Such violences and extortions soon came to the ears of the citizens of Azim-abad, who became distracted with fears and apprehensions. They assembled in great numbers about my honoured father’s house, and the principal of them represented “that he was the only man of weight and authority in the city; and of course, the only one that could exert himself so effectually as to provide for the honour and safety of those multitudes of honest folks that lived within those walls.” For all answer Hedáiet-aaly-qhan, who had already sent his family on the other side of the Ganga,\(22\) advised them all to secure their properties and families in the same manner; after which he promised to stand by them at all events. This advice having been complied with, that nobleman waited anxiously with all the inhabitants in expectation of what might come to be their fate. In this general consternation Heaven seemed to have suscited a Saviour for them. There happened to be in those very days, at Azim-abad, a very extraordinary man (to whom may God have granted letters of naturalisation in the kingdom of Paradise!) This man was Sëyd-aalim-ollah-Tebateba, grandfather of me, the most inconsiderable of mankind, who chanced to arrive in that city at a time when nothing was to be heard of or seen, but uproar and consternation. In vain did his son, our honoured Hedáiet-aaly-qhan, supplicate His Highness to cross the Ganga with the others, and to take his abode on the other side. The venerable nobleman refused to listen to such an advice, both because it was derogatory to his personal dignity, and because it would betray a lack of confidence in the resources of Providence. But as in consequence of his skill in the interpretation of the word of God, he seemed to be taught and inspired by God himself, so as to have some fore-knowledge of his ineffable ways; he was far from taking fright, as others had done; and he incessantly exhorted them to tarry in the city, as no harm would befall any one of them. One day he mounted very early his horse, and against his custom, he went alone, and so far as to take a circuit of the whole extent of the walls; and on his return, as if he had made some discovery, or had received some inspiration from above, he bid my father be of good cheer, exhorted him to encourage the inhabitants, and steadily assured them, that no one amongst them would feel anything of the storm which was drawing near. Thanks, infinite thanks be to God, that the event happened precisely as it had been foretold! Such was that admirable personage; and were we to mention everything we know of the dignity of his behaviour, and of the wisdom of his words, that mention would soon swell into a complete volume. But as the humblest and most inconsiderable of mankind, has ventured to write a piece of verses under the title of the Priest’s Humanity, in which I am endeavouring to give a feeble and very unadequate idea of his extraordinary character, and of a few of his very singular sayings and actions, I flatter myself that the curious shall condescend to recur to that small performance. At present our business is to mention the singular manner in which an attentive Providence has vouchsafed to interpose a finger in this unexpected event. It happened by the emanation of Divine mercy, and the merits of His Majesty the Prince of Messengers, as well as those of his pure and immaculate offspring, that a gentleman, named Govind-dji-nàic, who was a distant relation of Baladji-räo’s, chanced then to be occupied by merrcantile matters, and in the banking business at Banares, from whence he had extended his concerns to Azim-abad and to the country adjoining; in both which capacities he had chanced to be several times employed by my honoured father in his times of power and prosperity. In this manner he had made no inconsiderable gains, and had obtained a variety of benefits that had produced an honourable well-being for him. This man who had never forgot the many favours he had received, and was thoroughly sensible of the truth of that adage, that benefit is not to be requited but by benefit, resolved to avail himself of his relationship, in order to procure some advantage to his ancient benefactor. Full of this idea, he made haste to quit Banares, and to repair to Baladji-räos camp, where he exposed to that Generalissimo, his kinsman, how much he had been benefited by Hedáiet-aaly-qhan’s patronage, and how much it was incumbent upon his gratitude to avail himself of the present opportunity to make some return. He ended his request by supplicating the “Generalissimo to use that nobleman in such a manner, as that the load of gratitude that rested so heavily on his kinsman’s shoulder, might become lighter at least, if not taken away altogether.” The request pleased the Generalissimo; he praised the motives of his kinsman’s eagerness, and he wrote immediately to Hedáiet-aaly-qhan a letter full of kindness and encomiums, in which he exhorted him to stay fearlessly in the city, and to tranquillise the minds of the inhabitants, as for his sake, he was resolved to offer no injury to any one of them. Not content with that, he accompanied his letter with several articles of the richest and most curious manufactures of Decan; and thanks be to God, he proved as good as his word; for it pleased His Divine mercy out of regard to the merits of my pure minded and immaculate bodied ancestors, to keep at a distance that hurricane of evils which was going to break upon the city of Azim-abad. Thanks be to the Divine The city of Azim-abad rescued from impending devastation and plunders. mercy, and to the merits of His Messenger, that the venerable personage we have been mentioning with so much respect, having in his many peregrinations chanced to make a long sojourn at Azim-abad, every tongue became busy in publishing adequate encomiums on the purity of his morals, and the benignity of his behaviour and deportment. Nor can it be denied but that it is to the merits of that venerable personage, and to the opinion entertained by all ranks of the benefits derived from his presence, that the world must ascribe that constant regard and attention everywhere shewn to me the most inconsiderable of mankind, but his grandson, and to every one of his relations and descendants. It is to the influence of those merits of his, that I ascribe the many signal deliveries and providential escapes through which I have been more than once rescued from the most imminent dangers.
| “It is before his death that the worthy man’s merits must be known, and placed |
| to his account; |
| For none deserves to be deemed such, but he that carries such a character to |
| the very grave.” |
After a digression which the reader shall set to the account of the importance of the personage, and the singularity of the event, we shall return to the thread of our history. Baladji-räo, sensible that an army of Marhattas would never remain under control at the sight of plunder, and anxious to approve himself as good as his word, quitted Dá8d-p8r; and striking to the right, he continued his route by Ticarry and Gáya, behind Azim-abad, and at some distance from that city, through Manp8r and Bahar, from whence he came again into the high road by Mongher and Baghalp8r, two populous towns, the territory and inhabitants of which suffered exceedingly from the passage of his troops. Numbers had fled to the other side of the Ganga; but a lady of distinction, relict of Ghö8ss-qhan, (a General of great character whom we have seen slain at the battle of Gheriah) being unable for want of means to cross the river with her numerous family; and having it not in her power to provide otherwise for her safety; resolved to stand her ground and to defend her honour to the the very last drop of her blood. This heroine called her relations and dependants together, exhorted them to perish rather than to behold their women defiled or even attempted; and finding them Singular resolution of a lady at Baghalp8r, who defends her quarter and house against the Marhatta army. willing, she shut up the doors of her houses, harricaded her quarter, and arming her dependants with a small number of rusty musquets then at hand, she prepared to defend herself against that mighty host of foes. All the inhabitants had fled, or had submitted to defilement, and sack, and plunder; and it was only from that cluster of ruinous dwellings, that some opposition was exhibited, and a report of some firing was heard. The plunderers surprised at so unexpected an appearance, surrounded the refractory quarter, and were in doubt whether they should force it or not; for the firing went on, and some of their men were falling. But meanwhile intelligence of this strange event having reached the ears of the Marhatta General, it excited a sense of admiration mixed with curiosity. Upon enquiry about that strange event, he was informed “that the widow of a renowned General, being through poverty unable to provide herself with lodgings and subsistence on the other side of the water, had resolved to bury herself under the ruins of her house, rather than to suffer any defilement. That she had barricaded her quarter, and with a handful of dependants, whom her resolution had roused, she was defending it so well, that the plunderers, little accustomed to find so much resistance, had not dared to attempt it, and were only looking at it from afa. The intelligence pleased Baladji-räo. He was astonished to find so much daringness in a woman; and not content with praising her resolution, he sent her a kind message, which he accompanied with a present of some curious stuffs of Decan, and some curious brocades; and to put her house and quarter out of all danger, he sent a detachment of his bodyguards to take charge of it, with orders not to stir from thence, until the whole army should be gone and far off. He added, that they would answer to him for any insult she might suffer. After giving this order he continued his route by the hilly country; and the guards having strictly executed their orders, took a respectful leave of the heroine, and rejoined their main. The Marhatta General continued his route through hills and woods, and after some days’ march, he emerged in the plains of the Birbohom, which is a tract in the neighbourhood of M8rsh8d-abad.
Rhago-dji-bhosslah was on his side approaching that city. That Prince incited by Bha-sukur, his General, had set up another army, with which he had again invaded Bengal, near the capital of which he was now encamped, whilst Baladji-räo was on the other side; so that the unhappy country was in prey to two armies of freebooters at one and the same time, and seemed to be covered by an inundation. Baladji-räo being yet encamped below Baghalp8r, Aaly-verdy-qhan gave him the meeting there at the head of a numerous army; and on hearing that the Generalissimo was just landed in his quarter, he went to make him a visit. It was on the Ambiguous meeting of the Viceroy of Bengal with the Marhatta Generalissimo bank of the Ganga. As soon as he was described, the Marhatta General advanced to meet him, and having embraced him according to the Hindostanee custom, he brought him by the hand to his tent, where he made him sit close to himself on the same Mesned; so that those mighty personages gave an image of the conjunction of those two celestial bodies, Mars and Jupiter. After the usual compliments, and the customary ceremonies and presents, they parted; and Aaly-verdy-qhan returned to his camp. This ambiguous visit was returned the next day; and the Viceroy of Bengal having advanced a great way to meet his guest, brought him to his tont of audience, where he made him sit on the same Mesned with himself; and Paan (Beetle), and essence of roses having been served, a number of trays were brought in, which contained a variety of the most curious and costly stuffs; and to these were joined a number of plates of gold, strewed with a variety of jewels and gems; after which came a chaplet of pearl and a lofty elephant. Some words were likewise exchanged about the necessity of quieting the country, and opposing Rhago-dji; after which Baladji-räo took his leave and returned to his camp. The next morning the Viceroy sent a message about the propriety of driving Rhago-dji out of Bengal. The other answered the proposal, by bringing forward the chöut, or annual tribute, which was these many years due by the province of Azim-abad; and he added some complaints about its not being paid this longwhile. It was Mustapha-qhan, and the Viceroy of Bahar, who were entrusted with the message and answer; and as necessity knows no laws, the total of the outstanding debt was cast up; and although it amounted to a mighty sum, payment was promised. The Viceroy took from thence occasion to propose that the two armies should march jointly against Phago-dji; and at the same time he beat the General, as if intending to march directly. But this was forbidden by the Generalissimo, who sent a person of consequence to carry the message; and as it became expedient to comply with the injunction, the Viceroy in a few days paid down the whole of the outstanding debt, and took occasion to renew his request of marching against what he called the common enemy, that is, against Rhago-dji. This Marhatta Prince who now lay encamped between Catwa and Bardevan, was soon apprised of this union of concerns, true or apparent; and thinking himself an undermatch for such powerful adversaries, by one of which his troops had been so often conquered, he thought it expedient to march off, taking his route by the western tracts of Bengal. The Viceroy informed of this retreat, crossed the Bagwraty, and pursued vigorously. But after one or two days’ march, he received a message from Baladji-räo, which requested “his not parting with him, as he conceived that the Bengal army would not be able to overtake the enemy.” He added, “that if he persisted, he would be obliged to take another road, in which case he reckoned that in a few days he would soon overtake the flying enemy, and give a good account of him.” And really he marched off the next day, and having soon overtaken Rhago-dji, he gave him a defeat, and forced him to quit the plains, and to retire through the chains of western hills, from whence the latter expected to reach his own frontiers by following certain valleys. This retreat he effected, but it was at the expense of the greatest part of his baggage, which he left by the way. This flight of the master having struck a panic in his Lieutenant, Bha-fukur, who was encamped at Midnip8r, he raised his camp immediately, and took to the mountains that border on Oressa, flying all the while in the utmost disorder and consternation. His distress afforded Baladji-räo a full opportunity to retire on his side. This Generalissimo, under pretence of executing the Imperial order, and succouring the Viceroy, had in reality put him under contribution as well as his whole country; and having now received the arrears which he pretended, and carried some other points, he retired to his dominions in Decan. And his camp and equipage were already far off, when his Vekil or agent, who had tarried behind to put the finishing hand to some affairs that had been entrusted to his care and to Mustapha-qhan, presumed so far on the prevalence of the Marhatta power, and the feebleness of the Empire, as to make use of improper expressions, and to talk in a high strain. This being more than could be borne by that General, who was naturally sudden and haughty, he threatened the agent with getting his clothes torn to shivers upon his back; and this order having been put in execution instantly, the agent retired covered with shame and disgrace, but with a quick resentment at the insult that had been offered to his person and character. He talked of breaking the conferences and returning to his master; but as such a step would have produced very heavy consequences the Viceroy sent for him, excused his General’s improper behaviour on the natural hastiness of temper incident to a rough soldier, soothed his mind, and then made him a present of a rich Qhylaat, to which was added a horse, and some other articles that disarmed his resentment. By this time Baladji-räo was already at some days’ journey; and the agent having been dismissed with high demonstrations of regard and honour, made haste to rejoin his master. When he was gone, the Viceroy sent for Mustapha-qhan. and with a deal of seriousness he informed him that his proceeding might have had very grave consequences, and was of a nature to excite Baladji-räo’s resentment. “Pray, my Lord,” answered the General, “is it so? Then in such a case your Highness, who is my lord and master, might have taken Rhago to talk, and left the other to me; or else, your Highness may give a banging to Baladji-räo, and turn Rhago to me for a hearty flogging.” All these events happened about the end of Moharrem and the beginning of Sefer, in the year 1155 of the Hedjra. And now Baladji-räo being gone, and there being A. D. 1740-41. no probability of Rhago-dji’s recovering so soon from his loss of men and money, the Viceroy satisfied with the success of the campaign, returned to his capital; from whence he soon dismissed his youngest nephew, who was Viceroy of the Bahar; and that nobleman departed in a few days.
