Siyar al-Muta'ahirin - The Seir Mutaqherin, Volume 1

considerable amongst these was Bimba-sindïah, who enjoyed the whole territory of Aorengabad in lieu of his pay. All these came and remained encamped with Da8d-khan until the twenty-fifth of Ramazan, at which time Hossëin-aaly-khan appeared at the head of twenty-six thousand horse, the only ones that were able to keep pace with him, but all veteran troops, accustomed to be led to success and victory under his command. This happened in the fourth year of Feroh-syur’s reign. The Viceroy being arrived within sight of the enemy, endeavoured to reclaim that haughty imprudent Afghan, by sending him several very inviting messages, but finding him deaf to all remonstrances, he thought only how to reduce him by force. He, therefore, ranged his army in battle array, mounted his elephant, and marched down upon the enemy. The latter did the same on his side, after having placed on his front a body of Afghans, all his countrymen, every one of whom thought himself equal to a Rostem.^\(93\) The battle proved obstinate and bloody. The valorous on both sides, pressing upon each other, as in the Day of Judgment were rushing forward, regardless of every thing but how to engage amongst the foremost. In a moment it commenced raining heads, which dropped like hail from the clouds raised by the inflamed sabres,^\(94\) and streams of blood pouring down from the hands of so many heroes in fury were drenching the dry thirsty earth. How many bodies, hitherto accustomed to all the conveniences and delicacies of a luxurious life, found that The bloody battles of B8rhanpoor. day their bed on the bloody hard ground, and how many heads streaming with blood, did colour the point of spears, like so many full blown roses, fixed on their stalks! The ponderous earth eternally shaken by the incessant roaring of cannon, seemed to have assumed a motion like the heaven, whilst heaven itself confounded at the appearance of so many blood-drunk warriors, stopped short, and stood motionless, like a lumpish clod of earth.^\(95\) Da8d-khan had given orders to his conductor to carry his elephant close to that of Hossëin-aaly-khan’s as soon as he could descry him. But meanwhile Hiramon, a valorous Gentoo, who commanded the Afghan’s van, had pushed as far as the enemy’s artillery, where he was making a great slaughter, when he was himself given for food to the famished sabres of a body of Sëids of Bar, who threw themselves in his way, and killed or wounded every one of those that had followed him. But this loss did not divert Da8d-khan from his design; he was eagerly pushing forward amongst a body of officers mounted like himself, amongst whom he towered out as terrible as the man on the elephant mentioned in the Coran.^\(96\) He was seeking his rival everywhere, being preceded by three hundred stout Afghans, who armed with battle-axes, were hewing down every thing in their way. This formidable body struck a panic in the enemy’s ranks. It was there that fell the bravest of the Viceroy’s army—Mahamed-y8ss8f, Commander of his artillery, as well as Rostem-beg and Bessalet-khan, both at the head of their troops which were mowed down by shoals, and now returned their acknowledgments to their masters by torrents of their blood. Aalem-aaly-khan, with Qhan-zeman-qhan, and a nunber of persons of distinction, were wounded there grievously. The Afghans making their way with such a slaughter, Da8d-khan at last found himself against Mir-mushreff, an ancient General personally attached to Hossëin-aaly-khan. He was armed Cap-a-pié, and looked like one cased in iron. Da8d-khan, mistaking him for the Viceroy, cried out who he was himself, and said, What for do you keep concealed behind your muffler, like a woman? Up with your visor, man, that I may see who you are. Da8d-khan said this out of contempt, because that Afghan never wore but a djama of muslin on the day of battle. He said, and putting an arrow to his bow, he with an unerring aim, lodged it in Mir-mushreff’s neck. That officer fainting with anguish and loss of blood fell down from his haödah, to which he just held by one of his hands. In this situation Da8d-khan’s driver, making a stout use of his iron-crook,^\(97\) gave him on the back two or three blows, so well conditioned, that the nobleman remembered them for the remainder of his days; and several years after, on recounting all this detail, he could not help carrying his hand to his back, and saying that they were severe blows, indeed, and that he felt them still: Whilst this terrible execution was taking place, Mir-mushreff’s elephant-driver seized this opportunity to part the two beasts, and as he hung still by the hand, a report spread throughout the whole army that he was slain; and this report only increased the panic. And now the Afghan drawing near Hossëin-aaly-khan’s elephant, people thought that all was over, and numbers fell off their ranks, whilst others fled in earnest. A signal discomfiture was going to ensue, few choosing to stand by their General but a body of men of note, who resolved to perish rather than to forsake him. Matters grew critical, and the confusion as dreadful as that of the Day of Judgment, when a musquet-ball, as if by express order, struck Da8d-khan in the forehead, killed him outright, and changed the morning of his life and glory into an everlasting evening. The driver seeing Dä8d-khan killed in the middle of his victory. his master without any sign of life, turned his elephant about, and fled with those that sought to avoid the edge of the pursuing sabre. At sight of this, Hossëin-aaly-khan ordered his military music to strike up in token of victory and rejoicing, and sending his people after the Afghan’s elephant, which was soon overtaken, he ordered his corpse to be fastened to that animal’s foot, and dragged throughout the whole city of B8rhanp8r.

It may be asked what has become of Bimba-dji and his Marhatta Cavalry, of which we have said not a word. And the answer will be short. The man, like a true Marhatta, contented himself with scampering about at the beginning of the action, and then remained motionless like any common spectator; so that when he saw that victory had turned towards Hossëin-aaly-khan, he galloped over, and presented him his Nuzur as did all his officers. And all this while his Marhattas having broke in the enemy’s camp, were plundering every thing they could lay their hands upon. Nevertheless, there still remained much booty for the victorious army; and the whole of Dä8d-khan’s equipage, money, horses and elephants were seized for the Viceroy’s use, a small part of which only he vouchsafed to send to the Emperor, and that, too, after a length of time.

Da8d-khan had left at Ahmed-abad a consort, by whom he was tenderly loved. She was the daughter of a Hindoo Zemindar, or great Landlord of that kingdom, where it was a standing rule, that some of those Gentoo Princes should give their daughters to the Viceroy in being. This lady who had been initiated in the Mussulman religion, on her entrance into the seraglio, was now pregnant, and seven months gone with child; and she had entreated for the liberty of following her husband, of whom at his Strange anecdote of Dä8d-khan’s Radjpoot consort. departure, she had obtained his poignard, as a token of his love. The news of his death in the middle of a victory having now reached Ahmed-abad, she took the poignard, and opening her own belly with a precaution and dexterity that amazed every one, she carefully drew out the child, and tenderly recommended it to the by-standers, after which few words, she expired.^\(98\)

The report of this victory soon reached the capital, and it was remarked that the Emperor could not conceal his concern and regret. He even said in the Vezir Abdollah-khan’s presence, “That it was a pity that so heroical a man as Dä8d-khan should have been slain,” and he added, “that he had been unworthily used.” Severe answer of the Vezir to the Emperor, on the latter expressing a concern for Dä8d-khan’s death. This expression was taken up by the Vezir, who answered, “That had his brother been slain by that savage of an Afghan, his death, he supposed, would have appeared very proper, and at any rate would have been more welcome to His Majesty.”

When dialogues between the Emperor and the Minister could be tainted with so much acrimony, it was not difficult to conjecture how far matters might proceed, and this was soon put to the test by two events that happened immediately after this conversation: These were the sudden dismission of a body of choice men which the Emperor had ordered to be raised with a high pay, from forty to nine hundred rupees per month, a pay which was to be assigned on Crown-lands, or Djaghires, and in expectation of which they had been promised one with another fifty rupees in ready money; but twelve months had already elapsed since that creation, and they had as yet touched nothing, when at once the body was broke and dismissed, and its Paymasters were told, that at present there was no money in the treasury. The second event is the sudden arrival of Emir-djemlah from Azim-abad, where over and above the standing troops of his Government, he had raised a large body of Moghuls, and other foreigners; and as the revenues of the country, very ill-managed by him, could not afford to maintain those additional troops, they subsisted by pillaging the flat country, and exercising violences even in the middle of its capital, where they put under contribution the poor people, as well as the nobility. Such enormous disorders could not but render Emir-djemlah’s administration an object of universal detestation; but as he had also most extravagantly squandered away the public money, and no resource remained for him against the insolencies of those people who threatened his person, here is the expedient, he imagined, would extricate himself. He got into one of those veiled-chairs that are used to convey women, and without imparting even a hint to his most intimate friends, or even to his menial servants, he fled towards Dehli, where, terror adding wings to his flight, he arrived in fifteen days; and where, in the very middle of a dark night, he suddenly made his appearance at the castle-gate, like a ghost from his grave. This was at a time when terrible reports were spreading everywhere throughout the city, as if schemes were actually in agitation about seizing the Vezir’s person. And, indeed, as the Emperor had now conceived a rooted aversion against the two brothers, a rumour ran, that Emir-djemlah had been sent for underhand. This much is certain that, when that Governor made his appearance at Court, he was ill-received; and that this reception having only added to the bad opinion which the world had conceived of his character, he turned himself towards Abdollah-khan, to whom he commenced paying an assiduous courtship, as he was, said he, resolved, henceforward to devote himself solely to his family. But all these protestations were attributed to artifice by the public, and even to a concerted scheme of seizing the Vezir’s person. It was even suspected, that the unexpected dismission of the eight thousand troopers, together with the vast crowds of Moghuls, and other disbanded soldiers, who arrived daily in shoals from Azimabad, and went everywhere armed and mounted about the streets, and especially to the palaces The dissensions between the Emperor and the Vezir rise higher than ever,and the latter fortifies his quarter, and raises new troops. of Mahmed-amin-khan, the Paymaster-General, and of Emir-djemlah, and of Qhandö8ran, were nothing more than so many contrivances to circumvent the Vezir; and they raised supicions in every one’s breast, as if all these manœuvres meant no more than to fall unexpectedly upon his palace. That Minister, at last, came to think so himself; and now giving way to his apprehensions, he ordered his quarter and his habitation to be put in a state of defence, and a number of troops to be raised. It happened that his nephew, Ghäirat-khan, who had been appointed Fodjar of Narnö8l, and had gone out of the city with a strong body, to take possession, came soon to hear of these disturbances; and he turned about, and took his quarters round his palace, not only with what troops he actually had with him, but also with some new levies which he made by the way, and chiefly with a large body of Sëids of Bar, who had flocked into the city, on hearing that the Vezir, whom they looked upon not only as their countryman, but also as their kinsman, was in danger from his enemies. Such terrors were spread everywhere, and such apprehensions conceived, that Abdollah-khan’s friends, who had fortified themselves in his quarter, or in its neighbourhood, were now sitting upon their elephants the whole day, and standing to their arms the whole night, the more so as shoals of disbanded soldiers were now seen armed and mounted in almost every large street. But what looks very singular is, that it was such a time of mistrust and confusion, that Emir-djemlah, at a loss what to do with his own person,chose to refuge himself in Mahmed-amin-khan’s house,after having rendered himself not only odious, but even contemptible and ridiculous by his thoughtless behaviour. It was with such a pusillanimous conduct, and in such an abject state of body and mind, that he still harboured thoughts of not only contending with such mighty men, as the victorious Hossëin-aaly-khan, and the Vezir Abdollah-khan, the pole of the Empire, as well as with the late Zulficar-khan, the Prince of Princes, but also of overtopping them in the state. Amidst all these movements and troubles, the Emperor who felt his own inability as well as his favourite’s incapacity, and who through his innate levity of mind had already grown sick of these commotions and preparations, undertook to put an end to the whole by discarding Emir-djemlah. He was dismissed to his native country of M8ltan, and Ser-b8lend-khan appointed to his Government of Azimabad-patna. But all this repentance, and all these changes produced no conviction in any mind amongst discerning men; and the Emperor’s insincerity was now so publicly known, and suspicions had taken so deep a root on that head, that whenever the Emperor went out a hunting, or the least motion was observed in his household, the report was presently spread that the Vezir had been seized. No wonder after that, if that Minister continued to raise troops, and to prepare every thing for his defence.

This year, which was marked by so many troubles and dissensions, became also memorable by the demise of Assed-khan— the venerable Assed-khan—that wise Assef^\(99\) of the State, who had been so long Prime Minister to Aoreng-zib. He departed to the mansions of eternal mercy, after having completed the ninety-fifth year of a virtuous life, full of merits. It was the sixth of Feroh-syur’s reign, and the seven hundred and twenty-ninth of the Hedjrah. He may be said to have been the seal and last member of that ancient nobility of Hindostan, that had done so much honour to the Empire. He had every qualification that can constitute a character equally eminent in public, and amiable in private; of a placability of temper, and of a benignity of disposition so endearing, that to this very day, his name is affectionately remembered by every one. Without of the having ever stooped to any Lords of the recent Courts, he lived with dignity and splendour to the very last, conserving uninterruptedly his boundless influence over every part of the Empire, where, to his immortal honour, as well as to the emolument of all contemporaries, he never ceased to employ his credit, as well as purse, in obliging any one that presented himself, whether a friend or stranger.

May God Almighty be merciful unto his Soul—Amen.

It is well known that the proper name of that venerable Lord was Ibrahim,^\(101\) and Ismaël, that of his son. This was no other than that same Zulficar-khan, so unjustly, so inhumanly murdered by Feroh-syur’s order, in the very beginning of his reign; and people remembered, that the son being unwilling to submit to the new Emperor, and fully able to assert his own independence, was soothed by the father’s entreaties, and totally subdued by the weight of paternal authority, which engaged him to lay aside all thoughts of opposition, and to repair with him to Feroh-syur’s quarters. Upon which, there were then handed about two very affecting lines, that deserve to be preserved. They are as follows:—

Long before this venerable man’s demise, the Emperor, whose main vice of administration was to have never discerned real merit, and who now repented of his precipitation, had rendered all his esteem and good will to that forlorn family. He was himself wondering at his precipitation, the more so, as he now felt deeply the fatal consequences of it. On hearing that Assed-khan was The Emperor’s humble message to him just before his death. upon his death bed, he sent him a man of distinction, who after having humbled himself in his name, had orders to pay him a visit of condolence on his part, and to address him in these terms:— “It is a pity that we^\(102\) should have not been at first sensible of all the merits of your illustrious family, and that such a fatal ignorance should have brought about a mournful event that ought never to have happened. Now we repent, and regret, and sob; but all these come too late, and prove of no avail. Nevertheless, such is the high opinion we have conceived of your Highness’s eminent character, especially for benevolence, and such are the emergencies of our situation, that we flatter ourselves, that you shall not deny us some piece of advice on what we are to do with the Sëids. Such a favour, after all, would not The dying man’s remarkable answer. prove a novelty in a character so renowned for sensibility and benevolence.”

The venerable old man, after having attentively listened to the message, answered in a mild tone of voice:—“You have committed a very great error; but such doubtless was our destiny,—and you was yourself under the actual impulse of fate;—but now the day of retribution, I am afraid, seems at hand; you are full in its way;—and I much fear, lest under the appearance of these dissensions, ruin and desolation should have crept under the columns of the Timurian throne. Now that you have so unfortunately given up your authority and Empire into the hands of the Sëids, it is too late to retrogade; on the contrary, spare nothing to keep them easy and satisfied, lest these dissensions, by being protracted to a length, should give birth to matters of a high nature, and reduce you to the necessity of suffering the reins of your liberty to slip absolutely out of your hands.”

Feroh-syur takes umbrage at the enormous power of the two Sëids, who had placed him on the throne—High disputes between the Minister of the Finances and the Vezir—Breach between the Emperor and the two brothers—Depradations and successes of the Marhatta Cand8-Behary—The Viceroy (one of the two brothers) undertakes to put an end to them—Secret orders sent from Court against him—The Marhattas avail themselves of these dissensions to establish a double-headed tribute all over the Decan—The younger brother (Viceroy of Decan) disregards every order from Court—Rise of M8rad, since styled Yticad-qhan, the favourite and minion of the Emperor’s— The latter strongly addicted to unnatural practices—Resolute proposal of three eminent Commanders against the excessive power of the two brothers—Strange answer of the Emperor’s— His timidity, irresolution, fickleness—The Viceroy repairs to Court at the head of an army—sets up a pageant of an Emperor —Intimidates Feroh-syur—Affecting story—the Vezir arms —His brother enters the capital like a conqueror—The Vezir takes possession of both the citadel and the palace—The Emperor dethroned—A body of Marhatta horse destroyed within the city by the mob—Several skirmishes in the streets between the Imperialists and the Minister’s adherents—Prince Refi-ed-derdjat proclaimed Emperor—terrible message of the Viceroy’s to his brother the Vezir—Feroh-syur dragged out of the Imperial Seraglio with enormous indignities, and confined—Manner of his death related in two different ways, by eminent contemporary authors, present—The two brothers take possession of every thing in the palace—The young prince dies—Is succeeded by his younger brother, Refi-ed-do8la—And then by Nic8-syur— Roshenaqhter, since Mahmed-shah, is proclaimed by the two brothers —Furious commotions in Cashmir—Nizam-ul-mulk revolts against the two brothers, and by dint of Generalship, gains three great battles against their relations and partizans—Noble action of a Governor of Do8let-abad—A conspiracy is formed at Court against the brothers—The younger brother is assassinated—The elder is defeated in a battle which lasted thirty hours, and is taken prisoner—Mahmed-shah enters in possession of the throne.

