraordinary incident letters reached him (from Dehli), and he turned thither, safe under the protection of the Almighty, and reached the city on Monday, 10th Jumáda-l awwal, 653.

For seven months Ulugh Khán remained tranquil in the capital, when intelligence arrived that the army of the infidel Mughals had made a descent upon Sindh, under the command of Salín Nawín. When their general brought in this army, Malik Balban went to them of necessity, and the forces378 of the fort of Multán fell back. When the news reached the capital, Ulugh Khán advised his Majesty to set the royal army in motion, and accordingly it marched forth on the 2nd Muharram, 656 H. (9th January, 1259), and encamped within sight of the city. Orders were sent to all parts of the kingdom, directing the nobles and officers to collect all the forces they could, and to join the army. On the 10th Muharram, the author received orders in the royal tent to compose an ode, to stir up the feelings of the Muhammadans and to excite in them a warlike fervour for the defence of their religion and the throne.

Ulugh Khán, with a numerous and well-appointed army, marched in company with his majesty and all the nobles, attended by their followers. When the infidel Mughal heard of this host on the frontier he had assailed, he advanced no further and showed no spirit. It seemed expedient, therefore, for the royal army to remain within sight of the city (of Dehli), and it remained encamped for four months or longer, while horsemen went in all directions, making war upon the Mawás. At length the news came that the accursed foe had retreated, and all disquietude on his account was at an end.

The reporters now informed Ulugh Khán that Arslán Khán Sanjar in Oudh, and Kalij Khán Mas'úd Khání had taken alarm at the orders which they had received to join the royal camp, and were meditating revolt. Ulugh Khán advised his Majesty to nip this project in the bud, and to smother their intentions before they had time to form and gather strength. The advice was approved, although it was the hot season and the army had undergone fatigue through the inroad of the Mughals. On Tuesday, 6th Jumáda-l ákhir, the royal forces marched towards Hindustán, and came to the neighbourhood of Karra and Mánik-púr. Ulugh Khán exerted himself most strenuously in punishing the rebellious Hindus and Ránas.

Upon the arrival of Ulugh Khán, the two confederates, Arslán Khán and Kalij Khán, parted, and were obliged to send their families and dependants among the Mawás. They also deputed some trusty persons to wait on Ulugh Khán, and prevail upon him to inform the Sultán that they had been obliged to disperse their followers, and that they were ready to promise that they would both repair to the capital, and do homage as soon as the royal army was withdrawn. Upon this representation the forces were re-called, and reached the capital on Monday, 2nd Ramazán, 656. Arslán Khán and Kalij Khán repaired to Court, and Ulugh Khán exerted himself so generously and strenuously in their behalf,380 that their rebellion was forgiven, and in the course of two months Kalij Khán was appointed to the government of Lakhnautí, and Arslán Khán to Karra.

On the 13th Muharram, at the beginning of the new year, 657 (January, 1259), the royal forces again marched from Dehli. Ulugh Khán now very properly used his influence in favour of his nephew, Sher Khán, and on Sunday, 21st Safar, all the territories of Bayána, Kol, Jalesar, and Gwalior were consigned to him. There was nothing to require the action of the army during the rest of the year. On Wednesday, 4th Jumáda-l ákhir, treasure, wealth, and many valuables, with two elephants, were brought to Court from Lakhnautí. These presents were sent by 'Izzu-d dín Balban Uzbek, who was grantee of Lakh-nautí, and by the influence of Ulugh Khán the grant was confirmed, and honours were bestowed upon him.

At the beginning of 658 H. (December, 1259), Ulugh Khán resolved upon a campaign in the hills near the capital. These hills were inhabited by a turbulent people, who committed depredations on the roads, plundered the goods of Musulmáns, drove away the cultivators, and ravaged the villages in the districts of Harriána, the Siwálik hills, and Bayána. Three years before they had carried off from Hánsí a drove of camels and a number of the people of Ulugh Khán. Their chief was a Hindu named Malká, a fierce and desperate fellow. It was he who carried off the camels, and he fomented disturbances among the Hindus from the hills to Rantambhor. But when he did these things the army was otherwise engaged, and the soldiers and followers of Ulugh Khán had not the means of transporting their baggage and implements. Ulugh Khán and all the princes and nobles were sorely vexed, but it was then impossible to do anything, as the army was fully employed in repelling the Mughal forces, which had attacked the frontiers of Islám in Sindh, at Lahore,