This interval of peace was followed by some Court intrigues at M8rsh8d-abad and by some commotions at Djehan-ghir-nagur-Dacca. A financier of eminence, called Goc8l-chund, who was a servant of Hossëin-c8ly-qhan’s, by whofe influence with Nevazish-mahmed-qhan he had been promoted to the office of Collector-General, and Commissary of the province of Dacca, quitted his residence at once, and came to M8rsh8d-abad, with the design of accusing his benefactor and old master, who under the modest title of Deputy to that Prince, governed absolutely that province. An accusation of that importance by a man who of all necessity must have been possessed of the necessary proofs, did a great deal of harm to that nobleman; he was severely reprimanded, lost his office, and fell in disgrace. So that his appointment was bestowed on Yassin-qhan, Fodjdar of the police in that city, which office devolved on Mir-Calender. Hossëin-c8ly-qhan finding himself without office, returned to M8rsh8d-abad, where he gave a close application to all the arts by which he might retrieve his character and his fortune. At last, by means of a fine person and a large sum of money properly placed, he insinuated himself so deeply in Gahassity-Bibi’s\(23\) favour, that he soon recovered his former credit. The Princess took upon herself to get him reinstated; and she concerned herself so effectually with both her father and her hushand, that the handsome nobleman’s misdemeanours were forgiven, his office was restituted, he was taken into favour again, and he received the investiture of his former employment in a Qhylaat that dazzled the eyes. Hossëin-c8ly-qhan finding himself vigorously supported, returned to his former station, stronger than ever; and he set Yassin-qhan afloat; but as the latter was known for a man of abilities, he was invited over by Ata-ollah-qhan, Fodjdar of Baghalp8r, who gave him service. Goc8l-chund was not so lucky. As soon as his old master was firmly established in his office, he took that perfidious servant to task, put him under the lash of the auditing office, and made use of so much chicanery in auditing his accounts, that the man was undone, and totally ruined; he lost every thing with his office, and the latter was given to Radja Bolba. Hossëin-c8ly-qhan having by this act of authority informed the public of the whole extent of his influence, appointed his own nephew, Hassen-eddin-qhan, for his deputy, and then returned to M8rsh8d-abad to keep close to his protectress. His credit henceforward knew no bounds, and his influence seemed of a nature to last for ever; when at last the wind shifted; fortune turned her back upon him; he fell headlong from the summit of power, and was murdered by Seradj-ed-döulah’s order and in his very presence: a cruelty for which the latter was punished in kind, as the murdered man’s blood, like that of Siavosh of old, produced an infinity of troubles, that ended only by the ruin of Bengal, and the dissolution of Aaly-verdy-qhan’s family and sovereignty.
We have mentioned that Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, the Governor-General
of Bahar, had been dismissed to his station by his
grandfather. As soon as he arrived on the frontiers of his Government,
he thought proper to strike to the left, and to tarry some
days in the district of Ticary. The real reason of such a proceeding
was the dissatisfaction he had concieved at the conduct of
Hedáiet-aaly-qhan, my illustrious father; and the pretence he
alleged was the propriety of examining by himself those countries
in which my father bore an unbounded sway. He was Governor
of all that extensive tract of ground, which stretches as far as
Chota-nagp8r;\(24\)
and he commanded also over Seress and
Cotumbah, two districts that had been leased out to our family from
a great number of years; so that all the Zemindars and great landholders
of those countries were all attached to his person, as
having been often befriended and assisted by his influence, and
as being sensible of certain connections of long standing, which
he had with the most powerful amongst them, but especially with
Radja Sunder-sing, who had a personal attachment to him. It
became therefore necessary to wean such powerful persons from
their affections to him, and to attach them to his own person and
Government. But he had also another motive; he wanted to put
the finances of all those countries under the management of a
Minister he had brought with him for that very purpose; and this
was Radja Kyret-chund, whose father, Aalem-chund, had been
Divan or Minister to the late Viceroy, Shudjah-qhan. All these
views might have been summed up into one, namely, that of getting
rid of my father’s influence in those distant countries. Such
a design could not remain concealed from my father, who immediately
wrote to the Governor to request leave to repair to his
court, that he might enjoy the happiness of standing amongst
those that waited upon his person. He was answered by a request
of not putting himself to so much unnecessary trouble, as the
Governor would soon be at Azim-abad, where he would always
be glad of his company. Hedáiet-aaly-qhan, on this answer, perceiving
that ill offices had been done him, thought proper to remain
in town. When, on a sudden, a report spread that the
Marhattas were coming to Azim-abad again, and the report was
soon confirmed. The Governor who had lost most of his troops
in the campaigns of Oressa and Bengal, and who found himself
now only at the head of a handful of men, did not think himself
in safety in those parts, and he marched away immediately; so
that the next day he was already in the neighbourhood of his
capital. On this intelligence Hedáiet-aaly-qhan mounted, and
with such a retinue as usually attended his person, he went out
to meet him. The Governor was then at a spot called Metip8r’s
reservoir; he was on horseback; and hearing of his being so near,
he stopped and sent his Minister forward to bring up his noble
guest with more honour. Hedáiet-aaly-qhan on discovering the
Governor, alighted, and having embraced him just as he was on
horseback, he continued walking on foot with the Minister. The
Governor, on recollecting the two letters that had passed between
them, felt some embarrassment, but yet recovering himself at
once, he stooped very low from his horse, and embraced him in
that posture. Hedáiet-aaly-qhan having tarried some moments
to embrace his younger brother, Mehdi-nessar-qhan, who was Paymaster-General,
and also to see some other noblemen, his acquaintances,
mounted again; and mingling with the Governor’s retinue,
he entered the city with the crowd, accompanied him to his palace
with the crowd, and went on into his own lodgings with the crowd.
A few days after, explanations took place, mutual complaints
were exhibited, excuses made, concessions proferred; and at last
the Governor, who expected to draw many services from him
hereafter, but who wished his resigning of himself the many offices
he was invested with, one day took occasion to observe to him
“that His Sublime Highness (meaning Aaly-verdy-qhan) had
conceived some suspicions against his person, which amounted to
so many orders to himself, his nephew. That it was therefore
incumbent upon him to comply with the Viceroy’s pleasure, and
to surrender his offices for a time, in order to repair to M8rsh8d-abad,
where he doubted not but he would soon find means to sooth
his resentment, and time to recover his good graces.” He added,
“that he reckoned that himself would soon have it in his power to
wipe off the stain which malevolence had put upon his friend’s
character, in which case a restitution of his offices would of course
follow.” Such a speech, although couched in guarded terms, had
nothing but very alarming for Hedáiet-aaly-qhan; and that nobleman
having now conceived fears for his character and for his
honour, declined complying with the request; and being naturally
haughty and obstinate, he remained immovable. The Governor
confounded at his obstinacy, and at a loss how to manage with
such a man, came to my mother’s lodgings; and after many
excuses for the liberty he had taken, and many protestations of
his sincerity, he repeated the purport of what he had already said
to her husband; and he protested that in speaking to him, as he
had done, he had only complied with the Viceroy’s positive injunctions.
A few days after this visit, which produced nothing, Hedáietaaly-qhan,who
had refused to resign, thought proper to quit the
service; and he obtained leave to repair to the Imperial Court.
He spent a few days only in putting his affairs in order; and
being now prepared for his journey, he spied a fortunate hour,
which happened to be the fifteenth of Redjeb, 1156, and having
assembled his troops, with all those that would follow his fortunes,
Hedáiet-aaly-qhan
parts
with Aaly-verdy-qhan’s
family.
he beat the General; and contrary to every rule of decency
and subordination, contrary to that respect which every master
and lord has a right to expect from those in his service, he
traversed the whole length of the city, with drums beating, and
colours flying; after which he went to encamp at the reservoir
and seat of Rày-Bale-kishen, agent to the Viceroy of Bengal.
There he was joined by his younger brother, Mehdi-nessar-qhan,
Paymaster-General of the forces, a nobleman for whom the
Governor had the highest regard, and whom he conceived to be
not only one of his sincerest friends, but also an officer of the
highest merit, whose valour and frankness had merited the
esteem and applause of the public. But the officer unmindful of
the many ties that bound him to the Governor, and of the many
benefits which he might expect from that intimacy, resigned his
office; and unable to support his brother’s disgrace, he resolved
to share his ill fortune. In vain did the Governor refuse to
accept his resignation; in vain did he represent to him the
consequences of his divesting himself of all employment. In vain
did he speak and intreat, and sent others to speak and intreat
in his name; the officer continued resolved to follow his brother.
At last the Governor went to his lodgings, and said that he came
to bring him away by force to his palace. All that availed
nothing; the officer quitted the city, and joined his brother.
And although there was a report that the Zemindars of Bodjp8r,
bad men to a proverb, through whose lands he was to
pass, had dressed an ambuscade, with intention to surprise and
stripe him, he took that very road, and set them at defiance; but
after having escorted his brother so far, he returned to the city,
and took up his residence in his own house, like a private man.
Hedáiet-aaly-qhan having set out in the height of the rains, and
pursued his journey through a miry country, arrived with much
labour at Fáiz-abad, the residence of Ab8l-mans8r-qhan; and the
next day he went to pay his respects to that Viceroy. The latter
who knew how far he had contributed to that nobleman’s disgrace,
thought it incumbent upon him to show him a high regard, and
to compliment him with a large pension; but the nobleman who
had other views, and who intended that very day to continue
his journey, tarried only two or three hours more; and he departed
for the Imperial Court, where he arrived after a troublesome
journey, and where we shall leave him at present, reserving
the remaining part of his history, as well as that of Ab8r-mans8r-qhan’s,
for the subsequent sections of our narrative in which we
shall professedly treat of the reign of Mahmed-shah, and Ahmed-shah,
as well as of the revolutions that took place in the capital
of the Empire. At present it appears proper to bring together
under one point of view, and in a single volume, whatever we
know of the revolutions of Bengal and Azim-abad, as far down
as the year 1194 of the Hedjra; and especially the history of
Aaly-verdy-qhan, an illustrious house, which having risen in these
very provinces to the summit of power, glory and riches, is now
fallen and totally extinct. As soon as we shall have accomplished
this task, which we have imposed on ourselves, we shall then
with the assistance of the Omnipotent One, who is the rightfull
succourer and the rightful bestower of favours, take up again in
another section that part of our history of Hindostan, which belongs
more particularly to the reigns of Mahmed-shah, of his son,
Ahmed-shah, and of his grandson, Aalem-ghir the second; interspersing
our narrative with occasional particulars of those
illustrious or eminent men, who have figured on the theatres of
Shah-djehan-abad, Lahor, and Ilah-abad; and as to the events
that have happened in Decan throughout all that period of time,
we shall occasionally mention just so much of them as is come
to our certain knowledge, reserving it for our two last volumes;
and may God grant that we prove as good as our word!
On the Governor’s arrival at Azim-abad, the rumour of the approach of the Marhattas became stronger; and as it produced a general consternation, he thought that the only method that could be devised to quiet the minds of all the inhabitants, and to secure their persons and properties, would be to raise a wall round the city. There was already such a wall; but so neglected and decayed, and withal, so beset by houses, that it could hardly be distinguished from them. He therefore ordered that a deep ditch should be sunk round, and that the earth dug from it should be thrown behind and upon the old wall, so as both to raise and strengthen the same. But as this was not to be done without ruining the houses already built on the side of the old wall or close to it, it did not fail to occasion much murmuring and much discontent among the owners, who could not see in that inconveniency and in the loss they underwent as individuals, the safety and welfare which they acquired upon the whole; they could not forbear exhaling themselves in sobs and complaints. But the utility of the undertaking was so apparent, that no regard could be paid to their complaints; and in a little time the wall rising gradually from the ground, afforded an insurance of future safety. In process of time, whenever the country came to be overrun by Marhattas, (and it has been so several times) not only vast numbers of people used to retire within the walls, and to find their safety there; but even the numerous houses and habitations which remained without, were effectually protected from plunder by the cannon of the rampart; so that those very people that had murmured so openly, were the foremost to acknowledge the propriety of what was done, and to load their Governor with due praises. This work being at last finished, the Governor commenced to live easy in his palace, from whence to relax his mind, he used sometimes to come to our lodgings and to make a visit to the poor man’s mother, to whom he always made some presents. As he had received from his uncle the whole Pergunnah or District of Tirroot in Djaghir to his ownself, that is, in appanage, and he was intent on bringing that country into cultivation, he resolved to cross the Ganga, and to see it by himself, intending to sojourn some time in the same; and as he had a great attachment to Mehdi-nessar-qhan, the poor man’s uncle, and he always expressed a concern at his resignation, he on the day of his departure, went to make him a visit, and he insisted on his coming with him immediately. From thence he proceeded on his journey, and took up his residence in the District of Benvar, which was inhabited by a race of ancient Radjas, settled this long series of years in that country, which he now put under the direction of his friend, Mehdi-nessar-qhan, in hopes that it would by his means become thoroughly peopled and cultivated. He likewise distributed some other parts of the country on the same intent, and with the same injunction to his other friends; and this was done with so much discernment, that people soon perceived a difference in its population and revenues. As he thought proper to make a long sojourn in that country, he sent for his consort, Amna-begum, who was daughter to Aaly-verdy-qhan, and for most of the ladies and women of his Seraglio; and he wrote likewise to the poor man’s mother to request her attendance, as a great favour, adding that if she had no money to pay her charges, she might apply to his treasurer, such being the attachment he bore to that worthy lady, and the high opinion he had conceived of her personal merit; else, such warm attachment is seldom the result of parentage or relationship; nor is so much respect and regard paid to ties of blood in similar cases. As to the poor man himself and his younger brother, Aaly-naki-qhan-Bahadyr, we were both in Shah-djehan-abad, at that time with our illustrious progenitor, Säyd-hedáiet-aaly-qhan.