NOTHING could be wiser than the dying nobleman’s advice; but it made but a momentary impression, and the Emperor continued as thoughtless as ever. Eternally obseded by courtiers equally imprudent and ambitious, he used to bestow, on their recommendations, all the subordinate offices and employments of Decan; and so soon as any one was requested, so soon was the patent of it drawn up and bestowed, to the great discontent of Hossëin-aaly-qhan, the actual Viceroy, who looked upon all those promotions, as derogatory to his authority, and as even dangerous to his safety. His constant practice was to set aside the promoted with fair words, and sometimes with raillery, and to advance his own creatures to all posts of trust—a conduct that could not fail to occasion endless heart-burnings at Court. Nor was Abdollah-qhan, the other brother, more scrupulous. His Divan, Ratan-chund, proud of his master’s unbounded influence, meddled at pleasure with the Imperial registers, without minding the Mutusuddies or Crown-officers and servants, whose province it was to keep those books. Even the Divan of the Qhalissah-office, who is, properly speaking, the Minister of the Finances, or at least the Accomptant-General, was become a mere cypher, or a body without a soul; and every matter of revenue and administration passed through the hands of that Gentoo, who in a few hours time would transact business to the amount of several corors. He leased out all the Crown-lands. A conduct, so overbearing and so decisive, could not but embarrass both Ettesam-qhan, who had been put at the head of the Qhalissah-office, on Qhandö8ran’s recommendation, and the Raïraïan, or chief counsellor, who had the Divanship or inspection general of all the musters; the more so, as these two officers were differently affected—the former inclining to the Emperor’s side, and the latter to the Vezir’s—an ambiguous conduct which exposed them to the displeasure of both sides, and which at last rendered it expedient for them to give both their resignations of one common accord. So that those two offices were vacant, when Ynaïet-ollah-qhan made his appearance at Court on a sudden. This nobleman who had fallen in disgrace in the first year of the Emperor’s reign, had made the pilgrimage of Mecca, from whence he was now returned. As that nobleman had acquired a great character for acuteness and fidelity in the several offices of administration and finance, which he had held under Aoreng-zib’s and under Bahadyr-shah’s reign, and he passed for an able Minister and an excellent Accomptant, the Emperor could not but be pleased with the arrival of a man of whose talents he wanted to avail himself for the purposes of remedying those disorders occasioned by Emir-djemlah’s incapacity; for he was now conscious to himself, how improvident he had been in demolishing the ancient nobility. He, therefore, cast his eyes upon him as the fittest person he could substitute to Ettesam-qhan in the two offices, which the latter had thrown up, tired of two employments, that exposed him perpetually to insurmountable difficulties, and rendered it impossible to manage two such opposite parties as those of the Emperor and the Vezir’s. The Emperor having received his resignation for those two offices, and given him the Government of Cashmir in exchange, immediately appointed Ynaïet-ollah-qhan. This nobleman shewed Ynaïet-ollah-qhan appointed to the office of Minister of the Finance department. much backwardness in assuming two offices, which he conceived he never could discharge to his own or to his master’s satisfaction, so long as Abdollah-qhan or his Minister should continue to carry every thing with a high hand; nor was this last Minister himself pleased to see appointed a man, whose severity he had more than once experienced in Aoreng-zib’s reign. Luckily that this disagreement was put an end to by Yqhlas-qhan, a Gentoo convert of Bahadyr-shah’s reign, a wise, learned, ingenious man, who although professionally attached to the two Sëids, was too much displeased with the complexion of the times, to accept himself any office. He lived a retired life solely occupied by the Emperor’s order in writing the history of his time, under the title of Feroh-syur-nameh, or History of Feroh-syur. This nobleman having connections with either parties, and enjoying the esteem of both, proposed the following expedient:— That Ynaïet-ollah-qhan should be appointed, under condition that he would never propose any thing to the Emperor without having first consulted Abdollah-qhan. There were two more stipulations. The first, that Ratan-chund should not interfere in Ynaïet-ollah-qhan’s province; the second, that Abdollah-qhan himself should be more assiduous in the discharge of his office of Vezir, as the only means to put an end to the clamours of an infinity of men, whose business was at stand, for want of his seal or of his signature. It was agreed that Abdollah-qhan should repair twice a week at least to the castle, where he should sit in state under the Vezirial canopy, ready to hear petitions, and to determine differences. And with this agreement, the Vezir complied for some time; but he was so averse to the Emperor’s presence, and on the other hand, he was so addicted to women, and, indeed, to every species of pleasure, that he soon relapsed into his former sloth and neglect, having no time to spare for public business.

Whilst this Minister’s effeminate conduct left every thing to take its own course, Ynaïet-ollah-qhan was increasing the confusion by an exactness and a severity, of which his discernment ought to have pointed out the inexpediency and danger at present. Without sufficiently attending to the actual complexion of the times, or to Ratan-chund’s boundless influence, he proposed to the Emperor to enforce certain laws relative to the capitation levied on Gentoos; and the Emperor approved of the proposal. On the other hand, as the Court and palace were full of eunuchs, Gentoos, and Cashmirians, who had availed themselves of the inattention of the Vezir’s administration to get at exorbitant salaries, to engross the best Djaghirs, and to disappoint or to render very precarious the pretensions of those who aspired to such emoluments on better titles, the Minister of the Finance proposed that part of those exorbitant grants and salaries should be suppressed, and part reduced within proper bounds, or that they should be granted on such terms as were pointed out by the Imperial registers. These two proposals having proved highly disagreeable to Ratan-chund, and to all the pillagers and defaulters, they complained to Abdollah-qhan, to whom likewise they proved unwelcome; and all the guilty joining together in a general combination against the proposer, gave rise to a coolness, which brought on a neglect High disputes between the Minister of the Finances and the Vezir’s dependants. of the several articles agreed to between the Vezir and the Minister of Finances. Daily bickerings gave rise to daily disgusts, and a breach ensued openly on the following occasion:—

A Gentoo who managed some Crown-lands, was found indebted to the treasury in a large balance, for which he was put under confinement, notwithstanding the repeated applications which Ratan-chund had the front to make on so glaring an occasion; so that the man who was conscious of his guilt, corrupted his guards, and made his escape to Ratan-chund’s house, where he was protected. Ynaïet-ollah-qhan having represented the matter to the Emperor, he engaged him to send a detachment of the palace-slaves to fetch the delinquent; but Ratan-chund’s people having put themselves upon their defence, matters, from high words and an altercation, were proceeding to an affray, when the Emperor shocked at so much daringness, commanded the Vezir to dismiss his Divan, which the other promised without having ever thought of complying really with the order. But the main subject of dissension, which brought all heart-burnings to a head, and proved that the Emperor had lost all power, was Churamon the Djatt’s affair.

This was a powerful Zemindar or Gentoo Prince in the neighbourhood of Ecber-abad, who was of a family which at all times had proved so troublesome, that several Emperors had not disdained to march against his ancestors in person, and to bring them under control. He had himself been once chastised for his refractory, turbulent disposition, ever ripe for commotions. This man becoming troublesome again, the Emperor, at the beginning of Shevval in the year 1129, appointed the Radja Djehi-sing-seväi, surnamed Radja Dehiradj, to bring him to order. The Emperor on appointing him to command that expedition, raised his military grade, and presented him with an elephant, a suite of jewels, and some lacs of rupees. After his departure, he dispatched to his assistance a large body of troops under the command of Seïd-qhan-djehan, brother to Abdollah-qhan. By this time the Gentoo Prince was arrived before the Djatt’s fortress, where he had pushed his trenches close to the place, after a great loss of time and blood. It was at this conjuncture that the new General arrived. The latter being young and fiery, disapproved of the slowness of these approaches, and gave several assaults, which proved so unsuccessful, that the camp was full of wounded men. But yet the place being already invested this whole year, and suffering distress from the want of every thing, could resist no longer. So that Churamon wrote to his Vekil or Agent at Court, to apply to the Vezir Abdollah-qhan, offering to submit, to send a Peishcush or present in money, and to attend at Court should the Emperor be pleased to forgive the errors of his past conduct; but all that only under the express condition, that the negotiation would not be communicated to Radja Djehi-sing, nor that Prince, his enemy, admitted to any share in the treaty. All that was no sooner agreed to by the Vezir, than the Gentoo received advice of it, and was shocked at his exclusion. He quitted the army, repaired to Court, and infused his resentment in the mind of the Emperor, who found himself compromised in this affair and humbled. As an addition to all this, Churamon himself arrived a few days after at the capital, and took up his quarters close to the Vezir’s palace. After all those provocations, he had the assurance to present himself to the Emperor, who detesting his person, would see him no more; and he seemed greatly affected by the turn which this affair has taken, at a time especially when nothing but disagreeable news were daily arriving from Decan, where troubles had arisen that involved the Emperor and the Empire in their consequences.

We have left Hossëin-aaly-khan at the head of an army become victorious against all appearances to the contrary. After so important a victory, he returned to Aorengabad, his capital, where he spent his time in introducing order and subordination everywhere, when he heard from the province of Qhandess, that Cand8-behary, one of the principal Marhatta Generals in the Radja Sah8’s service, was committing enormous excesses in that province where he enjoyed an extensive command. It is observable that, although that country was within the Viceroyalty of Decan, and of course of Hossëin-aaly-khan’s jurisdiction, yet it had, as well as the other provinces of that extensive country, a Marhatta Commander, upon a par with the Imperial Governor himself, and whose business was to manage, on his master’s part, the cho8t or quarter, that is, that part of the gross revenue allotted him by treaties. This strange custom had found its way all over the Decan, ten or twelve years after the demise of the Emperor Aoreng-zib, at a time of troubles and civil wars, and when the Princes of the Imperial blood, fully occupied by their own intestine broils, had no thoughts to spare on those distant parts. This Marhatta General, having lined the road from B8rhanp8r up to Surat, the principal port of India, with a number of mud-forts which he had garrisoned, made nothing of stopping merchants and whole caravans, and exacting one-quarter of their goods; to which exaction if they submitted, all was well; else, he used Depredations and successes of the Marhatta, Cand8-behary. to get the goods plundered by the way, and the merchants ransomed at so much a head. Such arbitrary practices having raised a general clamour against him, the Viceroy dispatched his own Paymaster,^\(103\) Zulficar-beg, at the head of a detachment of eight thousand men, cavalry and infantry, to put order to those rapines. Zulficar-beg having got with some difficulty over the difficult passes that are beyond Aorengabad, was marching in that tract of hilly ground which borders on the Qhandess as well as on the territory of Surat, when he discovered Cand8-behari at the head of eight or nine thousand veterans, all cavalry, and all effective men, but which had been swelled by fame as far as fifteen or sixteen thousands. It was at about seventy cosses westward of Aorengabad, on the confines of the Buglana. Zulficar-beg immediately prepared to attack, but the Marhatta, who was accustomed to fight only on his own terms, declined the combat; and he went on retreating until he had drawn his enemy into a a difficult country full of underwood and uneven ground. In vain Zulficar-beg’s harcaras and scouts informed their master that this was not a proper spot for engaging such a set of expert freebooters as the Marhattas. He made no account of the advice; but proud of his own prowess, and full as thoughtless as a number of Sëids of Barr that followed him, he fell upon them directly, and killed a number of those uncircumcised, whom he sent to the bottom of hell. The Marhattas faithful to their own custom, gave way on all sides immediately, their General seeming to fly likewise with no more than five hundred men, although this manœuvre was calculated to draw the Mussulmen farther and farther into that dangerous country, which obliged them at each turn to split into several distinct bodies, parted from each other by ravines and brush-wood. This was precisely what Cand8-behary had intended. As soon as he saw his enemies entangled within such a net, he secured the few passes by which they might join again, and having fallen at once upon them on all sides, he slew their General at the first onset, and killed or wounded every one that fell in his way. The massacre lasted for some time, when those that survived it, having exchanged their late haughtiness for present humility, obtained that their lives should be spared, on condition of parting with their horses, arms, and clothes, and of remaining prisoners.

So disgraceful a defeat having shocked the Viceroy, he appointed Radjah Mohcum-sing, his first Minister, with a good army of veteran troops, to avenge the honour of his arms; and not satisfied with that, he got him followed by another body of troops, of which he gave the command to his own younger brother, Seïf-eddin-aaly-qhan, whom he appointed to the Government of B8rhanp8r. The two Generals, who had orders to act in concert, were resolved to put an end to the Marhattas; but Cand8-behary, who had no inclination to fight on such disadvantageous terms, retreated southward with all his people, whom he placed in several strongholds of the Sah8 Radjah’s dominions. As to his mud-forts, as soon as one of them was besieged by a detachment, it was directly evacuated; but no sooner had the troops marched farther, than the garrison returned. And although Mohcum-sing defeated and dispersed another body of freebooters that advanced from Ahmed-nagor in quest of booty and plunder, and he pursued them incessantly to the very gates of Satara, nevertheless, Zulficar-beg’s defeat and death remained unrevenged.

Such a disgrace could not but affect the Viceroy’s credit, as well as the honour of his Government—the more so as the people of those parts, at all times unruly, were now become sensible of the intestine dissensions between their Viceroy and the Emperor, and had grown refractory and rebellious; a disposition which was not a little encouraged by letters from Court, where not only the Radja Sah8, but also all the Crown-servants and subordinate Governors of Decan were directed to deny Hossëin-aaly-khan’s authority, and, moreover, to do every thing in their power, to ruin and destroy him and his army. Such secret orders could not but excite troubles and resistance. And although at this very time, Mubariz-qhan, a nobleman famous in those parts, and Governor of the kingdom of Haiderabad, submitted to the Viceroy, who received him with great honours, and confirmed him in his post, yet neither that kingdom, nor that of Bidjap8r, nor that of Carnatek, could be brought under complete order and control; and the Viceroy sensible from whence the wind blew, and convinced that all these manœuvres were calculated to undermine him silently, refused, on his side, to admit those Divans, or Superintendents of Finances, that were sent him daily from Court, and he either tired them with endless delays, or cut them short with a flat denial.

Such a subterraneous warfare between the Viceroy and the Court, could not but undermine the foundations of that little tranquillity and order, which the warlike and victorious Aoreng-zib had been at so much pains to establish in countries, where he had spent so great a part of his life, and dispersed all the treasures amassed by that second Lord of the Conjunction, the Emperor Shah-djehan, his father.^\(104\) With infinite labour and personal toil he had, in a campaign which lasted full five-and-twenty years, wrested thirty or forty strongholds from the hands of the Marhattas, driven that restless nation from its own home, and reduced it to take shelter in skulking holes and in fastnesses. But some years after his death, intestine wars and troubles having distracted the attention of the pretenders to his Empire, and Bahadyr-shah, who at last mounted the throne, having chosen for his residence the city of Lahor, a place remote from the centre of the Empire, and still farther from those troublesome frontiers now become the scene of so much action, the Marhattas availed themselves of this oversight as well as of the general inattention, to rush out of their fastnesses, and to spread themselves over all the neighbouring provinces, where step after step, they not only recovered several of their strongholds, with most of the conquests made upon them, but committed such ravages in the Imperial territories, as obliged them to redeem themselves by submitting to pay them a yearly tribute of one full quarter of their revenues, under the appellation of Chö8t;^\(105\) whilst those that refused to bend under so infamous a yoke, were consigned every year to all the atrocities of fire and sword. Not but that they met with a vigorous resistance in some particular spots, from whence, after a blockade of some length, they retired with shame and loss, but it was in order to return again. Such a state of eternal warfare had tired the Marhattas themselves; and so early as the latter end of Aoreng-zib’s reign, Rana-baï, the relict of Ram-radja, had supplicated that Prince to put an end to the miseries of mankind by granting her a Des-mucky,^\(106\) in lieu of all her pretensions, that is, a tenth of the revenue of the six provinces that composed the Viceroyalty of Decan. This proposal met with a flat refusal, whether out of avarice and parsimony, or from a principle of honour, and a delicacy upon the discredit that would fall on the Mussulman religion should he comply with such a disgraceful proposal. The Prince’s ambassadors, however, now joined to those of Sah8-radja, were more favourably received at the court of Bahadyr-shah. But this Prince, who wished for some rest, was disappointed in his wishes, by the dissensions which soon after took place between the Prince’s relict and the reigning Prince; and matters remained on that uncertain footing until the times of the famous Da8d-khan-péni, who governed all those countries as Lieutenant of the Vezir Zulficar-khan. This Lieutenant, for whose prowess and bodily strength the Marhattas entertained the highest respect, and who lived in a commerce of amity and brotherhood with them, found means to bring them to this agreement:—“That they would henceforward abstain from any demands on such tracts and territories as were held in appanage by the Princes of the Royal blood; but that as to any others that should belong to the Grandees of the court, or any others, The Marhattas establish a tribute all over Decan. whether as Djaghirs or under any other title, their Chö8t would be levied by Hiramon himself, Lieutanant of Da8d-khan’s, without their interfering in it in any manner whatsoever.”