De Slane's Ibn Khallikán, Introd. xii. II. 288. See D'Herbelot, “Gezeri;” De Rossi, “Atir;” Bodleian Cat. 693, 696, 784; Hamaker, 164; Fraehn, 44; Wüs-tenfeld, 84; Rampoldi, viii. 517, ix. 281, xi. 57; Gemäldesaal Pref. xi. and vi. 2; Jenisch Reg. Pers. 123; Wilken, Samanidarum, 191-2; D'Ohsson, Mongols. Pref. x.; Weil, II. ix; Reinaud's Aboul Feda, 9; Sprenger, on Mahomedanism, 73; Bush, Life of Mahomet, 255; Nouv. Mel. As. I. 433, 434; Col. Or. I. 208; Not. et Ext. 1. 542; Jour. As. 4 Ser. iv. 188; Not. des MSS. II.; Hammer, Gold. Horde, xv. xxv.; Univ. Hist. III. 239, 283.

↩
in the MS. of the B. Mus.

↩
[There are some doubtful words in this extract, but the sense appears to be as translated.]

↩
[Ánand-pál.]

↩
[Tornberg reads “the river Jumna” must be meant. The battle was fought near that river.]

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This is what he calls himself in the Preface to the Nizámu-t Tawáríkh, but Hájí Khalfa styles him Násiru-d dín Abú Sa'íd 'Abdu-llah bin 'Umar Baizáwí. S. de Sacy also calls him Abú-l Kasím, 'Umar his father, and Abú-l Hasan 'Ali his grandfather. In one biography in my possession, he is named Kází Násiru-d dín Abú-l Khair' Abdu-llah bin 'Umar bin Muhammad bin 'Ali Shírází Baizáwí. The Haft Iklím calls him Kází Násiru-d dín bin Kází Imám Badru-d dín 'Umar bin Fakhru-d dín bin 'Alí.

↩
The two first dates are given by most of the European authorities who follow Hájí Khalfa. Rampoldi gives his death in 1286 A.D. or 685 A.H. The Fakhru-l Wásilín has a chronogram which gives 691. Abú-l Muhásin and the MS. quoted by Casiri gives 685, and Yáfi'í mentions his death under the annals of 692.

↩
Compare Biographie Universelle, Tom. iv. p. 67; De Rossí, Dizionario degli Autori Arabe, p. 49; Ahmad Rází's Haft Iklím, p. 120; D'Herbelot's Bibliothèque Orientale, Tom. v. p. 721; M. Fræhn's Indications Bibliographiques, No. 161; Ram-poldi's Annali Mussulmani, Tom. i. p. 339, Tom. ix. p. 445; T. W. Beale's Mif-táhu-t tawáríkh, p. 104; Ouseley's Jehánárá, p. xvi.; Casiri's Bibliotheca Arab., Tom. i. p. 491; S. de Sacy's Anthol., p. 37.

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[The two following lines are not in Sir H. Elliott's MS.]

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Another copy reads “Mangsál.”

↩
[The author passes unnoticed the interval of five years which he has left between the reigns of 'Abdu-r Rashíd and Ibráhím, and makes no mention of the reign of Farrukh-zád.]

↩
[The country between Merv and Balkh.]

↩
[Stewart describes a copy belonging to Tippu's Library said to have been copied by the author himself.]

↩
It was the terror arising from the same cause which induced European writers to give these hordes the name of Tartars. The correct word is Tatars, which signifies a tributary people, and though improperly applied to the Mongols themselves, yet represented the great majority of the races which swelled their ranks. Superstitious monks supposed them to have come from the infernal regions, and hence called them Tartars. St. Louis writes to his queen Blanche, “This divine consolation will always exalt our souls, that in the present danger of the Tartars, either we shall push them back into the Tartarus whence they are come, or they will bring us all into Heaven.” Klaproth, Asia Polyglotta, p. 202. See also Schmidt, Forschungen im Gebiete der Völker mittel Asiens, p. 52; and Pallas, Sammlung Historischer Nachrichten über die Mongolischen Völkerschaften, vol. ii. p. 429; De la Croix Histoire d' Genghiscan, p. 63.