But as we have more than once spoke of Mustapha-qhan’s person, and the boundless authority which he had acquired, it is needless we should enlarge on the heroical valour that distinguished his character, and the many important services he had rendered the State. Unfortunately for him, these very qualifications contributed to his ruin. They had raised his credit to such a height in Aaly-verdy-qhan’s mind, and his influence all over the country had become so very extensive, that there was no man in the service who could go on a par with him. The Viceroy’s gratitude became boundless likewise; he was loading him every day with immense presents, and accumulating the highest honours upon his head. At one time he presented him with twelve lacs of rupees; and he augmented his brigade to seven thousand effectual troopers; and that of his uncle, who governed the Oressa, was augmented to five thousand; and as a further favour, his post and brigade passed to that Governor’s son, Abdol-resol-qhan, who on his father’s demise, went in great pomp, and took possession of his Government. Mustapha-qhan himself, over and above his brevet of five thousand, and his brigade of seven thousand horse, his fringed Paleky, and his other honours and insignia, enjoyed so many emoluments besides that he lived in great state. He had fifty elephants in his stables; and his influence in every affair of either Government or revenue, as well as in all military matters, was so great, that the very relations of Aaly-verdy-qhan, when they had a point to carry, used to apply to him for his interest, at the very time it was filling the Court with jealousy and detraction. Even Hadji-ahmed, elder brother to Aaly-verdy-qhan, and father to three sons who had married the Viceroy’s three daughters, and enjoyed the highest honours and dignities of the State—Hadji-ahmed took umbrage at the General’s boundless influence. Finding himself eclipsed by his personal character, and overborne by his weight, he rather than endure it any more, resolved to live deprived of his brother’s society, to exile himself from his home, and to leave a city to which he was accustomed so early as the times of Shudjah-qhan. He abandoned his own habitation, and went far off to live with his younger son, Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, Governor of Azim-abad. The subject of discontent proved to be the Government of H8gly, which the Hadji wanted for himself, and which Aaly-verdy-qhan bestowed on the Hadji’s second son, Säyed-ahmed-qhan, who after the loss of his Government of Oressa, lived at Court like a private man, almost without income, as well as without office. Aaly-verdy-qhan thought the Hadji, his brother, sufficiently provided for, by the Sáir of M8rsh8d-abad, that is all the duties, customs and receipts, dfferent from the Land Tax. The old man unable to brook such a refusal, asked and obtained leave to go for his health to Azim-abad. It was about the year 1157.
About the same time, (the rainy season being already over), the Marhattas made their appearance again. Bha-sukur who had attached to himself Aly-caráol, a famous General of the Decan, to whom he had given the command of six or seven thousand horse, now thought of putting his talents to a trial; for he presented himself on the confines of Oreffa and Bengal at the head of twenty thousand horse. His intention was to retrieve his character, either by giving a defeat to Aaly-verdy-qhan, or by putting him under contribution. But the Viceroy, who tired with such a continual state of warfare, and with so many consecutive campaigns, felt himself sinking under a perpetual labour of body and mind, that had no end; and who over and above that consideration, had also contracted some infirmities, that weighed down and impeded his natural activity; had now resolved on getting rid of such an importune enemy by some stroke of policy. He therefore gave it out that he wanted to afford some release to his own body, and some rest to his troops; and at the same time, he held frequent consultations with Mustapha-qhan about the manner of destroying the invaders, and of entrapping the Marhatta General and his principal officers in such a manner, as that the whole of them, officers and troops and all, should take a journey to the kingdoms of Nothingness. As Bha-sukur’s power and vigilance, as well as the want of energy in the Mussulmans of Bengal, rendered such a scheme perilous, if not wholly impracticable; and Mustapha-qhan, on the other hand, declined the service, and seemed averse from performing his part; the Viceroy excited his cupidity by pointing out honours and rich presents to his mind; and he fired his ambition by promising him the government of the province of Azim-abad, if he could bring within his net, both Bha-sukur and his principal Commanders. Mustapha-qhan, who was a man of design and contrivance as well as of prowess and execution, and who to those advantages joined the talent of speaking as well as he acted, could not resist so many temptations. Resolved to perform the service expected from him, he commenced a negotiation with Bhasukur; and as if his master, tired of war, wanted only peace and tranquillity, he proffered his services for bringing about an accommodation between the two parties. The first effect of those proffers was, to render the Marhatta General less attentive to war matters, and more inclined to come to an interview, which was the very thing aimed at; and as Bha-sukur on these overtures had shewed a pacific disposition, and had expressed an inclination to meet Mustapha-qhan, the latter was sent to him together with Radja Djanki-ram, Divan to Aaly-verdy-qhan, and of course a Minister of the highest trust and credit with his master, who imparted to him alone his real scheme: and this was to contrive some expedient by which Bha-sukur and his principal Commanders, under cover of an interview, might be dispatched to the deserts of non-existence. The two envoys having learned their lesson thoroughly, went to Catwa, where Bha-sukur was arrived Aaly-verdy-qhan resolves to entrap the Marhatta commanders. lately; whilst the Viceroy to give more probability to his proposal, quitted M8rsh8d-abad, and went to Mancara, at about one day’s journey to the south, where he encamped on the banks of the river Bagwraty. The two negotiators were then in conference with Bha-sukur; and they turned him so many ways, fascinated his understanding so effectually, and made use of such solemn promises, which they supported by the most sacred oaths, that the Marhatta General was prevailed upon to make a visit to the Viceroy of Bengal, as a step necessary to his sealing the mutual agreement which was to be concluded. But as he harboured still some doubts, and he wished to sound the ford, he dispatched Aaly-bhà-caráol, in appearance to pay his respects to Aaly-verdy-qhan, but in reality to make his observations on what he would see at Court, and throughout the army; and as he reposed the greatest confidence in that Commander, he was resolved to trust to his report only, and then to make himself a visit to the Viceroy in company with all his Commanders. The two negotiators finding that the scheme they had laid down, had taken effect, carried Aaly-bhà with them, on returning to their master. Mustapha-qhan in particular, who was a proficient in that duplicity which seems essential to the character of an Afghan, spoke by the way so artfully, and he made such an impression on the heart of Aaly-bhà, as induced him to expect the most flattering reception. These sentiments were seconded by Aaly-verdy-qhan himself, who in his speech and manners was at all times the most winning of men; and he worked so effectually upon that officer’s mind, by his gracious deportment, and his bewitching way of expressing himself, that he made an entire conquest of his heart. Rich presents perfected what sweet words had commenced; and finding now that the man was persuaded, he sent him back to his master, in company with Mustapha-qhan; and both these officers so effectually beset Bha-sukur, and so strongly exhorted him to shake off the suspicions he had harboured in his mind, that the man became a convert, as was already his envoy. Whilst the negotiation was going on, and ingredients were throwing in the river to disguise the colour of its water, Aaly-verdy-qhan did not cease to cultivate the Marhatta’s good disposition by plying him incessantly with everything curious, costly, or delicious, either in stuffs or in fruits, whether of the growth of Bengal, or imported from abroad; and all that was done in so conciliating and elegant a manner, that it entirely eradicated the aversion which the other had conceived against his person, and totally subdued and rooted the mistrust he had harboured in his mind. In one word, the Marhatta’s mind was entirely changed; he became fond of Aaly-verdy-qhan, and his heart was so thoroughly conquered, that there is no doubt, but that he would have gone over to him and attached himself to his service, had he not been already at the head of so much power, and had not his thoughts been totally engrossed by his expedition. Radja Djanki-ram, as being himself an Hind8 as well as the Marhatta, passed whole days in his company, and by that very reason proved greatly instrumental in this affair. At last after many reciprocal oaths had been exchanged, it was agreed that Bha-sukur with all his general officers should make a visit to the Viceroy of Bengal, in the plain of Mancarah. The latter was then encamped at Amani-gundj, as was Bha-sukur at Catwa, which was ten cosses farther: Mancarah having been agreed to by both parties as being at a middle distance from the two camps. So soon as the day of interview became known, a magnificent tent of large dimensions was pitched there in the open plain; and a quantity of ground was enclosed by Canats, or high walls of cloth, to form before it a yard of a vast compass. On the morning of the interview the Viceroy advanced with his whole army; and leaving his troops at a distance, he went into the tent, and took his seat on the Mesned that had been placed for him there. He had with him some persons of distinction, and a few trusty officers, such as his own nephew, Säyd-ahmed-qhan, Ata-ollah-qhan, and Mir-cazem-qhan; and not a soul besides Djanki-ram, and Mustapha-qhan, and Mirza-hekim-beg-qhan, knew anything of the secret. So that an infinity of persons of distinction from all ranks had flocked to the plain from the city, to see the spectacle of such an interview, and by their peaceful looks were of very great resource for making the deception. A moment after the two negotiators, who were the managers of the interview, and who, as pledges, had obliged themselves by the most sacred oaths, went forward to bring the Marhatta General; and meanwhile the Commanders and principal officers of the Bengal army, all armed and mounted, took their post behind the tent, but at a reasonable distance; every one with his men ready at all points. Some others likewise, whether as men of distinction, or as officers of character, took post about the pillars of the tent, whilst many more stood behind the Viceroy, ready to execute any commands they might receive. It was at this time only that he thought it proper to inform both his nephew, and Ata-ollah-qhan, of the design, as it became high time to put them upon their own guard; and this delicate commission was given to Mirza-hekim-beg in these very words: Mirza, has Säyd-ahmed-qhan and Ata-ollah-qhan looked at the tent? No! Then I wish you to carry them thither, that I may hear what they think of it. It is a most magnificent one. The real meaning of the order having been fully comprehended, the Mirza carried the two noblemen into the tent, where in a few words he informed them of what was going to happen, and exhorted them to be ready and upon their guards. A moment after they all came out again, and said to the Viceroy that the tent was perfectly beautiful, and fit for such a General; by which expression, the Viceroy understood that they approved of the contrivance, and would perform their part in it. All this while the Viceroy was sitting in state, and waiting for Bha-sukur, and receiving every moment information of his approaching. But whilst that General was advancing to the gate of the tent, a small number of persons of distinction, both out of curiosity and to do him honour, approached it at the same time; and even the Viceroy’s driver brought his elephant within the yard of it, and took post behind his master, but close to his head. At this moment about fifty officers that preceded Bha-sukur, having alighted, came within the tent, all armed; and this precaution of theirs was coloured by the pretence of their being intended to swear to the performance of the articles of agreement, which they would do upon their sabres.\(25\) Amongst these were two-and-twenty Commanders of eminence and character; the others were amongst those persons called Amnics in India, who on the others advancing, advanced likewise, but stopped within the tent-yard. It was at this moment that Bhasukur, alighting from his mare, came within the tent, holding Mustapha-qhan’s hand by the right, and Djanki-ram’s by the left. A cohort of his officers which were close upon his back, now spread on both sides of him, all armed and all with their hands upon the hilt of their sabres; and another body shut up his rear, every one of them with a look, ferocious, and a threatening aspect. This was the moment which the two negotiators seized to disengage themselves. They both quitted the General’s hand, and excused themselves on being obliged to go away for a few minutes. By this time he had advanced within three-quarts of the length of the yard; when the Viceroy asked in an audible voice which of those eminent officers was the Valorous Bha-sukur-pandet? And having been answered by Mirza-hekim-beg, who pointed to him with the finger, as did many others who had been stationed there for that purpose, the question was repeated. Three times did the Viceroy ask the question, and three times was it answered by pointing with the finger; and now Bha-sukur drawing near, the Viceroy commanded his people to fall upon those free-booters. But as none of the by-standers had been prepared for the intended scene, they all stood aghast with surprise, and motionless with amazement. However, this was not the case with Mir-cazem-qhan, who having asked what were his commands, was answered with a repetition of the order in a firm tone of voice. Instantly that Commander drew. Ber-qhordar-beg and some others drew likewise, and all ran straight before them; whilst five or six officers of Mutapha-qhan’s, all as stout and as brave as himself, chancing to come in, drew likewise on seeing sabres drawn, and all together rushed on the Marhattas. Mir-cazem-qhan, being the foremost of all, closed with Bha-sukur, and at one stroke felled him to the ground. This seemed a signal for the engagement. The Marhattas, although unprepared, drew on their side The Marhatta General slain with most of the Commanders in an interview. instantly, and engaged the Mussulmen, but with so much vigour, that the action became at once furious, bloody, and doubtful. Heads and arms were flying about, and numbers falling every moment; so that the multitude of persons of distinction that had come as spectators, seeing blood running in streams, forgot in a moment their characters of professed bravoes, and retreated from that scene of confusion and slaughter. At this very moment the tent-walls having been suddenly let down, Mutapha-qhan, who just had time to cast a glance at the engagement, put spurs to his horse, and ran to put himself at the head of his brigade, with which he fell like lightning upon the Marhatta army, then ready drawn up; sending word to his master, at the same time, to mount immediately and to run to his assistance. The latter, whilst a furious engagement was taking place at twenty yards from him, where every one intent upon the adversary before him, minded no one else, was standing upon his Mesned with his bucler on his arm, and his sabre, drawn; nor had he any more than a few men about his person at that moment. These intreated him to get upon his elephant, and this was what he intended himself; but one of his slippers could not be found. I must have my other slipper, said the Viceroy, before I can lay my feet upon the bare ground. And pray, screamed out a voice, is this a time to look out for a slipper? No, indeed, replied the Viceroy, it is not; but were I now to go without my slippers, you would not fail to-morrow morning to say, that Aaly-verdy was in such a hurry to get out of the fray, that he left his slippers behind. At last the slipper was found out, and he mounted his elephant. By this time the Marhattas to a man were all dispatched. When on his elephant, he looked round, and asked where was Mustapha-qhan, he was told that he was fallen upon the Marhatta army in expectation of being supported by His Highness in person. Still he would not move, but asked for the ravager’s head, that he might be satisfied of his being dead; he was repeatedly told he was; and the music played already by his order; but still he would not move until he could see the head. At last it was brought him, and having tarried a little more to ascertain its indenticity, he then ordered his elephant forwards, and marched briskly to come up with the enemy. He went on without stopping, until he reached Catwa, where the Marhatta grand army had been encamped. But not one Marhatta could be found there. The reason was, that that they had no officer of rank among them, as the general officers, on seeing Bha-sukur resolved to go to the interview, had made it a point to accompany him to a man. So that they had all been dispatched to a man, save one, however, whose name was Rhago-cáicvar, who unmoved by Mustapha-qhan’s insinuations, and by Bha-sukur and Aaly-bhà-cáraol’s intreaties and example, had remained without the tent at the head of his men, promising to pay a visit to the Viceroy the next day, as soon as Bha-sukur’s visit should be over. This man on the first noise he heard within the tent, spurred his horse, went to the camp, and taking up with him every part of Bha-sukur’s baggage, he fled with his troops and could not be overtaken; and although he was attacked repeatedly by all the Zemindars and all the peasants in his way, and he lost a number of men in his retreat; yet it must be acknowledged, that it is to the presence of mind of Cáicvar, that a vast The Marhattas slaughtered everywhere relinquish Bengal. number of Marhattas were indebted for the good luck of having emerged from that whirlpool of slaughter and destruction, and for having reached the benign shore of salvation. It was in this manner, that the mighty army of Bha-sukur’s was in one day annihilated; and what escaped the edge of the sword, fled in the utmost confusion out of the confines of Bengal and Oressa, and at last reached their own country in the most wretched condition. Aaly-verdy-qhan after this expedition returned to his capital, not only without losing a single man, but also with such an addition to his character, as raised him both in the minds of his troops and of his subjects, who admired their being so suddenly delivered from those merciless ravagers; nor were the troops less pleased with their unexpected success. And as an acknowledgment for their alertness in executing his commands, he made them a present of ten lacks of rupees. After this, he sent an account of the affair to the capital, and supplicated the Emperor to raise Mutapha-qhan to the dignity of Djung, and to bestow additional honours on every one of those who had exerted themselves so strenuously in the engagement of the tent; for instance, on Mir-djaafer-qhan, who on the very onset received a large wound, and yet continued fighting; on Fakir-ollah-beg-qhan; on Häider-aaly-qhan, and on some others. The Emperor on hearing the supplication, complied with its requests, bestowed on Mustapha-qhan the surname of Babr-djung, or Tiger in Battle, with a variety of honours and insignia; and the tittle of Bahadyr or Valiant, on every one of the persons mentioned to him. To Aaly-verdy-qhan in particular, he bestowed the surname of Shudjah-el-mulk, or the Valiant of the Kingdom, and sent him a suit of clothes from his own wardrobe, with a sabre, a poniard, a horse, and a variety of jewels.
