The History of India, Volume 2

NOTE E.

Coins of the Ghaznivides and Ghorians.

[“The Coins of the Kings of Ghazní” form the subject of two valuable papers by Mr. Thomas in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,^478c the last of which is followed by a supplement on the Coins of the Ghorí dynasty. The same writer has also published two papers on the Coins of the “Patan Sultáns of Hindústán,” beginning with Muhammad Ghorí (1193 A.D.), and extending to Sikandar Sháh (1554 A.D.) These articles contain so much that is useful by way of correction and illustration, that a few extracts and a general summary of the results so far as they relate to the reigns noticed in the present volume are here given.

Among the coins noticed by Mr. Thomas is an important one described by M. Dorn in the Bulletin de l'Académie Impériale des Sciences de Saint Petersbourg, Tom. xii., 1855. This is a coin struck at Ghazní in 359 A.H., bearing the name of the Sámání suzerain Mansúr bin Núh and of Bilkátigín as ruler in Ghazní. The succession of Bilkátigín after the death of Alptigín has been passed unnoticed by almost all historians, but the Jámi'u-l Hikáyát has two stories (pp. 180-181 supra) in which he is spoken of as ruler, and the Tabakát-i Násirí (p. 267 supra), on the authority of Baihakí, states that Bilkátigín was raised to the throne on the death of Alptigín's son, Abú Is'hák (in 367 A.H.), and that he reigned two years.

Firishta's version is that Alptigín conquered Ghazní in 351, and died in 365, when he was succeeded by his son, Abú Is'hák, who dying two years afterwards, was followed by Subuktigín. This account is consistent in itself, but it is not reconcilable with the fact of Bilkátigín's coin bearing the date of 359. In can hardly be supposed that the name of Bilkátigín would be found upon a coin struck at Ghazní in the life time of Alptigîn, although indeed there are coins extant bearing the same name Bilkátigín which were struck at Balkh twenty-five years earlier in A.H. 324.

The Tabakát-i Násirí (page 267 supra) states that Alptigîn died eight years after the conquest of Ghazní, which is placed by Firishta in 351 (962 A.D.) This would make the year of his death to be 359 (969 A.D.), the date of Bilkátigín's coin. Mr. Thomas, therefore, places the death of Alptigín in 359, leaving the interval between that year and 366, the date of Subuktigín's accession, to be filled up by Abú Is'hák and Bilkátigín.

“The opinion advanced by many Muhammadan authors that Subuktigín should be looked upon as the first monarch of the Ghaznaví race, is not borne out by the record on his money: on the contrary, however powerful and virtually independent they may have been, Subuktigín, Ismá'il, and Mahmúd himself in the early days of his rise, all acknowledged the supremacy of the Sámání emperors, and duly inscribed on the currency struck by themselves as local governors, the name of the Lord Paramount, under whom they held dominion. It was not until the year 389 A.H. (999 A.D.) that the house of Ghazní assumed independence as sovereign princes, which event is duly marked on Mahmúd's medals of the period, in the rejection of the name of the Suzerain Sámání, and the addition of the prefix Amír to his own titles.

“The numerous coins of Mahmúd, in their varied titular superscriptions, mark most distinctly the progressive epochs of his eventful career, commencing with the comparatively humble prænomen of Saifu-d daula, bestowed on him by Núh bin Mansúr in 384 A.H., proceeding onwards to the then usual Sámání titles of sovereignty, Al amir, As Saiyíd, conjoined with the epithets Yamínu-d daula and Amínu-l millat conferred on him by the Khalif Al Kádir-bi-llah, advancing next to the appellation Nizámu-d dín, and the occasional prefix of the pompous designations of Maliku-l Mamálik and Maliku-l mulúk, and finally ending in the disuse of all titular adjuncts, and the simple inscription of the now truly celebrated name he had received at his birth.

“The absence of any numismatic record of the title of Ghází, said to have been adopted by Mahmúd on his return from some of his early expeditions into India, leads to an inference, not altogether unsupported by other negative evidence, that the term in question was not introduced into current use, in the full sense of its more modern acceptance, till a somewhat later period.

* * * * * *

“Mahmúd is related to have assumed the title of ‘Sultán,’ and to have been the first Oriental potentate who appropriated this term.⁴⁸⁰ A reference to the coins of this prince, however, leads to some doubt on the subject, and although their testimony in no wise militates against the generally received account of the origin of the designation, yet it inferentially controverts the assertion of its immediate adoption and use by Mahmúd himself. * * * * Had Mahmúd assumed this prænomen, or had he received it from any competent authority, he would most probably have inscribed the appellation on his coins, whereon it will be seen he at one time much rejoiced to record his greatness. Moreover, had this title been adopted and employed by Mahmúd in the sense in which it was subsequently used, it is but reasonable to infer that it would have been continued by his immediate successors, and, as such, would have appeared on their money; whereas, the first Ghaznaví sovereign who stamps his coinage with the term is Ibráhím, 451 A.H. During the interval, the designation had already been appropriated by another dynasty, the Saljúk Tughril Beg having entitled himself Sultán so early as 437 A.H., if not before that date.

* * * *

“The coins of Mahmúd also afford evidence on the non-recognition of the Khalif Al Kádir-bi-llah in the province of Khurásán, until about eight years subsequent to his virtual accession. It is necessary to premise that in the year 381 A.H. the Khalif Al Taia'li-llah was dethroned by the Buwaihide Baháu-d daula, the then Amíru-l umará of the Court of Baghdád, and his place supplied by Ahmad bin Is'hák, who was elevated to the Khiláfat under the denomination of Al Kádir-bi-llah. The author of the Táríkh-i Guzída relates that ‘the people of the province of Khurásán objecting to this super-cession, which was justified by no offence on the part of the late pontiff, continued to recite the public prayers in his name; and it was not until Mahmúd of Ghazní, in disavowing his allegiance to the Sámánís, became supreme in that country, that any alteration in the practice was effected, when Mahmúd, between whom and the new Imám there existed a friendly understanding, directed the Khutbah to be read in the name of Al Kádir.’

“The accuracy of this relation is fully borne out by the archæological evidence furnished by the collection under notice, Mahmúd's coins invariably bearing the designation of the superseded Khalif Al Taia' in conjunction with his own early title of Saifu-d daula, up to the year 387 H., while his money of a closely subsequent period is marked by the simultaneous appearance of the name of Al Kádir in association with his own newly-received titles of Yamínu-d daula and Amínu-l millat.⁴⁸¹ Another medal bears unusually explicit testimony to this self-imposed submission, in the addition made to Mahmúd's detailed honorary denominations which are here seen to conclude with the novel designation of Walí Amíru-l muminín— Servant of the Commander of the Faithful.”

The coins of Alptigín bear the name of the Sámání sovereign 'Abdu-l malik, followed by “Alptigín.” That of Bilkátigín has the name of Mansúr bin Núh, and below it “Bilkátigín.” Those of Subuktigín are of similar character. They bear the names of Núh bin Mansúr and Subuktigín, as also that of the Khalif At Taia'-li-llah.

The various legends on the coins of Mahmúd have been already noticed.

MUHAMMAD.—The legend is, “Jálalu-d daulat wa jamalu-l millat, Muhammad bin Mahmúd;—the glory of the State and the beauty of the Faith, Muhammad son of Mahmúd.”

Another coin bears his father's titles, “Yamínu-d daulat wa Amínu-l Millat, Nizámu-d dín Abú-l Kásim Muhammad bin Mahmúd.”

The name of the Khalífa Al Kádir bi-llah also appears.

MAS'ÚD.—The coins of this sovereign differ considerably in their legends. Some have the simple legend “Mas'úd” or “Mas'úd bin Mahmúd.” Others have the titles “Sultánu-l mu'azzam, Maliku-l 'álam; the great Sultán, king of the world.” Another legend is equally high sounding, but of a religious character. “Násir dínu 'llah Háfiz 'ibádu-llah, Zahír Khalífu-llah; defender of the religion of God, protector of the servants of God, supporter of the Khalífa of God.” In others this is contracted into “Násiru-d dínu-llah Abú Sa'íd Mas'úd bin Mahmúd,” and in others changed into “Násiru-d dínu-llah Háfiz 'ibádu-llah; defender of the religion of God, protector of the servants of God.” On the earlier coins the name of the Khalífa Al Kádir bi-llah appears, on later ones the name of Al Káim bi Amru-llah, his son and successor designate is added, and after the death of Al Kádir the name of Al Káim appears alone.

MAUDÚD.—“Shahábu-d daulat wa Kutbu-l millat; the meteor of the State and the pole-star of Religion.” In some coins “Abú-l fath; father of victory” is added; and in others it is substituted for Kutbu-l Millat. Another variety in the legend is “Fakhru-l imlat, the glory of the faith.”

The name of the Khalífa, Al Káim bi Amru-llah.

'ABDU-R RASHÍD.—“'Izzu-d daulat, Zainu-l millat, Sharafu-llah; the glory of the State, the ornament of Religion, the honoured of God.”

Khalífa's name, Al Káim bi Amru-llah.

FARRUKH-ZÁD.—On some coins the simple name “Farrukh-zád” or “Farrukh-zád bin Ma'súd.” On others the titles “Jamálu-d daulat wa Kamálu-l millat; the ornament of the State and the Perfection of Religion.” He is also called in some “Abú Shujá', father of courage.”

Name of the Khalífa, Al Káim bi Amru-llah.

IBRÁHÍM.—The legends of the coins issued in the long reign are very various. The simplest is “Ibráhím bin Mas'úd.” Another is “Abú Muzaffar Ibráhím.” Others are “Sultánu-l'azam, the great Sul-tán;” “Zahíru-d daulat, the protector of the State;” “Nasíru-d daulat, “Zahíru-l millat, defender of the State and protector of the Faith;” Káhiru-l mulúk, Saiyidu-s Salátín, conqueror of kings and chief of monarchs.”

The Khalífa's name Al Káim bi Amru-llah.

MAS'ÚD II.—“Abú Sa'd, the happy;” “Sultánu-l'azam, the great king; “Sultánu-l 'ádil, the just king;” “Alá'u-d daulat wa Sanáu-l millat, supreme in the State, pre-eminent in Religion;” “Zahíru-l ímán, defender of the Faith;” “Nizámu-d dín, administrator of Religion;” “Mauláu-s Salátín, king of kings.” All these various titles were used, and sometimes two or more of them on one coin.

The Khalífa's name, Al Mustazhar bi-llah.

ARSLÁN.—“As Sultánu-l 'azam, Sultánu-d daulat, Malik Arslán bin Mas'úd.”

The Khálífa, Al Mustazhar bi-llah.

BAHRÁM.—“Bahrám Shah, Sultánu-l 'azam, Yamínu-d daulat.”

Khalífa, Al Mustarshad bi-llah.

KHUSRÚ SHÁH.—“As Sultánu-l 'azam, Mu'izzu-d daulat, The Great Sultan, Glory of the State.”

Khalífa, Al Muktafí l-Amru-llah.

KHUSRÚ MALIK.—“Sultánu-l 'azam; Táju-d daulat, Crown of the State; Siráju-d daulat, Lamp of the State.”

Khalífas, Muktafí and Mustanjid.

MUHAMMAD GHORÍ.—This conqueror is called by many historians Shahábu-d dín, a name which the Rauzatu-s Safá tells us was changed to Mu'izzu-d din when his brother Ghiyásu-d dín became king. He is also commonly known as Muhammad Sám or Muhammad bin Sám, a name which the coins show him to have borne in common with his brother. The superscription on his coins is “As Sultánu-l 'azam Mu'izzu-d dunyá wau-d dín Abú-l Muzaffar Muhammad bin Sám.” On some coins this is contracted into “Sultánu-l 'azam Abú-l Muzaffar Muhammad bin Sám,” and on others to “Sultánu-l 'azam Muhammad bin Sám.”

The most interesting coins, however, of this monarch are those described by Mr. Thomas (J. R. A. S., xvii. p. 194) as struck in honor of his “Martyred Lord” by Táju-d dín Yalduz, at Ghazní, after the death of Muhammad bin Sám. Local coins are also extant of the closely succeeding kings: Kubáchah of Sind, 'Aláu-d dín Muhammad Khwárizmí, Jallálu-d dín Mankburín; Changíz Khán and Saifu-d dín al Hasan Ḳarlagh of Ghazní and Multán.

KUTBU-D DÍN AIBAK.—Coins unknown.

ÁRÁM SHÁH.—“Abú-l Muzaffar Áram Sháh Sultán.”

ALTAMSH.—“As Sultánu-l 'azam Shamsu-d dunyá wau-d dín Abú-l Muzaffar Altamsh as Sultán.” Some of the copper coins have only the name “Shams,” and others “Altamsh.”

RUKNU-D DÍN.—“As Sultánu-l mu'azzam Ruknu-d dín binu-s Sultán.”

SULTÁN RAZIYA (QUEEN.)—“As Sultánu-l 'azam Jalálatu-d dunyá wau-d dín Malikatu-l bint Altamshu-s Sultán Mihrat Amíru-l muminín, the great Sultán, the glory of the world and the Faith, the Queen, the daughter of the Sultán Altamsh, the beloved of the Commander of the Faithful.”

MU'IZZU-D DÍN BAHRÁM SHÁH.—“As Sultánu-l 'azam 'Aláu dunyá wau-d dín.”

'ALÁU-D DÍN.—“As Sultánu-l 'azam 'Aláu-d dunyá wau-d dín Abú-l Muzaffar Mas'úd Sháh.”

NÁSIRU-D DÍN.—“As Sultánu-l 'azam Násiru-d dunyá wau-d dín Abú-l Muzaffar Mahmúd ibnu-s Sultán.”

The last two superscriptions are shortened on the smaller coins by stopping at the word dín.

APPENDIX E.

The following extracts are taken from three works resembling the Jámi'u-l Hikáyát. Like the Jámi', these works are of a general character, but the stories selected from them were intended by Sir H. Elliot to illustrate the reigns of the Ghaznivides, and the extracts relate almost exclusively to that dynasty. The Appendix to this volume therefore seems the most appropriate place for their appearance. If introduced in chronological sequence, two of the extracts would come in much later and be far removed from the other works on the Ghaznivide dynasty.

EXTRACTS FROM THE Majma'-i Wasáyá.

[The following stories are taken from a work which the Munshí who translated them calls Majma'-i Nasáyah. In the list of works prefixed to Sir H. Elliot's original volume it is entered “No. LXXIX. Wassaya, Nizámu-l Mulk.” No copy of the work is to be found in Sir H. Elliot's library, nor have I been able to obtain access to one. There is no doubt, however, that the extracts are derived from the work of Nizámu-l Mulk Túsí, the celebrated wazír of Malik Sháh Saljúk. This work was largely used by Hammer in his History of the Assassins, and he refers to it as the “Wassaya, or Political Institutes of Nizámu-l Mulk.” The title of the work then is Majma'-i Wasáyá; but it is possible that the copy used by the Munshí bore the title Majma'i Nasáih, which is almost identical in signification. The work consists of a series of counsels addressed to the author's own sons.

Malik Sháh Saljúk reigned from 1072 to 1092 A.D., and Nizámu-l Mulk fell by the dagger of an assassin one month before the death of his master. The work, then, was written in the decline of the Ghaznivide dynasty; and a few stories relating to them and to India have been selected. One passage concerning Nizámu-l Mulk himself, and Hasan Sabáh the founder of the sect of the Assassins, has no direct reference to India, but it is interesting, and it enables us to identify the work as being the same as that used by Hammer. (See History of the Assassins, Transl. p. 44.)

The wording of the Extracts has been revised in part by Sir H. Elliot and in part by some unknown hand, but the translation seems not to have been tested; it must therefore rest upon the authority of the Munshí.⁴⁸⁶]

Khwája 'Alí Khesháwand.

In the beginning of Sultán Subuktigín's reign the office of Wazír was conferred on Khwája Abú-l 'Abbás Isfaráíní, but Amír 'Alí Khesháwand, who was the head of the Hájibs and one of the greatest and most trustworthy officers of the Sultán, entertained hostility against him. The Khwája had informed the King of this, and therefore his Majesty was never angry with him. Although complaints were brought against him from different parts of the country, and his every action was immediately reported, yet the King saw no occasion to call him to account. If any person represented to the King any irregularity or misconduct on the part of the Khwája, he considered the man had been instructed by 'Alí Kheshá-wand; who at last, seeing his endeavours useless, abandoned the pursuit, but only waited for a suitable opportunity. At last the star of the Khwája's fortune began to decline, and the country under his rule fell into disorder. He appointed unjust governors in the provinces, who exercised tyranny over the subjects, so that a large portion of the country became desolate. In Khurásán and the bordering countries, more especially, such a dreadful famine prevailed, that it ís recorded in history, and an account of it is given in many historical works. In short, the government assessment upon the lands was not at all realised, and the majority of the people emigrated from the country. Khwája Abú-l 'Abbás' only resource on seeing these circumstances, was to throw himself upon the King's mercy, and solicit remission. Reports were sent to his Majesty from all quarters, and the Khwája being greatly troubled and alarmed, sent in his resignation of the office of Wazír. The Sultán said he should suffer no punishment or injury if he paid into the treasury all the money which he had realized from the country, and which had been entered in his own accounts. On doing this he should be acquitted. The office of Díwán was, however, conferred on Khwája Abú-l Hakk Muhammad, son of Husain of Balkh. In this matter Shamsu-l Káh Khwája Ahmad Hasan was made mediator between the Sultán and Khwája Abú-l 'Abbás, and he took the messages from the one to the other. After much correspondence, it was settled that the Khwája should pay one hundred thousand dínárs into the royal treasury. The Khwája accordingly engaged to satisfy the demand, and he delivered all the property, movable and immovable, which he had amassed during his former employments of deputy of the 'amids, superintendent of the post-office at Khurásán, and minister of the Sultán. After he had given over everything that he possessed, he represented his indigence and poverty to the King, who compassionated his case, and having called him to his presence, said, if you swear by my soul and head to your pauperism, nobody shall hurt you. He answered, I will not swear till I again enquire of my wives, children, and dependents, and if I find anything remaining with them, I will send it to the King, and then take the oath. Having said this, he returned, and on administering very binding oaths and using all kinds of threats, he found that some small things belonging to his son were in the possession of a merchant. He took them also and sent them to the royal treasury, and after this he swore to his indigence by the King's soul and head. 'Alí Khe-sháwand, however, was still seeking cause to disgrace him and make him feel the result of his animosity, although at the same time he was aware of the oath that Khwája Abú-l 'Abbás had taken.