↩
See Elphinstone's History; Stewart's History of Bengal, and his Catalogue of Tippoo's Library; Jour. R. As. Soc. xvii. 138; Jour. des Savants, 1840, p. 221; Jour. Asiatique, IV. serie, vol. iii.; Collection Orient. I. 198; Hammer, Goldene Horde, I. xv. xxiii.; Haji Khalfa, iv. 153; Ouseley, Jehánára, x. 7.

↩
Hammer Purgstall (Gemäldesaal, iv. 102) says, on the authority of the Farhang-i Shu'úrí, that the only correct spelling of this name is “Sebuktigín,” or, according to the system adopted in this work, Sibuktigín, but Ibn Khallikán distinctly says the word should be spelt Subuktigín. [A carefully written MS. of 'Utbí in the British Museum writes it “Subuktikín.” The orthography of all these Turkí names is very variable and unsettled. Historians differ from each other and are often at variance with themselves.—Jour. R. A. S. ix. 268.]

↩
A long account of the parentage of Subuktigín is given in the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh, in which his descent is traced from Tughril, king of Merv. Firishta follows the genealogy here given. The Rauzatu-s Safá does not notice either. Briggs, Ferishta I. 13; Gemäldesaal, IV. p. 105.

↩
[Mr. Thomas published a translation of this passage in the Jour. R. As. Society, vol. xvii. p. 141. In his translation, and in the Munshi's original translation from the MS., the word “amír” does not appear, but the editors of the printed text must have had authority for it. The word is important, because Mr. Thomas takes “Anúk” to be a local, not a personal or tribal appellation, and proposes to change the orthography so as to make the word to be “Lambak,” i.e. “Lamghán.” If the name is a local one we must here read “Amír of Anúk.” I have my doubts upon this, and I cannot acquiesce in the change of “Anúk” to “Lambak.” The printed text gives “Anúk,” and the MSS. of the India Library, of the R. A. Society, and of Paris, agree in this orthography. Sir H. Elliot's MS. has “Abúk.” In a previous page (181) we have had it as “Kúbak,” and Mr. Thomas says it is also written “Lúyak.” The change of any of these forms to “Lambak” is a bold one, and I prefer adhering to the best authorized form, although we are unable to identify it with any known name.]

↩
[There are coins, one of them at least undisputed, dated H. 347, bearing the name of “Albtigín.”—See Note in the Appendix on the Coins.]

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[The printed text here gives the name “Milkátigín,” but Sir H. Elliot's MS. has “Bilkátigín,” which is correct. The elevation of Bilkátigín is a fact unnoticed by every other known historian, but it supported by the evidence of the Jámi'u-l Hikáyát, and it is incontestibly proved by a unique coin bearing his name, and dated A.H. 359 (A.D. 969). See Jour. R. A. S. xvii. 142.]

↩
[“Marí” in Sir H. E.'s MS., and “Pírí” in Mr. Thomas' translation of this passage.]

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[The Munshí's translation had “Mír Sháh of Kabúl.”]

↩
[Var. “Kharj.”—Charkh has been identified with a village of that name in Lohgar. —See Jour. R. A. S. xvii. 141. Áyin-i Akbarí II. p. 181. Erskine's Baber, p. 48.]

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[Dáwar or Zamín-dáwar is the country on the Helmand, between Sijistán and Ghor.]

↩
[The coins of Subuktigín in some variety are extant.—See Note in the Appendix.]

↩
[Firishta gives the date as 9th Muharram, 357 H., and he has been followed by Elphinstone.—Briggs' Ferishta, I. 33; Elphinstone, 323.]

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The meaning of this passage is obscure. The text runs thus:—

↩
[Note in the Text.—“Names of the sons of Muhammad, Muyidu-d daula Ahmad, 'Abdu-r Rahmán, 'Abdu-r Rahím.”]

↩
[The largest town in Garmsír.—See infra.]

↩
[Note in one MS.—“Names of the children of Sultán Mas'úd:—Muhammad, Maujúd, Maudúd, Ibráhím, Ízid-yár, Farrukh-zád, Shujá', Murád Sháh, 'Alí.”