This last expedition had rid Aaly-verdy-qhan of a foreign enemy, but it raised a domestic one; for by this time Mustapha-qhan’s power and influence had risen to such a heighth, that they exceeded those of a subject, or even those of an equal. He pretended to no less than to a superiority; and his nation having poured in vast numbers into Bengal, and filled every part of Aaly-verdy-qhan’s armies and household, he was always surrounded by such a number of them, that no one dared to dispute his will, or even to offend any one that bore the name of Afghan; so great were their numbers, and so close their union. It is observable, that these people in consquence of their numbers and their little sense and understanding, as well as their way of life in the caverns of their mountainous country, very much resembled the savage beasts. They are like them swift-footed, exceedingly courageous, and attracted by little, and highly covetous. Unmoved by the rights of gratitude, and unaffected by benefits received, they pay little attention to their benefactors, and even to the rights of friendship, and full as little to the duties of a community of bread and salt.\(26\) They turn about at once for a small subject, and from cold lifeless friends, they become at once rancorous foes and obstinate enemies. Naturally of a temper little inclined to mind benefits conferred and favours received, they easily forget the rights of a benefactor, and as easily conceive the design of killing him, nay of making away with their nearest relations; and all that, for a small reward, and on a slight subject. Unpolished and coarse-behaved, and nearly incapable of any civilization, they are stangers to the softer and more generous sentiments of humanity (in which forgiveness and beneficence cut so conspicuous a figure) and become furious and ungovernable in their revenges. The death of an Afghan, be it for any reason whatsoever, becomes with them a crime not to be expiated by any atonement Strange character of the Afghan nation. or any lapse of time, although the dead man’s relations should have already admitted of a compromise; nor do the seeds of revenge ever cease to vegetate and shoot up in their breasts. Mustapha-qhan himself was an individual of such a praiseworthy nation; and although by no means so void of sense, as his brethren, yet his cupidity, enflamed by his courage, made him cast a wishful eye upon that pomp and that wealth of Bengal, which endlessly blazed in review before his eyes; for his pride was equal to his covetousness. He marched always with a retinue of Afghans equal to Aaly-verdy-qhan’s cortege; and from being his servant he aspired to be his equal, and at last attempted to become his superior. In a word, he conceived the scheme of killing his master for opposing his pretensions. His ambition and fierceness being kindled by opposition, he insisted on the performance of some promises made him in the moment of necessity, and to serve a turn; and he particularly challenged the government-general of Azim-abad, as his right; although the actual incumbent was no less a personage than his master’s nephew and son-in-law. On the other hand, the Viceroy thought it hard, that a general promise made for a small service in a moment of need, should be insisted upon as obligatory, when that moment was over; he wanted to shut up the man’s mouth by loading him with distinctions, to regain his rancorous, stubborn heart by softening it with sweet words, and to sooth his resentment by expressions full of regard. Some months were even gained in endeavouring Mustapha-qhan becomes too assuming and at length pretends to a superiority. by a variety of presents and a profusion of kindnesses, to smother the fancies and whims that were continually shooting up in that covetous mind. But can the sight of a fountain assuage the thirsty man’s raging fire, and can the allurement of a soft tale, and all the persuasion of sleep, pacify the heart that pants for enjoyment? The General, after having been fed some months with todays and to-morrows, at last lost all patience, and spoke openly; he tore the veil that hung still, and renounced past friendship and past obligations. Little by little the coldness encreased; and at the end of Moharrem, in the year 1158, he had already ceased to appear at Court. The reason of that cessation is thus expressed by Y8suf-aaly-qhan, in those curious memoirs he has left us of the transactions of his own time.
The general opinion was, that Aaly-verdy-qhan, in appearance, was endeavouring to soften the General’s resentment, and to pacify his mind, but that in reality, he was contriving underhand to put an end to his presumption, and to guard against his mischievous designs, being highly shocked at his excessive power, and provoked by his pretensions; at least so thought the Afghans. One day the General preparing to go to Court, sent forward according to his custom, Dil-shah and Hekin-shah, his two principal officers, who went in, paid their obeisance, and seated themselves. Y8suf-aaly-qhan was that day at Court himself, and in the presence; and he affirms, that it being noon-time, there was no one in the hall of audience, save the usual attendants. It happened that, a little after those two men had been seated, an eunuch of the presence came in haste, and said that the Navvab-begum (meaning the Prince’s consort) was seized with a violent evacuation and vomiting\(27\). The Viceroy, getting up immediately, went into the inner apartments, from whence he sent those two officers word, desiring them to be seated, until he might come out. But as messengers had already announced that Mustapha-qhan was on the way, this message gave umbrage to these two men; so that without minding its purport, they got into one of the rooms attaining the hall of audience, and rummaged it thoroughly, having imagined that it contained a number of armed men concealed, who were to fall suddenly on the General, and that it was for this reason the message about the Begum had been sent out, the intent of which, they conceived, was to put it in his power to be out of harm’s way. Full of this idea, they went away, and meeting their master who was going to alight, they communicated their fears to him. The General was struck with the report. Since he had put on an air of independence, he mistrusted every one of Aaly-verdy-qhan’s proceedings, and lent a willing ear to a groundless, and frivolous report. Immediately he returned home. The Viceroy, informed of this, sent his son-in-law, Nevazish-mahmed-qhan, to reproach him for his credulity, and to bring him back by whatever means. The nobleman having overtaken Mustapha-qhan, attempted by a variety of reasons and entreaties to dissipate his suspicions, and to pacify his mind, but all to no purpose. The General returned home, where he assembled his brigade which amounted to nine thousand horse, besides some thousand musqueteers; and he then sent a message to the Viceroy, by which he renounced his service, and asked the arrears due to his men. The latter sent again his son-in-law to pacify him, especially as Nevazish-mahmed-qhan’s promises and words, bearing a great character for sincerity and fidelity, had a great authority with all the troops. But this message also availed nothing; and matters went so far, that he sent another message to the Viceroy full of reproaches, and asked as his due the Government of Azim-abad. Aaly-verdy-qhan, struck by this behaviour, was holding consultations; but both himself as well as his sons-in-law with their families and friends were equally confounded, and incapable to take a party, as the General’s valour and daringness were notorious these many years past, and his force numerous and attached personally to him. All was confusion and fear in the city of M8rsh8d-abad. At last preparations were made on both sides for action, and the city became a theatre of war; and the troops attached to the Viceroy running to their arms, filled the streets from the palace gate down to Mustapha-qhan’s quarters. These were the brigades commanded by his two sons-in-law, Nevazish-mahmed-qhan and Säid-ahmed-qhan, with those of Mir-djaafer-qhan, of Haïder-aaly-qhan, of Fakyr-ollah-beg-qhan, of N8r-8llah-beg-qhan, and of the Afghan Umer-qhan, with his sons. The corps less numerous came also to offer their services, as well as the brigades of Musqueteers commanded by Fateh-Rào-bacshy-cheidun and some other Gentoos; they all took post round the palace, and kept watch day and night, always armed, and always ready. Shimshir-qhan and Serdar-qhan, who in their hearts were attached to their countrymen, and in appearance to their master, continued to come to Court, and kept fair with both parties. The Viceroy who had his views, thought proper to behave kindly to them, although by this time he had lost all confidence in his Afghan troops. But although resolved to trust them no more, nevertheless he was endeavouring to gain the hearts of these two Afghan Commanders; for Mustapha-qhan’s obstinacy was known to him, as well as the schemes he had conceived; and the excesses of enmity to which his resentment would carry him, were known beforehand; and on both those accounts, he thought that the best expedient that could be devised now, was to come to an agreement with that General. His heart would even relent now and then, whenever he reflected on his numerous services, his heroical valour, and his determined devotion to his interests; and he was loath to part with so ancient, so devoted, and so valuable a servant, whose desertion became a real loss for his own power, which would infallibly feel the consequences of it. But yet, with all these wise reflections, he neither knew how to keep a friend, nor how to humble and ruin an enemy. It was too late now; nor was this last party without its many inconveniencies; and to fight Mustapha-qhan, supported as he was by so many brave troops of his own nation, and all commanded by officers of his own family, seemed to be a matter of much difficulty. He one day thought of repeating his expedient of old, i.e., of going to him with only Seradj-ed-döulah, and of regaining his heart by that token of confidence. He had even sent for his Paleky, and was going to set out; but he was vigorously opposed by his two sons-in-law, and by the most distinguished of his well-wishers, such as Mir-djaafer-qhan, Haïder-aaly-qhan and Fakyr-ollah-beg-qhan, and some others, who all joined together in intreating him to forbear so dangerous an experiment. They observed “That this was not a time to try what impression he could make upon that Afghan’s heart. That matters had gone too far, for any one to expect that such demonstrations of confidence and love would answer any purpose. That the man aimed at no less than at dispossessing his master, and at raising his own fortune upon his benefactor’s ruin and death. Put us to death first,” added they, “for we will not suffer you to risk your person in your enemy’s quarter.” These entreaties and reasonings staggered the Viceroy, and he thought proper to stay at home. Whilst they were yet speaking, a man of consequence deserted the General, and presented himself before the Viceroy. This was no other than the Afghan Rehem-qhan, an officer who had always served the General as his standard-bearer, and was reputed his zealous companion. This officer, whether impelled by destiny, or gained over by the Viceroy’s winning deportment, changed sides. On the other hand, the General lost also two other Commanders, upon whose national partiality he had reckoned. These were Shimshir-qhan, and Serdar-qhan, two officers of character, who refused to join him, and to follow his fortunes; having to all appearance conceived that his expulsion from Bengal, would at all events promote their own views, by withdrawing a large globe that eclipsed them totally. These defections seemed to have altered the nature of the war. For whether these desertions, by making an impression on the General’s mind, rendered him cautious of committing his fortune to the chance of war in an attack on the city of M8rsh8d-abad, or whether the impulse of unavoidable destiny made him alter his mind, it is certain that he turned his views towards Azim-abad, thinking it easier to drive the nephew out of that city, than to fight the uncle in the middle of his capital. He therefore resolved to quit M8rsh8d-abad; and this resolution, so soon as it became known, was deemed by the Viceroy a Providential interposition in his favour. The General before his departure sent his agent to Court with a paper, containing an account of the arrears due to him, both for his own person and for his brigade; and although it wanted the formality of a review, and the certificate of the Commissary as well as a certificate of the indentity of horses called Dagh-tessehya,\(28\) and the account was made up just as he had been pleased; nevertheless the Viceroy, without referring it to the usual offices for examination, ordered the full amount to be paid immediately; and it amounted to no less than full seventeen lacs of rupees, which sum, the Viceroy said, he reckoned to be a piece of charity, and an offering made for the success of his affairs. As soon as the General had his money, he sent for the head cart-man of the city, and with threats obliged him to furnish his troops with the number of carts and pack-oxen he wanted; after which he leisurely loaded his baggage and that of his brigade, set on fire his barracks, and marched out of the city in military array and with a deal of pomp; and having advanced some cosses beyond it, he encamped. The next day he marched a full stage. As soon as the news of this departure arrived in the city, and it became certain that he was gone, the inhabitants, who knew that any engagement within their walls could produce nothing but their ruin, thought themselves recalled to life, and they looked upon his departure as a fortunate event. A few days after, the Viceroy thought proper to promote Rehem-qhan, and to add many favours to this promotion. He also advanced both Shimshir-qhan and Serdar-qhan; and by treating them with particular demonstrations of kindness, he weaned them from those rests of national attachment which they still bore to the General, as their countryman. By a stroke of refined policy, he passed over the ingratitude of two near relations of theirs, namely, Dil-shir-qhan and Alef-qhan, who had quitted his service to embrace that of the General’s. He only ceased to mention their names; and if at any time their infamous behaviour was mentioned in his presence, he abstained from reproaches and epithets, and attributed what he called their imprudence, to their youth and to their ignorance of the world. Mustapha-qhan, meanwhile, being arrived at Radj-mahl, took from the stores, kept there, such elephants, and such pieces of cannon as he thought proper, with a certain quantity of ammunition; and from that moment he acted openly as an enemy. And it being now become public, that he had parted with Aaly-verdy-qhan, on account of the latter’s failing in his promise about the Government of Azim-abad, the General’s nephew, Abdol-res8l-qhan, whom we have seen appointed Governor of the Oressa, thought proper on the receipt of a letter from his uncle, who made his defection a family quarrel, to quit his post without hesitation. So that taking his Brigade with him, he went and joined him, after having appointed one Da8d-qhan, an Afghan, to govern the country in his absence.