At this juncture the Sultán undertook an expedition to Hindústán, and one day 'Alí Khesháwand, having gone to him while he was sitting alone, told him how he had long since known the deceitful conduct of Abú-l 'Abbás, and that he had several times determined to bring it before his Majesty's notice, but he had hesitated lest the representation of it might be put down to some selfish motive. Your Majesty, said he, has discovered his other faults and embezzlements without my help, and now he has sworn to his indigence falsely, because he has still in his possession some rarities of such value that few kings can boast of in their stores. The Sultán was much surprised on hearing these words, and said, If it is true, Abú-l 'Abbás deserves great punishment. 'Alí Khesháwand observed, If the King order me, I can prove my assertion. The King remarked that in case he failed to prove it he should suffer death. This was agreed to, and 'Alí Khesháwand departed from the King's presence.

At this time Khwája Abú-l 'Abbás was in confinement in one of the forts. 'Alí Khesháwand, among the plunder from one of the kings of Híndustán, had obtained a dagger from his treasury, the handle of which was adorned with a large ruby of Yemen, sixty miskáls in weight. He had also taken from the store of the Sámání kings a jar which contained a sír of syrup. He had concealed these from every person that the King might not know of them. He now took both these rarities to the fort, and placed Khwája Abú-l 'Abbás in charge of his own men. After a few days he returned to the court, and having brought the dagger and the jar with him, he reported to the King that after many difficulties, and menaces and threats, he had discovered them; that one of them had belonged to the sovereigns of India, and was sent as a present to the throne, but that the Khwája had concealed it; and that the other he had stolen at the time when the treasury of the Sámání kings was taken possession of. Now, said he to the Sultán, what are your orders? Shall we take strong measures against him to realize the arrears or not? The King, in great rage, replied, I give you both these things, and you may exact from him the remainder of the government demands by any means you like. After this the Sultán proceeded to India, and 'Alí Khesháwand delivered the poor minister to his enemies, by whose severities he met the mercy of God.

Troubles of a Minister.

The object of relating this story here is to show that to be at enmity with great and powerful men is very dangerous, and is sure to bring evil. May God protect and help us!

Certain classes of men are particularly deserving of patronage and encouragement, such as the literati, the judicial and revenue officers, secretaries, ambassadors, and envoys. In all political and revenue matters their advice should be taken, because by this much benefit is derived and great advantage obtained. The aid of these people is indispensably necessary. It is impossible to manage the affairs of a kingdom without their instrumentality, and a minister can do nothing without their assistance. The difficult point is, that the minister's life, not to mention his property and wealth, is endangered. If a man, then, must choose the profession of a minister, he should obtain the help and co-operation of these men, and conciliate them by affability and kindness. He should raise them by his bounty and favour from indigence and poverty to opulence and abundance, from insignificance and meanness to dignity and importance, so that if any person should be envious of him, they may through gratitude give him assistance, and remain loyal and devoted to his cause, neither opposing nor revolting from him, but preventing others by their examples from quarrelling with him. For when one person shows a rebellious spirit, others join with him either secretly or openly, particularly those who may have suffered any hurt from the minister, or are jealous of his preferment. But perhaps you think, that if relations and confidants and trustworthy men be appointed to all offices, no mismanagement can take place or loss be sustained. You must know that this is a great mistake. Because, on the contrary, it is very dangerous for a minister to entrust his relations with the government duties. Don't you know that from the great confidence and implicit reliance which I place in your brothers, I have appointed them to conduct the affairs of the kingdom and have made them superintendents of all the officers of the different divisions of the country, and have entrusted one of them with the privilege of exercising a general control over all, and of reporting all matters, good or bad, to me. I am sure that they will strive to the utmost of their power to uphold their character and preserve my fame. Now-a-days, however, the chief lady is displeased with me because she wishes that the Sultán should appoint her son his heir-apparent; but her object is not realised, because he sees the marks of greater intelligence, wisdom, and prudence, as well as the symptoms of greatness and royalty in Barkiyáruk; while she considers him of no worth, and thinks that I have persuaded the King to entertain the opinion. At all events, she is disgusted with me, and seeks on all sides to find some one whom she may persuade to rise against me and make the Sultán angry with me. She is in search of my enemies and adversaries, but finds none, and therefore can only complain to the King that the Khwája has sent his people to different parts of the kingdom. This is known to nobody else but himself, but it has made an impression upon the King's mind. Still, if God please, the end will be good and no evil will ensue. I mean to say that if we entrust our relations and kinsmen with offices it creates suspicions against us, and is considered incompatible with honesty and justice; but if we employ strangers, may God protect us from their rebellion and quarrels! You know well what injuries I have received, am receiving, and must receive, from these people. The origin of my quarrel with him (Hasan Sabáh) was through Imám Muwáfik Naishápúri (may the Almighty cause his soul to enjoy peace!) who was one of the most learned and holy men of Khurásán. His age had advanced beyond seventy-five, and he was known to be a very successful teacher. Every lad that read the Kurán and religious books with him obtained a great degree of proficiency in that branch of learning. For this reason my father sent me with the Saint 'Abdu-s Samad from Tús to Naishápúr, and I became his scholar. He showed me much kindness and favour, and I felt great love and affection towards him. I was his scholar for four years, and he taught me with great attention and care. I was associated with four other students who were of equal age with me, and possessed great quickness of perception and solidity of judgment. After leaving the Imám they always came to me, and we sat together and repeated our past lessons. Hakím 'Umar of Naishápúr did not change his ancestor's abode. He was born in Naishápúr and continued to reside in it. The father of Makhzúl Ibn Sabáh 'Alí Bin Muhammad Bin Ja'far was a very pious man, and bigoted in his religion. He generally resided in Re, and Abú Muslim Rází, the ruler of the country, placed great confidence and faith in him, so that he referred to him all questions which arose regarding the Sunní persuasion, and also consulted with him in all matters of dispute. He always spoke oracular words; but to lower himself in the estimation of Abú Muslim he committed absurd and unlawful deeds.

As Imám Muwáfik Naishápúrí was the head of the people who followed the doctrines of the Sunní religion, that artful man, to clear himself of the charge of being a Ráfizí, brought his son to Naishápúr and placed him under the care of the said Imám, and himself, like a saint, chose a solitary life. At times he ascribed his descent to an infidel family of Gházat, and said that he was a descendant of Sabáh Khamírí, that his father came from Yemen to Kúfa, from that place to Kúm, and from thence to Re. But the citizens of Re, particularly the people of the country of Tús, denied the fact, and affirmed that his forefathers were natives of their country. In short, one day 'Umar Khayám (one of my schoolfellows) said to me, it is well-known that the pupils of Imám Muwáfik are sure to become men of fortune. There is no doubt of this, but let us make some agreement of union, to be fulfilled on one of the party becoming wealthy? I replied, you may propose any you like. He observed, I propose that if any one of us become rich, he shall divide his wealth equally with the other, and not consider it his own property. I agreed, and this was the promise made between us. It so happened that I went to Khurásán, Mawáráu-n nahr, Ghaznín, and Kábul, as I have shortly related before. When I returned from these places I was entrusted with the office of minister; and in the reign of Alp Arslán, Hakím 'Umar Khayám came to me, and I entirely fulfilled my promise. First, I received him with great honour and respect, and gave him presents, and then I told him, you are a clever and qualified man, worthy of being the head of all the King's officers, and by virtue of being a scholar of Imám Muwáfik, you shall be blessed in this office. I will bring you to the notice of the Sultán, and speak to him of your intelligence and honesty, in such terms that he will place confidence in you in the same degree that he does in me. On this, Hakím 'Umar observed, “you are of noble birth, and possess a generous disposition and excellent morals, and these induce you to do me this favour. Otherwise how could such an insignificant man as I am expect this kindness and hospitality from the minister of a kingdom which extends from east to west. I value your favour the more because it is shown with sincerity, and not out of compliment. Such conduct will enable you to obtain mnch higher dignity and rank. The favour and kindness which you have shown to me is undeniable, and if I were to devote my whole life to you I should still be unable to express my thanks for this single act of kindness. My sole desire is that I may always remain with you. To aspire to the rank which you advise me to obtain is not becoming, as it would evidently be very ungrateful on my part. May God keep me from doing such a thing! I therefore propose, through your assistance, to seek some retirement where I may apply myself to scientific studies, and pray for the increase of your life.”—He persisted in this request; and when I saw that he had openly told me the secret of his heart, I wrote an order for an allowance of one thousand golden miskáls to be annually given to him out of the income of my estates at Naishápúr for his maintenance. After this he left me, and engaged in the study of sciences, particularly Astronomy, and made very great progress in it. In the reign of Malik Sháh he came to Merv and was greatly respected and rewarded there for his knowledge of Natural Philosophy. The King showed him much favour, and raised him to one of the highest ranks that were given to philosophers and learned men. But that irreligious man (Hasan Sabáh) was not so famous in the days of Alp Arslán as he was in Khurásán. He was born in the reign of Malik Sháh. In the year when the Sultán achieved the conquest over Kádir, and completely quelled the disturbances which he had raised, this man came to me in Naishápúr. As much regard and favour was shown to him in consideration of his old friendship, as any faithful and righteous person might show to the extent of his power. He was treated with fresh hospitality and kindness every day. One day he said to me, “Khwája, you are a lover of truth and possessed of excellent virtues. You know that this world is a worthless thing. Is it proper that for the wealth and pomp of this world you should break an agreement, and enrol yourself among those to whom the passage in the Kúran about the violators of promises refers.” I observed, “May it never be!” He said, “Yes, you are exceedingly kind and affable, but you know yourself that this was not the agreement between us.” I replied, “I acknowledge and admit that we have promised to be partners not only in our titles and ranks, but also in all the estates which we may acquire.” After this (conversation took place between us), I took him to the King's court, and at a suitable opportunity I recommended him, and informed the King of the promise which we had made between ourselves. I praised him so much for the great wisdom and excellence of his disposition and character, that the King put confidence in him. As he was a very cunning and artful man, he put on the appearance of honesty, and gained much influence over the King's mind. He obtained such a degree of confidence, that in all important affairs and great undertakings, in which integrity and faithfulness in the agents were needed, the King engaged his assistance and acted according to his advice. In short, I assisted him in obtaining this rank; but at last, by his bad behaviour, many difficulties arose, and I was about to lose all the credit which I had acquired in the course of so many years. In the end he fully shewed the wickedness of his disposition; and marks of bitter animosity and malevolence displayed themselves in his every word and action. If any slight mismanagement took place in the ministerial office, he multiplied and magnified it and reported it to the King, and if the King consulted him about it, he represented the evil of it with some apparently specious arguments.

In Halab (Aleppo) there is a kind of white stone of which pots of all sorts are made. On one occasion it passed the Sultán's tongue that he wished he had some of this kind of stone in Isfahán, and he spoke about it again. One of the camp followers, hearing of the King's wish, after his Majesty had returned (to the capital), said to two merchants of Arabia that if they sent five hundred mans of that stone he would pay them double hire. Accordingly they agreed to carry the 500 mans of stone with their other commodities, each man having 500 mans weight of goods of his own. One of them had six camels and the other four. They divided the stones between them so that they had equal loads upon all their camels. When they reached Isfahán the camp follower came to me, and I took the stone to the King, who was much pleased, and ordered him to be invested with rich apparel, and gave a reward of one thousand dirhams to the merchants, which was to be divided among them by me. I gave six hundred dínárs to him who had six camels, and four hundred to the other. That ungrateful person (Hasan Sabáh) having heard of this, said that I had made a mistake in the division, and had apportioned the money unjustly; that the due of one was still left for the King to pay, and that I should have given eight hundred dínárs to the master of six camels, and two hundred to the other. These words were told the same day to the King, who called me; and when I went to him, that wretch was also standing there. The Sultán looked at me and smiled, and asked me what was the matter. He, then, throwing aside all disguise, said, “The King's money has been divided unjustly, and the due of one has not been given to him.” I and the courtiers asked him how? He observed, “The whole load of ten camels consists of three divisions each of five hundred mans, and ten multiplied by three makes thirty. Again, four, the number of one person's camels, into three, makes twelve; and six, the number of the other person's camels, into three, makes eighteen. Now if ten be subtracted from each product, eight, the remainder of the latter product, was due to him who had six camels; and two, the remainder of the other product, to him who had four: and therefore eight hundred dínárs should have been given to the former and two hundred to the latter.” In short, when, in spite of me and to puzzle the others, he had given this solution of the question, the King asked him if he could give a plainer statement so that he might understand. He said: “There were ten camels, and the whole load was 1500 mans; therefore each camel had a weight of 150 mans; hence, four camels of one person carried 600 mans; (i.e.,) five hundred mans of his own commodities and one hundred mans of the stone for the King. In the same manner, the six camels of the other person carried nine hundred mans, of which five hundred mans were of his own goods and four hundred mans of the Sultan's stone. Thus out of 1000 dínárs for five hundred mans weight of stone two hundred are due upon every hundred mans weight, and consequently eight hundred should be given to the one and two hundred to the other. This was the proper division according to a just calculation; but if it was only a reward without any regard being paid to the weight, then it was all right.”⁴⁹⁴ When that ungrateful person had spoken all this, the Sultán sided with me, and passed the matter by as a jest. But I saw that it had a great effect upon the king's mind. He (Hasan Sabáh) had several times made these kind of complaints. His grand object was to examine and rectify the accounts of the receipts and disbursements of the revenue of the country. Indeed he got through a great amount of work in the short space of time I was on leave. He completed this great task in a very short time. But as all the nobles and government officers were aware of his excessive malevolence and jealousy, as well as of his acting contrary to the promises which we had made between us, he obtained praise from no one; and when he submitted the accounts, he suffered such disgrace that he had no courage left to stop at the court.⁴⁹⁵ Had not this ungrateful person (whom may God protect!) been so disgraced, there was no remedy for me but that which he at last took.

My object in relating this is to show that one day's trouble of examining the records and accounts and reporting them is not considered equivalent to thirty years' official service, and hence you may judge of other concerns and troubles. May God guide and help! I have said all this to make you desist from seeking the office of wazír; and if it has made no effect upon you, it is necessary that I should mention in detail the rules and precepts which you must observe, and which will be of great advantage and use to you, if God pleases.

* * * *

The Value of Petticoat Influence.

When the kingdom of Khwárizm fell into the possession of Sultán Mahmúd, he ordered the ministers of his court to appoint some qualified person to the management of it. They were for some days consulting with each other. The greatest noble of the court, Altúntásh, contrived to have the appointment conferred upon himself, but when the offer was made to him, he outwardly showed great reluctance in accepting it. Khwája Ahmad Hasan, who was not well disposed towards him, and was anxious to get him out of the way, used his best exertions to get the patent of the appointment drawn up and signed. But as Altúntásh was the greatest pillar of the state, every one thought that the King would not like to send him away from the court. However, as Khwárizm was a very great kingdom, the Sultán agreed to the appointment, and ordered him to proceed to his new government.

Altúntásh was a great friend of Imám Násiru-d-dín Girámí, who was one of the chiefs of Ghaznín. As he had no time to pay him a farewell visit, he despatched a man with a letter, in which, after expressing his anxiety to see him, he stated that he would not return again to Ghaznín, and expressed his hopes that the Imám, observing the obligations of friendship, would come over to Khwárizm. The Imám, who was desirous of seeing that country as well as Altúntásh, of whom he was an old and intimate friend, went to Khwárizm, where, on his arrival, Altúntásh showed him a thousand kinds of hospitality and favour.

My object in relating this story is to say, that one day the Imám observed that while Altúntásh was at court all the world came to his threshold to pay their respects; such a position in consideration of fame and honour, as well as pecuniary advantage, was an hundred times better than the governorship of Khwárizm. What made him prefer it to a rank in which he exercised influence over the whole kingdom? Altúntásh replied, “O Imám! I have not told this secret even to my dearest relations or sons, but I will not conceal the truth from you. I have resigned that power on account of Jamíla Kandahárí. For years I had the management of all the government affairs in my hands, and during that time she thwarted me in everything. For this reason there was darkness before my eyes, and I could use no remedy against the evil. Now I have sought retirement, and have procured release from all such troubles. If God please, I shall escape her machinations in this distant province.”