↩
[Here written with toe. The Marásidu-l Ittilá' writes it with te, and says the place is situated in the hills between Kazwín and Jílán.]

↩
[A city between Merv and Balkh. Istakhrí and Ibn Haukal call it the largest city in Khurásán, and say it was three days' journey from Merv. Firishta states that the battle was fought at Dandánkán, a town ten parasangs from Merv, on the road to Sarakhs.]

↩
Sir H. Elliot reads “Márgala,” and says, “according to Firishta he was taken at the Saráí of Márgala, near the Sind, or, according to others, on the Jhailam. Briggs reads the name Mariála, and Wilken, Maricála. The noted pass of Márgala is meant, near which there is a place of note called Saráí. The Tabakát-í Akbarí and the Táríkh-i Badáúní concur in reading Márgala.”

↩
Abú-l Fidá, according to Reiske (III. 669), gives the name as Kendí and Kaidí. Haidar Rází has Bakar. The extract of the Rauzata-s Safá, printed by Sir H. Elliot, gives “Kírí,” but Wilken's printed edition, and the Bombay lithographed edition of that work, have Kabrí or Kabra, this being in all probability intended for Kírí, as one dot only makes the difference (). Firishta also has Kírí, though Briggs reads the name “Kurry.”—See Abbot's Map, Jour. As. Soc. Ben. Dec. 1848.

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[Note in the Orig.—“Names of the children of Sultán Maudúd: Mansúr, Muhammad, Sulaimán, Mahmúd.”]

↩
Or “Bakarhá,” perhaps Bakhrála. [Firishta's text says “Depúr,” not “Dun-toor,” as in Briggs' translation.]

↩
[Two MSS. say “two years” only.]

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[The printed text has Bazghand, but Sir H, Elliot reads Barghand, and says Barghand lies between Ták and Ghazní.]

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['Awáriz-o mútán.—The former words mean literally diseases, but it is also used for those diseases of the body politic, extraordinary imposts.]

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[A note gives the names of his thirty-six sons, which are said to differ slightly in the three MSS. used.]

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[A note gives the names of his seventeen sons.]

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[A note gives the names of his nine sons.]

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[“Sabra” in one MS.]

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[The printed text says “two,” but “ten” seems to be the correct number.—See Firishta I. 151.]

↩
[The text has some unintelligible words which vary in the different MSS. Briggs says “a quagmire,” and something like that must be intended.]

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[Note in the Text.—“Sons of Khusrú Sháh—Khusrú Malik, Mahmúd Sháh, Kai Khusrú.”]

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[The printed text omits the word “Khurásán,” but it is necessary to the sense and true to the fact.]

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[Ghiyásu-d dín and Muhammad Shahábu-d dín were brothers, and held a sort of joint rule.]

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[The opening of this book is occupied with genealogies by which the pedigree of the kings of Ghor is carried through Zuhák up to Noah.]

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Briggs in Firishta writes this name “Shisty.” See Mr. Thomas' Paper on the Coins of the Ghorí Dynasty.—Jour. R. As. Soc. xvii. 190.]

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[A fortress in Khurásán.]

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[A division of Sijistán; Arachosia.]

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[“Sarháosang,” or “Sarhá wa Sang,” in some copies.]

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[Or “Hansár.”]

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[“Pahlawán.”—Briggs in his Firishta says “two gigantic brothers.”]

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[Or Sang-i Surkh, a strong fort in Ghor, probably near the Hari river.]

↩
This king is commonly called “Muhammad Ghorí,” or “Muhammad Sám.” Ibn Asír and Firishta, followed by Elphinstone, call him “Shahábu-d dín Ghorí.” The superscription on his coins is “Sultánu-l 'azam Mu'izzu-d dunyá wau-d dín Abú-l Muzaffar Muhammad bin Sám.” See Note on the Coins, in the Appendix. In the text of this work he is generally designated Sultán-i Gházi, the victorious king.]

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[Or “Istiyá,” a city of Ghor, in the hills between Hirát and Ghazní.]

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[Written also “Shankarán” and “Sanfarán.”]