It may be worth observation that the young man’s father, Abdol-nebi-qhan, was of the Shyah sect,\(29\) and had served Aazem-shah, son to Aoreng-zib. He was a man of a noble descent, and valuable for a number of estimable qualifications. A great friend of his was Mir-abdol-aziz, who was of one of the principal Sëid families settled at Samana in the territory of Lahor, as well as one of those who had been left in Oressa at the head of their brigades for the support of Government. This officer told me, that Abdol-nebi-qhan, entangled by the ties which attached him to Mustapha-qhan, whose countryman he was, but whose pretensions he did not approve, being one day alone with him he had disclosed his heart in these very words: “My friend Sëid, you perhaps know not that this boy (meaning Mustapha-qhan,) pretends to play the ungrateful, and has wrapped about his head a number of whimseys and strange schemes. I am myself in a strange perplexity on that head, like a horse urged alternately by two opposed spurs. If I join the boy, I shall incur the name of an ungrateful fellow, and of a traitor and deserter, an ugly name which has never been borne by any one of my family; and if I stick to Aaly-verdy-qhan, I shall not escape the reproaches of my nation, and the hatred of my own clan. They shall say, look at this man; in hopes of much money, and much preferment in Aaly-verdy-qhan’s service, he has had the meanness to part with the man that had recommended him to a regiment, and has proved the author of his present welfare. Better then, my friend, better by all means, that God Almighty, by recalling me from this world, vouchsafe to deliver me from a dilemma, the consequences of which cannot but redound to my shame.” This worthy man had a particular devotion for a venerable personage buried in the city of Catec; and he used every day to repair thither and to make the above request with a loud voice. At last his prayer was heard. Sometime before Mustapha-qhan’s final defection, he felt a slight indisposition, and in three or four days, he was taken to the mansions of eternal mercy. He was buried on that very spot, the object of his devotions. It was on a Thursday; and his monument is resorted to and visited on that day by multitudes of people.
To return to our narrative. Mustapha-qhan having renounced Aaly-verdy-qhan’s service, and openly professed an enmity to his person, his desertion was followed by that of Abdol-res8l-qhan, his nephew, who quitted his charge and went to join him. This young man was reputed to be the best archer in his troops, and one of the most zealous followers of his uncle’s fortunes. Mustapha-qhan turns his arms against Azim-abad. His desertion having left the Oressa without a ruler, the Viceroy conferred that office on Radja D8l8bram, whom he had appointed Agent-General to the late Governor, and who was still at Catec. He procured for him at the same time the rank of three thousand horse, and the honour of the kettle-drum, with a fringed Paleky; and after having bestowed upon him a brigade of three thousand horse he sent him the patents of his new office. This arrangement having been brought to bear, he turned his views towards Azim-abad, where commanded his nephew and son-in-law, Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, the most beloved of his relations, and who in reality was the candle that enlightened the old age of his uncle, and the taper that blazed out for the glory of his family and race. Fearing, therefore, for that Prince’s precious life, he sent him a secret letter by a trusty man, who took a different road from that held by Mustapha-qhan. The letter contained an order to his nephew to come to him by the northern shore of Ganga, and to approach Bengal by the P8raniah side, as he intended to join him on that side of the water, and to consult with him about what was to be done. The order was calculated to prevent in the young man, a temptation to fight Mustapha-qhan, for whose wide mouth, he apprehended, he might prove but one easy morsel. The Governor of Azim-abad was then in the District of Tirhoot, where he received intelligence of what passed at M8rsh8d-abad; so that as soon as news came that Mustapha had revolted, and was coming to Azim-abad, (a piece of news since confirmed by the Viceroy’s secret letter) he concluded that matters were past remedy; and he held consultations with his best friends, to whom he explained the nature of his situation. Every one gave his opinion, as his abilities or his genius prompted him; but the greatest number were for his obeying punctually the orders of his uncle. They argued on the impropriety of opposing Mustapha-qhan against all the rules of common sense, “a General who was at the head of no less than twelve thousand, and probably fourteen or fifteen thousand horse, all old soldiers, tried in numbers of engagements; and who was himself known, not only for a man of extraordinary prowess, but also of military talents, and these too, strengthened by a number of difficult campaigns, and augmented by a continual experience of extraordinary events. That he had acquired that military character, by fighting only with the sabre and arrows, his method being to fall to without needing or even minding any artillery or firearms; but that his national soldiers were armed with long heavy musquets, of which the troopers themselves made use of advantageously, by jumping down from their horses upon an emergency; besides all which national advantages, he had now an artillery of fifty pieces of cannon, with every necessary for its service, and above one hundred and fifty elephants, whether of his own or belonging to his officers. Others added, that every one of his soldiers was mounted on horses, the least of which was worth four or five hundred rupees, with their saddles and arms encrusted with silver and gold; and that himself wore a cuirass of four pieces of steel encrusted in gold, and of so exquisite a workmanship as hardly had its equal in India. That, in short, his army was furnished with everything necessary, and proved so well appointed, that few Generals could flatter themselves with having one equal to it; whereas their Governor could hardly muster about three thousand horse, and had no more than five or six thousand foot, some of whom, too, were at a distance from him on a variety of services.” These were the sentiments of the majority of the council; but some who were naturally brave, as well as jealous of their honour, argued in a different manner; and such was Medhy-nessar-qhan, my uncle, who for bravery and conduct bore a high character. This last observed, “That the affairs of life and death were unerringly directed by the decrees of an unavoidable Fate; that to beat the enemy and gain a victory, did not depend on numbers, but only on God’s pleasure, as it was announced in the glorious Coran itself, where it was said, That often small numbers have prevailed upon large ones by God’s permission; that in this emergency, to avoid the sight of the enemy, although even in compliance with their Sovereign’s positive orders, would not bear a good construction in the world, and at any rate would not bear the examination of their friends and relations; and that it was such a party, as would in the sequel produce dishonour and real loss.” This officer after having spoke so much with some warmth, made a pause, and then added “That this was his private opinion; but as to the rest, he would readily submit to the opinion of his more clear-sighted superiors, and would be commanded by their pleasure.”
This latter advice having been approved by the Governor, who was himself extremely brave, and had a nice sense of honour and a great deal of discernment, he moved immediately from Tirhoot, and by incessant marches, he arrived at Azim-abad; from whence without alighting at his palace, he went and encamped at Djaafer-qhan’s garden, at the eastern extremity of the city. There he was met by Abdol-aaly-qhan, and by the principal noblemen of Azim-abad, such as Akydet-mend-qhan, brother to Emir-qhan, and some others, who were also the principal persons of the province, and had made haste to pay him their respects. The young Governor, having set open the door of modesty and civility, received them with an air of equality and brotherly attention (neither of which were in his style, nor in his usual humour); and by this well-timed familiarity and these unusual marks of regard, he so gained upon their hearts, that they all resolved to follow his fortunes. After so good a beginning, he applied himself to the business of assembling his forces, and of raising new ones; and as Fàiz-aaly-qhan had the title of Paymaster, both Mehdy-nessar-qhan and Abdol-aaly-qhan were appointed to confer with the chiefs of the forces and with disbanded officers, for new levies. Orders were given at the same time to a number of persons of note, to raise forces. Such were Ahmed-qhan-coréishy, grandson to Da8d-qhan-péni, Shah-djehan-yar, Sheh-ahmed-eddin, and Sheh-amrollah, as well as Kerem-qhan, Gholam-aaly-qhan, and Qhadum-hassen-qhan; and the same commands were issued to Mahta-djesvent and Radja Kyret-chund, and Radja Ram-naräin, as well as to the other Gentoo Commanders. They were directed at first to pick and choose the best mounted and the best armed, after which they might inlist every able-bodied man that should present. The Zemindars of the province likewise were sent for, and those that had connections with the Governor, or were attached to his person, were ordered to attend with their troops. These were Radja Sunder-sing, Namdar-qhan of Narhut and Semài, and Serdar-qhan, as well as Camcar-qhan, and some others, as powerful as Sunder-sing himself. Similar orders were sent to Beshin-sing, Zemindar of Seress Cotumbah, to Pahluvan-sing, and Surtur-sing, his brother, Zemindars of the country of Saharseram and Cheinp8r, and to Buhrut-sing, Zemindar of Arvul. All these came, and offered their services, and desired to share whatever fate might befall their Governor; and the crowds that presented continually were so great, that for a month together the business of inlisting went on day and night; so that a horse that had already been marked, that is, had already been in the service, was sure of being inlisted. In The Governor is resolved to stand his ground. that short space of time, there appeared to be borne upon the registers no less than fourteen thousand horse, over and above the infantry, which taking together the old troops and the new ones, may have amounted to as much more; but their arms did not meet with approbation; and it was concluded that new levies indifferently armed, would never bear the brunt of Mustapha-qhan’s soldiers, who were all resolute veterans, and all well mounted and well armed, unless indeed when placed behind an intrenchment. A vast number, therefore, of pioneers and labourers was sent for from all parts of the province, and an intrenchment was soon thrown up, that encompassed all the grounds between the tower of Djaafer-qhan’s garden and the dyke or wall raised for the security of the suburbs against the waters of a neighbouring lake. A deep ditch was added to the intrenchment, and the earth dug from it proving somewhat humid, served to form a very good rampart, without needing any mortar or brickwork. Towers were also raised at proper distances, and cannon placed; and every one of them with part of the intervening curtain, was entrusted to an officer at the head of his corps. The command of the army was divided into several brigades, and every one of them put under the orders of a Commander that could be depended upon. The first was Abdol-aaly-qhan, the poor man’s uncle; the second, Ahmed-qhan-coréishy; the third, Radja Kyret-chund, son to the Prime Minister, Rày-rayàn-aalem-chund; the fourth, Radja-ram-naráin; the fifth, Qhadum-hussëin-qhan; and the sixth, Nassyr-aaly-qhan. All these were placed with their brigades at the foot of the intrenchment or rampart, which they watched day and night. The markets, sutlers, and the other camp-followers were ordered to attend behind the tents of each brigade with every necessary ready at hand. Each Commander had his tents pitched at the head of his troops, with his standard planted before his tent, and his insignia and colours pitched on the rampart; and every one was ready to give a good reception to the enemy. As for me, the most inconsiderable of mankind, who was stationed with my younger brother, Naki-aaly-qhan, I had, five months ago, quitted Shah-djehan-abad by my father’s consent (on whom be mercy for ever!) It was in the month of Zilcaad, in the year 1157; and I had come to Azim-abad, to marry in a family which had long ago agreed to the alliance. So that in the month of Moharrem, in the year 1158, I espoused the daughter of Abdol-aaly-qhan, my own grand-uncle; after which, on the 14th of the next month, I took up my post in the Governor’s intrenchments, and joined my own destiny to that of my uncle’s, who was the principal Commander; whilst my younger brother, Naky-aaly-qhan, chose to serve under the orders of his paternal-uncle, Mehdy-nessar-qhan, on whom he was ordered to attend with about a hundred horse, which he had brought with him. As to me, the least of men, although I was without command, and without pay, I chose out of a point of honour to serve that campaign, intending thereby to shew my gratitude for the favours received from the Governor.