This agreement which seemed to put an end to all broils and pretensions, gave birth to an infinity of bickerings and troubles, which always ended in some blood. Under the government of Nizam-el-mulk, which lasted no more than one year and some months,^\(107\) the Chö8t which had been hitherto levied by mutual agreement, ended in battle and blood. He chastised the Marhattas once, and took from them a vast number of mares, and two or three elephants, which last he sent to the Emperor under the care of Mirza-beg. But this Viceroy, who was a man of vigour, having been succeeded by Hossëin-aaly-khan, whose attention was wholly engrossed by his misintelligence with the court, the times proved so unfavourable, that no agreement could take place for two years together, and no effectual opposition could be made to the Marhattas. His attention was perpetually diverted to the machinations of an insidious court, who by perpetually exciting the Sah8-radja to his ruin, and by encouraging the Radjas and Governors of those distant parts in their refractory disposition, effectually marred every measure which he could devise. Unsupported by his master, whose designs he had every reason to dread, and solicitous to strengthen himself against his personal enemies, he thought it best to turn his attention wholly to that side, by coming to an agreement with the Marhattas on the following conditions: —“That over and above what had been agreed to under Da8d-qhan-peni’s administration, as to their due, they should be entitled to their Des-mucki or tenth, upon all the revenues of the six and-a-half of the provinces of Decan; and that the Marhatta Generals, Djesvent and Chimna-ba, should reside at Aorengabad, at the head of a good body of veteran troops, near the Viceroy’s person, as deputies from the Sah8-radja, in whose The Marhattas establish a double-headed tribute all over Decan. name they might collect their Chö8t from the Djaghir-holders, as well as their Des-mucki or tenth-handful from the rayots or common husbandmen.”

In consequence of this definitive treaty, an end was put to the disputes, quarrels, pillages and massacres that had this long while so far desolated so great part of Decan as to be reputed customary, and matters of course; and the minds of the inhabitants commenced to enjoy the thoughts of traquillity. But henceforward, the talk of Collector of the Revenue or of requestor, Governor or renter, became troublesome, complicated, and pregnant with endless heart-burnings, all these men being now obliged to deal with three distinct governments—the Collector of the Imperial Revenue, the Collector of the Chö8t, and the Collector of the Des-mucki. Hossëin-aaly-khan after exchanging the ratifications of this treaty, and admitting the Marhattas in all the cities of his immense government, sent notice of it to the Emperor, with a petition in which he supplicated His Majesty’s approval, and his letters of Jussion to command its execution to every one. The Emperor instigated by those nearest his person, disapproved the whole treaty, as highly derogatory to the honour of the Empire, as introductory of whole bands of freebooters within the Imperial territories, and as favouring strongly that spirit of independence with which its author was so much infected. At the same time he appointed Djan-nessar-khan to be the Viceroy’s Lieutenant in the province of Qhandess, an ancient nobleman, who bore a high character both for valour and prudence, and who derived a new kind of illustration from his having once exchanged turbants with the old Abdollah-khan alias Mia-khan, father to the two Sëids. The Emperor on dismissing him presented him with a sumptuous dress of honour, an elephant, and a serpitch or a piece of jewel-work for the forehead. This was in public. In a private audience, he charged him with some admonitions for Hossëin-aaly-khan, in hopes that as that ancient nobleman was reputed an uncle to that Viceroy, and in fact was held as such by him, and treated therefore with the utmost respect and condescendence, he might by the weight of his authority prevail on his nephew to behave with more submission to the Emperor. This happened in the sixth year of his reign, which answers to the 1130 of the Hedjrah. He at the same time appointed Mahmed-aamin-khan to the Viceroyalty of Malva, on the frontiers of which he was to receive his patent with letters of recall for Radja Djehi-sing-sevaï. But the general report was that he had set out upon a very different errand, and that there was at the bottom quite another scheme; and it is this rumour which engaged Djan-nessar-khan to stop on the borders of the Nerbedda, the first boundary of Decan, with hardly any thing more than his usual retinue, being too prudent to risk rendering his person suspicious or odious, by appearing with a body of troops on the frontiers of a province to which he had indeed been appointed, but where it was doubtful whether he would find admittance. On the other hand, Mahmed-aamin-khan, after having advanced to Serondj, the first great town of Malva, stopped short to take some rest; and instantly a report spread Rumours in Decan. throughout Decan, that he was marching to Aorengabad at the head of fifty thousand horse, and that his vanguard of eight thousand horse, and more, had pushed forwards under Djan-nessar-khan. This piece of intelligence having been circulated in that great city by the novelists with which all capitals swarm, at last impressed the Viceroy himself with apprehensions. All these doubts, however, vanished on letters coming from Djan-nessar-khan himself, where he requested a small number of troops to escort him through certain narrow and difficult passages, where a freebooter of the name of Sinta was robbing and pillaging on his own private account, without any dependence on the Radja-sah8, Djan-nessar-khan appointed Governor of Qhandess. his master. The escort was sent, and it brought Djan-nesser-khan, who immediately waited on the Viceroy. The latter who knew that the Qhandess was his northern frontier against an invasion from the side of the Court, did not choose to put such a country in the disposal of a man of the Emperor’s recommendation; but as, on the other hand, he professed himself a high regard for his person, he made it a point to pay him every kind of honour, and to welcome his arrival with several very rich presents. Three other persons of importance arriving at this very time from court with letters-patent for two great offices in Decan, served only to shew how the Viceroy mistrusted the Emperor’s designs, and how little account he made of orders sent from the capital. These were Zya-eddin-khan, who was a Persian-born and a Sheriff of Qhorassan,^\(108\) who on the death of Dianet-khan, nephew to Emanet-khan, had been appointed to the office of Divan, or Controller of the Finances in Decan; the two others were Djelal-eddin-khan, appointed Divan of B8rhanp8r, and Faïz-ollah-khan, designed Paymaster of the forces in those parts. Zya-eddin-khan, who was furnished with a letter of recommendation from the Vezir Abdollah-qhan, was admitted to take possession of that great charge, where he had the prudence always to act in conformity with the Viceroy’s pleasure, and to keep him easy and satisfied. Djelal-eddin-khan received for a while the superintendence of the Barar, instead of that of Qhandess, to which the Viceroy had objections; and as to the designed Paymaster of the forces, the Viceroy did not even vouchsafe to return him the salute. These pieces of intelligence having soon found their way to court, raised the Emperor’s grief and resentment to a pitch, but without, however, occasioning any change in his manner of living, or engaging him to conceal from the public sight the infamous vices to which he was now found to be strongly addicted. It was on the following occasion:—One Mahmed-morad, a Cashmirian, The Emperor strongly addicted to unnatural practices. at all times reprobated for his vicious life, but now universally held in abomination for the unnatural practices to which he seemed so prone, was by a countryman of his presented to Sahabe-nisvan,^\(109\) the Empress-mother, and by her to the Emperor, her son, who gave him a private audience. The man said that he had thought of a variety of expedients to seize Abdollah-khan’s person, and to demolish his brother, without it being necessary to recur to open force, or to any violent exertion. This advice was immediately embraced by the Emperor, who being too faint-hearted to betake himself to any vigorous measures, was glad to hear of any expedient to circumvent his enemies; and he increased his affection for his adviser in proportion to the importance of his advice. He changed his name into that of Yticad-khan or the trustworthy Lord; and as he was himself so strongly addicted to unnatural practices, he was overjoyed to find so able a partner, who henceforward became his bosom-friend, and to whom he consigned his mind as he had already consigned his body.

This man insinuating himself deeper and deeper in the Emperor’s good graces, soon became the soul of all his motions, as well as the depositary of all his schemes against the Sëids; and now titles and dignities and honours commenced raining upon him. His name and titles were lengthened into those of Yticad-qhan-feroh-shahy-roc8n-ed-dö8lah, which signifies The prop of the Empire, as well as the trustworthy of the Emperor Feroh-syur. These titles were followed by the military grade of seven thousand horse with the full pay and command of ten thousand; and these were followed by daily presents of an immense value, and by jewels of an exquisite beauty, to which were added the most curious and costly stuffs from the Emperor’s wardrobe. All these were bestowed upon him with so unbounded a profusion, that the man himself came to be sick of them, and was at a loss what to do with such a deluge of gifts. Meanwhile politics had become the topics of the whole court, especially as the Emperor was every day holding councils with his new favourite, in one of which it was at last agreed that three persons of great importance should be sent for to court from their different stations—Ser-b8lend-qhan from his government of Azimabad, Nizam-el-mulk from M8radabad, and Radja-adjet-sing from G8djrat—all men Three Governors of great characters sent for to Court. of talents and military character, whom it was intended to gain over by heaping honours upon them, and by promising them the highest offices of the Empire. But hardly was Nizam-el-mulk arrived, than his Fodjdary of M8radabad together with the rich Djaghir he enjoyed in that province, were both transferred to Yticad-qhan, with these further circumstances, that the name of M8radabad was changed into that of Roc8n-abad, or Roc8n-ed-dö8lah’s colony; and that the whole was bestowed upon him as Altimgha irrevocable. With all this thoughtlessness, the Emperor, who now and then reflected on the impolicy of discontenting powerful men so unworthily used, thought proper to make amends to the Gentoo Prince, at least by the title of Maha-Radja or great Prince, and by pointing out to him all the graces and dignities to which he would be entitled, so soon as he should compass the ruin and destruction of the two Sëids. But the Gentoo Prince, who was fully apprised of the Emperor’s levity and pusillanimity, declined taking any concern in such an affair; and sensible of both the innocence and the great power of the two brothers, he went over to their side, and became Abdollah-qhan’s bosom-friend. As to Nizam-el-mulk and Ser-b8lend-qhan, who had come from so far under the promises of being promoted to the high offices of Supreme Vezir and of Paymaster-General, they not only were disappointed in that promise, but moreover lost even the posts and emoluments they had hitherto enjoyed. Their surprise and discontent had no bounds; but yet as they had set their hearts on those offices, and as they were men of valour and execution, “they supplicated His Majesty to entrust the casket of the Vezirship to either of his faithful servants, then present, if he wished to undermine Abdollah-qhan’s Resolute proposal made by two of them. overgrown power and influence; after which change that nobleman would meet with what chastisement he deserved, if he continued to prove refractory and assuming; and that they took his point upon themselves.” To this resolute proposal the Emperor made this curious answer:—I know no man fitter for a Vezir than Yticad-qhan. There were then at Court several great Lords of both Iranian and T8ranian extraction, all men of known characters, and all men of execution; but so soon as any of them would open his mouth, and propose to rid the Emperor of the two Sëids under the condition of having the Vezirship as his reward, he was immediately saluted by these ridiculous words: I know no man fitter for a Vezir than Yticad-qhan. Such a song repeated at each turn, could not but disgust every one; and every one retired with indignation, no man choosing to expose his life for so childish a master, or to serve under so infamous a Minister. What made all those Lords so forward in offering their endeavours on that trying piece of service, was the favourable opportunity afforded by the approaching feast of the Corban or sacrifice,^\(110\) where the whole city would pour out and advance beyond the suburbs to pray in the open fields; and it must be observed that the retinues and troops brought by those two Lords and by the Gentoo Princes added to those always attending the Emperor’s person, could not amount to less than seventy or eighty thousand effective horse, whilst it was well-known that the Vezir Abdollah-qhan had no more than four or five thousand troopers about his person; nor could it be denied but that on that very day a general report had run all over the city that Abdollah-qhan was going to be arrested or slain. And yet with all these favourable circumstances, and with so favourable an opportunity, nothing was done, and not a man raised his voice. Nay, this very report served only to put Abdollah-qhan more upon his guard; and he that had hitherto admitted no man but those of Barr, whose soldiers being all Sëids like himself, he was inclined to trust above all others, now ordered twenty-five thousand horse to be raised forthwith, without any distinction of country or nation. The report was of so pressing a nature, that it had already reached the other brother, Viceroy of Decan. Impressed with well grounded fears for the safety of his brother, and also for that of his family and wealth, which he had left in the capital, he resolved to postpone every other object, and to quit the Decan in order to march to that city where he intended to rid himself of all apprehensions for the future, by crushing at once all the enemies of his family and power.

This design having taken posession of his mind, he remembered The Viceroy resolved to repair to Court at the head of an army. of Muëzeddin, a neglected young man, now at the Sah8-radjah’s Court, where he passed for a son of Prince Ecber, youngest son of the Emperor Aoreng-zib. He sent an escort to bring him, and he made him enter the city of Aorengabad in the middle of a pompous retinue; but in such a manner, however, that no one could distinguish the young man’s features. This event was now made a paragraph in his dispatches to the Emperor, and instructions were requested thereon. To this he added a private supplication of his own,“ where he intimated his being forced to quit his station, and to repair to the city in order to recover a health impaired by the air and water of Decan, as well as broken by the fatigues of so continual and so laborious a campaign.” These letters frightened the Emperor. His natural pusillanimity was deeply impressed; and to get rid of his own uneasiness at a time when one of the brothers was coming to the city with a powerful army, whlist the other was enlisting men on all hands, he resolved to make an agreement with so powerful a family. He, therefore, sent the Gentoo Prince, Adjet-sing, to carry an apology to Abdolla-qhan; and as the messenger was of a sincerity of character welcome to both parties, he soon found means to lessen the distance that divided the Emperor from his Vezir, as he had attached himself to the latter for life, and had obtained many favours on his recommendation, without forfeiting, for all that, the good opinion which the Emperor entertained of him. To put a seal to this reconciliation, which took place at the end of Shevval, the Emperor set out of the citadel, accompanied by his favourite, Yticad-qhan, and his Minister, Qhandö8ran; and with a deal of pomp and magnificence, he went in state to pay a visit to Abdollah-qhan, to whom he swore that henceforward he would The Emperor intimidated. be his friend in full sincerity, and without any reserve, or any remainder of rancour; and these protestations having produced a scene of excuses for past errors, and of solemn promise of future attachment, the Emperor returned satisfied to his palace. But such was the instability and fickleness of his temper, that he never continued in the same mind for any length of time, but shifted endlessly—now submitting quietly to his fate, and taking dissimulation and acquiescence for his part—and then resolving on coming to extremities with the Sëids, and making them feel all the weight of Imperial resentment. And all this alternately just as his mind chanced to be influenced by the different opinions of his confidants and favourites, who being like himself narrow-minded and pusillanimous, discouraged the men of valour and resolution who were fully able to execute the most difficult orders. The latter, of course, refused to be dictated to by such a vile set of men as had the Emperor’s ear, or even to have any concern at all with them; so that they retired one after another to their lodgings, full of indignation at the enormous credit of those worthless men that approached the Emperor’s person. And even the very men whom the Emperor had sent for from afar, in order to strengthen his own cause by their valour and advices, had, by this time, lost the employments they had hitherto enjoyed; and they lay neglected and unthought of, as was the case with Ser-b8lend-qhan, and Nizam-el-mulk, who had come over upon his pressing invitations and his express commands, and who had his Imperial promises under his handwriting. Once these two Generals being joined by Mubaruz-el-mulk, and the Radjah Djehi-sing-sivaï, went in a body to the Emperor, and proposed: “That Abdollah-qhan should be dismissed from his office forthwith, as the whole business depended upon dropping the veil, and acting openly, after which, himself, as well as his younger brother, might easily be crushed; and, in that case, they undertook either to prevail on the two brothers, by dint of reasoning, to behave henceforward like dutiful subjects, or to fight them as incorrigible rebels, guilty of numberless insolencies and insults.” So bold a declaration did not rouse the Emperor. He continued to listen to his favourite, disappointed and disgusted the two Generals, as we have already said, and, as if he had not done enough yet, he took a rich Djaghir from Ser-b8land-qhan, and to this affront added the greater one of bestowing it upon Emir-djemlah, that vile dissembler, who had already perpetrated the ruin of Assed-qhan’s family, and was working hard for demolishing the Empire likewise.

The Emperor, on returning to his palace, sent for Yqlass-qhan, a nobleman whose intimate connections with the two Sëids were known, and he gave him the commission of quieting Abdollah-qhan’s mind, so as to reclaim him from exciting troubles, and to engage him to prevent his brother from quitting the Decan. For the report ran strong that he was already in full march; and this much is certain that he had already sent his younger brother, Seif-eddin-aaly-qhan, to B8rhanp8r, at the head of a body of four or five thousand horse, with orders to prepare a camp-equipage and a train of artillery. He had been roused by the troubles that were rising in the capital; and he intended to march, when he received intelligence that the Emperor had gone to visit Abdollah-qhan in order to bury all the past in oblivion, and to swear an eternal friendship to their family. This contrary intelligence could not but perplex his mind, but yet he stayed the preparatives he was making for his departure, and resolved to wait for further advices from the capital; and he was in a suspense of mind, when, to his amazement, he was roused again by a pressing letter from Abdollah-qhan, who requested his assistance without a moment’s delay. At the same time the general report was at Aorengabad that his brother, the Vezir, was reduced to extremities at the capital; and that he had not a moment to lose, if he wanted to save him from destruction. What added greatly to his inquietude, was an answer returned to his supplication by the Emperor, which purported that “It might be better for him to repair to Ahmed-abad, in G8djrat, if he only wanted a change of air; else, he might come to the capital, where His Majesty would see him with pleasure.” This was accompanied by an order to send to court the pretended son of Prince Ecber.