↩
[The text has “Bhasu-deo,” but some copies give the name correctly “Bhím deo.” See post, page 300; Firishta I. 179.]

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[“Sankarán,” in some copies.]

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[The text does not say by whom.]

↩
[The text has “Taráín,” but Firishta gives the name as Náráín and says it was afterwards called Tiraurí. He places it on the banks of the Sarsutí, 14 miles from Thánesar and 80 from Dehli, but according to Gen. Cunningham the battlefield of Náráín is on the banks of the Rákshí river four miles south west of Tiraurí and ten miles to the north of Karnál. Tiraurí is also called Azímábád. See Elphin-stone, p. 363.]

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[The text has “Sarsí” in which it is followed by Núru-l Hakk and others. Firishta says “Sarsutí.” Briggs I. 177.]

↩
[The author's knowledge of geography is evidently at fault. Firishta says the battle was fought “between Chandwar and Etawa.”]

↩
[This name is written in the inscriptions of the Kutb-minár at Dehli. Mr. Thomas reads it “Ai-beg.”—Thomas' Prinsep I. 327. The Áráísh-i Mahfil says “Ípak.” See Note supra, p. 266.]

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[“Khinsar,” little or middle finger.]

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[“Shal” is the Persian word used as the explanation of aibak. But the statement of the text cannot be correct, as the name Aibak frequently occurs, and must be the name of a tribe, not a nickname.]

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[—Nuddea.]

↩
[This sentence is defective and ambiguous.]

↩
[The name is written correctly “Andkhod,” not “Andkho” as in the translation of Firishta, which is followed by Elphinstone and the maps. The text of Firishta has “Andkhod,” and this is the spelling of Ibn Haukál, Yákut, and the geographers generally. Yákut says the “ethnic name is Ankhudí,” and Gen. Cun-ningham proposes to identify it with the “Alikodra” of Ptolemy.]

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[“Shahádat yáft,” lit. “he obtained martyrdom” or, “was slain.”]

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[There can be little, if any, doubt that this place is the same as Sarhindh, but from this point onwards the name is most persistently written “Tabarhindh,” although the name “Sarhindh,” has been used previously (pp. 295, 296). It may be a blunder of the copyist, but on the other hand, it may be another and older form of the name. The etymology of the word Sarhindh is doubtful, and has been a subject of speculation.—See Thornton.]

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[“Bhankar” or “Bhangar” in other places, see p. 296. A note in the text gives the preference to “Thankar,” but no reason is assigned.]

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[Bayána or Biana, fifty miles S.W. of Agra.]

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[See Firishta I. 195. A note in the text says “Síálkot,” but this is impossible.]

↩
[Here there is a variation in the text for four or five lines, but the reading adopted seems the most intelligible and consistent. See printed text p. 146.]

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[Var. “Salmat,” “Sahlast.”]

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[See Thomas, Jour. R. A. S. New Series II. 165.]

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[An old Hindú idea of the figure of a hero.]

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[Var. “Sankát” and “Saknát;” query “Jagganáth.” See below.]

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[Stewart in his History of Bengal says Jagganáth.]

↩
[Stewart gives these names “Koonch, Mikeh, (or Miekh) and Neharu.”— History of Bengal, p. 46.]

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[Var. “Bardhan, Dardhan.” Stewart has “Burdehun or Murdehun.”]

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[The Brahmaputra. It is so called in this part of its course.]

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[Var. “Karam-bain,” “Laram-bain.” Stewart has “Kúrmputtun.]

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[“Núníyán,” var. “Túníyán.”]

↩
[“Dín-i Tarsái,” which according to the dictionaries, means Christianity, or Fire-worship. It is not likely that either can be intended here, though Stewart in his Hist. of Bengal says, “their prince was a Christian.” The term is probably applied to any established religion other than Muhammadanism.]

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[“Asp-i tang-bastah.” Stewart reads “Tánghan,” which is probably right.]

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[Var. “Kánmáz,” “Kímár.”]

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[Var. “Kankori.”]

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[Var: Sakananda.]

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[Var. “Azál.”]

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[Var. “Baránd.”]

↩
[Stewart reads “Nagor (in Bírbhúm);” but Nagor is right away from the river.]