Now from what I have said, the disadvantages of the ladies of the royal household being against us may be learnt, but the advantages of their being in our favour are equally numerous, and no one's patronage is more efficacious than theirs, for by no one is so much influence and power exercised over the royal mind as by them, as the following story of Khwája Ahmad Hasan illustrates.

The Power of Female Intrigue.

Sultan Mahmúd towards the latter part of his reign was frequently dissatisfied with Khwája Ahmad, and during this time his enemies were assailing him with their calumnies and opposition. Khwája Hasnak Mishkátí⁴⁹⁷ had been many years watching to find a suitable opportunity of injuring him, and every day it was rumoured that Khwája Ahmad Hasan's place was to be bestowed on him, but as the King's new bride, the daughter of the Khán of Turkistán,^497a was in Ahmad's favour, nothing could be done against him. This lady was called in Ghaznín Mahd-i Chigil, and Jamíla Kandahárí was one of her favourite attendants. Under the protection of this lady the Khwája was safe from all dangers. Even such a person as Altúntásh, who was viewed as vicegerent of Subuktigín, could never succeed in any hostile design against him.

On one occasion, when the tents of the Sultán were pitched in the vicinity of Kábul, Khwája Ahmad came on some government business to Ghaznín, and it was reported to him that some merchants were going to Turkistán, who were to return to Ghaznín in the beginning of winter. The Khwája remembered that he required a certain number of postíns (great coats) every year for himself and sons, and thought it advisable that some agent should go with the merchants to effect the purchase. To this man's care he committed many valuable and rare commodities of Ghaznín to sell. The same day this news was conveyed to Khwája Hasnak by his spies, and he informed Altúntásh of it. This noble was much rejoiced on receiving the intelligence, and he told Khwája Hasnak that they “could not have found a better opportunity for disgracing him, since he always boasted that he never looked to his own advantage, but to that of the Sultán alone; whereas he is now sending merchants to trade in foreign countries. But we must ascertain this with certainty first, lest the disgrace recoil upon us.” Khwája Hasnak said, “the report is perfectly true, and there is no doubt about its correctness; and verily if this fact were disclosed, the Khwája must suffer irremediable ruin.”

The Khwája being apprised of their intentions, informed Jamíla Kandahárí of the matter. There was such friendly communication between the Khwája and Jamíla, that although it often happened that during a whole year they never had an opportunity of seeing each other, yet one could send messages to the other ten times a day, and in such a manner that, excepting the person employed on their mission, nobody knew anything of the matter. In short, Jamíla sent to tell him not to be afraid, because the remedy was very simple. At the same time she repaired to Mahd-i Chigil, and represented the matter to her, suggesting that the Queen should write letters to her mother and brothers, with a detail of the articles which the Khwája had given to the merchant, and add others that were suitable as presents to her royal relatives, mentioning that they were sent as presents on her part, and requesting that they also would send in return some articles of such kinds as were adapted to a female toilette. Jamíla recommended that these letters should be taken to the merchant as soon as possible by some unfrequented road, so that they might be given to him that very night, with the injunction that if the servants of Altúntásh should seize and carry him back, he should say nothing to them, but when conducted to the royal court, he should then declare that he was sent by Mahd-i Chigil, and show the letters and presents which he was commissioned to deliver.

In short, at the instigation of Khwája Hasnak, Altúntásh represented the case to the Sultán, who asked him whether it was a true report. Altúntásh replied that he had ascertained it for certain, and that it was all correct. The King then asked him how he knew that it was true? Altúntásh replied, “If you order me, I can bring the merchant with all the articles which are consigned to him.” The King consented. On this Altúntásh immediately despatched his people after the caravan, and they brought the merchant back. According to the instructions. the merchant said nothing to his detainers on the way, but when he entered the court he cried out, that he was sent by Mahd-i Chigil, and then showed the letters under her seal, with the presents which had been despatched, such as scarfs, necklaces, etc. The informers were much chagrined and ashamed, and could advance no excuse for what they had done. On the other hand, Mahd-i Chigil complained to the King that, when after so long a period she had sent from the court of such a great king some trifling presents to her relations, her messenger had been intercepted, and the scarfs and necklaces exposed in open court. By such words she produced great effect upon the King's mind, and with much indignation he ordered the accusers to be put to death; but as Mahd-i Chigil knew that they were innocent, she was unwilling that the blood of so many persons should be shed through her false representations, and begged that their lives might be spared. In short, Altúntásh and Hasnak received a complete defeat, and were covered with ignominy and shame; while the merchant, after being much honoured, was again despatched to Turkistán.

* * * * * * * * * *

Sultán Mas'úd and Khwája Hasnak.

Sultán Mahmúd was always on bad terms with his eldest son Mas'úd; and Khwája Ahmad, although he was unable completely to reconcile them, yet on all occasions he greatly appeased the King's anger. Though he never met the prince except about once a year in the King's presence, he nevertheless did not cease to exert his friendly offices.

When Khwája Ahmad was dismissed, Khwája Hasnak Mishkátí was appointed in his place. This person was a youth of no experience, and but little acquainted with the vicissitudes of the world. His chief attractions were the sincerity of his heart, the affability of his manner, and the readiness with which he served a friend or chastised an enemy. Though the Sultán was in reality disgusted with Mas'úd, yet this secret sentiment remained concealed till the time that he declared his son Muhammad his heir. Hasnak was not in favour with Mas'úd, since, in accordance with the custom of Díwáns, he interfered greatly with the rights and privileges of his princely appanage. Mas'úd was so angry with him in consequence, that when one of the rulers of India sent a sword as a present to him, the person who brought it, expatiating on its value, observed that it was so sharp and well-tempered, that even iron could not resist it. When the assembly was broken up, the prince asked his intimate companions what particular use it was adapted for? Some said it was to cut off infidels' heads, and others observed that it was to destroy his Majesty's enemies. In this manner every one expressed his own opinion; but Mas'úd observed, that he would like to fasten it to his side, and when, on the morrow, Hasnak came to pay his respects to him, to cleave his head with it down to his breast. If I were to do this, the King would never demand my blood in retaliation for his murder. He said this in a determined tone, but those who were present dissuaded him, and remarked that a great disturbance would ensue, and the Sultán would be very angry. When the Khwája was informed of what the prince had resolved, he thanked God for his narrow escape.

A short time after this, Sultán Mahmúd expired, and Sultán Muhammad occupied the throne of sovereignty in Ghaznín. Sultán Mas'úd at this time was in Isfahán, whence he returned with all speed. Sultán Muhammad advanced to oppose him, but the ministers of Mahmúd's court, considering that Mas'úd was much better adapted to wield the sceptre of the kingdom, seized Sultán Muhammad, and kept him prisoner in a fort. They then proceeded as far as Hirát to welcome Mas'úd. At the meeting, when Hasnak dismounted from his horse, the attendants of the prince seized him, and suspended him from a gibbet. They then summoned Khwája Ahmad Hasan, and having entrusted him with the office of wazír, bestowed all kinds of honour on him. Although his ministry was not of long duration, yet it was very successful in its results. He was often heard to say, “Thank God, affairs have reached this conclusion; my friends are exalted, and my enemies crushed.”⁵⁰⁰

* * * * *

The Story of Dábshilím.^500a

When Sultán Mahmúd had achieved the conquest of Somnát, he wished to stay there for a year because the country was very extensive and abounded with curiosities. There were numerous mines which also produced gold; and the rubies of Sarandíp (which was one of its dependencies) were carried to all countries. But his ministers persuaded him that it was highly impolitic to leave Khurásán, which had been conquered, after battling with so many powerful enemies, and to make Somnát the seat of government. In short, the King determined to return; and he ordered that some person should be appointed to govern and retain possession of the country. They represented that no more power or glory could be gained in that country, and therefore they proposed to him to entrust some native with the office. The Sultán consulted in the matter with such people of the country as were of a friendly disposition to him. Some of them told him that no chiefs of the country were equal to the family of Dábshilím, and that at that time only one person of that house was surviving, and he was engaged in worshipping God in the habit of a saint. He ought to have the governorship of the country. Others, however, objected to this, alleging that he was a man of a bad disposition, and had fallen under the wrath of God. He had not willingly taken retirement and devoted himself to worship, but he had been several times seized by his brothers, and in order to save his life he had taken refuge in a place of sanctity; but there was another Dábshilím, who was one of his relations, and who was a very wise, learned, and intelligent man, whom all respected for his philosophical acquirements. He was also at this time the chief of the principality. If the Sultán would appoint him governor and send a farmán to him, he might come and take upon him the management of the country. That he was also very honest and faithful in observing his promises; so that, notwithstanding the great distance which intervened, if he agreed to pay tribute, he would send it every year to Ghaznín. Ths King said if he presented himself before him the proposal might be accepted, but why should he give such a large kingdom to a person who had already borne the title of king in India, and had not yet come to meet him nor had proffered submission. In short, the devoted Dábshilím was called, and placed in charge of the kingdom. He agreed to pay a tribute, and promised never to act contrary to the King's orders as long as he lived, and also to forward all the gold and rubies which might be extracted from the mines to Ghaznín. But he said there was another Dábshilím among his relations, who was his bitter enemy, and on one occasion some bloodshed had even taken place between them. That he had no doubt this Dábshilím would come against him after hearing of the King's departure; and as he was not possessed of sufficient power, he must of course be overcome and lose the dominions. But if the King would now march against this enemy and remove the ground of fear, he would send annually a tribute to the treasury of Ghaznín equal to all the revenues of Khurásán, Zábulistán, and Kábulistán. The Sultán observed that he had come with the intention of making conquests, and since he had not returned to Ghaznín, he might as well therefore remain six months more. With this resolution he marched towards that Dábshilím's dominions. The people of the country, however, remarked to the pious Dábshilím that it was not proper for him to excite the King to invade his territory, because the person whom the Almighty had made great and powerful could not be subdued by his endeavours. This was also told to the King, who first hesitated, but as he had already marched his troops, he did not like to abandon his resolution. So he proceeded towards the enemy, and having conquered his country, took him prisoner, and gave him over to the pious Dábshilím, who represented that in his country it was considered a very great sin to kill a ruler, and if any king did commit the crime, all his army revolted against him. It was a custom among the kings of the country that when any of them prevailed over another and captured him, a dark room was made under the victor's throne, in which the captive ruler was placed on a cushion, and the doors of the room were shut. But a hole was made in one of them, and through it a dish of food was given to him, and then that also was shut. As long as the victorious king occupied the throne, it was his duty to send a dish of food every day to the subterranean abode, even if the captive died after only a few days' confinement. It happened that the prisoner lived many days. The pious Dábshilím said that as he could not keep him prisoner in this manner, he wished the Sultán would take the prisoner to Ghaznín, and that after he (the new ruler) had established his authority in the country, the captive might be sent back to be confined in the usual way. The King agreed to this, and returned. The pious Dábshilím mounted the throne of Somnát, and began to send successively to the Sultán the presents and rarities of the country; and he also ingratiated himself with all the ministers of his court by sending them presents. When he had confirmed himself in the governorship, he sent tribute, with some jewels, to the King, and asked him to send back his enemy to him. The Sultán at first hesitated in complying with his request, and was unwilling to render him up into the hands of his enemy; but as the devout Dábshilím had gained the favour of the ministers of the throne by his munificence, they all taxed the King with showing mercy to an infidel, and said that it was very improper for a king to act contrary to his promise. It was also to be apprehended that the pious Dábshilím might rebel, and the country be lost. At last the young prince was made over to the people of the pious Dábshilím, and farmáns were sent to the authorities in India to conduct him to the confines of Somnát. When he was taken to that country the pious Dábshilím ordered a dwelling to be made under the throne on which he used to sit. It was the custom among these people that when their enemy was brought near the metropolis of the kingdom, the ruler was to advance one march to receive him. He was also to put a dish and a vessel of water over his head, and make him go on foot before his horse till he arrived at court.⁵⁰³ After this the King sat on the throne, and his enemy was taken to the subterraneous house, and there seated on a cushion. According to this custom Dábshilím went out; but it happened that the captive had not yet arrived. Dábshilím went out hunting, and exerted himself greatly in the field. When the hot wind began to blow, the soldiers and all the people sought shelter where they might rest, and Dábshilím also alighted and went to sleep under the shade of a tree, covering his face with a red handkerchief. In India there are plenty of birds of prey with hard claws and sharp bills. One of these birds came flying towards him, and when it saw the red handkerchief, it mistook it for a piece of flesh, and pouncing down on Dábshilíms' face, it tore out his eyes with his beak. This created great confusion among his people, and in the meantime the young captive was brought in. The pious Dábshilím was now blind and useless, and, since no other person beside this young man had a right to the governorship, all the people saluted him as their king, and the few persons who held aloof were seized. In short the same dish and vessel of water which were brought for this young chief were placed on the head of the pious Dábshilím, and he was forced to run to the court, where he was placed in the prison he had prepared.

The moral of this story is, the person who really deserves honour and respect cannot be disgraced by the endeavours of his enemy. If for a season he be degraded, he soon recovers his rank. But the envious person brings on himself ignominy and shame.

2.—Nigáristán.

[This “Picture-gallery” is a collection of anecdotes and stories relating to various dynasties. It was compiled by Ahmad bin Muhammad bin 'Abdu-l Ghafúr al Ghaffárí al Kazwíní, commonly known as Kází Ahmad al Ghaffárí. Nigáristán, the name of the work, expresses by the abjad the date of its compilation, A.H. 959 (A.D. 1552). Twenty-eight standard works are mentioned in the Preface of the work as the sources from which the stories have been extracted.⁵⁰⁴ There is a copy of the work in Sir H. Elliot's library, and also some miscellaneous extracts from other copies. There are other works which bear the same name.]

Mahmúd and Ahmad Hasan Maimandí.

It is related of Sultán Mahmúd of Ghazní that one day in his youth he went to take a walk in the gardens, and was accompanied by Ahmad Hasan Maimandí, who was one of his most favoured servants. As he passed by a rivulet, his eye fell upon a person who was loitering there, and he asked his companion who the man was? “A carpenter,” he replied. The Sultán again asked him what his name was, and he replied, “Ahmad.” “You seem to be acquainted with the man,” says the Sultán. “No,” answered he, “I never saw him before.” “Then, how is it,” observed the Sultán, “that you came to know his profession and name?” “I knew his name,” he replied, “by his readiness to answer your Majesty when your Majesty called me by my name; and as to his profession, I saw him walk round that dry old tree, and look carefully at it.” The Sultán, on hearing these words, said, “You would indeed be a most sagacious fellow if you could tell me what that man has eaten to-day.” “Honey, or the juice of some fruit,” said Ahmad. The Sultán then called the man and asked him, first, “Do you know this boy (Ahmad Hasan)?” The reply was that he had never seen him before. Mahmúd then enquired of the man who he was, what was his name, and what he had eaten that day? The answer was exactly what Ahmad had already given. Greatly wondering, the Sultán turned towards Ahmad and asked him how he knew that the man had eaten honey? to which he thus replied: “I knew it because he kept wiping his mouth, and the bees were swarming around him.”

Treasures of Bhím-nagar.⁵⁰⁵

It is recorded in many authentic histories that when the Sultán succeeded in capturing the fort of Bhím-nagar, on the confines of India, which was believed to be of incomparable strength, and commonly reported to contain immense wealth, he obtained as booty no less than seventy thousand millions of dirhams, seven hundred thousand and four hundred mans of gold and silver vessels, rare vestments of different kinds, the exact value of which appraisers found it impossible to calculate; and vast quantities of precious stones and pearls, beyond all computation. An edifice (khána) fell into the Sultán's hands, which measured 30 cubits by 15, the sides and covering of which were entirely made of pure silver.

A Splendid Comet.

In 330 A.H. (941-2 A.D.), a comet made its appearance, the tail of which reached from the eastern to the western horizon. It remained in the heavens eighteen days, and its blighting influence caused so severe a famine, that wheat, the produce of one jaríb of land, was sold for three hundred and twenty miskáls of gold. “When the value of a spike of corn was esteemed as high as the Pleiades, conceive what must have been the value of wheat.”

The famine in the land was so sore that man was driven to feed on his own species, and a pestilence prevailed with such virulence that it was impossible to bury the dead who fell victims to it.⁵⁰⁶

3.—Zínatu-l Majális.

[This is another collection of anecdotes and stories, which have been drawn, as the writer tells us in his Preface, from a great variety of histories and other works, from the Jámi'u-l Hikáyát down to the Nigáristán. The work was compiled in 1004 Hijra (1595 A.D.), by Majdu-d dín Muhammadu-l Husna, commonly known as Majdí. There is a new and well-written copy of part of the work in Sir H. Elliot's collection, besides some extracts from a copy belonging to R. H. Cust, Esq.]

EXTRACTS.

Destruction of Robbers by Poison.