All these preparatives being made, it was observed likewise that he placed artillery and troops upon the towers and ramparts of the city, with orders not to admit any soldier from the camp. But he had besides a secondary intention in this precaution, which was to provide against any sudden attack from Mustapha-qhan’s troops, as such an event would have put in imminent danger both the properties and families of those in the intrenchment. This precaution was also calculated to secure the properties and families of a humerous body of citizens, who had so much murmured And yet sends a deputation to Mustapha-qhan. against the wall then rising by the Governor’s order, and who now acknowledged the benefit they received from it. All these precautions being taken, the Governor resolved to sound Mustapha-qhan’s heart, and to ascertain how far he intended to carry hostilities with him; although there was no need indeed of any further enquiry, as he had declared himself openly and amply enough already. Three persons were pitched upon to wait upon him as envoys that had brought a proper message. The first of these was Hadji-aalem, the Cashmirian, who went since by the name of Hadji-mahmed-qhan. The second was Tadj-eddin, the divine, a native of A8d, who had been recommended by Emir-qhan, Viceroy of Ilah-abad, to the inspection of the College and Mausoleum of Séif-qhan, a building on the water side westward of the castle of Azim-abad, and a charming spot, so remarkable for its coolness, retirement, salubrity, and umbrage, that it became a general resort for the best company; it was in that delightful spot he enjoyed a large pension. The third person, which I do not exactly remember, I believe to have been the late Aga Azimáig, who had been the eye and the lamp of the family of Mahmed-qhan, once Devan or intendant of the province of Cab8l. These three venerable personages were sent to Mustapha-qhan with the following message: “If by your departure from M8rsh8d-abad Artiful and ingenious message of the Governor of Azim-abad to Mustapha. you have intirely renounced the service of His Sublime Highness, and you intend absolutely to forget us, and to quit this country, we, out of regard to past friendship and to past times, request that our friends and guests do please to alight at our houses, and to tarry at least two or thee days in our habitations, that we may once more enjoy each other’s company, and have likewise time to accommodate our guests with such carriages, tents, and necessaries as they may want for their future journey; the more so, as this will likewise put it in our power to say farewell to each other. But if the discontent you have conceived against His Sublime Highness is of a nature to admit of a healing hand, and your heart tells you that my mediation might be instrumental in removing the cause of your displeasure, and in taking out the shafts that have wounded two hearts once united by the warmest attachment; I would be happy to offer my services for so desirable an object. But if on the other hand, it should come out that your Excellency has obtained from the presence the Imperial Patent for the Government of this province, please to let us see it, that we may peaceably quit this country, and deliver it to your Excellency without any fighting and without dispute.” The envoys found Mustapha-qhan encamped eastward of the town of Mongyhr, and after having delivered their message, they were immediately dismissed with this answer:—“Gentlemen, my intention is, neither to renew my connections with the majestuous in war,\(30\) nor to quit this country as a traveller. My intention is to wrest it out of your hands; and as you seem so solicitous about patents, and about the right of taking possession of this province, I inform you, that I have in my hands, for such a proceeding, the very same patent which your uncle produced when he wrested Bengal from Ser-efraz-qhan.” Here he paused, and then added this verse:—
| “We must see what is the Almighty’s pleasure in this affair.” |
After delivering himself in that strain, he put this question to the Moluvy or Doctor of Divinity: Mr. Moluvy, suppose that you are surrounded on one side by unconverted Infidels, and on the other by blaspheming Shismaticks;\(31\) and suppose I happen to have enough power to destroy either these or those; which are we, in your opinion, to put to the sabre first? The Moluvy who comprehended his aim, but thought proper to dissemble, answered with modesty, “That if the Infidels be in arms and in opposition, it is lawful to fall upon them; but that it was not lawful to kill the Mussulmen, although they should be sectaries and blasphemers. Indeed to point out to them the right way, and to reclaim them from their errors, is amongst the most meritorious actions which man can perform. Mustapha-qhan replied: Say you so Doctor? Then we differ greatly; for according to the doctrines of our own teachers, blasphemers are worse than uninformed Infidels, and they must be served first; after which the others may be minded in their turn. The conversation having taken such a turn, the Moluvy said not a word more, and he took his leave immediately. The envoys, on being returned home, reported word for word what they heard; and the Governor, who was already disposed for an engagement, now became eager for it. A report was then current that Mustapha-qhan, in the pride of his heart, had distributed amongst his friends and soldiers, the houses of the inhabitants of the city, and especially those of the Governor’s friends. The report added, that each particular house was already allotted to each particular man; and that after the victory, each house would be made over to its new owner, with the furniture, riches, women and children it contained, in full property. But God did not approve the iniquitous scheme; and as it did not fail to make the deepest impression on my mind, which from that moment became a prey to sorrow and anxiety, I resolved to look out for my destiny in the book of Hafyz of Shiraz, whose verses may be said to be so many unerring oracles of futurity, and the intelligible tongue of the invisible one;\(32\) and on opening that book, with the proper rites, the first verses that occurred at the head of the page were these:
| “Do thou leave that matter to thy God! and make thyself easy; |
| For if thine enemy shall not have pity on thee, thy God will.” |
And thanks be due to God, Almighty, that this oracle came to be verified literally.
Mustapha-qhan, on his arrival at Monghyr, had ordered his nephew, Abdol-r8ss8l-qhan, to insult the fort with his brigade, a ruinous fortification, which although quite neglected, had some renown. The Governor and his little garrison put themselves upon their defence; but as that fortification did not seem to deserve much ceremony in that officer’s opinion, he alighted, and putting himself at the head of his men, he mounted to the assault. In an instant the besiegers got upon the wall, and seized the fort; but such was their leader’s destiny that, as he was standing below the second gate, and exhorting his men to be quick, he was killed outright by a stone that fell upon him on its being loosened by one of the garrison who stood above. The place was not such an acquisition as could compensate the loss of so valiant an officer; and Mustapha-qhan severely felt that heavy blow, although for fear of discouraging his people, he thought proper to dissemble; for Abdol-r8ss8l-qhan was his right hand-man and an officer of tried valour and conduct. After having tarried three days there, and complied with the custom of ordering the music to play for this success, he took away some pieces of cannon with some ammunition from the fort, and departed for Azim-abad. His approach redoubled the vigilance of the people within the intrenchment; and the Governor, in particular, gave himself no rest day and night in visiting every part of it. He ordered Mehdy-nessar-qhan to see that the six Commanders, mentioned above, made their rounds in person by day\(33\) as well as by night. He was himself everywhere, and giving his orders occasionally. On a Thursday, about sunrising, as every one was at his post, and upon his guard, Mustapha-qhan made his appearance; and having examined the intrenchment, he went into some groves of mangoe trees that were close by; and from thence he divided his army in two brigades, one of which he gave in command to B8lend-qhan the Rohilla, whilst he kept the other to himself. This disposition being made, he came out of the groves, and ordered B8lend-qhan to wheel round, and to penetrate into the intrenchment by that part that closed with the city wall; by which manœuvre he would fall on the enemy’s rear. He followed himself, and he attacked the intrenchment in front, but at the The Afghans attack and carry the intrench ments round Azim-abad. other extremity of the same, where commanded Radja Sunder-sing, Radja Kyret-chund, and the other Gentoo officers. B8lend-qhan having advanced by the horse-market, and a part of Djaafer-qhan’s garden, turned the intrenchment, and fell upon Nassyr-aaly-qhan, and his son, Sëyd-aaly, as well as upon Mirza Ramazani, son-in-law to Murtezevi-qhan, all of whom were stationed at that part. On the first onset, Nassyr-aaly-qhan was wounded with a sabre, and fell dead; and he was instantly followed by Sëyd-aaly, and Mirza-Ramazani; and Naher-qhan-mevati being wounded, fled for his life; and thus B8lend-qhan got within the intrenchment. Those that defended it, took fright and fled; and his Afghans finding tents and shops, full of effects, fell a plundering without minding anything else. Meanwhile, Mustapha-qhan having on his side turned the intrenchment, attacked and carried it at once, making a great slaughter of its defenders. Ghazi-qhan the Bab8z8ian, and Sunder-sing’s son-in-law, with their troops, were there put to the sword; everything was in confusion instantly. Sunder-sing with a few persons who stood by him, mixed with the six or seven thousand Afghan horse that thronged in, and was lost amongst them; nor did Mustapha-qhan mind him any more, but went forwards, where his people making a slight discharge of arrows, Zulficar-qhan-mevati, and Kyret-chund, the Gentoo, who chanced to be stationed there, were both wounded, and fled with as many of their people as could escape the sabre. On sight of this, the brigades and Commanders appointed to defend that part of the intrenchment, lost courage, and fled on all sides; and there remained before the Governor, only an empty space of ground, over which Mustapha-qhan was advancing with a thick body of men, on one side, whilst the Governor was advancing on his elephant, or the other. He looked neither confounded, nor dismayed, although he had by this time no more than two hundred horse, and one hundred and fifty musqueteers about his person. Cam-car-qhan, and Zen-mest-qhan, were amongst those two hundred horse, as were about eight more from several corps, and mostly from Mir bedr-el Dehi’s, an officer usually called Séyedet-aaly-qhan; there were some few men of note more. Mehdy-nessar-qhan, with Naky-aaly-qhan and Mir-ecram, and five or six others more, were upon the intrenchment, and speaking to Sheh-hamid-eddin, the Lucnovian, when that sudden revolution happened. This man was at the head of seven hundred men, as well as Sheh-amrollah, another Commander of seven hundred men more; and he exhorted them both to march to their master’s assistance; but no one would move. So that with the five or six men that stuck to him he ran forwards, and closed with the Governor’s elephant. By this time Mustapha-qhan being near, was seen making signs with both hands to his people to surround him. He was also heard to cry out: This is Hàibet Djung; take care to bring him alive. Hekim-shah being the foremost of the enemies, jumped from his horse, and was making to him with two or three more, when he was encountered by three or four, of the six that were with Mehdy-nessar-qhan; and they engaged sharply. The Governor by this time was advancing with a firm countenance, and shooting arrows incessantly; at the same time he dispatched a man to Abdol-aaly-qhan, to order him to come immediately to his assistance with his whole brigade. This officer, as well as two or three other Commanders more of that part of the intrenchment, knew nothing of the works having been carried with slaughter and destruction; and he answered that it was improper in people upon an intrenchment, to mount a horse; that he was at his post with his brigade; and that if the enemy should break in, he would not fail to do his duty. Whilst he was speaking, another man came with this message: Whenever my business shall be effectually done, and myself shall be amongst the slain, of what use can your coming be to me then? On hearing these words, he mounted immediately, and with a small number of men that followed him, he went towards the Governor. I was one of that small number, and a few horsemen more; and as we were advancing, we discovered Mustapha-qhan retreating, his people in confusion flying out of the intrenchment, and Zin-eddin-qhan standing on the parapet, and making a great fire of musquetry and rockets upon a body of Rohillas, who with their Commander mounted on an elephant, were in confusion, and flying on all sides. Abdol-aaly-qhan on sight of this, guessed what must have happened; and he said aloud: Our master has fought such a battle, and we, his soldiers, have been idle this while! Having said these few words, he with the the few that stood by him, ran towards a spot out of the reach of the fire of the intrenchment, where Mustapha-qhan with those about him, was making a stand, and rallying his people with the hand and voice. But the Governor perceiving Abdol-aaly-qhan’s precipitation from the parapet, sent him an absolute command to come to him immediately; and the messenger asked him what he meant by exposing himself and the few brave men that stood by him to a certain death, with no prospect of advantage at all. “Come to me,” says your master, “assemble your dispersed people, and see what the Lord of victory shall perform for us to-day.” Abdol-aaly-qhan’s friends had been already intreating him to forbear; but he was so ashamed to have done nothing, and so angry and passionate, that instead of listening to what they said, he put his horse on a gallop; when at that very moment he was overtaken by the messenger, and brought back. By this time the sun was in the meridian; and the heat had become so insufferable, that Mustapha-qhan who felt the consequences of it, having considered that numbers of his people were wounded, numbers of his bravest friends killed, the rest disheartened, and fainting with heat, did not think proper to renew the attack; but retired at a slow pace to his camp, which was upon the little P8n-p8n at less than a cosse distance from the enemy. Arrived there, he ordered cannon to be planted in the mango-groves, and an incessant fire to be made on the intrenchment.