Whilst the Viceroy was preparing every thing for his march, his brother, Abdollah-khan, was enlisting troops with all his might at the capital; in which operation he was greatly seconded by the wretched circumstances in which not only the train of artillery at the capital, as well as all the troops in and about that immense city laboured, but also by the distress which even the body-guards with the whole Imperial household suffered for want of pay and subsistence. Full nine months in arrears were due to them, whether in consequence of Abdollah-qhan’s neglect, or perhapst hrough his own contrivance. They had received nothing in that long while, and their discontents had risen to a height; but they had no one to direct it, or to lead them to action. So that Abdollah-qhan’s levies amounted by this time to full twenty thousand horse; and he had besides the art of adding to his strength by a winning deportment. Here is an instance of it:—

Ser-b8lend-qhan was by this time reduced to an extreme necessity, not only because he had been at all times indigent, and his Djaghir had been taken from him of late, but especially because he had spent his all in supporting the troops he had brought with him, which were now persecuting him for their arrears and pay. Driven to despair by such large demands which he could not satisfy out of his own purse, without depriving himself of every thing, he had now resolved to get rid of the clamours of his troops, and of the persecution of his other creditors, by abandoning to them his elephants, horses, equipage, furniture and jewels, as far as they would go; after which he intended to put on a religious garb and to turn Fakir. Nor was Nizam-el-mulk better circumstanced. That General who had been sent for to court with such pressing invitations and under a solemn promise of the casket of the Vezir, not only had been disappointed, but he had besides lost a rich Djaghir which he possessed; and he had the mortification to see it bestowed on Yticad-qhan, this new favourite, on whom the Emperor seemed so far to doat, that he seemed to have no eyes and no ears but for him. He now lived retired without ever going to court, and was pining away in discontent. The Vezir being informed of all these particulars, engaged the two Generals, by dint of entreaties, to come to his palace; and when they were arrived, he sent for Ser-b8lend-qhan’s military officers, and his others creditors, and after having adjusted all their demands, he paid them out of his own private treasury, and moreover recommended him to the Government of Cab8l, then vacant. Turning then his attention towards Nizam-el-mulk, he made him hope that he would shortly be appointed to the Government of Malva. Two actions that gained him entirely the hearts of those two Lords. It was just at this time that Mahmed-aamin-qhan arrived suddenly at court from Malva, without any leave and without any letters of recall. This designed Governor had advanced as far as Serondj, where receiving no further instructions from court, and hearing also that Hossëin-aaly-qhan, Viceroy of Decan, was upon his march for the capital, he quitted his post, and repaired to court, where the Emperor would not see him; and he, moreover, dismissed him from his service. Abdollah-qhan no sooner heard of this, than he sent for him, and by dint of presents and favours gained him to his party; and he was so successful in this kind of warfare, that Qhandö8ran himself, who in society with Emir-djemlah had been so instrumental in blowing the coals of dissensions, now went over to the Vezir’s side, and was admitted to all his secrets.

So many desertions could not but sour the Emperor’s mind, and he was contriving expedients every day to chastise those deserters. One day the Emperor going out with a hunting party, had agreed with his courtiers, that at his return he would call at the Vezir’s; and as Maharadja Adjet-sing’s lodgings were upon the road, and close to that Minister’s palace, it was expected that the Gentoo Prince would stand out to make his bow, and present his Nazur, in which case he might be seized easily, without the Emperor’s appearing to be of the plot. Unluckily the Gentoo Prince, who was fearful of what might come to happen, being conscious how much his attachment to the Sëids had rendered him obnoxious, or who possibly had received timely intelligence of what was intended, thought proper to repair to the Vezir’s palace, where he tarried. This miscarriage could not but affect the Emperor’s spirits; and although part of his retinue was already rendered at the Vezir’s, and that Minister himself had come out and waited on the strand for the moment of paying his bow, the Emperor kept his eyes fixed on the opposite side, and having ordered his bargemen to steer by the middle of the stream, he soon arrved at the citadel.

By this time Hossëin-aaly-qhan had quitted Aorengabad, and The Viceroy in full march for the capital, obliges his army to an exact discipline. was on full march towards the capital. Although his army was numerous, and his camp-followers still more so, he made them observe so exact a discipline, that no man was bold enough to offer the least injury to any one in the many villages enclosed every night within his encampment. One day, a girl, daughter to a poor widow, that could hardly subsist, came out of one of these villages, and impelled by the pangs of hunger, she availed herself of the darkness of the night to stroll about the tents in quest of some food. A man was actually dressing some victuals; and having asked her, whether she chose to follow any one that would take care of her, she consented, and fell asleep close to the man, who overcome by the fatigues of a long march, slept soundly the whole night, without ever thinking of the girl. At day-break he got her mounted upon a camel that carried his things, and sent her with the baggage. Meanwhile, the widow, who had in vain waited late at night for her daughter, could not obtain a moment of sleep; but at day-break, she took her post An affecting story. upon a rising ground, close to which she knew that the Viceroy would pass. On descrying his elephant, she screamed out, “That a virgin daughter, the only property left to his afflicted servant, having strayed last night about the camp in quest of some food, had to all appearance been enticed away by some of his people.” She added with a flood of tears, “That she hoped that the Viceroy, out of a tender regard for afflicted widows and all injured people, would condescend to stop, until her daughter should be found out, as she could not bear to live without her only child.”

The Viceroy greatly affected by the woman’s tears, stopped short, and after having sworn that he would taste neither food nor drink, until she was righted, he ordered strict search to be made throughout the whole army. On this order the Paymasters produced their rolls, and sending their officers everywhere, they enjoined to each Commander to send a number of trusty men amidst the ranks in order to set up an exact search; and as there are Angels always ready to second the intentions of virtuous men in high offices, this immense multitude, that equalled the crowds at the Day of the Judgment, and which moved like the waves of a sea, proved of no obstruction to the search; for after a slight inquiry, the man and the girl were both found out, and both brought before the General. The latter turning towards the girl, asked her how she came to go astray, and whether her person had been meddled with? The girl answered that, tired with suffering every day the pangs of hunger, and the thoughts of famine, she had followed the man of her own free-will, in hopes of putting an end to her sufferings; and that as they had slept the whole night soundly, he had not touched her person. The General, on this answer, returned thanks to God Almighty, that her chastity had remained undefiled in his camp, and that he had it in his power to gratify the disconsolate mother. At the same time he sent one of his guards with her, with orders not to quit her cottage, until the whole army should be gone, and at a distance.^\(111\)

It has been mentioned, that Hossëin-aaly-qhan had sent his younger brother to B8rhanp8r to prepare a camp-equipage and a train of artillery. It was the fifteenth of Shevval, in the year 1131 of the Hedjrah. But that city being upon the high road to Shah-djehan-abad, he waited there for another letter from the capital, resolved to take his final resolution upon it; but on receiving intelligence of his brother’s danger, he set out immediately, and having tarried only a few days in that territory to dispatch some business, he commenced his march. It was in the beginning of Muharrem, in the seventh year of the Emperor’s, which answers to the year 1132 of the Hedjrah. He was accompanied by a vast number of persons of distinction, such as, a son of his own uncle, called the holy Navvab, but whose name was Assed-ollah-qhan. He had also all that nobleman’s children, together with Djan-nessar-qhan; Yqhlass-qhan, Deputy to the Governor of Berar; Assed-aaly-qhan, the maimed, a relation to Aalimerdan-qhan, together with Dilir-qhan of Paniput, brother to Qhan-saadyc; and Yqhtisas-qhan, nephew to Qhan-aalem; as well as Hadji-sëif-ollah-qhan, and Zyäeddin-qhan, Divan of the whole Decan, with Firoz-aaly-qhan, the Paymaster, one of the most renowned Sëids of Barr. Several Gentoo Princes had likewise accompanied him of their own motion, such as, Radja Partab-sing the Bundlah, and Radja Mohcum-sing, one of the principal Lords of the Viceroy’s court. He was also attended by all the Crown-servants of Decan; some of their own accord, and some much against their own will. His army as numerous as the billows of the sea, covered the whole plain. His cavalry alone, amongst which were ten or twelve thousand Marhattas, amounted to full thirty thousand horse. The infantry was innumerable, as numbers of Mansobdars, or Military officers, who had never moved from their homes for either Viceroy or Prince of the Blood, had now been obliged to attend. As to the fortresses, some, like Ahmed-abad, were garrisoned by himself, and some he left to be garrisoned by the Marhattas.

All these arrangements being taken, and some days spent in dispatching business about B8rhanp8r, he departed; and proceeding by continual marches, he crossed the river that flows by Acbarp8r. On his arrival at Mandöu, he was met by Yqhlass-khan, the nobleman that had been sent by the Emperor to sooth Hossëin-aaly-qhan’s mind, and to prevail upon him to return to Decan. This nobleman in a private audience recounted, “How an accommodation had been two different times agreed to, and two different times broke; how the seeds of discontent and dissension seemed to shoot up everywhere; how the Grandees of the Empire were flocking to the capital; how both Nizam-el-mulk and Mahmed-aamin-qhan continued sullen in their discontent, and how the Emperor was more than ever addicted to Yticad-qhan.” All these matters being represented in their proper colours, could not fail to render the Viceroy anxious about his brother’s fate. He was advancing with ardour, and receiving on his way the homages and compliments of all the Governors and Commanders on his passage; but he had the mortification to find himself slighted by Merhamet-qhan, an officer of character, who commanded at Mandö8, whither he had been sent from court for the purpose of bringing to order the refractory Zemindars of that country, a service which he had performed much to his honour. This officer having neglected to pay a visit to the Viceroy, could not fail of giving offence, and of becoming obnoxious, as he experienced in the sequel. Whilst the army was on full march about 0djëin, news came that the Emperor, intimidated by the Viceroy’s march towards the capital, had paid a visit to the Vezir Abdollah-qhan, in which he had entered into a fresh treaty with him, and an end had been put to all dissensions. He had sworn to his promises upon the glorious word of God, had solemnly promised New accommodation with the Vezir. to be henceforward a friend to his family, and had ended his visit by taking his own turbant from his head, and putting it upon that Minister’s, as a token of a brotherhood indissoluble. The Emperor, not content with those protestations, had turned towards Yticad-qhan and his other favourites, and had strongly recommended to them to bury all discontents in oblivion, to look upon this day as the last of the dissensions that had distracted his court, and henceforward to live upon good terms with his Minister. This recital having seemingly affected Hossëin-aaly-qhan, he said aloud in the middle of his court that, “as the Emperor was sincerely reconciled to them (the two brothers) he might rest assured that they on their side would henceforward behave as dutiful subjects, and I intend nothing more now” added he, “than to pay my respects to the Emperor, and then to return to Decan.” The greatest part of the assembly being composed of Decaners, could not be but much pleased at these words, as every one of them expected soon to return to his own home. But the Viceroy’s bosom-friends thought very differently; especially since that Viceroy being in private with them was heard to say “That all that visit of the Emperor’s was but a farce, and all those protestations of his but a tale to lull him asleep,^\(112\) or at least to put a stop to his march, and that there was not the least truth in the monarch’s promise, whom he knew too well to repose any confidence in him; and rest assured,” added he, “that if the Emperor finds an opportunity to get us within his clutches, he will not miss it on any account, nor will it be possible to save either our honour or our lives; but rest assured also that if he falls within ours, we shall not use him better.”

After having pronounced these words with much deliberateness, he decamped and advanced into the territory of the Radja of Gohud, where some villages were plundered, and some havoc committed. But on the Gentoo Prince’s Vekil or Ambassador appearing with a perishcush or a sum of money, the country was spared, and suffered no further damage; so strict were the orders given on that head. This was not the case with Radja Djehi-sing-sivaï’s dominions. The whole country was sacked and plundered, to punish its owner for his siding so warmly with the Emperor. In vain did the Prince’s principal Agent humble himself before the Viceroy, to whom he presented a considerable sum of money. The compliment was rejected; and every thing in his country was abandoned to the rapaciousness and fury of the soldiers. Tilled fields without number were ravaged, and young persons, of both sexes, carried into captivity; nor was any inquiry made about those disorders. In a little time the army arrived at about three or four days journey from the capital; and the roads became thronged with the retinues of people of the highest distinction, who flocked to pay their court to so poweful a Viceroy. Zaafer-qhan was of the number, as well Ratan-chund. All these together with a vast multitude of the wealthiest citizens behaved respectfully, and were received with regard; but Zaafer-qhan, who had made a show of his numerous retinue, and on that account seemed somewhat assuming, had the mortification to see himself slighted, and even rendered ridiculous. This haughtiness in the Viceroy as well as in his brother, the Vezir, was continually fed by numbers of tale-tellers, who desirous themselves of novelties on their own account, were poisoning their minds by reports true or false; and who unawares of the fatal consequences that might ensue from such dissensions, were everyday contriving expedients to widen the breach which always subsisted between the two brothers and the Emperor. The principal of these was Ratan-chund, who impelled in general by his religious zeal against Mussulmen, and in particular by his enmity to the Emperor and to so many Grandees of the Empire, made such envenomed reports, and irritated the Viceroy’s mind to such a degree, that it became totally incurable. Incensed beyond measure, he had advanced close to the city, and encamped under Firoz-shah’s steeple. It was the first of Reby. On approaching The Viceroy does not think himself a subject. his tent, the music played to him, which is never done but for the Emperors themselves; and after having entered it with a retinue and a pomp truly Royal, he was heard to say: That as he did not think himself a subject, he did not care to pay so much deference to the etiquette.

Even all this did not rouse the pusillanimous Emperor. Eternally floating and undecided, he talked of the Imperial indignation, and of the chastisement which might be the consequence of it; and a day after, he spoke only of forbearance and dissimulation, and even made advances towards a reconciliation and a renewal of promises and stipulations. So much feebleness discouraged even his most zealous servants. Radjah Djehi-sing, tired with so much uncertainty, once proposed to him to come resolutely out of the castle, to put himself at the head of his household and troops, and to fall suddenly upon those two rebellious brothers. “The moment,” said he, “that your troops and friends, (and these, after all, cannot be reckoned at less than twice the number of those that follow your enemies) the moment your friends Generous advice of Djehi-sing-siväi rejected. shall perceive that you are acting openly and with vigour, they will flock to you from all parts, and will put it in your power to punish your enemies. I am even inclined to believe, that at such a sight, numbers that seem to follow the standard of the two brothers, will quit it, to return to their lawful master, and will be assisting in crushing them to atoms. So that these, falling at once from the height of their hopes, shall be obliged to submit to your pleasure.”

This generous advice did not produce any effect. So that none of the Lords of the Court, who saw the Emperor’s levity of temper and his infatuation for his unworthy favourites, thought it expedient to declare themselves, or to take the lead in an affair in which himself seemed quite passive. And what is singular, whilst Djehi-sing’s advice lay unminded, no firm resolution was taken to come at least to some sincere accommodation. The sober advices of so many Grandees zealous for the honour of the Crown, were disregarded; and the Emperor approving nothing but what was suggested by his own mind, or by his thoughtless favourites, spread the discouragement everywhere, and was ruining his own affairs. No wonder then if at last he saw what came to pass. For numbers of Grandees, equally wise and brave, on beholding such a deplorable state of things, were broiling on the fire of impatience and indignation; and they groaned at having their hands tied up, and at finding themselves condemned to inaction. Nay, some that had heretofore been put under the Vezir’s command, now quitted his party of their own motion, on discovering to what lengths his ambition and arrogance might proceed; and matters might have taken another turn, when the Vezir, aware of his danger, and obliged to hasten a crisis, sent the following message to the Emperor:—“Should your Majesty vouchsafe to The Vezir’s artful message to the Emperor. dismiss Djehi-sing, that known enemy of our family, from your court, and to send him back to his own country, and should you condescend to add to that favour the two others of bestowing on our friends the two offices of Grandmaster of the Artillery, and of Superintendent of the two Halls of Audience,^\(113\) with full leave to us to take our own precautions in the Imperial castle, we, the two brothers, your faithful servants, being henceforward free from our apprehension, would attend your Majesty’s person, as we did heretofore.” The Emperor, without betraying his real sentiments at such a message, answered calmly: “That in fact, those two offices were in the Vezir’s possession, or in that of his friends; and that nothing had been withheld from them but the execution of the laborious part, which, of course, devolved on Yticad-qhan, as Deputy to the Vezir; but that, at any rate, his Deputyship would cease of itself on the New Year’s Day. That as to Djehi-sing, that Prince had already received, so early as the 3rd of Reby, an order to repair forthwith to his own country, and had quitted the court accordingly.”