It is related that in the reign of Sultán Mahmúd of Ghazní a number of Kúch and Bulúch robbers having taken possession of a strong place on the road to Hurmuz, plundered all the caravans that passed that way. On one occasion they robbed a body of merchants and killed a young man of Khurásán, who was of their number. His old mother preferred her complaint to Mahmúd, who observed that such accidents occurred in that part of the country because it was too far from his capital. The old woman replied, “Keep no more territory than you can manage.” The Sultán was impressed by the truth of these words, and ordered proclamation to be issued that whoever wanted to go to Hurmuz should get ready, and the Sultán would furnish a guard.

When the travellers were ready, the King ordered three hundred of his guards (ghulám) to accompany them. But the merchants said that if there were a thousand horsemen they would be too few. The Sultán replied, that whatever property of theirs should be lost he would make good from his treasury. He then called an old man from amongst the guards, and gave him some instructions, which will be shortly mentioned. When the caravans reached Isfahán, the leader ordered some panniers of apples and other choice fruits to be loaded on camels, and these fruits were charged with poison. At every stage the fruit was taken out and examined, and if any was found rotten it was thrown away. In this manner, when they arrived at the abode of the thieves, they brought out the fruits and spread them on the ground as if to air them. The robbers fell on them, and the guards mounted their horses and took to flight. The merchants were in utter despair respecting the safety of their property and lives. The robbers fell upon the caravan, and bound the merchants, and then they began to eat the fruits which were spread out, and such as no individual had ever seen before in that country. After a short time the poison took effect upon them, insomuch that their hands and feet were quite paralysed. The guards then turned their horses' heads, set upon the half-dead robbers, and finished them with their sharp swords. In this manner the roads were made clear, and security established for travellers.⁵⁰⁷

Mahmúd's Distrust of his Uncle 'Abdu-r rahmán.

It is related in the Táríkh-i Násirí that when Sultán Mahmúd of Ghaznín came to Hirát, 'Abdu-r rahmán Khán, who was one of the ministers of state, lodged in a very comfortable dwelling belonging to a learned man of great renown. One day, 'Abdu-r rahmán represented to the King that the house in which he had put up belonged to an old man, who was considered by the people to be very wise and learned. He had a private room, in which he always used to sit, and not come out again for a long time. I asked the people what he did there? They answered that he used to perform worship and say his prayers. “One night,” said 'Abdu-r rahmán, “I suddenly went into the room, and saw a large vessel full of wine, and a brazen idol placed before him. After drinking, he prostrated himself before the image. I have brought the idol and the vessel here, in order that your Majesty may give any order you like about that deceitful old man.” The Sultán, after a moment's consideration, ordered the man to be brought into his presence, that full enquiry might be made into his case. He then told 'Abdu-r rahmán to place his hands over the Sultán's head and swear that what he had said was true. 'Abdu-r rahmán exclaimed, “Upon your soul and head, all that I have said is a lie.” “O coward!” said the King, “what caused you to bring such a charge against that old Fakír?” He replied, “the man had an excellent house, and I thought that your Majesty would punish him and give the house to me.” The Sultán thanked Almighty God for having guarded him against an improper act which he might have committed in haste. As it was his habit to think and ponder on every subject, he discovered the truth in this matter, and he never trusted 'Abdu-r rahmán again. Be it not concealed from wise men that the advantages of deliberation are numerous, but that haste and inconsiderateness in affairs of state produce shame without end.

Mas'úd Repents of his Avarice.

It is related in the Táríkh-i Násirí that, after the death of Sultán Mahmúd of Ghaznín, his heir, Sultán Muhammad ascended the throne. Enmity then arose between him and his brother, Sultan Mas'úd, governor of 'Irák, who resided at Hamadán. Mas'úd led his army against his brother, who on receiving the intelligence came out to oppose him at the head of the armies of Khurásán and Ghaznín. One day, without any apparent cause, the cap of the King fell from his head, and this was regarded as a bad omen. The same day, at evening, 'Alí Khesháwand and a body of the King's own slaves, espousing the cause of Sultán Mas'úd, surrounded and seized Muhammad and deprived him of sight. Mas'úd then proceeded to Ghaznín and sat upon the throne.

At the same time, Abú Suhal Zaurakí,⁵⁰⁹ the 'Ariz, represented that Sultán Muhammad had distributed from the public treasury a large sum among his nobles, army, attendants, and courtiers, but as he was not the real sovereign, the King ought to order these people to refund the money; then, if he liked, he might after a few days give the large fees himself, in order that to him only their obligations might be due.

Sultán Mas'úd having liberated Hasan Maimandí, his father's minister, who had been imprisoned in the fort, raised him to the post of wazír, and consulted him upon these suggestions. The Khwája said, the King might do what he liked, but he should consider this matter well, and see the good and evil of it before adopting any resolution. Sultán Mas'úd, however, would not listen to his advice, and maintained his own determination. The Khwája then summoned Abú Nasr Miskání,^509a and said: “These cowardly people have been making such and such representations to the King. I wish you to go to him and tell him on my part that such an act was never done by any of the former kings, and it will make people disgusted with him.” Abú Nasr said, “Here is what Sultán Muhammad gave me,” and he refunded it to the royal treasury. Abú Suhal observed to the King that if all persons would follow the example of Abú Nasr, the money would be soon realised. The Sultán went out hunting, and ordered Abú Suhal to collect it. Abú Suhal appointed officers for that purpose, and inflicted torture and punishment on those who had spent what they had received. People were greatly disgusted with the government, and much confusion ensued in the affairs of the kingdom. Sultán Mas'úd became ashamed of what he had done, and was so much displeased with Abú Suhal, that he removed him from the office he held. He was often heard to say, “May such base servants never find their way into the court of a king.”^509b

Ibráhím's Lack of Qualified Officials.

It is narrated that one day Sultán Ibráhím of Ghaznín⁵¹⁰ held a public court, and all his nobles and officers were present; but he sat very pensive and spoke not to any one, till the time of mid-day prayers. His ministers were afraid, and had no courage to ask him the cause of his anxiety, till at last one of his courtiers who was most familiar with the King, advanced to the throne and begged to know the reason of his Majesty's being so thoughtful. The King told him that his chief chamberlain had become old, and the boat of his life had reached the brink of death. “To-day,” said he, “having looked at all my courtiers, I do not find any one worthy to succeed him. I was therefore thinking that if he should die, his work will still have to be done, and I must of necessity appoint some unqualified person to fill his place.” The courtier observed, in reply, “My lord, your eye is as bright as the sun, and has a powerful effect. It turns stones to rubies, and dust to gold. If you instruct some one, he will then be able to do everything.” The Sultán said, “It is true; but still the sun, though he be the great luminary, cannot at once make a ruby out of a stone; and although an alchemist may be acquainted with the art of making gold, yet he cannot effect his purpose without obtaining all the requisite ingredients.”

Ibráhím maintains a body of Trained Officials.

Sultán Ibráhím^510a of Ghaznín having mounted the throne, determined to establish his government on a strong and secure foundation. Through the invasions of the Saljúks and the weakness of his predecessors, 'Abdu-r Rashíd and Farrukh-zád, the affairs of the kingdom were in a state of embarrassment, and the management of the country had been left to worthless characters. With this view, he called Khwája Abú-l Kásim Hasírí, who was an old man, and had been one of the confidential officers of Yamínu-d daula Mahmúd, and who excelled all his contemporaries in wisdom and in the purity of his mind. He consulted with him, and Abú-l Kásim observed that, one day when he was deputed by the King's grandfather, Sultán Mahmúd, on a mission to Ílak Khán, the ruler of Máwaráu-n nahr and Turkistán, he heard from the Khán, who was the wisest man of the time, that a kingdom might be compared to a garden, and the king to a gardener, who, if he wishes to make a good garden, must have three kinds of trees in it—firstly, fruitbearing trees from which fruit may be gathered at once; secondly, trees from which fruit may soon be expected, which, though they do not yield fruit, yet by their blossoms and verdure, add beauty to the garden; and thirdly, young trees which some time afterwards will produce fruit. When the trees are old and withered, the gardener uses them for fuel; and young trees being planted in succession, they in their turn bear flowers and fruit, so that the garden is never without fruit, or wanting in flowery beauty.

Sultán Ibráhím, on hearing these words, determined on observing them in his government. He always trained up a body of men qualified to conduct the important duties of the government; and in doing this, he took especial care that his officers should not think that the King could not do without them, and that there were no people able to fill their offices. He also wished them to feel that there were other persons equal to them, and qualified to perform their duties; and that as it was by his favour only that they had held office, they ought always to endeavour to please him.

The Punishment of Túmán.⁵¹¹

It is related in the Táríkh-i Násirí, that when 'Abdu-r Rashíd succeeded to the throne of Ghazní, he showed great favour to one of his slaves named Túmán, and so advanced him from day to day, that at last the direction of all affairs came under his control. This Túmán was a low-minded, ill-bred tyrannical fellow, who did his best to bring down the great and noble, and to get low and bad men appointed to their places. Among these he patronised and supported Abú Suhal Rázikí,⁵¹² whom he pitted against the good Khwája 'Abdu-r Razzák, son of Hasan Maimandí. Abú Suhal employed all kinds of deceit and calumny against the Khwája; Túmán also added his slander. 'Abdu-r Rashíd was young, simple, and inexperienced. He dismissed his minister 'Abdu-r Razzák, and ordered him to be fined.

Túmán had favoured with his notice a fellow named Khatíb Lút, a base and harsh man; and he now advanced him to the dignity of Díwán of the State (Chancellor of the Exchequer). Khwája Abú Táhir Hasan, who was one of the old officials of the state of Ghazní, under the orders of 'Abdu-r Rashíd, proceeded at this time to Hin-dustán, in order to bring the revenues of that country to the capital. When he arrived in Hindustán he found agents of Túmán in every city and town, who by their oppressive conduct were irritating the people. The Khwája made a report of the facts, which he addressed to Abú-l Fazl, the financial minister (sáhib-i díwán-i rasálat). Abú-l Fazl communicated the account to 'Abdu-r Rashíd, who called for Túmán and reproached him. This caused Túmán to conceive a hatred against Abú-l Fazl, and to calumniate him. 'Abdu-r Rashíd, in his simplicity, ordered Abú-l Fazl to be fined and imprisoned. After this dismissal Túmán exercised unlimited power, and he appointed Khatíb Lút to the management of the country of Parsháwar. This man there raised the standard of oppression, and reduced the people to great distress.

When Khwája Abú Táhir reached that country (on his return from Hindustán) the people complained of Khatíb Lút, so the Khwája called for him and admonished him. Khatíb gave insolent replies and was abusive, so the Khwája, to maintain his own dignity, directed him to be turned out of court, and afterwards he ordered him into confinement. Khatíb's people communicated the circumstances to Túmán, who showed the letters to the King, and said that Khatíb knew what sums of money had been exacted improperly from the people, and the Khwája had therefore confined him. 'Abdu-r Rashíd, without any investigation, and merely upon these absurd statements of Túmán, directed him to seize the Khwája and bring him a prisoner to court along with Khatíb. Túmán proceeded to Parsháwar with three hundred horse, and having captured Abú Táhir, put him in chains. He then released Khatíb Lút from confinement, and returned. When they were one day's journey from Ghazní, they received the unexpected intelligence that the infidel Tughril had slain 'Abdu-r Rashíd and usurped his place. The horsemen who had come with Túmán then went to Khwája Abú Hasan (Táhir), and with many apologies, said, “The power is now in your hands; whatever you order we will execute.” The Khwája directed them to remove the fetters from his feet and place them on Túmán. The soldiers then pulled him roughly from his horse and placed the chains on his feet. Khatíb Lút and his dependents were also seized, placed upon camels, and carried to Ghaznín. All this calamity fell upon 'Abdu-r Rashíd because he was a simpleton,⁵¹³ and listened to the reports of sycophants.

NOTE G.

Mir-át-i Mas'údi.

[This is professedly a life of Mas'úd the Ghaznivide, and finds an appropriate place here after the story books. The author of this extraordinary work was by name 'Abdu-r Rahmán Chishtí. He explains the motives which impelled him to its composition, and the sources of his information after the following manner: “The history of the King of Martyrs, Sálár Mas'úd, the facts of his birth, of his coming to Hindustan, and of his martyrdom, are told by different men in various ways, which have not found a place in any historical work of repute. The writer had long endeavoured to ascertain the real facts; and, after much research he obtained possession of an old book written by Mulla Muhammad Ghaznawí. This man was servant of Sultán Mahmúd Subuktigín. He was also in the service of Sálár Sáhú, and of the Prince of Martyrs, whom he survived. The writer perused this old book from beginning to end with the greatest pleasure, and the doubts which he had entertained were dispelled. The book was very long, it entered into details about the wars of Sultán Mahmúd, and Sálár Sáhú, mentioning incidentally here and there the King of Martyrs, and closing with an account of his martyrdom. Several of the beloved friends and attendants of the Martyr Sultán, in the abodes of the blessed, have urged the writer to the task which he has undertaken; but no one has made the same demand on behalf of Sultán Mahmúd. It therefore seemed expedient to him that he should select and commit to writing all that related to the Martyr King. He would not, however, have been able to succeed, even in this, without the directions he graciously received from the spirit of the departed. When he had set about his selection, and had engaged earnestly in the work, one night the spirit of the deceased martyr appeared to the writer in a vision, and most condescendingly expressed, with his blessed tongue, his approval of the work. Being thus graciously honoured, the author humbly replied that he had begun the work, and begged for assistance wherever his narration might be too high, or too low, too short, or too long. The spirit, with great affability, directed the author to write, and that he would attend to him and assist him. The present work is the result, to which the author has given the name Mir-át-i Mas'údí. May the reader of it also be (mas'úd) blessed. This is the author's prayer. The biography of the King of Martyrs having been derived from the aforesaid history, is here related in five chapters (dástáns). Sundry incidents, and miraculous statements, which have been found in trustworthy books, have been selected, and, after being verified by oral communications with the author's spiritual visitors, have been inserted in the present work.”

The book may then be called a historical romance. In it fact and fiction are freely mingled, and the great actions and exploits of other men are appropriated, without scruple, to the hero of the tale. The author quotes the Rauzatu-s Safá, the Táríkh-i Fíroz Sháhí, of Shams-i Siráj, and the Muntakhabu-t Tawáríkh; but he professes, as we have seen, to base his work mainly on the lost Tawáríkh-i Mahmúdí of Mulla Muhammad Ghaznawí. It is much to be regretted that he has quoted so little of that work; for his quotations from the Rauzatu-s Safá are fair, though somewhat abridged, and stripped of redundant ornament. Putting his hero Mas'úd aside, the accounts which he gives of the Musulmán conflicts with the Hindus agree in many respects with what we gather from other sources; his incidents seem to be borrowed rather than invented, and, as he used a contemporary work which is not known to us, it may be that some of his novel statements may be true, or may serve to explain, or elucidate other writers, though no reliance can be placed on them when unsupported.

The work bears no date; but the author tells us that he wrote in the time of Jahángír, a time far too distant for him to have had any personal knowledge of the scenes he depicts. Sir H. Elliot accredits him with another work, the Mir-át-i Asrár. The MS. is a duodecimo of 214 pages, 165 of which were translated by Mr. R. B. Chapman, B.C.S., by request of Sir H. Elliot. The editor regrets that the nature of the book has compelled him to reject a full half of the translation. It may be that even now too much has been printed; but the book is unknown to the European reader, and the extracts given will probably satisfy, rather than excite further curiosity.]

CHAPTER 1.

Of the expedition of Sálár Sáhú, general (pahlawán) of the army, into Hindustán, by order of Sultán Mahmúd of Ghazní, to the assistance of Muzaffar Khán; and of the birth of Mas'úd at Ajmír.

Sultán Mahmúd of Ghazní (God make the light of his tomb to shine!) having subdued the kingdom of Rúm and the whole of the countries of Túrán and Írán, spreading everywhere the religion of Muhammad, was seated on his throne awaiting an occasion of further executing the purposes of Allah, when suddenly one day, four men mounted on camels, appeared from the direction of Hindustán, making loud lamentations. The officers of state and the attendants brought word immediately to the Sultán, and they were summoned to the presence.

Bowing to the ground, they spake as follows:—“Sultán Abú-l Hasan attacked us with his army, and slew Hurmuz, the servant of Muzaffar Khán; he also very nearly succeeded in putting to death Muzaffar Khán himself, his wife and children, and all those about him, so that he was obliged to evacuate the place with all his dependants, and escape towards the desert. He has now been living for some years in Ajmír. At the present time Ráí Bhírún and Ráí Súm-giriyá, with four and forty other Hindu princes, have assembled from all sides to attack Muzaffar Khn and destroy the Musulmáns. The infidels surround us on all sides, and we have no hope but in thee, Oh Asylum of the World! For God's sake, give a thought to these poor followers of Islám.” “Be of good courage,” said the Sultán, “I will protect the Musulmáns.” Khwája Hasan Maimandí, the wazír of the Sultán, asked them in whose name they worded their khutba. “Hitherto,” they answered, “in addition to the one sole God Almighty and the glorious Asylum of Prophecy (Muhammad), we have repeated in our khutba the names of the Faithful Khalífas. Now that the Sultán has promised us his assistance, we shall word our khutba in the name of the Sultán Mahmúd of Ghazní.” The Sultán was delighted with this reply, and ordered Khwája Hasan Maimandí to select one of the generals and bring him quickly, that he might be sent with an army.