It was only after this retreat that we learned what had happened before our coming up, and how Mustapha-qhan had been defeated. That General having broke in the intrenchment at once, and filled every part of it with confusion and terror, thought that all was over; when the Governor, who found himself almost alone, resolved not to survive his shame, and advanced towards him, with intention to sell his life at a dear rate. He was incessantly shooting arrows from his elephant; and his guards, armed with heavy musquets, were firing as they advanced; as did some few men on horseback that followed some Radjahs, and at last engaged the enemy. Mustapha-qhan, on observing the Governor, pointed to his people who he was, and he ordered that he should be brought alive. Whilst he was yet speaking Hekim-shah, who was one of the bravest and the most zealous of his friends, having drawn after him three or four brave men more, engaged three or four of the six that followed Mehdy-nessar-qhan, but soon fell dead of his wounds, as did Dil-shah, another brave who had come to hand-blows. Mustapha-qhan was near now; and the two Generals seemed eager to engage each other, when his elephant-man being wounded with a musquet-ball, fell down sprawling in his blood; and the animal having no driver, turned to the left and right, and seemed so much frightened and out of its senses, that Mustapha-qhan, afraid lest the animal should carry him away and snatch the victory out of his hands, jumped down and advanced on foot, sabre in hand, expecting that others would follow his example, and soon form a circle round his person with which he might surround the Governor. His ill destiny would it so, that his people mistaking his intention, fancied that he had fallen down for the same reason which had brought down his driver; and they fell into confusion immediately, after which most of them fled out of the intrenchment; and their General after having said a few words upon such a reverse of fortune, reluctantly followed his people on foot; nor was he thought of, or recollected, but when he was out of the intrenchment; then only did his people think of him, and they brought him a horse. As by this time his people were now in confusion, dispersed, and incapable to hear any command, he went a little farther, and ordered the music to strike up in sign of victory, in hopes of enticing his troops round his person; but they were incapable of hearing him, and their General, finding all his efforts vain, followed the runaways. The Governor seeing the enemy out of the intrenchment, rallied as many of his people as he could, and passed the ramainder of the day and the whole night on horseback, ready to receive the enemy. It was at that time, that it became known that Radja Sunder-sing’s brigade, after having opposed the enemy as well as they could, had been broke at last, and overthrown; and that Mustapha-qhan, without minding him any more, had gone on, and put to flight Radja Kyret-chund with his brigade; whilst B8lend-qhan having also broke into the intrenchment, was plundering the tents, and filling every part with terror and confusion. Sunder-sing, I say, who saw such a state of things, and not a standard standing, not a single pair of colours displayed, concluded that the Governor had been killed, and that all was over; and he fled with as many of his men, as had escaped the sabre. His example was followed by Radja Beshen-sing, by Mahammed-djemal, and by some other Commanders of small note, who all turned their backs, and fled. Some took shelter within the city walls, and many more in Djaafer-qhan’s garden and in the groves adjoining, as well as on the water side; and thus one full half of the intrenchment remained without a man to defend it. Nor did there remain even a trace of the army-market, and of the tents, colours and standards that had been standing there in the morning. The whole became an empty waste, as far as the eye could reach. The other troops stationed at that part of the intrenchment that joined the city westward, seeing such a state of things, left that station, and turned towards the eastern part, where Mustapha-qhan was then, and where they thought the greatest efforts would be made. The Governor, who was everywhere, and gave his orders everywhere, passed the day in a small incommodious tent pitched at a small distance from Abdol-aaly-qhan’s, and the night in that Commander’s tent, where he used to take some rest; whilst that Commander, with myself the last of men, and Mehdyr-nessar-qhan, and Naky-aaly-qhan with some guards, watched over his person. Once the Afghans approached by night near the intrenchment, and threw some rockets in it, to try how people were upon their guards, for they intended a surprise. But this stratagem was defeated by the alertness of Mehdy-nessar-qhan, who ran Good conduct of the Governor’s. everywhere, and gave order that the troops should not move from their stations, but should fight in their posts, without minding anything else. This order tranquillised the troops; and the confusion which was already rising, subsided at once. The next day the enemy cannonaded so vigorously, that a great number of men and horses were maimed by their balls. Those that were at some distance within the intrenchment, were losing every moment a horse or a limb; but those that were close at the foot of it, suffered nothing. For five days together, the cannonade went on at the same rate. The seventh, which was a Wednesday of the month Sefer, the spies gave notice that to-morrow Mustapha-qhan would decamp, and continue his march. This advice having engaged the Governor to assemble his council, he asked them what they thought of the intelligence. The wisest amongst them were of opinion “that Mustapha-qhan was not a man to depart without trying another engagement; that meanwhile the troops ought to be ordered to get ready to receive the enemy; and that every preparative ought to be made; after which they might wait what fate would produce for them; but that by all means the vanquished troops must be kept behind the intrenchment, whereas those that had stood their ground, and fought the enemy, ought to be brought out of it, to take him in flank.” Accordingly, Abdol-aaly-qhan, and Ahmed-qhan-coréishy, and Sheh-djehan-yar with Qhadum-hussëin-qhan, and some others, were put at the head of so many brigades, that were to march out; and Djesvent-nagur, and Namder-qhan, Radja of Mehin, with his three brothers, and their regiments, together with the bodyguards, and Mehdy-nessar-qhan, were ordered to attend the Governor everywhere; but those that had felt the weight of the Afghan sabre, like Radja Kyret-chund, and Zulficar-qhan, and some others, were ordered to remain within the intrenchment. At day-break, the Governor made his morning prayer, recommended himself to God Almighty’s safeguard, and mounted, followed by Abdol-aaly-qhan, who had about fifteen hundred horse with him. The Governor himself had a thousand more, as well as a thousand musqueteers preceded by a few rocket men and two or three swivels. A little after, Mustapha-qhan’s cavalry appeared out of the mango-groves on the south of the intrenchment, whilst his artillery was advancing westward. This being observed by Mehdy-nessar-qhan, he came up and desired Abdol-aaly-qhan to attend to that manœuvre “as it became necessary to prevent the enemy’s taking possession of the mound that retained the waters of the lake. Otherwise,” added he “if they succeed in taking post thereon, it will be impossible to shew one’s self in the plain below, because they would fire from behind a cover, and we from an open plain.” This advice being approved by Abdol-aaly-qhan, he from that moment inclined to the left; and the Governor went on with the highroad, but inclining towards the right, at about a gunshot from the former. Whilst Abdol-aaly-qhan was advancing with his brigade, in which I was myself, the enemy had already crossed the plain, turned the mound, and taken possession of that strong post, from whence they immediately commenced firing with their cannon; at the same time M8rteza-qhan, son to Mustapha-qhan, alighted from his horse with a large number of men which he stationed at the right and left of the post, to support the cannon; and that General himself having closed with the extremity of the dyke, shut up the empty space betwixt that extremity and the highroad, and stopped his elephant over against that of the Governor’s, who was advancing on that road. The empty space between the father and son was immediately filled up by a number of brave Afghans, who ranged themselves straight and cut as formidable an appearance as Alexander’s wall\(34\); from whence with their long musquets, they commenced a terrible fire, the distance between them and us being not above an arrowshot. In a little time most of those at my right and left were wounded and slain, or had their horses sprawling on the ground. Amongst these proved to be one of Abdol-aaly-qhan’s best friends, who having lost his horse, came to request my assistance. I ordered therefore the elephant to kneel, and took the man behind my häodah; but whilst the elephant was rising, a musquet-ball came, and struck the man again, and I thought it had gone through his body; but by good luck, it had been slackened by the folds of his girdle, and by the thickness of his belt. At that moment another ball came which wounded me in the arm; it burned and tore off the flesh, but spared the bone. The driver of Abdol-aaly-qhan’s elephant received two musquet-balls at the same time, and tumbled down, but did not die. Abdol-aaly-qhan desired Rahman-qhan, who sat behind him, to supply the driver’s place, and took the driver behind, whom he placed where Rahman-qhan had been. The engagement became hot now, and people fell down every moment. This being disliked by one of Abdol-aaly-qhan’s officers, whose name was, I believe, Mirza-fate-ollah, as brave a man as ever fought in a battle, he selected a small number of musqueteers, and although wounded himself in the foot, and hardly able to move, he brought them before Abdol-aaly-qhan’s elephant, and was encouraging and directing their fire; but that made by the enemy proved so hot, that our people, unable to stand it, commenced lagging and skulking behind. So that there remained on the field of battle only about three hundred horse, with some infantry under the command of Abdol-aaly-qhan, Ahmed-qhan-coréishy, Shah-djehan-yar and Qhadum-hussëin-qhan. At this sight Abdol-aaly-qhan sent to the Governor to inform him that matters went ill with them, and that unless they were supported, they would not be able to advance. That he hoped he would come himself to his assistance, as his appearance alone would encourage his people to renew their attack; that otherwise whatever was to befall them, would happen, but then the battle would be as good as lost. The Governor on this message wanted to advance, but was overruled by Hadji-ahmed, his father; so that finding no assistance came to us, we recommended ourselves to God, like people that could not expect to return from that engagement. At this very time Mustapha-qhan on his elephant made his appearance from behind the mound; and we all concluded that the Afghans were coming to an attack: when Fate-ollah-qhan with his musqueteers joined us, and commenced firing; and at the first fire he brought down Mustapha-qhan’s driver, as well as his standard-bearer. Both standard-bearer and standard rolled together down, and I know not why, but at this sight, I cried out: We have beaten them. So I hope in God; and I accept the omen, answered Abdol-aaly-qhan, with three ohter Commanders that were with him. At these words they plucked up fresh courage, pushed their elephants forwards, got upon the mound, and finding M8rteza-qhan there with his Afghans, they engaged them briskly. From thence we could descry the Governor, who having got rid of his father, was advancing in haste, preceded by a large body of men, who with their rockets, wall-pieces, and long musquets, were doing a great deal of execution, whilst marching. This added spurs to the courage of all of us, who were engaged with the Afghans, and fighting with the sabre body to body; in which way the business of wounding and killing went on so briskly, that I saw in a moment about forty or fifty of the bravest Afghans wounded and slain. At this very moment, a rising zephyr of victory was spreading over the Governor’s standard; and in fact that zephyr proved to be the wind itself, which being westerly, shifted at once to the east, and blew all that smoke and dust in the enemy’s face. At this critical moment, a musquet-ball entered Mustapha-qhan’s eye, and went out at his ear; and that General fell on his face in such a manner, that his people took him for dead, lost courage, and fell into confusion, and at last fled on all sides. M8rteza-qhan seeing his father’s elephant returning towards the Afghan camp, guessed the reason of such a retreat; and losing courage, he quitted the field likewise. It must be observed that as Mustapha-qhan had always looked with a left invidious eye both on the Prince of the faithful, (on whom be peace and grace for ever!)\(35\) and on those that loved him, he now received his punition in his right eye, and was punished as he deserved. The Governor having first prostrated himself on the ground with Abdol-aaly-qhan and some other commanders, in acknowledgment of this victory, ordered the enemy to be pursued slowly; and at the same time he commanded the music to play in token of victory. The troops had orders to march in order, as the enemy had rallied by this time, and was retreating with a steady pace, without the least appearance of dismay or confusion. But as they had their wives and families with them, and a deal of baggage besides, whenever the carts or sumpter beasts were stopped by any impediment, two or three thousand of them would stop at the same time with a deal of composure, without ever offering to advance a foot, until every thing was set to right again, and then only they recommenced their march, but with an undaunted countenance, that did not look like that of vanquished foes. This countenance of theirs having made impression on the Governor, he recommended to his men, only to follow the enemy, without betraying too much eagerness. And thus they were advancing slowly, and at the rate of one cosse in five hours’ time, stopping each time when the enemy stopped, and playing their music; and they continued in this manner, until the enemy’s dust could be no more descried. In the evening, news came that Mustapha-qhan’s troops had encamped at the reservoir called Mety-p8r, about which spot the General having given some signs of life, they descended him from his elephant, and put him into his paleky; in which he recovered his senses so far, as to ask how matters went, and being told, he expressed a regret at those repeated reverses of fortune. As soon as the enemy was seen encamped, the Governor returned to his tent, where he received the congratulations and nuzurs of his officers, on whom he bestowed encomiums according to their respective ranks and merits; so that every one was satisfied. As to me, he embraced me heartily, and loaded me with caresses and compliments, probably because I was the oldest among them. The army passed the night under arms. In the morning intelligence was received that Mustapha-qhan had marched on; upon which the Governor marched immediately, and encamped at the very place which the enemy had left. The next day the Afghans marched to Nobetp8r, still followed by us, who kept them company from stage to stage, until they came to Muhabbet-aaly-p8r.
It was at this place that letters came from Aaly-verdy-qhan, announcing his being arrived at Azim-abad, where however he could make but a short stay, “as Mustapha-qhan had exhorted Rhago-dji-bhoslah to make an irruption into Bengal, a country in which, said he, he apprehended they would prove too hard both for the uncle and nephew. It is then important, added the letter, that you do put a finishing hand to Mustapha-qhan, as you have cemmenced him; and that I should depart for M8rsh8d-abad to provide against the Marhattas, in such a manner, as to render a junction of those two enemies impossible.” On receipt of this letter, the Governor left the command of his army to Abdol-aaly-qhan, with Mehdy-nessar-qhan under his orders; and taking that General’s Paleky, with an additional number of chairmen, he marched all night, and at day-break, he found himself Aaly-verdy-qhan marches to succour his nephew. near his uncle’s encampment. A little after, he paid his respects, and followed him for a few days; after which he borrowed Seradj-ed-döulah from him, and returned to his army. But hardly was he departed, when on the second day Aaly-verdy-qhan altered his mind; and thinking it best to get rid first of the enemy nearest at hand, he turned westward and joined his nephew; and both continued pursuing the enemy, as far as Zemeniah, a town on the shore of the Ganga, over against Ghazy-p8r, which latter is of Ab8l-mans8r-qhan’s Government, and inhabited as well as Zemeniah, by Afghans. The town was set on fire and plundered; and intelligence coming that Mustapha-qhan had retired to Chunar-gnur, a famous fortress in those parts, the uncle and nephew put an end to their pursuit, and returned towards Azim-abad, from whence the former continued his route to Bengal, to be there in time against the incursions of the Marhattas.
This retreat afforded Mustapha-qhan leisure to repair his artillery and his arms, to cure his wounded, and to assemble recruits and auxiliaries from all parts. The Governor did the same on his side in Azim-abad, and employed his time in recruiting his army, gaining the hearts of his soldiery, quieting the minds of the husbandmen, cherishing the farmer, and making every military preparation for the ensuing campaign.
As to Aaly-verdy-qhan he made only a stay of a few days at Djaafer-qhan’s garden, to finish some affairs of urgent necessity, and from thence he departed for Bengal. He had sometime before dispatched Munaam-qhan, a gentleman of eloquence and abilities, as his Ambassador to Rhago-dji-bhoslah; and having now left with his nephew a Commander of importance, called Rehem-qhan, with his whole brigade, he pursued his route. Rhago-dji was already on his march, and he had entered the plains of Bardevan, when Munaam-qhan overtook him, and proposed to compromise matters by an agreement; but as the Marhatta Prince imagined that the proposal arose from mere necessity, he asked no less than three Corors of rupees for his forbearance. Aaly-verdy-qhan, who was only endeavouring to gain time, spun out the negotiation by a variety of delays and artifices for two months and-a-half together, in which time Rhago-dji did not move. And matters went on slowly, until news arrived of the defeat and death of Mustapha-qhan; and this event having put it in Aaly-verdy-qhan’s power to reject Rhago-dji’s unreasonable demands, the negotiation was broke off, and he immediately put himself at the head of his army. But we reserve a detail of this campaign and negotiation for the following sheets, in which we shall mention the total defeat and death of Mustapha-qhan.