So moderate an answer served only to embolden the two brothers, the more so as it became glaring every day, that Feroh-syur had not a grain of courage in his constitution; and although he detested the Sëids, and wished their destruction, and he was eternally exhorted by the boldest of his servants to put himself at their head and to fall at once upon those rebels, nevertheless, such was his pusillanimity, that he did not dare to put himself upon his defence, and still less to sally forth and attack his enemies. Against his own conviction and inclination he sent the consent requested by the Vezir, and on the 5th of the 2nd Rebi, that Minister repaired to the castle in the middle of a crowd of persons of distinction, devoted to his interest, amongst which Adjet-sing was the foremost. He dismissed the Emperor’s troops and officers from all their posts and offices, and placed his own in their stead; so that of all that multitude of men of distinction, who attended The Vezir in possession of the Imperial citadel and palace. daily on the Emperor’s person, there remained no one but Yticad-khan, his favourite, Imtiaz-qhan, the Comptroller of the household, and Zaafer-qhan, the introductor, with a few others of which the Vezir used to make no account at all, together with a few menial servants and eunuchs. A few hours after, the Viceroy surrounded by a pomp truly Imperial, put himself at the head of his troops, marched through the city in battle array, and having taken possession of the gates and ramparts about which his troops spread so as to fill several streets, he continued his march to the castle, where having alighted he paid a very short visit to the Emperor. It was remarked that very few words were exchanged between them; and although the Emperor presented him with a quantity of elephants, horses and jewels, he vouchsafed his acceptance only for a few, excused himself as to the rest, and, on his departure, made so careless a bow that it gave general offence. Even such a scene did not rouse Feroh-syur. He continued motionless, and passively saw himself divested of his dignity and patrimony in the middle of his palace. Two days after, the Vezir returned to the castle, dismissed the few persons that remained attached to the Emperor, placed his own creatures everywhere, and giving the charge of the gates to a trusty friend of his, he sent for the keys of the private stairs, the dormitory, and of all the Courts of Justice. As soon as the Viceroy was informed that all was quiet within the citadel, he set out in as much state and pomp as before, and taking his march along several streets which had been filling these two whole days with his troops, he repaired to his own palace, called Shahistah-qhan’s Baradery,^\(114\) which was close to the citadel. What is singular, he had with him the pretended son of Prince Ecber, but mounted upon an elephant in such a manner that his face could not be distinguished. The next morning the Vezir went to the castle, and after having again requested the offices he had once mentioned, he went on enumerating the many grievances which he, as well as his brother, had been suffering these many years. And history has conserved his very words. It was in these terms:— “In return for the important services we have rendered you in your times of impotence and distress; in return for the blood we have shed in your service, as we had already done in that of your father and grandfather, such faithful servants as we have met with nothing but mistrust, suspicions, and a variety of schemes against our lives and honour. For proof of which assertion we want no more than this letter which you wrote to that savage of Da8d-qhan-peni, to exhort him to arm himself for the destruction of so meritorious and so innocent a servant as my brother. Nor do we need any other vouchers than these repeated and pressing orders which you were continually sending to all the great men of Decan, for the purpose of exciting them to our ruin and destruction. Now, there remains but one expedient capable of quieting the minds of us, your faithful servants; and that is to put us in possession of the two offices which we have already requested, instead of leaving them still in the hands of strangers, who make it a point to mislead your mind. For unless we obtain those two favours, it will be unsafe for us to come as subjects to the castle; and as servants, impossible to serve our master with any peace of mind.”

To this speech the Emperor, as uncautious and as thoughtless as ever, answered only by promising that shortly he would comply with all their requests, although he saw full enough that Altercation between the Emperor and the Vezir. matters had come to such a crisis, that he had no other party left but that of acknowledging the Sëids for his masters. The conversation, meanwhile, being protracted to an unexpected length, degenerated into an altercation, in which high words and harsh expressions were exchanged. The Emperor, unable to contain himself, called both the Vezir and Yticad-qhan names, and made use of unbecoming language; and the latter foolishly endeavouring to pacify them, the Vezir stopped him short, by giving him the most opprobrious abuse, and commanding his being taken out of the castle immediately. Yticad-qhan, thunderstruck by so unexpected a command, lost all presence of mind, and hardly able to distinguish his feet from his head, he thought it high time to save his life. He retreated, and meeting his Mushreff or head-accomptant’s paleky, he got into it, and fled as fast as his chairmen could fly. That very moment every part of the city was in an uproar; and this uproar which was occasioned by multitudes of people running to and fro through every street and every lane, gave the Emperor an insight into his real situation. He submitted to his fate, and retired into the sanctuary or women’s apartment, where he took up his abode, unmindful all the while of the sentence of the word of God: Death shall find ye out, be ye shut up even in iron towers—a dreadful sentence which then did not occur to his mind.

Amidst all this uproar and this sudden reverse of fortune, all enlightening Sol, putting dust upon his head, had descended like The Emperor gives up the Empire. Foroh-syur’s star below the horizon, and frightful night in her sable veil sliding gradually down from the battlements of heaven, had covered every thing with darkness and horror. Shut were the gates of the citadel, those once doors of security and peace of mind; shut were they, and barred for ever! The Vezir with Adjet-sing slept that night within the castle, whilst the Emperor’s zealous servants were obliged to take their abodes without.

In that night of screams and confusion, which like that darkness which is to precede the Day of Judgment, covered with its sable veil the whole extent of the city, nothing was heard but confused noises; nor did any one know what might actually be doing within the castle. For the Vezir’s troops having taken possession of every great street and market, as well as of every gate of the city, passed the whole night under arms, whilst the Marhatta officers with their whole cavalry remained on horseback, in expectation of being instantly called to action. But the moment the day commenced dawning, every one of the citizens rose in a state of incertitude, and with a mind that floated betwixt hope and fear; and whilst Sol was shedding his first rays on the golden standard of the Vezir’s fortune, a report ran that he had been killed; and nothing was heard in the streets and markets but cries and screams. Just in that moment of suspense, some considerable Commotions all over the city. Lords, incensed at the reverse of fortune of which they heard only from common report, thought it incumbent upon themselves to run to the Emperor’s assistance, and, as they thought, to support his defenders. These were Saadet-qhan, his father-in-law; Ghazi-eddin-qhan, the goat’s beard; and the brave Aghyr-qhan, the Turk. These three mounted, and advanced towards the castle, with what troops they could collect. But Nizam-el-mulk and Qhandö8ran thought it would be prudent to stay at home. On the other hand, Mahmed-aamin-qhan mounted likewise, but it was to go to the Vezir’s assistance. But as a body called the Cammul-poshes or blanket-wearers,^\(115\) were going to join Qhandö8ran, their Commander, they fell in with a body of troops of Marhatta horses, who forbade their passing farther; and this threat having been received by the others with a shower of arrows, whilst Mahmed-aamin-qhan’s standards were making their appearance on the opposite side, the Marhattas who took them all for so many enemies, and did not relish their finding themselves cooped within a city’s walls, where they could not fight but in streets and lanes, took fright, and putting spur to their horses, they fled on all sides, without further inquiry, to the unspeakable satisfaction of those idlers and sharpers who thronged the streets, and especially to the great joy of the Moghuls and other disbanded soldiers of the Emperor’s, who already incensed at the haughtiness of those A body of Marhatta horse destroyed within the city by the mob. infidels, rushed amongst them pell-mell, and commenced killing and stripping the runaways. The Marhattas confounded to find nothing but foes in every street and at every door, dispersed, and fled farther, as far as the camp, but not without leaving fifteen hundred of theirs upon the spot, who as well as the whole corps of one Sinta, and of two or three officers more, were hacked to pieces. They had also numbers of wounded. The horses of all these slain were laid hold of by the victors and by the mob, who on breaking some saddles by accident, were surprised to find the stuffing full of pieces of gold.

It was at this very time that Mahmed-aamin-qhan arrived with his troops in the Viceroy’s camp, where he was received with the highest applause for his readiness. Whilst all this was passing in the streets, Sadat-qhan, with his five sons, was arriving near the castle at the head of a body of troops, as did Ghazi-eddin-qhan with another; and the opposite streets were filling by those brought by the favourite Yticad-qhan, and the late Grandmaster of artillery, Sëyd-qhan. These were followed by three thousand Hindoos in the Emperor’s pay, under the command of Manhar, an officer of trust. All these were taking possession of posts in and about Saad-ollah-qhan’s market, and preparing for an attack. These movements, being rumoured in the Viceroy’s camp, as well as the Vezir’s pretended death, and the Marhattas confirming the account by their disorderly flight and their wounds, the whole of the Viceroy’s army was in an uproar; and one rumour more, and it dispersed. Luckily for him that certain Several skirmishes in the streets between the two parties. intelligence arrived at this critical moment of the Vezir’s being alive and safe. This having revived the Viceroy’s spirit, he dispatched a choice body of his best troops to drive those that had assembled in Saad-ollah-qhan’s market. These troops pushing forwards with ardour, fell upon the enemy, and commenced a sharp engagement. In the midst of a hot fire, Ghazy-eddin-qhan’s elephant being wounded in the trunk by a rocket, turned about, and ran away with his master, who was immediately followed by his whole corps. Sadat-qhan was wounded at the same time together with his five sons, and he quitted the field; and Yticad-qhan, after having given himself some motions, without any inclination to come to blows, retired to his house, and entrenched his quarter. His person was but of small moment; but here by his trepidation and flight it became a signal for falling upon several shops and streets about Saad-ollah qhan’s market, which were all plundered and sacked. And as if no effort made in favour of Feroh-syur was to meet with success, the brave Aghyr-qhan, who now appeared from the suburbs at the head of a body of Moghuls and other foreigners, found the Lahor-gate shut up, and the walls lined with troops. Mortified at such a disappointment, he was obliged to return. Some firing and some fighting was still kept up in the streets and lanes, when proclamation was made by a number of public criers that Feroh-syur was confined, and that the Prince Refi-ed-derdjat had ascended the throne. The Imperial music striking up at the same time, and quarter being proclaimed everywhere, with injunctions to every one to retire The Prince Refied-derdjat proclaimed Emperor. to his home, the vanquished recovered from their despair, the citizens retired to their homes, and the tumult seemed to subside.

We have left Feroh-syur within the apartment of the ladies; and the Vezir with the Gentoo Prince was waiting in expectation of his coming out to hear what further they had to say, and of his furnishing them with an opportunity to seize his person, as the tumults, that had apparently subsided, had commenced afresh, and pillage and slaughter were going on. But Feroh-syur did not come out; and the Viceroy sensible of the consequence of a moment’s delay, was sending message after message, representing Terrible message of the Viceroy to his brother. to his brother, “That the tumults were increasing; that the throngs of armed men were becoming more numerous; that a general revolt was going to take place, and would not fail to raise a great blaze; and that, therefore, the business was to be put an end to some way or other, as a moment of delay might prove irrecoverable.” Whilst the last message was delivering, a body of Afghan soldiers mixed with some of the Vezir’s slaves, had found means, from the top of the house of Nedjm-eddin-aaly-qhan, younger brother to the Vezir, to descend within the yard of the Imperial women’s apartment, which was close to it, and which proved guarded by a number of Habeshinian, Georgian, and Calmuc women.^\(116\) These being driven away, the soldiers penetrated within the gate, and fell arummaging every apartment in search of Feroh-syur. At last some women, too delicate to bear the tortures to which they were exposed, pointed to the place of his confinement, and the soldiers ran to him. At this Feroh-syur dragged out of the Seraglio with enormous indignities and confined. sight the Emperor’s mother, with his consort and daughter, unable to endure such a spectacle, ran to his assistance with a number of Princesses, and ladies of the first rank, who having enclosed him within a circle which they formed round his person, fell to prayers and entreaties. But of what avail could be those tears with a troop of soldiers? And in such a moment whose pity could they move? At last, after a deal of struggle, he was disengaged from those women, dragged upon the ground, and confined in a dark small room on the top of the Tinpö8liah,^\(117\) and all this with such outrages and such indignities as had never been offered to the Imperial person.

His reign, without reckoning the time elapsed from Muëzzedin-djehander-shah’s exaltation, lasted six years and four months. All the foregoing events have been collected from memoirs or memorandums written at that very time by persons of credit and distinction, who wrote either as witnesses or as transactors; and some of these being men of letters, and ingenious, have found in this sentence of the Holy Writ, Take warning ye that have eyes, the chronogram of this event.

The Vezir having disposed of Feroh-syur in this manner thought that, as the whole city was yet in an uproar, it was incumbent upon him to proclaim another Emperor; and he got him proclaimed, accordingly, under the names and titles of Shems-eddin-ab8-al-berecat-refi-ad-derdjat,^\(118\) younger son to Refi-al-cadr, nephew to Bahadyr-shah, from a daughter of Prince Ecber, younger son of Aoreng-zib. It was on a Wednesday, about nine o’clock in the morning of the second Reby, in the year 1132 of the Hedjrah. The young Prince was then twenty years old; and as the screams all over the city did not allow any time sufficient to send him to the bath, or even to make him shift his clothes, he was drawn in all haste from the place of his confinement, and in all haste placed upon the throne, with only a chaplet of large pearl which the Vezir had just time to throw over his apparel, such as it was. The Imperial music having struck up immediately to announce this event to the people, the screams and uproars ceased at once, and in a little time more the tumults subsided everywhere.

The Vezir, after so critical and so perilous a day, thought proper to pass that night in the citadel, surrounded by a numerous body of his bravest and trustiest friends, having previously placed at the only gate left open, a guard on which he could depend. Not satisfied with all those precautions, when it became necessary to form a household to the young Emperor, he appointed the whole of it from his household and dependants, down to the eunuchs, chamberlains, menial servants, cooks, and water-carriers. As a further precaution, he placed his own guards everywhere, and filled all the avenues of the palace, and even of the private apartments, with his own dependants. The next day the new Emperor having according to the custom given a public general audience, Adjet-sing and Ratun-chund supplicated that the Hindoos all over the Empire might be released from the opprobrium of the capitation.^\(119\) This favour was granted, and orders were at the same time dispatched everywhere for confirming all Governors, Commanders, Viceroys, and Crown-officers, in their respective commands. In the meantime, the famous Yticad-qhan was confined with a deal of contumely, his Djaghir resumed, and his palace, where he had amassed an immense treasure in gold The Palace of Yticad-qhan ransacked. and silver, costly jewels, and exquisite stuffs, was taken possession of. But what is singular, on rummaging for treasure, there was discovered another secret hoard of his, which consisted only of gems and jewels of an amazing value, all presents from Feroh-syur, but which now served only to enhance his disgrace, and the many affronts put upon him. The whole was seized for the Vezir’s use, without his taking the least notice of the outrages and contumelies that had been offered to their late owner. At the same time were resumed all the Djaghirs and lands which Feroh-syur had bestowed on his sycophants, and none was spared but that which was enjoyed by the Rani, late consort of that dethroned Prince; and this was rather out of regard to Adjet-sing, her father. The Mansobdars, and officers of the bodyguards, called Vala-shahies, who enjoyed lands and Djaghirs, until they might be paid in ready money, were stripped in the same manner; and as to the common troopers they were given to understand that, if they wanted service, they must repair to the Viceroy’s camp, Great changes and resumptions. where they would be enlisted at the rate of fifty rupees per month, ready money one with another. Mahmed-aamin-qhan, already second Paymaster, was confirmed in his office, and Zaafer-qhan was substituted to Sëif-ollah-qhan, third Paymaster. Nizam-el-mulk was appointed to the Viceroyalty of Malva, although he was so far from liking the complexion of the times, that he had repeatedly refused that office. Ser-b8lend-qhan, who had been appointed Governor of Cab8l sometime before the Revolution, and on that account had stopped at fifteen cosses from the capital to see what would be the fate of the Empire, was sent for, and he received anew the patent and investiture of that Government; after which ceremony he was dismissed with honour and distinction. The rich Fodjdary of M8radabad was given to Sëif-eddin-qhan, one of the Vezir’s younger brothers. One Mahmed-reza, a new man, was appointed Supreme Judge and Casuist of the Court, and Emir-qhan-aalemghiry, who had enjoyed the Government of Ecber-abad, was made Sadr-el-s8d8r.^\(120\) Dianet-qhan was made Divan or Superintendent of the Revenue office, as was Radja Baqht-mul, of the Military Chest; but all these, together with every one of the officers of Finance and Administration, were held to be no more than so many Lieutenants of Ratan-chund’s. Himmet-qhan, one of the Vezir’s bosom-friends, was made Comptroller of the Privy Purse, and, moreover, tutor to the young Prince; and over and above all that, several lucrative offices were bestowed upon him. As to the offices and Governments, that proved at a distance from the capital, no change at all was attempted in them, for fear of losing all command over those distant parts. Only the Government of Mandö8 was taken from Merhamet-qhan, that officer of merit, who had slighted the Viceroy, when he passed by his district, and it was given to Qhadjem-c8li-qhan, a T8ranian or Tartar. But Radja Adjet-sing,^\(121\) who to get rid of the eternal curses and hootings of the populace wanted to be gone to his Government of G8djrat, could not obtain leave, and was requested to remain in the city.

As to the dethroned Emperor, his exit being related in two Manner of Feroh-syur’s exit related by contemporaries in two different ways. different manners by two different men of distinction and credit, then upon the scene of action, we shall insert them both, resting the truth or the falsehood of either narrative on the respective merits of either author. For it has been reported to me by men of honour and veracity, that the two brothers had never entertained thoughts of attempting Feroh-syur’s life,^\(122\) or had ever intended to offer him any ill usage, their only view being to make sure of his person, and for that purpose they had put him under the care of a trusty Afghan officer, who was to have him under his care night and day. Nevertheless it happened, that Feroh-syur availed himself so well of a moment of absence, that he stole away unperceived in the dusk of the evening, and going from terrace to terrace, he wanted to jump down, being already at a distance from the place of his confinement, when the Afghan returned. On not finding his prisoner, and knowing that his life was at stake, he looked narrowly everywhere, and spying at a distance some one that was lurking under the shadow of a wall, he ran thither, and finding it was his prisoner, he threw himself upon him, and brought him back. That vile fellow had no sooner seen him in the place of confinement again, than making him sit on the floor, he, with that hardness of heart and that brutality which seem to make the basis of the character of an Afghan, fell a beating and a cuffing him unmercifully. Feroh-syur, unable to bear such vile usage, ran to the wall with all his might, and dashed his head with so much violence against it, that his skull was broke to pieces, and that very moment he departed to the mansions of eternity.