After a long consultation the command was given to Sálár Sáhú, general of the army, and several officers of importance, and 700,000 (haft lak) veteran cavalry were appointed to the duty, and started off. The Sultán bestowed his own scimitar, girdle, and dagger, together with an Arab charger, upon the general, and the other officers were all honoured with dresses and horses, and were addressed by their lord as follows:—“If you wish to please me, please my brother, Sálár Sáhú; serve him with all your power and do his pleasure. My brother Sálár Sáhú is a careful, just, discriminating man; he will do nothing that is not loyal, considerate, and right.”

It was on the fifth of the month of Zíhijja, in the year 401 (1011 A.D.) that Sálár Sáhú left Kandahár for Ajmír with his army (the Sultán having at that time quitted Ghazní, and taken up his residence at Kandahár).

Making the four camel-riders who had been sent as messengers by Muzaffar Khán their guides, they took the way to Ajmír by way of Thatta. Having traversed the intervening desert, they arrived within three days' march of Ajmír. The General then sent forward the camel-riders to give notice to Muzaffar Khán, while he remained himself encamped by the side of the road. On that night spirits addressed him in mysterious voices, and revealed to him that two pieces of good fortune would befal him during the expedition: in the first place he should be victorious over the unbelievers; and secondly, a male child should be born to him. At this time many spirits appeared to Sálár Sáhú, pouring such like glad tidings into his ears, as is fully related in the Tawáríkh-i Mahmúdí. From that time he perceived a supernatural influence at work within him. * *

When the news of the arrival of the General reached Muzaffar Khán he was overjoyed, and caused music to be played. The unbelievers who had assembled to besiege Ajmír were struck with a panic, and agreed together that since Mahmúd's army had come up on one side, and Muzaffar Khán, taking courage, was preparing to sally out on the other, it would be imprudent to attempt an engagement with two separate armies. Therefore they had better retreat for the present, and determine on some approved plan of fighting after the two forces had coalesced. So they raised the siege of Ajmír, and retiring to a distance of seven kos, encamped near the Koh-pukhar.

Muzaffar Khán then went to meet the General, and, conducting him into Ajmír, besought him that he would permit him to remove his people from the fort and lodge the General there. But Sálár Sáhú would not consent, saying, he had come to his assistance, and it would be very unseemly to turn him and his children out of his fort, and to take up his quarters there himself. So he pitched his tents on the banks of the tank Pukhar,⁵¹⁷ sacred among the unbelievers; and, having taken a few days rest, again put himself in motion by Muzaffar Khán's advice. The enemy also drew up their forces in line, and the flower of both armies joined in battle. The field raged with the conflict for three days; but on the third the breeze of victory began to blow on the side of the General, and the unbelievers yielded and fled. The Faithful pursued them to a distance of several parasangs, slew a great number of their officers, took a few prisoners, and then returned. The General took possession of the enemy's camp that day, and, having interred such of the Faithful as had been blessed with the honour of martyrdom, and distributed the whole spoil of the unbelievers among the soldiers of his army, he returned the next day towards Ajmír.

He then built a mosque at the gate of the fort of Ajmír, and, having performed a religious service in honour of Mahmúd of Ghazní, he sent an account of all that had happened, together with congratulations on the victory, to the Sultán.

After this he appointed officers to many places in the neighbourhood of Ajmír, which had never been under the sway of Muzaffar Khán, and brought them so under control that the collectors settled down, and revenue began to flow in on all sides.

The rebels, who fled, took refuge with Ráí Ajípál⁵¹⁸ at Kanauj. When the letter of Sálár Sáhú reached the Sultán, he was overjoyed at the good tidings, and bestowed a special dress of honour, with several Arab horses upon him, and was graciously pleased to order the government of the country to be given to his faithful brother, Sálár Sáhú. He also wrote as follows: “If the Ráí Ajípál (Jaipál), Prince of Kanauj will adopt the Musulmán faith, well; but if not, we ourselves will proceed towards that country with our all-conquering army.” The Sitr Mu'alla' (dignified veiled one) also was ordered to join her husband (Sálár Sáhú).

When Sitr Mu'alla' reached Ajmír with the dress of honour and the farmán, Sálár Sáhú gave himself up entirely to pleasure and rejoicing; and, through the power of Almighty God, on that very night—i.e., on the ninth of the month Shawwál, in the year 404 —Sálár Mas'úd left the loins of his father and entered the womb of his mother. Nine months passed in ease and pleasure; and in the tenth month, on the twenty-first of the month of Sha'bán, in the year 405, on Sunday, at the pure time of dawn in the first hour, the world-enlightening son was born. The beauty of Yúsuf, the grace of Abraham, and the light of Muhammad shone upon his brow.

* * *

The Sultán was also extremely delighted at the birth of his sister's son, and had rich dresses of honour prepared for the father, mother, and the infant Mas'úd. He also, in the most gracious manner, issued a mandate under his own hand to this effect: “Let the Government of the Kingdom of Hindustán be bestowed upon our brother and his son; and if the Ráí Ajípál gíve in his submission, well and good; if not, let him know that we ourselves will make an expedition into Hindustán, and on the same occasion will see our nephew Sálár Mas'úd.”

Khwája Hasan Maimandí, who had an hereditary feud with the General of the army, was jealous of the honours and favours bestowed on him by the Sultán; but to what purpose?

Meanwhile, although Sálár Sáhú sought to lead Ráí Ajípál in the right way, he would not cast his lot into the scale of truth; and from excess of worldly-mindedness he did not even desire peace. On the contrary, he encouraged the rebels of the surrounding country, who had taken refuge with him after their flight from Ajmír, to attack the dominions of the Sultán. The General, troubled by anxiety arising from his infatuation, communicated the state of affairs to the Sultán, and, after a few days, Mahmúd took the road to Hindustán with his army. The General Sálár Sáhú, and Muzaffar Khán, went to meet the Sultán with their armies, and conducting him first to Ajmír, displayed Sálár Mas'úd to the fortunate gaze of their royal master, and then presented offerings of money and all kinds of property.

The Sultán bestowed the whole on Sálár Mas'úd, and, during the several days that he remained at Ajmír, he would not let him (Mas'úd) go out of his sight. He then turned towards Kanauj with his army, in rage and indignation, appointing Sálár Sáhú and Muzaffar Khán to the van of the army.

He first came to Mathura, and plundered that nest of idolatry which was a very holy spot among the people of India. After subduing and plundering all the chiefs of the neighbourhood who were reported to be rebellious and factious, he next proceeded against Ráí Ajípál, the King of Kanauj, who did not venture to resist him, but fled, as is detailed in the history called the Rauzatu-s Safá, as follows:— * * * *

The author of the Tawáríkh-i Mahmúdí relates that when the Sultán returned to Ghazní after the Indian expedition, Sálár Sáhú, the general, petitioned to be allowed to attend him, but the Sultán said, “The subjugation of this country of Kanauj is your work, my brother, and I have therefore appointed you its governor.” When they had reached the neighbourhood of Lahore he presented the General with a dress of honour and sixteen Arab horses, and dismissed him; nor did he neglect Sálár Mas'úd, but bestowed upon him costly gifts. He also honoured Muzaffar Khán with presents of dresses and chargers, and sent him away with the General, ordering him to serve him in every way in his power.

So the General returned to Ajmír, and immediately appointed officers throughout the districts of his province, whether new or old, for the protection of the people and the redress of the oppressed. He then fixed an annual tribute to be paid by the Ráí Ajípál, and left him at Kanauj on condition of service, whilst he himself remained at Ajmír, enjoying all happiness and peace, governing India as deputy of the Sultán.

He was exceedingly fond of his son, and when Mas'úd was four years four months and four days old, he sent him to a tutor, Mír Saiyid Ibráhím, to be instructed in the creed of Islám. * * * * The Almighty had endued him with a great aptitude for learning, so that by the time he was nine years old he had acquired most sciences, practical and abstract, and at ten years of age he was so given up to devotion that he passed the whole night in deep study, and never left his chamber before a watch of the day had passed. * * * In short, he excelled in everything, small and great, and was skilled in whatever came before him. * * *

The Prince of Martyrs was most spotless in body and mind. His pure soul was occupied always in meditating on God, and he was free from sin, external and internal. * * *

CHAPTER 2.

Of the return of Sálár Sáhú and the Prince of Martyrs to Ghazní, and of the feud of Hasan Maimandí, the wazír of Sultán Mahmúd of Ghazní, with Sálár Mas'úd, on account of the destruction of the image of Somnát.

In the course of the next ten years the General subdued many of the countries of India, and lost all fear of the efforts of the unbelievers. The revenue, too, began to flow in regularly and without trouble.

The Sultán Mahmúd was in Khurásán, when some rebels, inhabiting the skirts of the mountain, banded together for the purpose of attacking Kábulíz, and Malik Chhachú, Governor of Kábulíz, reported the matter to the Sultán. As soon as the intelligence reached him, a farmán was issued in the name of the General, ordering him to leave half his forces for the protection of the country of Ajmír, and to proceed himself with the other half to Kábulíz, and so to punish the unbelievers, as to make them careful not to rebel again, adding, that he (the Sultán) would go himself, but that he was occupied with important matters.

Kábulíz is situated in the vicinity of Kashmír. It was an important place, and had a very lofty fort. The town was originally in the hands of Ráí Kalíchand Fir'aúní.⁵²¹ He had grown presumptuous on account of the abundance of his wealth and forces, and the extent of his kingdom; therefore, when Sultán Mahmúd went on the Kanauj expedition in the year 407, upon his arrival in Kashmír, he took the fort of Ráí Kalíchand with the greatest difficulty, and appointed civil officers of his own. The particulars of the siege of the fort, and of the death of Ráí Kalíchand with 50,000 of his companions, are related in the Rauzatu-s Safá, but cannot be told in a brief work like the present.

The General of the army having left Mír Saiyid Ibráhím, Muzaffar Khán, and other confidential nobles of his province, to attend upon Sálár Mas'úd, proceeded with his train by successive marches to Kábulíz.

The unbelievers assembled in such numbers that the very ground round Kábulíz was black with them. Malik Chhachú, not being strong enough for an open fight, had shut himself up in the fort of Kábulíz, and the unbelievers, having ravaged the province, were on their way home when the General met them, and, offering them battle, fought for three hours. The army of the Faithful was victorious. Innumerable unbelievers were slain, and their army put to flight. Forty officers were taken prisoners, and several thousand men bit the dust. It was a great victory. Sálár Sáhú wrote his dispatch of victory to the Sultán as soon as he had entered Kábulíz. The Sultán was greatly pleased, and that instant issued a farmán under his own hand to this effect, “We bestow the province of Kábulíz, as an iná'm upon our victorious brother, in addition to his jágír; let him make the land his own.”

As soon as it was determined that the General should live at Kábulíz, he sent messengers to Ajmír to fetch Sálár Mas'úd, and to tell that light of his eyes to come quickly to him, along with his mother, leaving the officers whom he had appointed at Ajmír each at his post. When the messengers reached Ajmír, Sálár Mas'úd was delighted, and the next day started off for Kábulíz with his mother, accompanied by several thousand horsemen, who were like stars shining round that peerless moon. Engaging in the chase as he went, stage by stage, he reached the town of Rawál. The zamíndár of that place, Satúgan, was father-in-law of Khwája Hasan Maimandí's son. He came out to meet Sálár Mas'úd, and insisted that he should do him the favour of staying that day at his house, that so he might get honour, as he said, among the other zamíndárs. But as the star of Hasan Maimandí's bad faith shone in the forehead of Satúgan, Sálár Mas'úd would by no means consent to alight at the abode of such a treacherous unbeliever. According to his usual habit he had the tents pitched outside the town.

Again Satúgan besought him to eat the food that he had prepared for his party, but the Prince of Martyrs answered him, “The Prophets” (the delight of Allah be upon them and on us all!) “never eat food prepared in the house of a Hindu, nor will I.” Satúgan then entreated him to take sugar, rice, and all things necessary, and have his food prepared by his own cooks. But as evil was in the heart of Satúgan, neither was this agreed to. In the morning, as they were starting, Satúgan brought 200 mans of sweetmeats, prepared in various ways, some of the choicest kind for Sálár Mas'úd; but he had caused the whole to be poisoned. Sálár Mas'úd, with divine perception, suspecting the truth, put it all with the baggage, and gave special orders that none should touch it. He then gave Satúgan a dress of honour, and dismissed him.

When he had marched one stage, he ordered Malik Nekbakht to bring the sweetmeats presented by Satúgan. As soon as he had given of the choicest kind to some dogs, they all fell down dead from the poison the moment they tasted it. The Prince of Martyrs, turning towards those present, said with his pure tongue, “The wretched infidel thought me, too, one of the undiscerning.” His attendants were astonished at this proof of his ability, and bowing to the ground, began to extol him. When they told his mother what had taken place, she wept bitterly to think what a terrible misfortune might have happened, and declared that the unbelievers had attempted to commit this treachery at the instigation of the deceitful Hasan Maimandí. Then calling Sálár Mas'úd into her presence, she clasped him to her bosom, and gave large alms to the poor and wretched as a thank-offering.

The night was passed at that place. In the morning, when it was marching time, Mas'úd besought his mother to stay there that day, as it was a good hunting-ground, and he wanted to enjoy some sport. So they did so.

Sálár Mas'úd, taking with him some thousands of the flower of his young men—angels in form, and reckless in courage—took the road to the town of Rawál,⁵²³ hunting as he went, and sent forward spies to learn what Satúgan was doing. When he had nearly reached the town, the spies brought him word that Satúgan had just completed his ablutions, and was worshipping his idols. Upon hearing which they turned their horses straight towards the town. At the same time, the unbelievers got warning, and turned out to oppose them. But the brave youths, flourishing their swords, hovered on all sides, like moths round a flame; and the unbelievers, unable to withstand them, were routed, and the Faithful scattered their heads in every street.

Having put a great many of them to the sword, they took the reprobate Satúgan alive, and brought him before the prince, who addressed him thus: “Oh, Satúgan, did you not know us, that, in the blackness of your heart, you should try such a vile plot on us.” He then ordered that he, with his wife and children, should be bound and carried to the army. He then gave the whole place over to plunder. So they brought Satúgan, with his wife and children, to the camp.

This was the first exploit, and maiden victory, of Sálár Mas'úd. His mother caused pæans of joy to be sung, distributed bountiful alms, and gave horses, dresses of honour, and money to all the soldiers of the prince. At that time Mas'úd was twelve years old.

The next day he wrote an account of the affair to the Sultán Mahmúd, and, starting off the couriers, proceeded himself, march by march, with great splendour to Kábulíz. Before the messengers of the Prince of Martyrs reached the Sultán, Náráyan, brother of Satúgan, had brought a complaint through Hasan Maimandí that Sálár Mas'úd had carried off his brother, with his wife and little ones as prisoners, and had plundered the town of Rawál. The Sultán was in perplexity at this intelligence, when Mas'úd's account of the perfidy of Satúgan reached him. The Sultán then issued a farmán, signed with his own hand, to Sálár Mas'úd, informing him that Náráyan had brought an accusation before the arrival of his account, and ordering him to keep the guilty man with good care, as he would himself make inquiries and punish him. The Prince of Martyrs was filled with joy on the receipt of this farmán; but mourning fell on the house of Hasan Maimandí, and his hidden treachery was made manifest.

When they had arrived within one kos of Kábulíz, the General received intelligence of their approach, and, smitten with a longing desire to behold his son, who was like a second Joseph, he started off himself, like Jacob, regardless of ceremony, to meet him.

* * * *

It happened that Mahmúd had long been planning an expedition into Bhardána, and Gujerat, to destroy the idol temple of Somnát, a place of great sanctity to all Hindus. So as soon as he had returned to Ghazní from his Khurásán business, he issued a farmán to the General of the army, ordering him to leave a confidential officer in charge of the fort of Kábulíz, and himself to join the court with his son Sálár Mas'úd. Accordingly, they presented themselves before the Sultán, who received them with special marks of favour, and showed such great kindness to Mas'úd that his wazír became jealous.

Afterwards he invited Sálár Sáhú to a private audience, and asked his advice about leading an army against Somnát. “Through the favour of Allah,” said that officer, “the power and grandeur of your Majesty have struck such terror into the hearts of the unbelievers, that not one of them has the daring to oppose you. The best plan is at once to commence the enterprise.” This advice was most pleasing to the Sultán, though Khwája Hasan Maimandí dissented from it. After some conversation, it was settled that the General of the army should return to Kábulíz, and guard that province against the rebellious unbelievers, leaving Sálár Mas'úd, with his victorious army, in attendance upon the Sultán. As soon as he had dismissed Sálár Sáhú, the Sultán set out for Somnát with his victorious host, Mas'úd serving under him in the enterprize with several thousand youths in the flower of their age. They performed many illustrious deeds, and the Sultán showed them increasing favour and kindness.

They first reached Multán, and, when everything was fully prepared, took the road for Somnát. The details of the expedition are thus given in the history called the Rauzatu-s Sáfá. * * * * *

God bestowed great grace on this king, and his perfections may be understood from the following relation of the author of the Nafahát.