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[]

↩
[The author constantly prefixes by anticipation the title of Sultán to the names of Kutbu-d dín, Shamsu-d dín, and others who eventually became kings; but, to avoid confusion, this title has been omitted in passages relating to times anterior to their attainment of the regal dignity].

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[“Toghan” in Firishta.]

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[The name is here invariably spelt “Lohor.”]

↩
[The author is silent here as to his death, but in the memoir of Táju-d dín he says that he was killed.]

↩
[This name is spelt in many different ways. Here in the text we have “Ran-tampor.” It also occurs as “Rinthambor,” “Runtamboor,” etc. Colebrooke derives the name from the Sanskrit Rana-sthamba-bhramara, “the bee of the pillar of war.”—Trans. R. As. Soc. I. 143.]

↩
[Briggs in the translation of Firishta says, “Mando and the country of Malwa;” and this statement has been adopted by Elphinstone. It is manifestly wrong, and there is no warrant for it in the text of Firishta, which fully agrees with the statement of our author. The true version of Firishta's words is “He marched to the fort of Mandúr, which fort, with all the Siwálik hills, he reduced.”]

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[Var. “Amrút, Ahrút.”]

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[Var. “Malká.”]

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[Firishta has the more likely name of “Deobal.”]

↩
[Firishta says three hundred were put to death. Siyásat, the word here employed, signifies punishment inflicted at the discretion of a judge in cases not provided for by law, and there is no doubt that the punishment of death is intended.]

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[“631” in some copies.]

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[In one copy the name is written “Bhílasán,” and in another “Bílistán.” This is probably the same as the “Bhaylasán” or “Mahábalastán” of Bírúní. See Vol. I. p. 59.]

↩
Var. “Badhyán” and “Bayána.” Firishta, the Táríkh-i Badáúní, and the Tabakát-i Akbarí agree in saying “Multán.”

↩
[. Firishta, more intelligibly, says they deserted Ruknu-d dín.]

↩
[The queen is always called “Sultán” and “Bádsháh,” not Sultána, as by Briggs and Elphinstone. Sultán signifies “ruler,” and although, from Musulmán aversion to female rulers, it is practically confined to the male sex, yet it is exceptionally used for queens regnant, as in this case. “Sultána” is not complimentary, for it signifies a scold.]

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[Var. “Sarmand-barádar.” Firishta says “Sirmor.”]

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[]

↩
[The Habíbu-s Siyar says distinctly Sarhind. Firishta has “Bhatinda.”]

↩
[Násibís are the enemies of 'Alí, and the marjís or “procrastinators” are a sect who think faith sufficient and works unnecessary.]

↩
This curious anecdote is omitted by almost all the general historians, but is quoted nearly verbatim by Núru-l Hakk in the Zubdatu-t Tawáríkh.—See note in Appendix “Karmatians.”

↩
[Regal privileges.]

↩
[.]

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[Var. “Mankúna.”]

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[Var. “Tolí,” “Bolí.”]

↩
[The author goes on in a strain of eulogy, and inserts specimens of two poems which he wrote on the accession of this king. A list of the king's nobles and relations is given, and the period of his reign is said to be “twenty-two years.” The real period was twenty years. Our author's annals cease with the 15th year].

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[The text has nandna, but this evidently a mistake for “Sindh,” or the river Indus, which agrees with what follows, and with Firishta's statement.]

↩
[The titles Khán-i a'zam, Khán-i mu'azzam, and Ulugh Khán, are synonymous, and signify “great Khán.” They designate the same person, best known as Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín Balban, successor to Sultán Násiru-d dín. I have employed the name Ulugh Khán as being most distinctive.]

↩
[The Chináb.]

↩
[Var. “Talanda,” and in another place, “Talsanda.” Briggs says “Bitunda” which place he identifies with Bulandshahr. But Bitunda or Bhatinda is in Pattiala almost in a line between Dehli and Lahore. Neither this nor Bulandshahr can be the place here intended.]

↩
[ Our author in a following paragraph and elsewhere distinctly treats the two names as belonging to one person. Briggs, in his translation of Firishta says, “the Rájas Dulky and Mulky,” and “these two rajas,” but the text has “Dalakí Malakí,” and adds, “this Dalakí Malakí was a raja.”]