But Hashem-aaly-qhan-qhasi,^\(123\) the historian, son to Qhadja-mir, the historian, refers Feroh-syur’s death to an express order from the two brothers, betraying at the same time throughout his history the utmost detestation and enmity against them as well as against their family. As, on the other hand, it is possible that I, the poor man, should incur the imputation of some partiality for them, I have thought it best to refer his very text, without taking any liberties with it, save that of correcting some false constructions which had crept in it, either through the writer’s inaccuracy or the copyist’s ignorance. Let, then, the credibility of the following narrative rest entirely with the author. It is as follows:—

“Two months had already elapsed since that unfortunate Prince had been confined in that narrow dark place, where he experienced a variety of hardships, when a red-hot needle was passed over his eyes, a cruel operation, which, however, did not deprive him entirely of the light of the day. Tired of such repeated scenes of barbarity, that ill-fated Prince, in the simplicity of heart, natural to a man in distress, and in that love of command, so capable of putting a man off his gurd, and of setting at nought every other principle, betook himself to several expedients for putting an end to his sufferings. At one time he would send to his enemies excuses for his former conduct, promising to let them dispose of the Empire, if they would but place him on the throne as before. At another, that unfortunate man buried alive, would turn towards the Afghan, Abdollah-khan, (for such was his keeper’s name) and would tempt him with an immense sum of money, if he could but carry him as far as the dominions of Radja Djehi-sing-siväi. All this did not fail to be exactly reported to the two brothers, who being endlessly instigated by their adulators, as well as prompted by their own fears, thought it high time to put an end to so dangerous a life. To effect their purpose, they got poison to be mixed at two different times in his victuals, and this had no effect, or very little; but the third time, the dose operated, and as they went to see how the unfortunate man’s soul was wrung out of his body, he lost all patience, and after having reproached them in severe terms for their atrocious ingratitude, and that faithlessness of theirs that had so often taken the sacred word of God to witness, and had so often pledged the Holy Writ for their fidelity, he apostropised that sacred volume itself, and wondered how it had not worked a miracle instantly, for the punishment of so much perfidy. He even vented reproaches against the Majesty of Divine justice, which had supinely suffered, as he said, such faithless men to be still alive; and as he continued to exhale his feelings in that reproachful strain, the Vezir, impatient, ordered a leathern thong to be strained round his neck, so as to put an end to his talking. But the unfortunate Prince having laid hold of it with both hands, so as to keep it asunder from his neck, and having struggled hard with both hands and feet, the two barbarians tired with so much resistance, ordered his hands to be parted by dint of blows; and the Prince having suffered for a length of time all the agonies of a lingering death, at last departed this fragile world.

“It is true that a report ran then, and it runs so to this very day, that the dying Prince proving too tardy, the two brothers finished him with plunging their Qhandjars^\(124\) in his bowels, but nevertheless this report is contradicted by the very man who superintended the execution, and who never could relate that mournful event, without shedding abundance of tears, and without bitterly lamenting the necessities of his situation. He has been heard positively to say, that there had been no stabbing at all. Be it as it may, the body remained for six-and-thirty hours unattended to and unburied; and it was only after such an interval of time, that it was thought of. Then only it was purified, according to the rites of religion, put upon a bier, and carried to the Emperor H8maï8n’s sepulchre. On its being brought out, two or three thousand needy men and women, who used to find a resource in his liberality, tore their clothes, covered their heads and faces with dust, and having surrounded the bier, they accompanied it the whole way, shedding abundance of tears, and pouring forth all kinds of curses and execrations upon his enemies, whom they loaded with opprobrious language. Two persons of distinction, to wit, Dilaver-aaly-khan, and Sëyd-aaly-khan, both Paymasters to the brothers, had been sent to attend the body as chief mourners; and they were followed by a multitude of the principal citizens, all melted in tears. But no sooner had the procession quitted the suburbs, than the chief mourners were hooted several times, and several times assaulted with stones, brick-bats, and clods of earth. Nor would any one out of that multitude of needy people stoop to accept of the money they had brought for distribution, or partake of that quantity of victuals which they had prepared in conformity to the custom. But on the third day after, a vast number of poor people and beggars having assembled in an orderly manner at the place where Feroh-syur’s body had been washed and perfumed, made a collection amongst themselves, and prepared with it a large quantity of victuals which they distributed to others. They sent likewise for several readers of the Coran, passed the whole night with them in prayers and lamentations, and departed in an orderly manner.”

“Wonderful God! how thy Divine justice did manifest itself in the several events of this Revolution! His enemies had so many reasons for being expeditious with him, and so many motives of hatred besides, that one would think it was incumbent upon them to make him pass rapidly and at once from this little fragile habitation into the other world. But no. Feroh-syur in his days of power, had strangled his brothers, yet in their tender years, murdered numbers of innocent persons, and blinded some others; and he must, therefore, savour the flavour of all these cruelties, before he is permitted to make his exit. He must from the hands of others experience all those agonies which others had suffered at his hands. Nor did the two brothers escape the day of retribution, or go themselves unpunished. In a little time they met with that same usage which they had offered to others.” Thus far Hashem-aaly-qhan-qhasi.

To return to our own narrative. The two brothers after having The two brothers take possession of the riches in the palace. disposed of Feroh-syur, took possession of the Imperial stores and treasure. Elephants, horses, rich furniture, ready money, exquisite jewels, in a word, whatever they shewed a mind to, were carried away and mixed with their own stores, in what manner they thought proper, sharing the whole amongst themselves. It is even reported that Abdollah-qhan, who was exceedingly addicted to the sex, carried away some women of incomparable beauty from the Imperial Seraglio. But this God only knows.

Soon after this fatal event, it was remarked that all cordiality had ceased between the two brothers, and although that coolness did not appear in public, it was soon perceived by those friends of theirs who knew their respective tempers; and several matters tending that way were successively, but silently, taken notice of by the by-standers. There was likewise some unequality in merit between the two brothers; and, indeed, it was universally Eulogium of Hossëin-aaly-qhan the younger brother. acknowledged that Hossëin-aaly-khan, the younger brother, was far superior to his elder in discernment, bravery, and many other valuable qualifications which a bountiful Heaven had implanted in his constitution. In power he seemed superior to all the Princes of his time, nay, to several that bore a character in history for having bestowed kingdoms and crowns, and conquered Empires. Unfortunately neither his power nor his life lasted any length of time. If they had, it is highly probable, that the times which we have the mortification to behold, would not prove so humiliating and so deplorable, as they are; nor had the honour of Hindostan been thrown to the winds; nor had the Indian nobility and gentry been reduced to that deplorable condition to which we see it reduced. But as the morals of the whole nation required the iron hand of correction, it is not surprising that the person and power of that hero should have been only shewn to the world. Let us, therefore, submit to our fate. For God ordains what He pleases, and acts as He pleases.

Unfortunately for the two brothers, and for the dispositions they had made, the young Emperor, Refi-ed-derdjat, laboured under a consumption, and was subject to a spitting of blood, which The young Emperor dies of a consumption, and is succeeded by his younger brother. soon put an end to his reign; in so much that three months and some days after he had submitted to the odium of ascending the throne, he departed his life on a Saturday, being the twenty-first of Redjeb. His younger brother, Refi-ed-dö8la, was brought forth and seated in his stead; whilst the two Sëids continued to dispose of every thing in the Empire, and with as great a sway as ever. As these two sickly young Princes may be said to have just made their appearance upon the theatre of the world with the bare title of Emperors, in order to be immediately withdrawn, and they may be compared to two travellers who just made a short pause on the throne, in order to continue their journey towards the regions of eternity, we hardly knew any thing of them. And the rise of Nico-syur, son to Prince Ecber, and grandson to Aöreng-zib, a young Prince, then confined at Ecber-abad, having taken place in Refi-ed-dö8lah’s life-time, we have thought it expedient to bring into one point of view whatever we have been able to collect about those three persons of the Timurian family, in order to connect it with the body of our history, and to give to the whole an orderly appearance. For the reader may rest assured, that what little the younger Princes afford to this history, has been carefully ascertained, although their lives have been so obscure and so little an object of talk, that their very names are hardly known to this day. In short, it amounts only to this little.

A short time after Refi-ed-dö8lah had been brought from his prison to a throne, another young Prince of the Imperial family, but who was confined in the citadel of Ecber-abad, the second capital of the Empire, was proclaimed by the Governor and officers of the place, as well as by the militia of the villages dependent on that fortress, and the Mansobdars and cavalry dependent on the Governor of the province, all which soon formed a court about his person. His name was Nico-syur^\(125\), a younger son of Prince Ecber’s. They were assisted by the inhabitants of the city of Ecber-abad, who seeing the convulsions that desolated the Imperial family, willingly embraced his party. Such an event being likely to prove of a dangerous consequence, the two brothers resolved to stifle it in its very beginning. They quitted the capital, and taking with them both the young Prince Refi-ed-dö8lah, and the principal persons of the city and court, they marched to Ecber-abad, and laid siege to its castle. And although Nico-syur did not betray any want of valour or capacity in defending the place, nevertheless the gates were soon laid open, and he was seized and confined. The garrison was changed, and a proper punishment inflicted on the officers of the castle, and the commanders of the militia, who had planned the whole revolution. But this little success did not much tranquillize the minds of the two brothers. A flux and a consumption were preying on the young Emperor, Refi-ed-dö8lah, and although the Vezir spared no pains in bringing together the ablest physicians of the Empire, his care and anxiety proved of no avail; and the Prince, after a nominal reign still shorter than that of his predecessors, gave evident signs of his drawing to his end, and of his being on the point of quitting the borrowed hospice of this world. In a short time his life was despaired of; and the two brothers, who needed a pageant upon the throne, sent two persons of note to fetch another Prince from the castle of Selimgur, which is a part of the citadel of Shah-djehan-abad. These were Nedjm-eddin-qhan, their younger brother, and Gholam-aaly-qhan; although others say that the first, as Governor of the province of Delhi, was alone entrusted with that commission, and that the other only did accompany that nobleman. The orders were to bring forth Roshen-aqhter,^\(126\) son to Qhodjestah-aqhter, alias Djehan-shah, who was son to Bahadyr-shah. This young Prince was then in his eighteenth year, and so early as Muëzzeddin’s accession to the throne under the name of Djehander-shah, he had always lived in obscurity and confinement, in an apartment of Selimgur-castle^\(127\). He was a youth of a charming aspect, a beard just budding, and a beautiful face in which shone so much acuteness of mind both in his air and forehead, as seemed to prognosticate all his future elevation. He was not yet arrived at Ecber-abad, nay, he was yet in the environs of the capital, when news arrived that Refi-ed-dö8lah was departing this fugitive world, and had already put off the garment of consciousness. His death was kept a secret for a whole week, others say, for ten days, until his successor could be at hand. On his arrival, the coffin of the deceased Prince was carried to the mausoleum of Qhadja-C8t8b-ed-din, and buried there in the same manner as had been his brother. This death left the throne open for Roshen-aqhter.

This young Prince conducted by his rising fortune arrived at Fatehp8r,^\(128\) and on the fifteenth of the same month, in the Roshen-aqhter ascends the throne under the name of Mahmed-shah year 1131 of the Messenger’s retreat, at about four astronomical hours of the morning, he availed himself of a victorious hour and of the luckiest moment, to step forth on the theatre of the world, and to grace the throne with all the attractions of his beauteous person. It was then that the steps of that sublime place were dignified by the mention of his name, and then that the silver and gold coin distributed on the occasion, received an accession of value from the honour of his stamp. He assumed the auspicious titles of the Succourer of Religion and the Father of Victory.^\(129\) From that moment provisions that had risen to an immoderate price, commenced becoming cheaper, and once more plenty shewed its face in every market. It was remarked that the Navvab Cadeffiah,^\(130\) his mother, a Princess of great keenness of mind and great wisdom, had taken care to nurse in the shade of obscurity and silence that fondling of the sun of glory. Fully sensible of the complexion of the times, and of the necessities of her situation, she made it a point to conform herself to the pleasure of the two brothers, who were now become the omnipotent disposers of the Empire; and her precaution went so far that, when she quitted the capital to pay a visit to her son, gone to Ecber-abad, she set out with so modest a retinue, and she appeared with so much reserve, that she declined the voluntary attendance of numbers of people of distinction, that had been in her husband, the late Djehan-shah’s service. On hearing that they were preparing to follow her, and to augment her cortege, she requested them to forbear, and even forbade their coming to the gate of her apartment, and sending in their Nuzurs and offerings.

It being observed on her son’s ascending the throne, that the three preceding reigns had been so momentary and so confused as to serve only to confound history, it was enacted that to prevent all confusion in the records, the seven or eight months that had elapsed under the short lived reigns of those three Princes, should be omitted entirely, and that they should be comprehended within Mahmed-shah’s reign, which, of course, was made to commence immediately on Feroh-syur’s demise. At the same time, to provide for some of the most urgent expenses of his mother’s female household, a sum of fifteen thousand rupees was allotted for that purpose. But the command of the G8lal-para,^\(131\) and the office of Nazur, or superintendent of that household, were conferred on trusty eunuchs of the Vezir’s dependance, as it had been practised with the three preceding Princes; (on whom be mercy for ever!) and the Minister in providing eunuchs, guards, upholsterers, elephant-drivers, menial servants, cooks, and even water-carriers, took care to place none in that number but his own servants. It was on the same principle, that Himmet-qhan, one of the Vezir’s intimates, a man who enjoyed already five or six offices, was preposed over the new monarch’s person, as his tutor, and moreover entrusted with the privy purse, as well as with the treasury of the palace. All this was patiently The young Emperor is encircled day and night by the Vezir’s dependants. submitted to by the young Emperor, who, sensible of the criticalness of his situation, formed no opposition to any of the Vezir’s pleasures, and had besides the good sense to shew him every demonstration of deference and regard. But this did not produce the least abatement in the jealousy with which he was watched. For whenever he went abroad, which happened once or twice a month, for the purpose of taking an airing, he was encircled by a body of Sëids, who did not lose sight of him, nor ever carried him farther than the seats and gardens in the suburbs, which at most are at one or two cosses from the castle; and then it was always in order to come back before the dusk of the evening. But whilst the Vezir was busy in quieting the capital, troubles were rising?? the neighbouring provinces.

Chebilram-naagur, Governor of the province of Illahabad, refused to acknowledge his authority, and even thought it unsafe, on account of some improper behaviour of his to the two brothers. These in return took a resolution to make an example of him; and Hossëin-aaly-qhan had already sent his camp-equipage forwards, when news came that the obnoxious Governor had died suddenly. This piece of news could not but please the Viceroy; but, however, as it deprived him of an opportunity of signalising himself, he was heard to sob and to say: Is it not a pity that we should be deprived of the pleasure of seeing that proud man’s head on the point of a spear? Immediately after that piece of intelligence, news came that Gurd-hur-bahadyr, son to Dia-bahadyr, cousin to Chebilram, whose sword-bearer he had been, The Governor of Illah-abad rufuses to acknowledge his authority. had seized on the Government after his uncle’s demise, and was raising troops, as well as repairing the towers and fortifications of Illahabad. The Viceroy, on this intelligence, ordered a bridge of boats to be thrown on the Djumnah, and sending for Mahmed-shah to Ecber-abad, he published that he was going to take Illah-abad, ordering at the same time his vanguard to march instantly. It was at this conjuncture that Emir-djemlah thought proper to make again his appearance upon the stage of the world, in order to be invested with the office of Grand-almoner. But this did not hinder Ratan-chund from continuing to act in all matters relative to finance and government, and even in those relative to distributive justice and to ecclesiastical matters with so unbounded a sway, that the Moteseddies and Crown-officers were like so many ciphers in his presence; nor did they give any sign of life, but when any paper was to pass the seals in their custody. At last, even matters of distributive justice came to be of his resort; and it was impossible to become a Cazy of some city, or to have any judicial or ecclesiastical preferment, without his good-will being previously secured. One day he brought to the Vezir a person of whom he had made Cazy or Judge of a certain city. The Minister, at such a sight, turned towards a nobleman over against him, and said with a smile: “Our Ratan-chund, do ??see, can manufacture Cazies also, and he recommends likewise to ecclesiastical preferments.” The other answered: “True, my Lord, the Lord Radja after having finished his worldly affairs, is turning his attention to religious matters.”