When the Sultán Mahmúd Subuktigín had gone on the expedition to Somnát, they suggested to Khwája Abú Muhammad of Chisht, that he ought to go and help him. The Khwája, though he was seventy years old, set out with some darweshes, and when he arrived made war upon the pagans and idolaters with all his sacred soul. One day the idolaters made a successful assault, and the army of the Faithful, nearly overwhelmed, fled to the Shaikh for protection. Khwája Abú Muhammad had a disciple in the town of Chisht, Muhammad Kálú by name. He called out “Look, Kálú!” At that moment Kálú was seen fighting with such fury, that the army of the Faithful proved victorious. The unbelievers were routed. At that very time Muhammad Kálú was seen in Chisht, striking upon the wall with a pestle, and when he was asked the reason, he said, “When the Almighty commanded a man of Abú Muhammad of Chisht's exalted piety to go to the assistance of the Sultán, who could stand before him?”

It is related in the Táríkh-i Mahmúdí that the Sultán shortly after reached Ghazní, and laid down the image of Somnát at the threshold of the Mosque of Ghazní, so that the Musulmáns might tread upon the breast of the idol on their way to and from their devotions. As soon as the unbelievers heard of this, they sent an embassy to Khwája Hasan Maimandí, stating that the idol was of stone and useless to the Musulmáns, and offered to give twice its weight in gold as a ransom, if it might be returned to them. Khwája Hasan Maimandí represented to the Sultán that the unbelievers had offered twice the weight of the idol in gold, and had agreed to be subject to him. He added, that the best policy would be to take the gold and restore the image, thereby attaching the people to his Government. The Sultán yielded to the advice of the Khwája, and the unbelievers paid the gold into the treasury.

One day, when the Sultán was seated on his throne, the ambassadors of the unbelievers came, and humbly petitioned thus: “Oh, Lord of the world! we have paid the gold to your Government in ransom, but have not yet received our purchase, the idol Somnát.” The Sultán was wroth at their words, and, falling into reflection, broke up the assembly and retired, with his dear Sálár Mas'úd, into his private apartments. He then asked his opinion as to whether the image ought to be restored, or not? Sálár Mas'úd, who was perfect in goodness, said quickly, “In the day of the resurrection, when the Almighty shall call for Ázar, the idol-destroyer, and Mahmúd, the idol-seller, Sire! what will you say?” This speech deeply affected the Sultán, he was full of grief, and answered, “I have given my word; it will be a breach of promise.” Sálár Mas'úd begged him to make over the idol to him, and tell the unbelievers to get it from him. The Sultán agreed; and Sálár Mas'úd took it to his house, and, breaking off its nose and ears, ground them to powder.

When Khwája Hasan introduced the unbelievers, and asked the Sultán to give orders to restore the image to them, his majesty replied that Sálár Mas'úd had carried it off to his house, and that he might send them to get it from him. Khwája Hasan, bowing his head, repeated these words in Arabic, “No easy matter is it to recover anything which has fallen into the hands of a lion.” He then told the unbelievers that the idol was with Sálár Mas'úd, and that they were at liberty to go and fetch it. So they went to Mas'úd's door and demanded their god.

That prince commanded Malik Nekbakht to treat them courteously, and make them be seated; then to mix the dust of the nose and ears of the idols with sandal and the lime eaten with betel nut, and present it to them. The unbelievers were delighted, and smeared themselves with sandal, and eat the betel leaf. After a while they asked for the idol, when Sálár Mas'úd said he had given it to them. They inquired, with astonishment, what he meant by saying that they had received the idol? And Malik Nekbakht explained that it was mixed with the sandal and betel-lime. Some began to vomit, while others went weeping and lamenting to Khwája Hasan Maimandí and told him what had occurred.

The Khwája writhed like a snake, and said, “Verily, the king is demented, since he follows the counsel of a boy of yesterday! I will leave the service of the Sultán for your sakes, and do you also go and attack his country. We will open his Majesty's eyes.” Accordingly the unbelievers returned with the news to the Hindu princes. And Khwája Hasan, from that day, resigned the office of Wazír, became disaffected, and left off attending to the duties of his office.

Afterwards the image of Somnát was divided into four parts, as is described in the Tawáríkh-i Mahmúdí. Mahmúd's first exploit is said to have been conquering the Hindu rebels, destroying the forts and the idol temples of the Ráí Ajipál (Jaipál), and subduing the country of India. His second, the expedition into Harradawá⁵²⁷ and Guzerát, the carrying off the idol of Somnát, and dividing it into four pieces, one of which he is reported to have placed on the threshold of the Imperial Palace, while he sent two others to Mecca and Medina respectively. Both these exploits were performed at the suggestion, and by the advice, of the General and Sálár Mas'úd; but India was conquered by the efforts of Sálar Mas'úd alone, and the idol of Somnát was broken in pieces by his sole advice, as has been related, Sálár Sáhú was Sultán of the army and General of the forces in Írán. Many of the most illustrious nobles and bravest Turks were of his kindred; and wherever the Sultán led his army and conquered kingdoms, the victory was owing to the exertions and courage of him and his relatives.

The author of the Tawáríkh-i Mahmúdí has narrated at length the quarrel between Sálár Mas'úd and Hasan Maimandí, and the valour, success, and good conduct of the Commander-in-chief and Sálár Mas'úd. To relate it all here would make this work too long; therefore I have only briefly mentioned them. Also, these exploits of Sultán Mahmúd, and Sálár Mas'úd, I have related only so far as they concern that Prince of Martyrs, and insomuch as he was personally mixed up with them, otherwise I had not indulged in such prolixity. “God knows the truth.”

CHAPTER 3.

Departure of the Prince of Martyrs from the court of Sultán Mahmúd. —His expedition into Hindustán.—He reaches Multán; occupies Dehli, and, passing the Ganges, takes up his residence in Satrakh, from whence he sends out armies on all sides.

Khwája Hasan Maimandí had been long versed in all the affairs of the administration, so that a great many of the factions, from different parts of the empire, were ready to obey his word. Thus, owing to his disaffection, there was ground for the apprehension of disturbances on all sides. The Sultán, being informed of this, took every means in his power to conciliate Khwája Hasan Maimandí, but without success. For whenever that individual saw Sálár Mas'úd at court, and beheld the favours the Sultán bestowed upon him, he writhed within himself like a snake, and fell into grief and rage, declaring that he could not endure to set eyes upon Mas'úd.

The Sultán, perplexed at this state of things, one day called Sálár Mas'úd apart, and, addressing him kindly, said that Hasan Maimandí was a man of evil disposition, and that, through excessive insolence, he had taken a violent antipathy to him (Mas'úd), which so engrossed him that he had left off attending to business. “I am determined,” continued the Sultán, “by degrees to deprive him of the wazírship, and to promote Amír Jang Mikáíl to the post. But till this is accomplished, do you go to Kábulíz and employ yourself in the chase, and in attendance upon your parents. In a short time I will dismiss him and recal you; rest assured, meanwhile, that my affection for you is greater than you can imagine.”

Sálár Mas'úd, perceiving the drift of the Sultán's discourse, replied, “Oh, sire! what have I to do at my parents' house? With your permission, I will make an expedition into Hindustán, and, wresting the kingdoms, now in the hands of pagans, out of their hands, will spread the true faith, and cause the khutba to be read in your majesty's name.” The Sultán replied, “It is no pleasure to me to deprive myself of you, my child, that I should thus separate myself from you—no; go for a short time to your father, I will send for you ere long.” [Mas'úd departs with his followers.]

The author of the Tawáríkh-i Mahmúdí relates that there were, with his own followers and those who joined him, 1,100,000 (yaz-dah lak) men in Mas'úd's army, the home and family of each of whom was at Ghazní.

As soon as the General of the army heard of all that had happened, he went with Sitr Mu'alla' in terrible distress from Kábulíz to the camp of Sálár Mas'úd, and, after embracing him, entreated him with tears to remain with them; but he would by no means consent. Seeing that their child was not to be prevailed upon, they became desirous to go with him. But Mas'úd said, that if they came with him, Hasan Maimandí would certainly persuade the Sultán that they had rebelled, and therefore they had better remain behind. “I have already,” said he, “petitioned the Sultán, and now I beseech it of you, to be allowed to travel for one year, after which I will return.” At length his parents were obliged to submit. They however sent, with Sálár Mas'úd, a fine army and counsellors, many of whom were of his own age, and had been his companions, and they selected the bravest of their kindred among the Tatars of Sálár Sáhú to accompany him. They also bestowed upon him treasure, horses, and gifts of all kinds. So the General of the army returned towards Kábulíz with his consort, weeping and lamenting.

* * * *

To resume our history. The Prince of Martyrs, adorned with all dignity of body and mind, reached the banks of the river Indus, and immediately ordered boats to be collected. These were brought, after some search, and he commanded Mír Husain 'Arab, and Amír Bázíd Ja'far to cross over the river with 50,000 horse, and attack Sahúr.⁵²⁹ They did so; and Ráí Arjun, the zamíndár of that place, having already taken refuge in the hills, they demolished his house, where they found 500,000 gold pieces. Taking these, and a good deal of other plunder, the two Amírs rejoined Mas'úd. Having thus effected his first conquest in India, Mas'úd crossed the river himself with his army, and encamped on the opposite bank, and, as it was a good sporting country, he enjoyed the pleasures of the chase.

After a short time, Mas'úd marched onward and arrived at Multán. That city was deserted; for, since Sultán Mahmúd, the faithful, had plundered it for the second time, it had never been restored, and the Ráís Arjun and Anangpál, lords of the place, had gone to reside in the province of Úch. From thence they sent ambassadors to Mas'úd to inquire if he thought it right thus to overrun a foreign country, adding, “Perhaps you will have cause to repent it.” Mas'úd replied, “The country is God's; his slave has no kingdom; but he to whom God gives it will be the possessor. This has been the principle of my ancestors from the time of Asadu-lla Ghálib until now; to convert unbelievers to the one God and the Musulmán faith. If they adopt our creed, well and good. If not, we put them to the sword.” He then bestowed honorary dresses upon the ambassadors, and dismissed them with a caution to prepare for war, as he would shortly follow.

As soon as the ambassadors had departed, he sent six Amírs, viz., Mír Husain 'Arab, Amír Bázíd Ja'far, Amír Tarkán, Amir Nakí, Amír Fíroz, and 'Umr Mulk Ahmad, with several hundred thousand horse to attack the Ráí Anangpál. That prince came out of his stronghold to meet them with his forces drawn out in battle array. The combat raged for three hours; many noble Turks were made martyrs, while countless unbelievers were slain, and the Ráí Anangpál was at length obliged to yield. The army of Islám entered the cíty and plundered it, carrying off an immense amount of property. They then rejoined Mas'úd, who bestowed honorary dresses and horses on each of the six Amírs.

The rainy season had now set in, so they remained at Multán the next four months. After the rains, Mas'úd led his army against Ajúdhan.⁵³⁰ Although, in those days, that place and its vicinity was thickly peopled, it was subdued without a struggle. Mas'úd was delighted with the climate of Ajúdhan, and as, moreover, it was a good sporting country, he remained there till the end of the following rains, when he set off for Dehli. Ráí Mahípál was then king of the city. He had an immense army, and many war elephants, and was, in consequence, overflowing with pride. Sultán Mahmúd and Sálár Sáhú, when they came into Hindustán, conquered Lahore, and made it a city of Islám; but they were unable to attack Dehli, and retired without even attempting it. But now Sálár Mas'úd, lionlike, marched on by successive stages till he reached that city.

The Ráí Mahípál led out his army to oppose him. The two forces lay several miles apart; but the young warriors, on either side, used to meet daily and skirmish from morning till night. Thus a month and some days passed away, till Mas'úd, becoming apprehensive of the result, sought help from God. As soon as he had done so, he received the unexpected intelligence that Sálár Saifu-d dín, the Sultánu-s Salátin, Mír Bakhtíyár, Mír Saiyid 'Azízu-d dín, and Malik Wahíu-d dín, five Amirs, were coming from Ghazní to join him with a numerous force. On their arrival joy and delight filled Mas'úd's army. These men, likewise, had left Ghazní on account of the evil conduct of Hasan Maimandí. Saifu-d dín was a younger brother of Mas'úd's father, Mír Bakhtiyár and 'Azízu-d dín were also related to him. Malik Daulat was a servant of Sultán Mahmúd, and Miyán Rajab had been a confidential slave of Sálár Sáhú, who reposed such confidence in him, that he gave him to Mas'úd; and he, as a mark of his favour, had bestowed a jágír upon him. But no sooner had Sálár Mas'úd started on his expedition, than Hasan Maimandí deprived him of it, without informing the Sultán. Miyán Rajab, therefore, followed Mas'úd, who considered him so trustworthy as to appoint him adjutant (Kotwál) of the army.

Khwája Hasan, from his enmity against Mas'úd, had quarrelled with all connected with him, and forced them to leave the country. The fact was, Sultán Mahmúd had become old, and spent his whole time in the society of Malik Ayáz, neglecting the business of the state. So Hasan tyrannized on all sides. However, it is related in the history called Rauzatu-s Safá, that Mahmúd became at length dissatisfied with his conduct, and, removing him from the office of wazir, imprisoned him in one of the forts of Hindustán, where he was put to death, and that Mír Jang Míkáíl was appointed in his place. Certain it is, that he was doomed to destruction, who unjustly persecuted one favoured of 'Alí, and blessed with divine grace.

To resume: Raí Mahípál was alarmed at this accession to the forces of his enemy. Four days after the two armies joined in battle. Mas'úd was engaged in conversation with Sharfu-l Mulk, when Gopál, son of Mahípál, charged him, and, aiming with his mace at his head, wounded him on the nose, and struck out two of his teeth. Sharfu-l Mulk drew his sword, and with one blow sent Gopál to hell. Mas'úd bound up his wounded nose with a handkerchief, and continued on the field of battle. All praise to the courage and valour of Mas'úd, who took no notice of his wound, but continued fighting until evening prayers, and even at night remained on the field. Many brave Turks were martyred, and countless unbelievers slain.

In the morning they again beat the drums of war, and the young men of courage came forth to battle. Mír Saiyid 'Azízu-d dín was fighting in the foremost rank, where he was suddenly struck with a spear on the head, and became a martyr. Unable to contain himself, on hearing of the Mír's death, Mas'úd himself charged the enemy, followed by the Turkish Amírs, careless of their lives as moths round a flame. The unbelievers were unable to withstand the shock, and fled. The Ráís Mahípál and Sirípál alone, with a few others, remained upon the field. Although all their friends entreated them to fly and try the fortune of war another time, they constantly refused, asking where they could go if they left the field. At last they were both slain; a great victory was won, and the throne of Dehli fell into the hands of the conqueror.

Mas'úd, however, did not ascend the throne, still affirming that he was only fighting for the glory of God. He buried 'Azízu-d dín at Dehli, and, erecting a lofty tomb over his grave, appointed men to keep and provide lamps nightly for it. Amír Bázíd Ja'far was placed in command of the garrison of Dehli, consisting of 3,000 picked horse. He was besides ordered to raise 5,000 or 6,000 fresh troops from among the people of the country; Mas'úd at the same time telling him, in the most gracious manner, that he was responsible for the happiness of the inhabitants, and must take every precaution to preserve them from oppression.

He left Dehli on the 16th of the month Ázar, having remained there six months, and led his army against Mírat. The Princes of Mírat had already heard that no one could hope to stand before Mas'úd; that in whatsoever direction he or his troops turned, they gained the victory. So they were afraid, and sent ambassadors with valuable presents to Mas'úd, acknowledging his supremacy, and offering to be the servants of his slaves; in fact, submitting entirely to him. Mas'úd was much pleased, and bestowing the kingdom of Mírat upon them, proceeded with all his train towards Kanauj.

When Sultán Mahmúd had ejected Ráí Ajípal from Kanauj, Mas'úd had procured his pardon and re-establishment; remembering this service, he had already sent an embassy to Mas'úd with most valuable presents. And when the latter had reached Kanauj, and pitched his tents upon the banks of the Ganges, he sent his eldest son to welcome him with the usual gifts. Mas'úd received the son of Ajípál with great respect, and in order to allay all apprehension on the part of his host, determined to accept the gifts. He then presented the prince with a charger and a dress of honour, dismissed him, and ordered his servants to get all things ready as quickly as possible, as he intended to cross the river and enjoy some sport. When they had prepared the boats they came and informed him, and he immediately commanded the army to pass over and encamp on the opposite bank, which they did, Mas'úd accompanying them. Presently came Ráí Ajípal with ten horses to pay his respects. Mas'úd received him with marks of great affection, and, seating him near himself, reassured him in every way. He then presented him with a special dress of honour and those ten horses, and allowed him to depart, requesting him to send supplies for his army, and advising him to take every care of his country, so as to improve his subjects daily.

After that, he marched on in the direction of Satrakh; and, on the tenth day, reached that city. At that time Satrakh was the most flourishing of all the towns and cities of India; it lies in the centre of that country, and abounds in good hunting ground. Moreover, it was a sacred shrine of the Hindus; so Mas'úd fixed his head quarters there, and sent out armies on every side to conquer the surrounding country. Sálár Saifu-d dín and Miyán Rajab he despatched against Bahráích, appointing the son of Miyán Rajab kotwal of the army in his father's stead; for, although but young, he was possessed of great ability and courage.