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[]

↩
[The scene of this victory is not named, but Firishta tells us it was Kálinjar.]

↩
[The word used is for which the dictionaries give the meaning of “captive, slave, servant.” It can hardly bear this meaning here, and in other places it is connected with asp (horse), so I have translated it “beast of burden,” from the verb burdan, to carry.]

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[Firishta's account is somewhat different. He says that the Sultán was joined on the Biyáh by Sher Khán, and marched to Multán. Our text has no nominative in this sentence, but the words used “mulákát-i Sher Khan hásil shud” show that the person who had the interview was not superior in rank to Sher Khán.]

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[The text has “Jahirájár” with the variants “Jáhirájád” and “Jáhawárjár.” Firishta and other writers say, “Jahir Deo.” The name is doubtless the same as the “Cháhar Deo,” found on a local coin bearing the name of Altamsh as sovereign. —See Thomas' Coins of Patan Sultans, page 15.]

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[Var. “Bagor or Bagwar,” and “Bazor or Bazawar.” It is probably the same name as “Bazawál” a few lines above. Briggs in his translation of Firishta says “Narwar,” which is perhaps right, though his text has “Tarwar.”—See post, page 369.]

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[Briggs, in Firishta (I. 281), reads it as Wakíl-i dar, officer of the door, one “who superintended the ceremonies of presentation.” A very reasonable explanation; and Vullers explains it “Procurator palatii regii, i.q. vicarius.” Still there is no doubt that 'Imádu-d dín was in reality minister, whatever the literal meaning of his title. In other places where it is used it would also appear to bear the meaning here given to it.]

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[Sirmor?]

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[See Vol. I. p. 49.]

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[Var. Takiya-mání.]

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[These two names are written The former is probably Mewár, and the hills the Árávallí mountains. Briggs says there is a town called Santpúr, near Ábú. Thornton has a “Santoo,” 84 miles S.S.W. from Jodhpur.]

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[These two names are written The former is probably Mewár, and the hills the Árávallí mountains. Briggs says there is a town called Santpúr, near Ábú. Thornton has a “Santoo,” 84 miles S.S.W. from Jodhpur.]

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[The text has “Júd,” which I take to be a mistake for Jún = Jumna.]

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[A note in the printed text says that all the four MSS. used agree in this statement, so contrary to the truth. Baghdad fell, and the Khalífa was put to death.]

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[I have here greatly compressed the author's flourishes.]

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[]

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[ The word mawás signifies protection, dependence; but it appears to have some other technical meaning. Further on we read of the Mawását of the Doab, and “the Mawását and Ránagán.”]

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[The text says “the Sultán (may God prolong his reign);” plainly showing that this part of the work was written in the reign of Balban].

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[ The words are not very precise, but the mention of Mansúra is curious.]

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[]

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[In this memoir the title “Khákán-i Mu'azzam” is generally employed, but for for the sake of uniformity and simplicity I have substituted “Ulugh Khán.”]

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[]

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[ The text is far from intelligible, and is apparently contradictory. The royal forces are said to have marched along the banks of the river, although that route is declared to have been impracticable. The whole passage is omitted from Sir H. Elliot's MS.]

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[The Chináb.]

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[]

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[Var. “Talanda” and “Talsanda.” See supra, page 347.]

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[See supra, page 348.]

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[Many lines of eulogy are here compressed into this short but adequate statement.]

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[Var. “Ríhání.”]

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[Var. “Bazol,” “Barole.” See note, page 351, supra.]

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[ “all this was brought about in a left-handed way.”]

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[See note page 352, supra.]

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[Step-father of the Sultán, see page 354.]

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[The Sarjú or Gogra.]

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[Var. “Talpat.”]

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[This line, given in Sir H. Elliot's MS., is absent from the printed text.]

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[The author here exhibits his eloquence by repeating the statement four times, and using different words for army and government.]

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[The author here deals in irony, and says “a person called so and so, the son of so and so.” The man was evidently well-known.]

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[Sir H. Elliot's MS. has “lashkarhá,” but the printed text has “kungurhá, battlements,” which makes the passage to say that “the battlements of the fort of Multán fell down.” The whole of it is obscure.

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[Translation greatly compressed.]

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