All this while the preparatives for the siege were going on with so much vigour, that Gurd-hur’s Vekil or Agent thought it high time to come to camp, and to entreat the Viceroy’s forgiveness for his master’s misdeeds. He offered to submit, on condition of being suffered to remain in his Government, or of having it exchanged for some other, with the addition of some title of honour, as an atonement for his loss. The conditions having been accepted, Gurd-hur was to come out of the castle of Illahabad, to surrender his Government with the place, and to be transferred to that of A8d, with the title of Bahadyr or Valiant. But whilst this agreement was discussing, commotions and broils were rising in the country of Bundi, in consequence of certain disputes about an hereditary principality, from which Radja Bihim-sing, one of the heirs, had been ejected by Bedha-sing, the other heir. The dispossessed Prince retired to the Viceroy’s camp, to whom he paid his court assiduously, in hopes of being reinstated in his right; and, at last, he obtained a body of six thousand horse, all veteran troops, and all Sëids of Bar, who reckoned themselves to be so many countrymen, and so many kinsmen of the two brothers. They were commanded by his Paymaster-General, Sëid-dilaver-aaly-qhan, who had orders to reinstate the Gentoo Prince, and then to repair with him and with another Gentoo Prince, called Gudj-sing, as far as the frontiers of Malva, where he was to wait for fresh orders. On the other hand, as little reliance was reposed on all the promises made by Gurd-hur, a large body of good troops was sent under Häider-c8li-qhan, towards Illahabad, to enforce the execution of the treaty. Häider-c8li-qhan, who was a man of character and abilities, laid siege to that fortress, and pushed his works forward; but as he did not command alone, little progress was made in the siege, the Governor making it a practice to enter into a negotiation for surrendering the place, and then to stand again upon his defence, and to drive the besiegers from their works. The siege drawing to a length, Hossëin-aaly-khan crossed the Djumnah, and marched towards Illahabad; and the report of his march having intimidated the besieged, Gurd-hur, who now found no safety for himself in the plain, retired within his fortress, to which he conducted himself a great quantity of ammunition, and a variety of provisions. His family, at the same time, gave countenance to the refractory spirits of that province, and the holders of Djaghir-lands, in particular, laid hold of that opportunity to withhold their rents. Such a state of things having engaged the Viceroy’s attention, he reflected on the natural strength of the place, which was at the confluence of two mighty rivers,^\(132\) on the courage and personal abilities of Gurd-hur, and on the difficulties he would to all appearance have to encounter in a siege likely to be protracted to a length, and which would consume in that single operation a precious time, which was required in other parts of the Empire, where the enemies of his family might avail themselves of his absence to excite commotions, susceptible of blazing into a mighty flame. Sensible of all the difficulties of his situation, he was likewise discouraged by some sparks of disunion which then broke out between himself and his elder brother, the Vezir Abdollah-qhan. It was about the division of the jewels and treasure found at the castle of Ecber-abad; and messages full of discontent and peevishness were passing and repassing between them, but only in secret, Ratan-chund doing every thing in his power to conceal these dissensions from the public eye. Whilst the Viceroy was revolving in his mind how he might act, letters came from the Governor, Gurd-hur, which promised that he would submit, if Ratan-chund were sent to him with full power to grant what concerned his former demands, as well as the safety of his person. The two brothers pleased with so fair an opportunity of smothering a flame which might have risen to a great height, dismissed Ratan-chund, who setting out with a good body of troops about the end of the second Rebi, soon arrived at the city of Illahabad, where the Governor of the fortress paid him a visit, and a treaty was soon concluded The Governor of Illah-abad submits. between these two Gentoos, to which they both swore upon the waters of the Ganga, this being the most sacred oath amongst them. By this treaty, the Government of the province of A8d was given to Gurd-hur, with all the Fodjdaries contained in it, as an atonement for his parting with the fortress of Illahabad; and this being evacuated accordingly, it received a new garrison, and came again within the power of the two brothers. It was the second year of Mahmed-shah’s reign. Ratan-chund, after putting the finishing hand to this treaty, returned to his two masters, who received him with every demonstration of regard and honour.

Whilst they were shutting up a breach in the northern parts of the Empire, discontents and broils of a very threatening aspect were rising in the southern ones. We have already mentioned that Nizam-el-mulk had reluctantly accepted the Government of Malva. He found the province infested with whole troops of banditties, and its tranquillity disturbed by a number of refractory Zemindars; nor were all these brought to a thorough subjection, without a deal of trouble and perseverance. But the subject which struck out a spark, and silently set on fire all that combustible matter heaped everywhere, was Merhamet-qhan, that Fodjdar and Governor of the fortress of Mandö8, who had been discarded by Hossëin-aaly-qhan for having so far slighted him when he passed close to the walls, as not even to pay him a visit. This neglect cost him his post; and Qhadjem-c8li-qhan, a T8ranian, had been appointed in his stead, but without being able to take possession, as Merhamet-qhan delayed the delivery Troubles in Decan followed by open rebellion. of the fortress under a variety of pretences. He, therefore, wrote to court to complain of the affected delay, from whence he obtained an order to Nizam-el-mulk, Governor-General of the province, to see him righted. The General, who entertained an advantageous opinion of Merhamet-qhan, sent for him, and persuaded him to surrender the fortress quietly; and as he had observed talents with a deal of valour in that officer, he took him in his own service, where he always expressed for his person a sincere regard, seizing every opportunity to employ his abilities. And as in the confusions that had prevailed in the province in consequence of the inattention of the court, the fortress of Rat-gur had been seized by a certain refractory Zemindar of the neighbourhood, whom Nizam-el-mulk, now honoured with the title of Fateh-djung, received orders to expel, he dispatched Merhamet-qhan thither at the head of a good body of troops. This service was performed by that officer with his usual vigour and dispatch; and he flattered himself that it would soften the minds of the two brothers in his favour. But they were irreconciliable; and Nizam-el-mulk, to make him some amends, gave him the office of clearing the whole province of the banditties that lurked in it, and of bringing its Zemindars to a thorough submission. This service also was successfully performed by that officer, who took care besides to bring under subjection certain difficult passes, and certain strongholds of the district of Chandiry, which served for a retreat to a number of freebooters.

As soon as Nizam-el-mulk saw everything settled in his Government, he turned his attention towards increasing the number of his troops, filling his magazines, exercising his officers and soldiers, and in making continually new acquisitions from the rebellious province of Chandiry.

Such warlike preparatives could not be concealed from Abdollah-qhan, who received daily intelligence from the Imperial intelligencers, and the Crown-officers. But he had a nearer subject of inquietude. He was informed that Mahmed-aamin-qhan now and then made use of the Turkish language,^\(133\) to enter into a close conversation with the Emperor, and he knew that he held a secret correspondence with Nizam-el-mulk, about whose person people could observe any more troops than he had occasion for, whilst he entertained a still more numerous body with the discontented officer, Merhamet-qhan. All these intelligences having given some inquietude to the two brothers, Hossëin-aaly-qhan, the younger, who was Viceroy of Decan, wrote to Nizam-el-mulk, that as both himself and his brother, with a view to put an end to the eternal troubles of Decan, wished to establish their residence in the province of Malva, which was midway betwixt the Decan and the capital, they both hoped that to accommodate them he would take his choice of the four governments of M8ltan, Qhandess, Ecber-abad and Illahabad. This letter chanced to produce the very breach it was intended to prevent. Nizam-el-mulk, already discontented at Dilaver-aaly-qhan’s being encamped upon the limits of his government with an army, and suspicious of his motives in effecting a junction with the Gentoo Princes, Radja Bihim-sing and Radja Gudj-sing, whose neighbourhood to a province but very lately quieted, had already excited commotions amongst the Zemindars of his frontier, answered the moderate letter of Hossëin-aaly-qhan’s in a haughty taunting style; and to shew how little he was inclined to conceal his designs, he added with his own hand these two verses of his at the bottom of the letter:—

The two brothers having soon comprehended the meaning of these two verses, sent for his principal Agent at court, and they had a very brisk conversation with him, which ended in threats against his master. And Nizam-el-mulk, having soon received intelligence of it, and knowing at the same time that Mahmed-aamin-qhan was endeavouring to kindle a spark of indignation in the young Emperor’s breast, he concluded that the conservation of his honour, power and life, as well as that of all the Moghul Lords, and of an infinity of persons of distinction, depended on the downfall of the two brothers, whose pride wounded his feelings, and whose enormous power and pretensions left no safety for any one, but for their creatures. He was also excessively shocked at the insolent and overbearing behaviour of Ratan-chund, and of Adjet-sing. Full of these ideas, he held a consultation with his most discerning friends, and with the best of his Generals; and, on dismissing the assembly, he declared that he was resolved to commit his case to his own fortune, and to display full open the standard of resistance and opposition. His resolution being now taken, he wrote a short letter to the two brothers; and coming out of his palace with Abdol-rahim-qhan, Merhamet-qhan and Rahim-qhan, he put himself at the head of his army, which by comprising both his old troops and his new levies amounted to twelve thousand horse. It was about the middle of the second Djemady,^\(134\) in the year 1132 of the Hedjrah, which answers to the second of Mahmed-shah’s. He was then about the town of Seronj, where he had been encamped all this while to overawe into submission Nizam-el-mulk revolts openly. a number of refractory districts on that frontier. His purpose being now accomplished, he decamped on a sudden, and marched to the south.

This intelligence arrived at Ecber-abad in a few days, and became public in a moment. The Vezir wrote immediately to Dilaver-aaly-qhan, and to the two Gentoo Princes, to follow Nizam-el-mulk step by step, recommending to them at the same time to omit nothing that could gain to their cause the numerous clans of Afghans settled throughout the Decan; after which their business would be to crush Nizam-el-mulk, before he should have time to make any further progress.

The confusion and disorders in the Empire being of such a nature, as to set ope a bad example, it was very natural that the meanest men should avail themselves of their very distance and obscurity to aspire at an independence.

One Hossëin-qhan, an Afghan Qhoïshky, who was head-man of the town of Cossor, in Pendjab, had these many years taken possession of the best districts about Cossor and Lahor, where he acted as an hereditary Lord of those territories. These troubles commenced, whilst Abdol-semed-qhan, the Viceroy, was occupied against the Syks; and the Afghan had commenced by turning away both the collectors and Crown-officers from his town. After this exertion he assembled troops; and hearing that C8t8b-eddin, an officer of character, was marching against him with a body of Troubles in Pendjab appeared with a great deal of difficulty. horse, he met him half-way, killed that commander, destroyed or dispersed his cavalry, and took possession of his baggage. This victory having raised his character, as well as enlarged his views, he soon found himself at the head of eight or nine thousand horse, with which he established his contributions far and near. So that the Viceroy himself, although with only seven or eight thousand horse about his person, found it worth his while to march against him; and the two armies met at Chäony, about thirty cosses from Lahor. Abdol-semed-qhan gave the command of his centre to Kerim-c8ly-qhan, his Paymaster, and at his right he placed Djany-qhan and Qhoadja-rahmet-ollah, two relations of his, and both men of tried valour, whom he put under the command of Hafyz-aaly-qhan, brother to Qhan-mirza, after having advanced before them a body of a thousand Rohilla Afghans, whom he knew to be personal enemies to the rebel. At his left he placed Aref-qhan, his own Lieutenant, with Aghyr-qhan, and took his own post in their front. On the opposite side Hossëin-qhan placed his own nephew, Mustepha-qhan, in his first line, together with Rahmet-qhan, Behlol-qhan, Sëid-qhan and some other Afghan commanders, all resolute men, all mounted upon elephants, and all men of tried valour. But no sooner had the combat commenced by a fire of musquetry, than Hossëin-qhan having advanced on a full gallop on the enemy’s artillery, which he left behind, pushed on to Kerim-c8ly-qhan, whom he unhorsed at the first onset, making a great slaughter of his men. Continuing his blow, he fell on Aghyr-qhan, whose troops being mostly new levies, could not stand so furious an attack, and fled on all sides. So that Aghyr-qhan remained only with five or six hundred men of old troops, who were all T8ranians or Tartars, armed with bows; and these unwilling to forsake their commander, let fly such showers of arrows, as disordered the Afghans, and slackened their ardour. This was no sooner observed by Aghyr-qhan, than he rushed upon the enemy, bringing down a man at each time he shot an arrow, and encouraging his men with both his voice and example, he soon made so much havoc amongst the Afghans, that Mustepha-qhan was slain, with the best part of the three thousand men that had followed him. Hossëin-aaly-qhan without minding this loss, was pushing with ardour to Adbol-semed-qhan himself; and he fell upon him with so much vigour, that the Moghul General was upon the point of being borne down, having none but men wounded or slain round his elephant. At this critical moment arrived Aghyr-qhan, with his body of victorious Moghuls, and here again he changed the face of the day. Just at this moment the driver of Hossëin-aaly-qhan’s elephant fell dead from his seat; and one Shah-bohshec, spiritual director to that General, who used always to carry him seated on his right hand, being also killed, that brave rebel himself was struck in the forehead by a musquet-ball shot by Hafyz-aaly-qhan, and fell down likewise; and from this moment a panic seized his troops, and the trappings and cushions of the elephant having taken fire at the same time, the Afghans who had lost almost all their officers, fell off their ranks, and at last fled openly on all sides. This flight having left a full victory to Abdol-semed-qhan, he rewarded his commanders upon the field of battle; and as Aghyr-qhan had so much contributed to the success of the day, he raised his military grade by five hundred horse, added two hundred more to the six hundred he commanded already, and made him a present of an elephant, a poniard and a sabre. The report of this victory having reached the court, the two brothers wrote letters of encomiums to the Viceroy, and added the title of Seïf-ed-dö8lah, or Sword of the Empire, to all those with which he was already decorated.

Whilst these events were taking place in Pendjab, the Decan was becoming a scene of most serious commotions. Nizam-el-mulk, resolved not to submit to the Sëids, had passed the Nerbedda, which is the northern boundary of that extensive Viceroyalty. His fortune, to which he had entirely committed himself, had favoured him so early, that on his fording that river at The strong fortress of Assîr surrendersto Nizam-el-mulk without a blow. Acbar-p8r, the fortress of Assîr, that had cost years of siege and labour to the victorious Soltan Ecber, surrendered to him without a blow. The officers and troops of the garrison assembled at the instigation of their Commander, Taalub-qhan, who owed both his appointment and fortune to the younger of the two brothers; and they delivered the keys to Nizam-el-mulk, who paid them instantly the twenty-four months’ arrears which were their As does the citadel of B8rhanp8r. due, and besides that, conferred many favours on them. The citadel of B8rhanp8r fell in his hands in much the same manner; and to crown so happy a beginning, Ghö8ss-qhan, Governor of the province of Barar, who bore the character of a man of valour and Fortune sides with Nizam-el-mulk. talents, came to join Nizam-el-mulk, to whom he was nearly allied, and brought with him a good body of old troops and a train of artillery. Hardly was he in camp, when Simbha, a Marhatta officer, who was discontented with the Sah8 Radja, his master, quitted his service, and with two thousand horse, which he commanded, he joined Nizam-el-mulk. This example was followed by some Zemindars of those parts, and by some Afghan chieftains, settled this long while in that country. The defection becoming contagious, even Anver-qhan, Governor of the province of Qhandess, or B8rhanp8r, who owed every thing to Abdollah-qhan, one of the two brothers, came over likewise. What looks pretty singular is, that he was actutlly in Aalem-aaly-qhan’s camp, who being a nephew to the two Sëids, had been appointed their Deputy all over the Decan. There hearing of the progresses and motives of Nizam-el-mulk’s, he at once forgot all the obligations he owed to the two brothers, and under pretence of providing for the city of B8rhanp8r, he went over to his benefactor’s enemy. The approach of so successful a General as Nizam-el-mulk (and he was now called Assef-dja),^\(135\) struck a terror throughout all that tract of ground, insomuch that numbers of Marhatta commanders, who at the head of their troops were collecting the Chö8t everywhere for their master, the Sah8 Radja, fell off from their stations, and gradually retired to Satara. Whilst Nizam-el-mulk was advancing southward, an adventure happened that set that man’s character in a very advantageous light. A lady of the highest distinction, who knew nothing of the revolution which was actually taking place, was advancing towards the north. It was the mother of Sëif-eddin-aaly-qhan, and, of course, a sister of the two Sëids. She was going to the capital to pay a visit to her son, and she carried with her his consort and several small children. On reaching B8rhanp8r she was amazed to hear of her being upon an enemy’s ground, and that Nizam-el-mulk was advancing that way. Struck with the difficulties of her situation, she sent him a man of distinction, with an offer of whatever money and jewels she might have at her disposal, in humble hopes, that he would be contented with such a sacrifice, and would suffer her to proceed on her voyage with honour and safety. Nizam-el-mulk smiled on perusing the letter, and sending for a dress of honour, he ordered his introductor to put it on the lady’s Agent, whom he requested to take care of some fruit which he was sending for the children; and calling at the some time for one of his officers who commanded two hundred horse, he bid him wait on the lady with his corps, and gave him strict instructions not to lose sight of her, until he had seen her safe in the camp of Dilaver-aaly-qhan, who commanded the Vezir’s army which was marching to attack him. This General, who was provided with everything necessary, had orders to fight and demolish Nizam-el-mulk; and Hossëin-aaly-qhan waited only for letters from him, in order to set out himself for Decan. Ratan-chund, indeed, had more than once proposed to get rid of Nizam-el-mulk, by relinquishing to him the Viceroyalty of Decan; but such a proposal shocked all the feelings of his masters, although the northern parts of the Empire seemed convulsed as much as the southern ones. For violent commotions and bloody troubles had arisen in Cashmir.