As soon as Saifu-d dín and Miyán Rajab reached Bahráích, they sent back word that there were no supplies to be obtained there, and that their army stood in danger of perishing, unless help was afforded them. Mas'úd ordered the chaudharís and mukaddims of the pargannahs to be brought before him, and those of seven or eight of the pargannahs were brought. He then called to his presence Bípás, Chaudharí of Saddahur, and Narharí, Chaudharí of Amíthí, and encouraged them in every way, exhorting them to encourage the cultivation of the lands, which would be advantageous both to them and to their ryots. He also proposed to them to take money in advance, and bring him in supplies. They petitioned to be allowed to deliver the supplies before they received the money; but he insisted on paying in advance. So depositing ready money with the chaudharís and mukaddims, he presented each one of them with a dress and betel-nut, and sent men with them to bring in the supplies as quickly as possible, while Malik Fíroz 'Umar was appointed to have the necessary quantities conveyed to Saifu-d din at Bahráích, as soon as they arrived.

Mas'úd next commanded Sultánu-s Salátín and Mír Bakhtiyár to proceed against the Lower Country (mulk-i faro-dast), saying, “We commit you to the care of God. Wherever you go, first try gentle measures. If the unbelievers accept the Muhammadan faith, show them kindness; if not, put them to the sword.” He then embraced Mír Bakhtiyár, saying, “We part to-day; whether we shall ever meet again is uncertain.” Both the brothers wept at this sorrowful thought, and remained long clasped in each others' arms. Then Mír Bakhtiyár departed. Wonderful time! Wonderful friendship! and wonderful firmness of faith, to cast themselves thus into the sea of unbelievers, purely for the sake of witnessing to the truth of the one God. It is said that Mír Bakhtiyár subdued the Lower country, and advanced as far as Kánúr, where he drank the wine of martyrdom. His holy sepulchre is well known in that place.

Mas'úd then dispatched Amír Hasan 'Arab against Mahúna; Mír Saiyid 'Azizu-d dín, celebrated now as the Lál Pír, against Gopamú and its vicinity; and Malik Fazl against Benares and its neighbourhood. Each of these went away in the direction of their several commands, while Mas'úd himself continued to reside with great magnificence at Satrakh, enjoying the pleasures of the chase.

One day ambassadors arrived from the Princes of Karra and Mánikpúr, bringing two saddles, bridles, and other rare presents, with this message, “This kingdom has belonged to us and our fathers from time immemorial. No Musulmán has ever dwelt here. Our annals relate that the Emperor Alexander, Zú-l karnain, made an expedition against this country, and reached Kanauj; but there he made peace with Ráí Kaid, and returned without having crossed the Ganges. Sultán Mahmúd, also, with your father, came as far as Ajmír, Guzerát, and Kanauj, but spared our country. But you, without any respect for the rights of property, establish yourself in a country that does not belong to you. The action is unworthy of a great mind like yours. It is an infinite sorrow to us that you should be the only child in the house of your father, and that he should have no other descendants. Consider, we pray you, the right. Satrakh is a pleasant place; but it is not fitting that you should remain there. We have 90,000 picked soldiers; the princes of the country of Bahráích and other places will come to our help on every side, and you will find yourself in great difficulties. You had better take the prudent course of retiring of your own free will.”

Mas'úd raged at this like a fierce lion, and, compressing his lips, addressed the ambassador thus, “Well is it for thee that thou comest as an ambassador; had any one else addressed such an insolent speech to us, we would have had him torn in pieces. Go, tell thy princes their country belongs to the all-powerful God, who gives it to whom he wills. Think not that we are come only to take a journey. We intend to make our abode here, and, by the command of God, will uproot unbelief and unbelievers from the land.” * * *

So saying, he dismissed the ambassador, who went and told his master all that had passed, adding “This cub, in truth, fears no one. Do you use your best endeavours, for he cares nought for your 90,000 picked men.” The unbelievers were greatly alarmed. At length a barber, who was present, said, he would settle the business if authorized to do so. The Ráí ordered him to make the attempt [to poison Mas'úd, in which he succeeded, but the intended victim recovered.]

At that time Mas'úd was eighteen years of age. God had lavished upon him * * * every excellence of body and mind. * * * This slave once, in the beginning of life, looked upon the Sultán in a vision. From that hour his heart grew cold to the business of the world, and for three or four years he lost all thoughts of self in the pain of separation from him.

To continue our history. Mas'úd immediately ordered those about him to write letters to the governors of the provinces under his sway, informing them of the attempt of the unbelievers, and how God had turned it to good; for he feared lest short-sighted, ill-disposed persons should adopt a wrong idea; and thus, by their distortion of facts, evil might arise. He also sent a letter to his honoured father at Kábulíz. They soon wrote out all the dispatches and brought them to him, and he signed them himself, and started them off by the hands of special messengers.

[Mas'úd's mother dies from grief, and Sálár Sáhú then proceeds to join his son.]

CHAPTER 4.

Sálár Sáhú arrives at Satrakh.—Mas'úd marches against Bahráích. —Death of Sálár Sáhú at Satrakh.—Mas'úd wages war with the unbelievers, and tastes the wine of martyrdom at Bahráích.

When Sálár Sáhú reached the neighbourhood of Satrakh, Mas'úd went out to meet him, and, conducting him home, held great rejoicings for three days and nights with social feasts. All men took fresh courage upon the arrival of the General of the army, while the unbelievers on every side were struck with dismay and apprehension.

A few days after, Malik Fíroz took three spies of the unbelievers at the passage of the river Saru (Sarjú), and sent them to Satrakh. The servants of Mas'úd recognized two of them as the Brahmans who had brought the saddle filled with sorceries and enchantments, as a present from the Ráís of Karra and Mánikpur to Mas'úd; and the third as the barber, who had presented the poisoned nail-cutter. Sálár Sáhú ordered them all to be put to death. But Mas'úd wished them to be released, saying, there was nothing to be gained by killing them. Sáhú consented, for his son's sake, to release the two Brahmans, but declared he would never let the barber go. So they immediately put him to death. They then found upon the Brahmans letters from the Ráís of Karra and Mánikpur to the Ráís of the neighbourhood of Bahráích, and read them. The contents were as follows:—“A foreign army is encamped between you and us. Do you draw out your army on your side, while we attack them on ours, and thus we shall destroy the Musulmáns.”

Sálár Sáhú was enraged, and instantly sent off two spies to gather intelligence of the Ráís of Karra and Mánikpur. They brought word that the unbelievers were amusing themselves with their sons and daughters in fancied security. The General immediately beat to arms, and started off, leaving Mas'úd in Satrakh. He proceeded that night to the head-quarters of the ill-fated unbelievers, and, dividing his army into two bodies, sent one division against Karra, and the other against Mánikpur. The brave Musul-máns quickly surrounded each place, and the heathen came out to battle; but the forces of Islám prevailed, and, putting thousands of unbelievers to the sword, they took the two Ráís alive, and brought them before Sálár Sáhú, who put chains about their necks, and dispatched them to Satrakh, writing to Mas'úd that he had sent him some eaters of forbidden food, whom he was to keep with all care. Mas'úd sent them on to Sálár Saifu-d dín at Bahráích. Meanwhile, Sálár Sáhú reduced Karra and Mánikpur, and plunder and slaves to a great amount fell into the hands of the army. He then returned in triumph to Satrakh, leaving Malik 'Abdu-llah in the neighbourhood of Karra, and Mír Kutb Haidar at Mánikpur.

All the princes of Hindustan were alarmed at these doings; deeming it impossible to cope with the army of Islám, they began to retreat. Ere long, however, all united together, and prepared for war. Sálár Sáhú and Mas'úd one day went out hunting. [And Mas'úd despatched a tiger with his sword.]

A despatch reached Sálár Sáhú from Sálár Saifu-d dín, at Bah-ráích, praying for immediate assistance, as the unbelievers were assembling on all sides. Mas'úd begged to be allowed to go to Bahráích, and chastise their insolence; but Sáhú would not consent, saying, he could not bear to be separated from him, and entreating him not to leave him alone in his old age. Mas'úd then asked permission to proceed to Bahráích for a few days to enjoy the hunting, for which he said that place was famous. Sálár Sahú was obliged to yield; but he wept bitterly at the thought. Mas'úd, when he came to take leave, was himself melted into tears. He left in great sorrow, and turned his face towards Bahráích.

His mere coming was sufficient to quiet the unbelievers, whose dimness of perception alone had caused the rising. Mas'úd hunted through the country around Bahráích, and whenever he passed by the idol temple of Súraj-kund, he was wont to say that he wanted that piece of ground for a dwelling-place. This Súraj-kund was a sacred shrine of all the unbelievers of India. They had carved an image of the sun in stone on the banks of the tank there. This image they called Bálárukh, and through its fame Bahráích had attained its flourishing condition. When there was an eclipse of the sun, the unbelievers would come from east and west to worship it, and every Sunday the heathen of Bahráích and its environs, male and female, used to assemble in thousands to rub their heads under that stone, and do it reverence as an object of peculiar sanctity. Mas'úd was distressed at this idolatry, and often said that, with God's will and assistance, he would destroy that mine of unbelief, and set up a chamber for the worship of the Nourisher of the Universe in its place, rooting out unbelief from those parts. The Almighty was pleased to prosper the undertaking, and the light of the true faith there is now brighter than the sun, and clearer than the moon.

Mas'úd came to Bahráích from Satrakh on the 17th of the month of Sha'bán, in the year 423. In the second month a letter came from 'Abdu-l Malik Fíroz from Satrakh. * * * * * The contents were as follows: “On the 15th of the month of Shawwál, of the year 423, Sálár Sáhú was taken with a pain in the head. He said, ‘My time is come at last;’ and ordered us to bury him in Satrakh. And on the 25th of the same month he went his last journey, obeying the will of the Almighty.” Mas'úd wept bitterly at this heartrending intelligence. He was quite beside himself, and, uttering loud lamentations, covered his garments with earth. After a time, recovering some degree of composure, he called to mind Hasan Maimandí, accusing him as the cause of all his misfortunes. “My honoured mother,” said he, “died at Kábulíz, and my honoured father has met his death at Satrakh. Now I know what it is to be an orphan.” * * *

An ambassador arrived at the court of Mas'úd from the Ráís of the country round Bahráích, Malik Haidar introduced him to the presence, and he presented the despatch that he had brought. The unbelievers, in their pride, had written as follows: “You come from the Upper Country (mulk-i bálá dast), and know nothing of these parts. This is the land of nobles; never shall inhabitants of the Upper Country remain here. Think more wisely on this matter.” Mas'úd demanded of the ambassador how many Ráís were banded together, and what were their names? He detailed the names of each one as follows: “Ráí Ráíb, Ráí Sáíb, Ráí Arjun, Ráí Bhikan, Ráí Kanak, Ráí Kalyán, Ráí Makrú, Raí Sakrú, Ráí Karan, Ráí Bírbal, Ráí Jai-pál, Ráí Srípál, Ráí Harpál, Rái Harkú, Ráí Prabhú, Deb Nára-yan, and Narsing, are there with 2,000,000 cavalry, and 3,000,000 infantry.”⁵³⁹ Mas'úd would not send a written answer; but dismissing the messenger, dispatched with him Malik Nekdil, with seven attendants, to answer the Ráís in person, his real object being to discover the actual amount of their force.

When Malik Nekdil arrived, one went in and told the chiefs, who assembled together, and, calling Malik before them, inquired what message he had brought from Sálár Mas'úd. Malik Nekdil replied, “My master bids me say, hearing of the nature of this country, I came to enjoy the pleasures of the chase. It is a waste, a barren wilderness. Do you agree upon conditions with me? Let us settle the matter like brothers, and I will settle the country.” The unbelievers answered, “Until we have fought with you once, it does not befit us to talk of peace. You have come here violently, and we have left you alone; but now, till one party or the other be subdued, what peace can be looked for, or what concord be expected?” Ráí Karan said, “You do not yet know the nature of the climate of these parts. The water will settle our business for us. You had better leave this river Saru and go northwards again, otherwise we must fight.” Ráí Kalyán, one of the most able of these chiefs, said, “Oh, princes, you are unwise to think that Sálár Mas'úd has proposed peace through fear. He intends to strike an unexpected blow. Only consider that the Sálár is a man of such honour that he used to stand in the presence of Sultán Mahmúd, and had a feud with the wazír of the Sultán. Leaving his father and mother, he conquered the whole country of India, and his father died in Satrakh. He has not yet visited his tomb. He has only acted thus to deceive us, and means to say, Let him who feels inclined drive me out, and I will fight him. But you do not understand. What objection is there to peace, if he will indeed agree to it?” The unbelievers all began to talk like fools; so Malik Nekdil, seeing that the assembly had no leader, rose up, and, departing, returned to the prince, and told him all that had happened. The unbelievers on their side advanced and encamped in the jungle on the banks of the river Kasahla.

As soon as Mas'úd heard of this, he called a council of the great nobles and asked their advice as to whether he should await their attack, or himself take the initiative. All the most experienced chiefs counselled him to attack them, and this agreeing with his own opinion, he set out after evening prayers, and, marching all night, reached the camp of the unbelievers by dawn. Drawing out his army, Mas'úd confided the van to Sálár Saifu-d dín, and, distributing the other chiefs in the two wings, the rear, and the van' he himself took the command of the centre, and in this order advanced to the charge. The enemy were prepared and gave them battle. Till midday Sálár Saifu-d din had to endure the brunt of the conflict. At last Miyán Rajab and Amir Nasru-lla attacked his opponents with a body of cavalry from the right wing, whilst Amír Tarkán and Amír Bázíd did the same from the left; and the prince himself charged from the centre. Several thousand unbelievers were killed, and the soldiers of Islám, too, tasted the wine of martyrdom. But at length the unbelievers were driven to the last extremity and fled. Two chiefs were taken prisoners, and the victory was complete. The Musulmáns pursued their foes for several kos, and took much plunder in horses and baggage.

Mas'úd remained encamped on the spot for a week, burying the soldiers who had attained martyrdom, and reading the fátiha for their pure souls. On the eighth day he returned towards Bahráích. As the weather was warm, and he had come a long journey, he rested for some time under a mahúá tree on the bank of Súraj-kund, at which time he said, “The shade of this tree is very refreshing; and this spot is pleasing to me. It would be well to plant a garden here like those found in our own country. Here will I often come, till the crowds of unbelievers, and the darkness of unbelief, be removed from hence. Until this place be cleansed from idolatry, it is impossible for the faith of Islám to spread in the land of India. If it please God, I will, through the power of the spiritual Sun, destroy the worship of the material.” He passed orders then and there that the ground should be levelled, and all the old trees cut down and removed quickly, with the exception of the mahúá tree under which he was standing. He left Miyán Rajab Kotwal to perform this service, and departed with his train for Bahráích by regular stages. From that time he was frequent in religious duties; occasionally, only to satisfy his chiefs and ministers, he would go into the council-chamber, and sometimes into his ladies' apartments.

In three or four days Miyán Rajab rooted up all the old trees, and cleared about an hundred bigahs or more of ground around Súraj-kund. He then reported his proceedings to Sálár Mas'úd, and besought further orders. The Prince made an excursion that way, and, summoning the pioneers who had accompanied his troops from his own country, ordered them to lay out the grounds in parterres and walks after the manner of their native land. He also commanded Miyán Rajab to send people in all directions to collect all manner of trees, one of each kind, for the garden. Such diligence was used, that in a very short time it was completed. He then ordered them to build a platform of masonry under the shade of the mahúá tree, to serve him for a seat, as he said he had taken a great fancy to that place. After that, he himself arranged the plan upon which he wished the garden to be made, and, leaving Miyán Rajab there, returned with his train to Bahráích. Miyan Rajab knew the disposition of his lord, and employed himself day and night upon that work.

The next day an ambassador arrived with many costly presents from Ráí Jogí Dás from the Hindu Koh. Malik Haidar introduced him to the presence. The ambassador made many protestations of friendship on the part of the Ráí his master. After a short time, the ambassador, Govind Dás, presented his gifts, and expressed the desire his sovereign felt to kiss the feet of the prince. Sálár Mas'úd received them with great courtesy, and bestowing gold embroidered dresses of honour on both ambassadors, replied, that if they would adopt the faith of Islám, they might enjoy their own country without fear.

Several other chiefs also came to visit him, though they did not relinquish their opposition. After their defeat they wrote to all the Ráís round, saying, “This is the land of our fathers and ancestors, which this boy wants to take from us by force. You had better come speedily to our assistance, or we shall lose our country.” The Ráís answered that they would come immediately, and told them to prepare the munitions of war. Sahar Dev from Shabhún, and Har Dev from Balúna, joined the army of the unbelievers with large forces, and addressed them as follows, “You do not know the tactics of war. Order the blacksmiths to prepare 5,000 balls each, with five poisoned prongs. Before the battle we will fix them firmly in the ground. When the Musulmáns charge with their cavalry, the prongs will enter into the horses' feet; they will fall, and we will finish their business. Prepare besides plenty of fireworks.” They did so. In two months all the Ráís of the Hindu Koh and the countries round assembled with innumerable forces, and, encamping on the bank of the river Kahsala, sent one to tell Mas'úd, “that if he wished to save his life, he had better leave that country and go elsewhere, as the land belonged to their fathers and ancestors, and they were determined to drive him from it.” The Prince boldly replied, “Through the grace of God, my steps have not yet turned back, and by His assistance, they shall not do so now. The country is God's, and the property of him on whom He bestows it. Who gave it to your fathers and ancestors?” The messengers, returning, informed the Ráís of all that had passed, which caused them to exclaim, “Truly this boy answers boldly; he knows not fear.”