By this time the dry season drew to an end, and the rainy one was going to set in, when the Governor hearing of Mustapha-qhan’s preparatives, quitted the city and advanced to meet him, resolved to make an end of that obstinate enemy. This General had in his sojourn at Chunar-ghur made so good use of the money he was possessed of, that he had assembled about his person a great number of Rohillas, with whom he set out for the province of Azim-abad, foreseeing that the rains would be soon at hand, and that Rhago-dji would not be so early in those parts. His intention was to take up his quarters in the Sercar or District of Shah-abad, where he knew that the Zemindars of the country, and especially Bab8-advant-sing, and the Zemindar of Djugdis-p8r, were dissatisfied with the Government; but he also intended to fight; convinced that if he came to gain a considerable advantage everything would follow victory; and if he should chance to be killed, he would be rid of all his troubles, for by this time his money drew to an end. But he knew that should the Governor, on account of his apprehensions from the Marhattas, delay his departure from his Capital, the river Sohon would swell by the next rains, and would become an effectual bar to his advancing towards the Afghans; by which event himself (Mustapha-qhan) would be at full leisure to come to an understanding with the Zemindars of the Shah-abad, and would be enabled to quarter his army there, and to collect all the revenues of that district. He concluded therefore that, recruited by such good quarters, and supplied with money, he would have it in his power to wait for Rhago-dji; or should that General be already about M8rsh8d-abad, this would afford to himself time enough to repair thither, and to effect a junction; after which he reckoned that a good account might be given of Aaly-verdy-qhan. He knew likewise that good recruits might be found in the Marhatta camp, for his own troops, and was resolved to take his chance, happen what it would.
All these projects were overset by the Governor, who guessed at every one of them by the mere keenness of his genius, and resolved to be beforehand with his enemy. He set out immediately with an army of fourteen thousand horse, having with him two new officers of distinction, namely, Sheh-din-mahmed, a relation of Ser-b8lend-qhan’s (the same whom Séif-qhan, Governor of P8raniah had sent to his uncle’s assistance), and Rehem-qhan the Rohillah, another officer whom Aaly-verdy-qhan had left with his whole brigade, as a man of courage and conduct. The Governor, after a few days’ march, forded the Sohon; and the second day, he reached the plain, which is near Djugdis-p8r, where he encamped in an open ground that had a little river in front; and as the enemy was now very near, the Azim-abad army passed that whole day under arms, and at night part of it only was awake. The Governor himself passed the greatest part of the night in putting up prayers to the Supreme Judge of disputes; and at day-break, having finished his morning prayer, he mounted his elephant, and ranged his army in battle array. His father, Hadji-ahmed, insisted on their making use of the same method that had succeeded so well lately, to wit, entrenching themselves, and fighting the enemy from behind a rampart. But this advice was vigorously opposed by Mehdy-nessar-qhan, and some other Commanders of approved valour and conduct, who argued in this manner: “The first time,” said they, “we were beaten, and the enemy was our conqueror; but now the scales are turned; he has been beaten, and we are his conquerors. If we follow the advice of retrenching ourselves, we give him the very advantage he is desirous to have. The rainy season is at hand, and we shall in consequence of such a dilatory warfare be soon obliged to return to the city; whereas he shall remain on the other side of the Sohon, and protected by this mighty river, he shall enjoy the revenues of one full half of the province (and we doubt very much whether the other half is so rich); but this is not all. At the end of the rains you shall find your enemy stronger than ever by his junction with the Marhattas.” This advice being that which the Governor approved in his heart, he ordered Abdol-aaly-qhan, who commanded his vanguard or first line to march slowly, as if to look out for a place to entrench himself, but with injunctions to fall immediately upon the enemy the moment he should see him deluded into some security, so as to keep him engaged until he should come up himself. This order was executed with no less ability than it had been conceived. We had hardly advanced at some distance, when we perceived Mustapha-qhan dividing his army in two parts, one of which he led himself to action, whilst he gave the other to B8lend-qhan; and this last officer was advancing, when a hall of a cannon coming from behind us, struck the elephant he mounted, and brought him down. Immediately a fluctuation was perceived in his corps; The Afghans victorious a third time, are worsted again, and Mustapha-qhan is slain. which being perceived by Mustapha-qhan he advanced himself with his division, and all fell sabre in hand, like a storm of lightning and hail upon Dá8d-qhan, who was advancing and firing with the field-pieces under his command. In an instant the Afghans put to flight the troops that attended him; but that officer disdaining to fly, stood his ground with seventeen men that did not quit him, and he fell in the field of braves, leaving an honourable name behind. On sight of Dá8d-qhan’s fate, the troops which were advancing to his assistance, stopped short, and fled to a man; and Mustapha-qhan having trampled this flying body under his foot, turned upon Qhadum-h8ssëin-qhan, on his left; and a sharp engagement ensued between them, in which Qhadum-hussëin-qhan fell dead with fifty or sixty of the bravest that fought by his side. Abdol-aaly-qhan observing that the army was intimidated by so much slaughter, resolved to make a stand with a small body that had not quitted him; and as the artillery impeded the ground, and the oxen linked together, hindered his passing, he ordered the ropes that held them to be cut asunder; after which he went forwards, and was joined by Mehdy-nessar-qhan, with five or six gentlemen more, amongst whom was Naky-aaly-qhan, my brother, who had been forsaken by his people. These six heroes swore they would share our fate; and a moment after, Sheh-djehan-yar and Radja Sunder Sing, who were behind with a dozen of troopers, joined us. This body was soon reinforced by Rehem-qhan the Rohilla, who made his appearance from the right with fifteen and sixteen men armed with spears. Abdol-aaly-qhan then finding himself so luckily reinforced, advanced towards Mustapha-qhan, as did the latter towards him. At this critical moment, and whilst we were advancing, a musket-ball, coming from I know not what quarter, hitted Mustapha-qhan in the heart, and went through and through his body; but by this time our small troop had exerted themselves so bravely that the ground was strewed with his dead and wounded. The rest seeing their General slain, and such a slaughter about his elephant, did not think it proper to contend any more, and fled every one as his mind prompted him; even his son that brave intrepid soldier, hearing of his father’s death, turned about and fled. The Governor arriving at this time, ordered Hashem-aaly-qhan, his gentleman usher, to get up on the elephant, and to bring down Mustapha-qhan’s head; and this having been done, it was immediately fixed on a spear, and sent through the ranks; after which it was sent to the Emperor (Mahmed-shah). But his body was sent to Azim-abad, with orders to commit it to the earth, after having carried it through the market and through the principal streets. The order was going to be executed; but the inhumation was opposed by Mir-mahmed-mergeshy, one of the most illustrious Séyds, born at Sh8ster, in Iran,\(36\) a personage remarkable for his piety and virtue, who had once undertaken to bring about a pacification between the two parties. This beatleman affirmed that he had seen in a dream the Prince of ??ts, Aaly M8rteza,\(37\) giving him orders to strike that inimical Afghan with a sabre; and as he did not obey instantly, His Majesty had taken the sabre himself, and smitten him twice and-a-half upon his own loins. The holy man hearing that the Afghan’s body had been severed from his head, and would be committed to the earth, after having been rolled through the city, fastened to an elephant’s foot, said that he was sorry for it; for according to his dream, his body was first to be cut in two, and then only buried. These words having been reported to the Governor, he ordered the body to be cut in two, and one part to be hung at the western gate, and the other at the eastern; and this order having been executed, after a deal of time his members became offensive, and having been let down, each part was buried where it had been hanging. M8rteza-qhan, who whilst others were yet fighting, had quitted the field with numbers that followed him, probably had remembered the Poet’s saying:
| “Better to live merry with a living friend, than to be weeping over |
| the body of a dead one.” |
He thought so himself, and made the best of his way out of that scene of slaughter, after which he took shelter in the mountains; but Yassa-qhan, brother to Mustapha-qhan’s consort, was taken prisoner, and after a few days’ confinement, was dismissed with a present of wearing apparel, and some money to bear his expenses to his home. Dilshir-qhan, son to Shimshir-qhan’s sister, and younger brother to Moradshir-qhan, having received three wounds, one of which was by a musket-ball which travealed his body at the navel, had fallen senseless on the ground, and he was reputed dead, when the Governor passing that way, recollected that he had been his play-fellow in his childhood; and observing signs of life in him, he ordered him to be placed on his Paleky and carried to his tent, where able Chirurgeons are ordered to attend him, but to no purpose; the wounds prolong past remedy, he expired the third day. Aalef-qhan, son-in-law
Sérdar-qhan was one of those who fled with M8rteza-qhan, and saved his life. The Governor, after having returned his humble acknowledgments to God Almighty for so signal a victory, alighted in Mustapha-qhan’s tent, where he received the respects and nuzurs of his Commanders and officers. At night he turned to Abdol-aaly-qhan my uncle’s tent, where he took pleasure in expatiating with many encomiums upon his heroical valour, and the eminent share he had had in the victory; and as Mustapha-qhan’s elephant, standard, and kettle-drum had been seized by Abdol-aaly-qhan, after the battle, the Governor having ordered the music to play, requested him to keep the whole; and in the letters of congratulation to the Viceroy, his grandfather, he requested his interest at Court, to the end that the above insignia might be confirmed to his friend. The Viceroy hearing of the signal success, obtained by his nephew’s alertness and bravery, and informed of the eminent share which Abdol-aaly-qhan, his relation, had in it, sent to each of them an elephant, a rich Qhylaat, a poniard, and a sabre with a hilt of gold enriched with jewels. The two heroes hearing of these tokens of approbation, went out of the city to Djaafer-qhan’s garden to receive the presents with the usual demonstrations of respect on such occasions; and having their Qhylaats on, they made a profound bow towards Bengal, and then mounted together to make their entry into the city of Azim-abad, with a great deal of pomp and magnificence. In a couple of months after, a kettle-drum and standard came from the Emperor for the brave Abdol-aaly-qhan.
This river is a sufficient barrier. It consists in the driest weather of three streams, divided by sands, but fifteen or twenty feet deep; and in the rains those streams unite, and form a sheet of water several miles broad upon a depth of six, seven, and ten fathoms; and the stream runs then at the rate of from seven to twelve miles per hour.
↩This Gahassiti-Bibi was eldest daughter to Aaly-verdy-qhan, and consort to his eldest nephew, Nevazish-mahmed-qhan, which last was known for an impotent man, who addicted himself to feminine joys; so that his consort was always ready to listen favourably to the petitions of any well-looking man, that offered some consolation. But she went much farther; and it is well known to all M8rsh8d-abad, that she used to send invitations and also satellites; and that a stout, handsome man was not always safe in the streets; and our author who is very tender of Aaly-verdy-qhan’s family, which was his own, shall by and by say something to that full amount.
↩Nagp8r called the little, to distinguish it from that Nagp8r, capital of the Barar, where resided the Princes of the family of Bhossla, the most powerful of the Marhatta feudatories. The former is a small principality on the western outskirts of Bengal; that latter is at five hundred cosses south-west of Calcutta.
↩Such is the military custom in India; elsewhere, for instance in Turkey, soldiers swear upon their sabres, and also upon bread and salt.
↩The duties of a community of bread and salt, being so much taken notice of in the Arabian books from whence the Indians have received their religion, with an infinity of words, expressions, and as also tenets; and the Turks or Tartars, or rather Tatars, from whence the conquerers of Hindostan derive their pedigree, being nations that lay a great stress on having eaten bread and salt with a man; the author to all appearance spoke by hearsay and from theory on these two articles: for it is notorious to any one that has been much conversant with Indians of either religion, that there is no nation on the face of the earth, so cold and lifeless on whatever concerns gratitude; nor does their language afford a single word to denote that delicate sensation. They have indeed compound words, but these are of foreign origin; and it becomes highly probable, that whilst the word itself was travelling to India, the idea and sensation remained behind.
↩This sudden distemper, which carries people in two or three days, and even in a few hours, is common in Bengal, and is called by the Arabic word Hàiz.
↩The Tessehya is made by impressing, a red-hot iron upon the horse’s thigh with the first letter of the name of the Corps to which it belongs.
↩All the Afghans are Sunnies, and moreover fanatical Sunnies. It is remarked of them that, whilst they were masters of Ispahan, capital of Persia, their soldiers, and even their officers, made it a practice every Friday, afternoon-prayers at the Cathedral, to sally forth with drawn sabres, and to kill as many Shyahs as they meet.
↩Aaly-verdy-qhan, whose principal name was Mehabet-djung.
↩The Sunnies, of which sect were the Afghans, acknowledge four men to be the first lawful Qhalifs, or successors to Mohammed, to wit, Ab8-beir, Omar, Osman, and Aaly. The Shyahs or Shismaticks, on the contrary, such as the Persians and Aaly-verdy-qhan’s family, acknowledge only the fourth; and by rejecting the three others whom they load with imprecations and abuse, they offend the Sunnies, whom they render implacable, and who stigmatise them with the epithet Rafazies or blasphemers.
↩The poesies of Hafyz are consulted on futurity all over Persia and India, just as were the Sortes Virgiliance, two hundred years after Augustus. But, however, the Coran is the chief book of divination amongst all Mussulmen; and amongst the Shyahs in particular, the Coran, and also their Rosario; and this is done with a variety of rites and ceremonies.
↩This has a reference to the climate of India where, for the greatest parts of the year, people are spent and faint in the heat of the day, especially betwixt the orenoon and afternoon, but brisk and lively, and always up almost the whole night.
↩Although Quinte-curce is too fond of his hero, to say a word of it, it appears by all the Oriental historians that Alexander built such a wall betwixt the shores of the Caspian Sea, and the mountains, and shut that space, of two leagues in length, against the Turks or Scythians. This wall exists to this day, and is called Derbend, opening shut up; nor does tradition itself attribute the foundation of it to any but to Ascandar Makedon.
↩The Prince of the Faithful, for the author, is Aaly, and those who love him are the Shyahs, who never fail to ascribe sentiments of enmity and aversion to every one of those who do not choose to join them in vomiting abuse and curses against the three Emperors that preceded Aaly; whereas the Sunnies respect him highly, and as much as any of the three others.
↩This Sh8ster is called S8ss in registers, and is the Susa of the Greeks, one of the ancient Capitals of the Persian Empire.
↩Aaly’s title is M8rteza or the pleasing and agreeable, he being with Mahomet the only living man mentioned in the Coran. Mahomet’s title is Mustapha, i. the select.
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