The Prince of Martyrs told Malik Haidar to summon Sálár Saifu-d dín, Amír Nasru-lla, Amír Khizr, Amír Saiyid Ibráhím, Najmu-l mulk, Zahíru-l mulk, 'Umdatu-l mulk, and Miyán Rajab. He did so; and after Mas'úd had consulted with them it was agreed that, rather than allow the unbelievers to attack them, they had better take the offensive, and thus, with God's help, they might hope to conquer.

The next day they were preparing, when news arrived that the enemy were driving off the cattle. The Prince sprang up like an angry lion, and beat to arms; buckling on his armour and mounting his horse, he himself put his troops into battle array, and advanced to the attack. The enemy also made ready, and, fixing the prongs in the earth, stood with their fireworks ready for use. The noble Turks rode fearlessly to the attack, and numbers of them were put to death by means of the prongs and fireworks. Still the fight waxed hotter, and many of the unbelievers were put to the sword. When Mas'úd heard what had happened, he left the vanguard to attack the enemy on another side, while he himself took them in flank. They fought courageously, and great numbers were killed on both sides. At length the unbelievers were forced to fly. Mas'úd remained on the field of battle, while some of the nobles led the pursuit, and, after plundering the army of the unbelievers, returned to the presence. The Prince then left the field, and, encamping on the banks of the Kahsala, ordered them to number the army, and report to him how many were missing. They found that but two-thirds remained, one-third having tasted the wine of martyrdom. * *

When he went to visit his garden, he would sit under the mahúá tree where they had built a fine large platform. The tree was close to the Súraj-kund, with the idol Bálárukh on its banks, and in its waters the unbelievers were wont to bathe before offering it their worship. Mas'úd grew angry whenever his eyes fell upon that tank and idol. Miyán Rajab, who knew well his lord's thoughts, one day presented the following petition: “My lord, now that your lordship has completed this garden, and made it your constant place of worship and resort, the spot has become sacred to the faith of Islám. If you give the command, I will remove this idol and its temple.” The Prince replied, “You do not consider that God is without equal, as shall appear. In a short time the angels shall, by order of the Preserver of the Universe, remove the darkness of the unbelievers, and sprinkle upon them the true light of Islám, which is like the waters of life.” * * *

After the death of Miyán Rajab, many erroneous reports were circulated concerning him. Some ignorant persons say, that he was sister's son to Mas'úd. This is quite a mistake. What connection has a slave with his lord? Others, again, have changed his name, saying, that Rajab was the name of the father of Sultán Fíroz.⁵⁴⁴ This is also false. He was one of Mas'úd's oldest servants. It is also reported that he was of a cruel and hard disposition; but those who search the truth will find nothing of the kind on record.

To resume the history. After some days, Mas'úd's sorrow abated, and he departed by regular stages. * * * That loved one of the Lord of the Universe was then nineteen years of age. * * *

Meanwhile, the Hindu unbelievers assembled from all quarters with one accord, and gathered together an army in numbers like a swarm of ants or locusts, to attack Bahráích. Mas'úd, hearing of their proceedings, came into the council chamber and commanded his ministers to have his whole army, small and great, collected before him. They did so. And when all his followers were drawn out in line, Mas'úd advanced and addressed them as follows:— * * * The Prince continued, “Oh friends, hitherto, when we have fought the unbelievers, the Almighty has granted us victory; now all the armies of India are assembled. It is the custom of my ancestors never to leave fighting, I must follow their example, and, for the love of the truth, yield up my life, which is but the covering of that which is hidden. You I commit to God. Do you take the road to the Upper Country and depart. If any one desires martyrdom, purely for the love of the Almighty, let him remain with me; but, God knows that, with perfect free will, I give you leave to depart.” Having spoken thus, he wept. Who could be so stonyhearted and ill-starred, as to leave him at such a time? The people wept with one voice, and began to say, “If we had a thousand lives we would spend them for thee. What is one life worth, that for its sake we should deprive ourselves of thy presence?” Praise be to God! It was like the day of judgment, or even more solemn.

* * * *

It was on the 18th day of the month Rajabu-l murajjab, in the year 424, at early dawn, that the army of the unbelievers approached the advanced guard. * * * Mas'úd marched towards the army of the unbelievers; as soon as he reached the outskirts of the city, he drew up his forces in order of battle, and disposing them on the two wings and before and behind him, he continued his march. * * * The Prince of Martyrs, according to his usual custom, went and stood under his favourite tree, while his forces prepared for the fight, which raged furiously from morning till the time of evening prayer. Thousands upon thousands fell on both sides, but victory declared for neither.

All night the two armies remained on the field; and at dawn of day the drums again beat to arms. The Musulmán youth advanced fearlessly to the charge, desiring nothing so much as martyrdom; such was their longing for union with God. Perfect is the love of the moth; it cares for nothing but to burn.

The army of the enemy was innumerable, like mountains on every side; so that although numerous forces fought in the army of Islám, they were mown down like so much grass. Many of the greatest nobles met their deaths. In the course of that day, from morning till evening prayer, two-thirds of the army were slain, leaving but one-third to mourn their loss. Still, through the power of the love of God, none thought of flight. When the Prince heard that Sálár Saifu-d dín had sealed his faith with his blood, and that such a noble or general had been slain, he rejoiced and praised God that they had attained their chief desire, declaring that he would not desert them, but would speedily follow. He then gave orders for burying Sálár Saifu-d dín, which they by some means or other contrived to do; and they reported that the unbelievers had been victorious, and that the whole army of Islám was slain, requesting to know whether they were to continue the fight, or to occupy themselves with burying those that had suffered martyrdom.

Mas'úd ordered them to bring the bodies of the Faithful slain and cast them into the Súraj-kund, in the hope that through the odour of their martyrdom the darkness of unbelief might be dispelled from that spot. They did so, and as soon as the tank was filled, he made them throw the rest into holes and pits. The Prince then dismounted, and performing fresh ablutions, paid his evening devotions with all attention, and went through the burial prayers over the innumerable corpses of the Faithful, with which the tank, the pits and holes were filled, reading the fátiha for their pure souls. He then remounted his mare of sacred blood, and, collecting the remnant of his forces, rushed upon the enemy. Although their army appeared like a mountain, yet it was entirely destroyed, as masses of ice are melted by the heat of the sun. Sálár Saifu-d dín had put many of the chief princes to the sword; the remainder the Prince of Martyrs destroyed. The unbelievers who, in the pride of victory, had advanced, fled back. The Prince remained standing on his side of the field; whichever way he looked, nothing met his eye but the bodies of the slain—some wounded, some in the agonies of death, others already defunct, while the survivors were occupied with the dying and the dead. He beheld this heart-rending spectacle without emotion; indeed so strong within him was the desire for martyrdom, that he actually rejoiced. * * *

Meanwhile, the Ráí Sahar Deo and Har Deo, with several other chiefs, who had kept their troops in reserve, seeing that the army of Islám was reduced to nothing, unitedly attacked the body-guard of the Prince. The few forces that remained to that loved one of the Lord of the Universe were ranged round him in the garden. The unbelievers, surrounding them in dense numbers, showered arrows upon them. It was then, on Sunday, the 14th of the month Rajab, in the aforesaid year 424 (14th June, 1033), as the time of evening prayer came on, that a chance arrow pierced the main artery in the arm of the Prince of the Faithful. His sun-like countenance became pale as the new moon. Repeating the text in praise of martyrdom, he dismounted. Sikandar Díwání, and the other servants of that loved-one of God, carried him to the shade of the mahúá tree, and laid him down upon a couch. Sikandar Díwáni, taking his honoured head upon his lap, sat looking towards Mecca, weeping bitterly. The Prince of Martyrs opened his eyes but once, then drew a sigh, and committed his soul to God. * * * *

A sound of woe and lamentation broke from the people; they wept aloud, and, brandishing their swords, rushed upon the army of the unbelievers, and gave up their lives, while the enemy kept their ranks and showered their arrows. By the time of evening prayer not one was left. All the servants of Mas'úd lay scattered like stars around that moon. Sikandar Díwání, who sat holding the honoured head of the Prince of Martyrs upon his lap, received several wounds in the breast; but such was the love he bore to that loved-one of the Lord of the Universe, that he never moved his knees from under his head, and yielded his life in his service.

* * * *

Before the author of this work had read the history of which he has spoken, he used often, by order of the Emperor Núru-d dín Muhammad Jahángír, to go into the north country at the foot of the mountains. Achárj Malí Bhadur, who was the representative of the Rája of the Hills, once came that way to meet me, and we chanced to speak of the Prince of Martyrs. That Brahman, who was perfectly versed in the works of Hindu historians, related to me, at length, from his own histories, the account of Mas'úd's expedition, from the time he came into India till his death; and all the wars he waged with the unbelievers. Moreover, he told me, that after Ráí Sahar Deo had slain the Prince of Martyrs, he returned to his tent, where the Prince appeared to him in a vision, saying, “Thou hast slain me—dost think to escape? This is not manly.” Stung by this reproach, Sahar Deo came to the field of battle the following morning and was killed, as has been related. Some years after, the Tawáríkh of Mulla Muhammad of Ghazní fell into my hands. I found all that the Brahman had related to me from the Indian histories corroborated there. The Brahman affirms that the family of the present Rája of the Hills is descended from Ráí Sahar Deo, and that he had seen the Indian histories in their library. Thus much detail have I entered into for the sake of my ordinary readers. What I have related in the preface will suffice for those who read with a spiritual object.

After the death of Mas'úd, Muzaffar Khán died also. The unbelievers drove his descendants from Ajmír, and re-established their idols; and idolatry again reigned over the land of India. Things remained in this state for 200 years; but after that time that chief of holy men, the venerable Khwája Mu'ínu-d dín, of Chisht, was walking round the Ka'ba, when a voice reached him from the other world, directing him to go to Medina. Upon his arrival there, the Prophet (the peace of God, and rest be upon him!) appeared to him, and said, “The Almighty has entrusted the country of India to thee. Go thither and settle in Ajmír. By God's help, the faith of Islám shall, by thy piety and that of thy followers, be spread in that land.” That holy man reached Ajmír in the reign of Ráí Pithaura. Through the power of his religious faith, he persuaded Ajípal Jogí, who was Pithaura's spiritual guide, to become his disciple. But the darkness of unbelief did not rise from the heart of Pithaura, who was a second Abú Jahl; on the contrary, he even encouraged the followers of the holy Khwája to evil practices, till the holy man uttered a curse against that unbeliever.

After some years, Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín, otherwise called Shahábu-d dín Ghorí, made a second expedition from Ghazní, slew Pithaura before Dehli, and placing Kutbu-d dín Aibak on the throne of Dehli, returned himself to Ghazní. Khwája Mu'ínu-d dín, of Chisht, through the powerful assistance of his prayers, brought the whole country of India into the hands of Kutbu-d dín Aibak. * * * The Mír died in Ajmír, and was buried in the old fort there. His sepulchre is a celebrated place of pilgrimage.

Since that time, no unbeliever has ruled in the land of India.

* * * *

Some people say that the Prince of Martyrs came into India in the time of that Khwája. This is quite erroneous. I have examined trustworthy works, and find that the Prince lived in the time of Khwája Abú Muhammad of Chisht, ages before the time that that chief of holy men, Mu'ínu-d dín of Chisht, came into India, and became a martyr. Rather more than two centuries intervened between the two. The date of Mas'úd's death has been mentioned already; Khwája Mu'ínu-d dín died on the 6th of the month of Rajab, in the year 632. He lived 170 years. God knows the truth.

[NOTE.—The following identifications of places mentioned in the foregoing Extract have been kindly supplied by General Cunningham, who visited the locality on his Archæological survey in 1862-3. Satrakh, which is placed at ten days' march on the opposite side of the Ganges from Kanauj, is probably the same as Vesákh or Besákh, a name of Sáhet or Ayodhya (Oudh), Saddhúr and Amethí must be Bhadúr and Amethí, two towns between Karra-Mánikpur. The Súraj-kund, with the idol temple and mahúá tree, is probably at Asokpur, between Ayodhya and Gonda (or Gauda). According to local report, Mas'úd's sister's son Hátila was killed at Asokpur, and a small tomb there is said to mark the spot, though he was buried a few miles E. S. E. of Bahráích. At Asokpur there is a mound which has a mahúá tree upon it, and a tank at its foot, which is probably the Súraj-kund. The name of Sáhar Deo, who is represented as the chief of Mas'úd's antagonists, still survives in the varying forms of Suhal Dhav, Sohil Dal, and Sohil Deo. According to Buchanan Hamilton (ii. 380), this neighbourhood was selected by the Nawab Wazír of Oudh as a favourable spot for a garden.—See Archæological Report for 1862-3.]

[Vol. ix. p. 267, and Vol. xvii. p. 138.]

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Khulásatu-l Akhbán (Price), ii. 282; Elphinstone's India, i. 538.

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[These passages are very suggestive. The honours and high sounding titles conferred upon Mahmúd as a champion of the Faith had been well earned, but his merits might perhaps have passed unrewarded, but for the personal service rendered to the usurping Khalif.]

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[See Hammer, History of the Assassins; D'Herbelot, Malek-schah; Vuller's Gesh. der Seldschukcn, 102, 160; Defrémery, Histoire des Seldjoukides.]

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Stories of arithmetical ingenuity are very common in the East. A decision on a similar knotty question is attributed to 'Alí. See Richardson's Dissertation, Pref. to Persian Dict., p. lxiii.

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[The accounts which he rendered had been mutilated or falsified. See Hammer, Assassins, p. 45.]

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[He is called Hasnak Míkál in the Dastúru-l wuzrá, and Mankál in the Zínatu-l majális.]

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[Ílak Khán.]

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[This story is given in the Zínatu-l Majális, but Abú-l 'Abbás is the minister it is told of, not Khwája Ahmad.]

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[This story is given by Firishta (i. p. 75); it is also repeated in the Nigáristán. Dábshilím is the name of the King of Hind to whom the brahman Bídpáí (Pilpay) related his fables,—Anwár-i Suhaili. See also Useful Tables in Thomas' Prinsep, No. xxvii.]

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This mode of receiving the banished monarch on his return seems to resemble the present practice of Hindu women forming a procession to meet a stranger with brass pots upon their heads in token of welcome.

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[See Morley's Catalogue, p. 50; Hammer-Purgstall Redekünste Persiens, pp. 307-9; Krafft's Catalogue der Handschriften der K.K. Orientalischer Akademie zu Wien.]

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[Nagarkot or Kangra. See supra, p. 35, and Briggs' Firishta, i. p. 48.]

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The magnificent comet here noticed was splendid enough, even allowing for Oriental exaggeration, to have attracted attention in Europe; and it may, therefore, probably be noticed in the collection of Lubienietski. It would be one of particular interest if we could establish it as an early visit of Halley's comet; but astronomers date its probable appearance as occurring in A.D. 930. It is to be remembered, however, that the known and recorded intervals of that comet are August 1531, October 1607, September 1682, March 1759, and November 1835; and that between the perihelion passages of the first and second, and of the second and third, of those recorded appearances, there is no less a difference than fifteen months; and again a difference of eighteen months in the perihelion passage of the third and fourth re-appearance, arising from the disturbing action of the planets; so that if we allow during the several centuries which have intervened, a period of eleven years for the perturbations arising from that source, we may perhaps be permitted to recognise an old visitor in the comet of A.H. 330. It must be confessed, however, that the probabilities in favour of this surmise would have been greater had the recurring intervals been prolonged, instead of being abbreviated; but it is difficult for the mind to forego a hypothesis when once assumed, however weakly it may be supported by probable antecedents.

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[This is the same story as the one taken from the Jámi'u-l Hikáyát (supra p. 194), but it is very differently told. It is also given in the Táríkh-i Guzída. See Reinaud, Mém. sur l' Inde, p. 171.]

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[The Bú Suhal Zauzaní of Baihakí, supra p. 88.] Zanzan is the name of a town and district between Naishapur and Hirát.

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[The “Mishkán” of Baihakí, and the Jámi'u-l Hikáyát. See supra p. 106, 190.]

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[This story explains Bahaikí's unintelligible allusion about Abú Suhal, supra page 88.]

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[Apparently Ibráhím II.]

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[Ibráhím II.]

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[This is the same story as that given in page 196 from the Jámí'u-l Hikáyát, and which I could not find in the MSS. of that work. Search was also made for the story in Sir H. Elliot's imperfect copy of the Zínatu-l Majális, but without success. The text has since been discovered among some miscellaneous extracts from this work, and as it shows that there are several differences in the story or errors in the translation, I have here introduced a new version after the text of the Zínat.—ED.]

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[Zauzaní, see pp. 88 and 509.]

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[Lauh-i sáda; lit., tabula rasa.]

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[Hind., pokhar; Sans., pushkara, a lake.]

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[The Jaipál of other writers.]

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[“Kulchand.”—The addition of “Fir'aúní” is a blunder. See supra, p. 43, and 458.]

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[Here written “Zawál.”]