One Abdol-nebi, a Cashmiriam, better known by the appellation of Muhtevi-qhan, a man, who was this long while infested with the folly of hating all the Gentoos, availed himself of the confusion of the times, to give vent to his aversion. He assembled a number of idle, disorderly, inconsiderate people from amongst the Mussulmen, and went at their head to Mir-ahmed, the Deputy-Governor, and to the Cazy, or Supreme Judge of the Province, to whom he proposed, that henceforward, Hind8s of all sorts should be forbidden the use of horses, djamas, green-turbands, and arms;^\(136\) and also that they should be forbidden to go at their stated hours to gardens and bathing places.^\(137\) The Governor and Supreme Magistrate answered calmly: “That whatever regulations His Majesty should think proper to promulgate by the advice of the learned Divines of his Court on those matters, as a standing rule for all the Hind8s of his dominions, would of course find their way into Cashmir, where it would be their business, as his special servants, to put them in execution.” This answer having not proved satisfactory to Muhtevi-qhan, that man henceforward made it a practice to attack every Hind8 he chanced to meet, and to use him according to his own wild notions. One day as Sahab-raï, a Gentoo of distinction, was giving an entertainment at a garden in the suburbs, that satellite of the devil, instigated by his master, fell unexpectedly on these innocent people, and killed, and wounded, and mangled as many as he could come at. Sahab-raï finding himself aimed at, fled to Mir-ahmed-qhan the Governor’s lodgings; and whilst he was concealed there, his house in town was set upon by Muhtevi-qhan and his followers, who plundered and sacked it leisurely. They likewise plundered that whole Gentoo quarter, after which they set it on fire, killing and dispersing not only as many Gentoos as came out to entreat their mercy, but as many Mussulmen besides as attempted to intercede for the latter. Heated with this performance, they marched down to the Governor’s lodgings, which they attacked at first with stones and brick-bats, and at last with arrows and musquet-balls; and whoever came out of it, or fell otherwise in their hands, was sure of being insulted and plundered, if not killed and stripped upon the spot. The Deputy-Governor remained besieged for a whole day and night; nor would it have been possible for him to escape, had he not risked several contrivances, and exposed himself to the most imminent peril. The next day he assembled some soldiers, and some other people, mounted his horse, and being supported by his Paymaster, Shah-yor-qhan, and by several Mansubdars and Crown-servants, he advanced towards the seditious wretch. But that infernal man, who had received advice of his design, had assembled a vast number of men of his own stamp, with intention to stand his ground; and on observing that the Deputy-Governor had advanced on this side of a bridge, then full in view, he sent some of his satellites who set it on fire, and Furious commotions in Cashmir. who following their blow, set on fire all the streets in his flank and rear, whilst some others of his people getting amongst the ruins, as well as on the tops of the houses, made incessant discharges of musquetry, arrows, stones, and brick-bats; and their wives and children were striving to outdo them, by tossing basketfuls of human-dung and other immondices, and by throwing every missile they could think of; and a furious combat was going on. In a little time Sëid-veli, nephew to the Deputy-Governor, and Zulficar-beg, the Cotval’s Lieutenant, were slain, with a number of others; and many more being grievously wounded, or disabled, Mir-ahmed-qhan saw himself almost alone. Unable to go back, and afraid of advancing, as well as of stopping, he had recourse to entreaties and supplications; and after undergoing every sort of opprobrium and outrage, short of death, he was suffered to escape. Muhtevi-qhan, now fiercer than ever, returned to the Governor’s house, where Sahab-raï had taken shelter, with a multitude of Gentoos of all sorts; and having forced it in a twinkle, he seized every one of them, killed some, cut the nose of others, and circumcised all those he thought proper to conserve, but all this with so unfeeling a precipitation, that some had their penis cut off. The next day, he repaired at the head of a great throng to the Cathedral Mosque, where, of his own authority, he deposed the Deputy-Governor, proclaimed himself in his stead by the style and title of Dindar-qhan,^\(138\) Supreme Ruler of the Mussulmen, and ordered that, until the arrival of another Deputy-Governor, the Cazy should hear and determine all matters relative to distributive justice; insomuch that for five months together, Mir-ahmed remained a private man in his own capital, Muhtevi-qhan sitting every day in state in the cathedral, and hearing and determining all contentions about matters of finance and government, or even about whatever concerned the distributive justice.

These disturbances having been taken notice of at court, Moommin-qhan was sent to Cashmir, as Deputy on the part Ynaïet-ollah-qhan, who had the government of the province. This intelligence intimidated Muhtevi-qhan, who by this time had very much cooled, so as to become sensible of all the consequences of what he had done. In the first emotion which he felt, he took two small children of his by the hand, and went with them to Qhadja-Abdollah, one of the principal Religious of the city, with whom he had an acquaintance; and as he had heard that he intended to go out to meet the new Deputy-Governor at the head of the principal Religious and the principal citizens, he wished to be of his company in such a day. The holy man answered that he had no objections; but that he thought he would act with more propriety, were he to go to the Paymaster, Mir-shah-yor, first whose forgiveness he ought to ask for what had passed. Muhtevi-qhan being of the same opinion, went to the Paymaster’s lodgings, where the latter had, by the Qhadja’s advice, concealed a number of men from the Djud-bell, that much injured quarter of the city. On his entering the room, a few words were exchanged with him, when the Paymaster feeling some urgent necessity within his body, excused himself and went away; and this being the signal agreed upon, the concealed men rushed from their corners, and first of all ripped open, in his face, the two children’s bellies, and then falling upon him, they put him to death with all that variety of tortures which resentment could contrive. Hardly had this execution taken place, when his followers resolved to revenge his death; and running to the Djud-bell, they commenced killing, wounding, beating, and mangling the inhabitants, after which they set the houses on fire. About three thousand men were hacked to pieces by these scelerats, and these proved to be mostly Moghuls, merchants, and other strangers come for the purpose of trade. An infinity of women and children were likewise seized on, and carried away as fair booty. Property to the amount of several lacs was carried away, likewise, or spoiled utterly; nor is there describing the usage offered to those defenceless people that were carried away by those miscreants. These infernal men, after having finished what they called the first volume of their religious war, proceeded to the second, that is, they marched in a body to the lodgings of the Cazi, and of the Paymaster. The latter found means to remain concealed; the Cazi changed his dress and slunk away; and the scelerats incensed at his escape, tore up his house from the foundation, and handing the materials about, they left not a brick on the spot. It was some days after this execution that Moommin-qhan, the new commandant, arrived. His first care was to send Mir-ahmed-qhan to a place of safety. His second, to re-establish order and subordination; a difficult task this in a country known for a disposition to turbulency, and for being inhabited by a wicked race of men with whom a man in power must make a shift to live sometimes by yielding and as often by stiffening.

Whilst the northern parts of the Empire were recovering from a state of convulsion, the southern ones were becoming the theatre of a very dangerous war, that struck at the very being of the two brother Sëids. We have left Dilaver-aaly-qhan in full march for B8rhanp8r. Nizam-el-mulk, informed of his motions, sent against him some of his best Generals with his best troops, to whom he soon joined Ghö8ss-qhan’s cavalry, with a train of artillery and a camp-equipage, the whole under command of his trusty friend, Ynaiët-qhan. Himself mounting his elephant, came out of the city with Ghö8ss-qhan, his kinsman, and the rest of his army, and he encamped in the neighbourhood, so as to be at hand to succour Ynaiët-qhan. As soon as the enemy was discovered, Ynaiët-qhan drew up his army, and pursuing Nizam-el-mulk’s instructions, he placed the greatest part of his light and heavy artillery behind a bushy ground, where it remained loaded with that small ball called churra in India. It was along a brook whose shady banks seemed calculated for concealing it from sight; and such was its commander’s intention, who had under his orders a numerous body of men, whose valour had been tried, and which Nizam-el-mulk knew to be capable of conserving their presence of mind in a moment of trepidation and danger. On the other hand, Dilaver-aaly-qhan, with that fiery courage peculiar to him, and that obtuseness of understanding become proverbial for the men of Barr, advanced armed and mounted, in company with Dost-mahmed-qhan, an Afghan commander; and he ranged his army in this manner:—He was himself at the head of eleven thousand horse, and the two Gentoo Princes, Behim-sing and Gudj-sing followed with a compact body of Radjp8ts. On the back of these were his artillery, and behind all, were his war-elephants. It was with such an order of battle he was advancing in a frantic manner against the enemy who waited steadily for him. Ynaiët-qhan, on the contrary, was watching the motions of his enemy. The battle commenced by discharges of musquetry and rockets, when Dilaver-aaly-qhan, inflamed by the sight of his foes, and unable to contain himself, advanced farther and farther on the retiring enemy, without ever suspecting anything of the ambuscade which lay in wait for him, until he found himself upon very unequal ground, which necessarily obliged his troops to break and discompose their ranks. Unmindful of this disorder, he was pushing on, until he arrived Battle of B8rhanp8r. over against that bushy ground which concealed the ambuscade, and where he was expected by a steady body of men, who taking aim leisurely, let fly a general discharge of musquetry, cannon, and rockets, which brought down almost the whole of those that followed him so eagerly. Those behind, terrified by that terrible execution, availed themselves of the smoke which had covered the plain, to quit the combat and to retreat; insomuch that Dilaver-aaly-qhan was left almost alone, and with no one about his person, but the two Radjas, and about four or five hundred men. As the ground was too uneven for either a horse or an elephant to move with ease, and the greatest part of the cavalry with the Radjp8ts were lying dead or wounded on the field of battle, whilst the rest were flying on all sides, Dost-mahmed-qhan, that Afgan of so much courage and so great a character, thought proper to retire likewise, the sense of honour having been superceded in him by a sense of fear; for fortune had already turned her back on the two brothers, and nothing that concerned them could be brought to take a favourable issue. Dilaver-aaly-qhan, in despair to see the discomfiture of his whole army, still pushed on with the two Radjahs and his brave troops, resolved not to survive his shame; and these being shot at like so many marks, were all slain to a man. This victory which had almost destroyed the enemy’s army, cost hardly anything to Nizam-el-mulk; and it is agreed on all hands that he did not lose a single officer. The enemy flying everywhere, a shout of victory arose in the victorious army; and Dilaver-aaly-qhan’s military-chest, baggage, artillery, and equipage, with every thing that could escape a general pillage, was taken possession of for Nizam-el-mulk’s use. This General, now in full possession of victory, returned in triumph to B8rhanp8r, where he spent his time in cherishing the inhabitants, and in rewarding his troops with elephants, dresses of honour, rich arms, and other favours, whilst he took care to relieve the wounded by giving them money and medicines.

The report of this victory having soon reached the capital, gave a secret but sincere satisfaction to the Emperor, as well as to Mahmed-amin-qhan, and to all those who professed an attachment to that Prince; but it struck the two brothers with fear and anxiety. They were holding consultations every day. Sometimes they proposed to march against Nizam-el-mulk together; and sometimes they thought it better to carry the Emperor to the capital, where he should be left under the care of the elder brother, whilst Hossëin-aaly-qhan, the younger, should march against the dangerous rival that had risen in Decan. At one time, they had a mind to carry the Emperor in the middle of the theatre of war, so as to make him partake their own danger; and at another, they thought it more decent first of all to send for Hossëin-aaly-qhan’s consort and children, and then only to think of marching against Nizam-el-mulk. Another object of debate amongst them was Mahmed-amin-qhan, who did not doubt himself of his giving them very great umbrage, insomuch that the public report was one day, that he had been put to death by the Sëids, or, at least, arrested; and another, that a reconciliation had taken place, and that every subject of animosity was buried in oblivion. They say, that the younger brother voted for his being Great debates between the two brothers. put to death; but that the elder, who objected that oaths and promises had intervened between himself and the T8ranian Lord, objected that such a death would be ungenerous, and, at any rate, dishonourable, and even inexpedient. The dispute grew warm on that single subject; and the elder brother was heard to say: “My life is a pendant of his; if you be bent on killing him, then kill me also, or let me kill myself.” It was after such debates that his life was spared at last; and, indeed, as he was predestinated to kill Hossëin-aaly-qhan himself, how could he come to be killed by him?

The mighty events with which the womb of time was evidently pregnant, seemed to have been prognosticated by the convulsions which all the elements underwent at this time. On the twenty-second of the blessed month of Ramazan,^\(139\) in the year 1233, as the people were assembled at the cathedral at a little past twelve, to say their noon-prayers, and to assist at the Qothba, on a sudden the whole building was shaken by a violent earthquake, and bricks fell from the cupola to the great terror of the congregation, who thought that something mighty and unusual was presaged by such an event, or that it reminded them of some The capital of the Empire almost destroyed by an earthquake. past one. Most of the houses in Shah-djehan-abad and in old Delhi fell down, or were shaken to the very foundations. Numbers of inhabitants were crushed under the ruins, and numbers were wounded and maimed, and the rumbling noise underground was so frightful and repeated that it spread dismay and consternation in every heart. There were that day no less than nine such successive shocks, and they overturned most of the houses in the city. The earth continued shaking violently for forty days and forty nights together, producing every day some new damage to the shattered buildings. Noises, voices, and groans were now and then heard from underground; and the affrighted inhabitants were in such a dismay, that no man in his senses had the daringness to sleep in a place shut up, or under a roof. After these forty days of continual shaking, the earth seemed to have settled indeed, but not without undergoing now and then some slighter commotions during the four or five months that followed. And commotions were yet felt, when on the first of Zilcad, it was determined in a grand council, that the Emperor’s camp-equipage, with that of the Vezir’s, should quit the environs of Ecber-abad, in order to march to the capital; and that the younger brother, Hossëin-aaly-qhan, who was fond of war, should with a number of noblemen accustomed to a camp-life, set out at the head of a numerous army, for an expedition into Decan.

Whilst the preparatives for such a campaign were making, the tale-tellers were so busy, and the suspicions entertained of all the T8ranians were so rooted, that Mahmed-amin-qhan’s life and death came again to be an object of debate. Disputes arose about his fate, and the differences in opinion having transpired abroad, became a general topic all overt he city. Matters became so critical that, expecting every moment an attack upon his person, he used to sleep in armour, and to be surrounded day and night by a body of T8ranians devoted to his interests. At last, and whilst extremities of the most fatal kind were expected, both parties came to an accommodation; and mutual promises, and solemn and tremendous oaths were interchanged with solemn asseverations of a sincerity quite distant from disguise and treason. How far all these protestations were sincere on the part of one of the two parties, we shall soon have occasion to see, and meanwhile we shall resume our narrative of the projected campaign in Decan.

As the vanquished army had been almost destroyed, the very few that had escaped from that field of slaughter, but which did not amount to more than two or three thousand men, made the best of their way to Aalem-aaly-qhan’s army in the most wretched condition imaginable, whilst Nizam-el-mulk employed that time of respite in repairing his artillery and camp-equipage, in providing ammunition, and in distributing medicines to his wounded, as well as in quieting the minds of the citizens, and in recruiting his troops, whose hearts he was gaining by every means in his power. But his main business, although in secret, was how to debauch and entice away Aalem-aaly-qhan’s soldiers and officers; the more so, as while he was busy in debauching the other’s soldiers, he was losing some of his own. Anver-qhan, that ungrateful man who had so far forgot all the obligations he owed to the two brothers, as to go over to Nizam-el-mulk’s party, now turned again to the other side, as if a single treason could not have answered his turn. He wrote to Aalem-aaly-qhan: “That Nizam-el-mulk was not grown so powerful, as that he might not be crushed by a timely diligence and a rapid march, whilst he spent his time in making up medicines, and in establishing contributions, an inaction which afforded a precious opportunity which men of genius would not let slip out of their hands.” This letter having been intercepted, served only to render the writer despicable, and to bring so much the nearer the punition which he deserved.

Aalem-aaly-qhan, who had no need of such an incitement, set out in the beginning of Ramazan, with an army of twenty-five thousand horse, amongst which were ten or twelve thousand Marhattas of the Sah8 Radjah’s, under the command of Cand8-behary and Sancradj-malhar. He was likewise attended by some commanders of character, who remembering how they had shed their blood more than once under Hossëin-aaly-qhan’s command, were attached to his cause, and devoted to his person Several other officers and persons of distinction were in his army; some out of sincere zeal, and some by a principle of time-serving. With these troops Aalem-aaly-qhan thought himself a match for the enemy; and having with some difficulty carried his army through the difficult pass of Feridap8r, which is midway betwixt the Qhandess and the Aorengabad, he encamped in the neighbourhood of the latter city, where his Marhatta horse, faithful to their wonted custom, spread all over the plain and plundered all the villages. These ravages engaged Nizam-el-mulk to send his family and heavy baggage within the fortress of Assîr, and then to meet his enemy in the field. But the river P8rna, which flows at about seventeen cosses from B8rhanp8r, being then swollen by the rains, was likely to occasion much delay, had he not been extricated by Ghö8ss-qhan. This General, who was acquainted with the country, proposed to march about eighteen cosses higher by the left, towards a spot which he knew to have a ford; and to this they arrived sooner than expected by by-ways, which were pointed out by the Zemindars of the country. So that Nizam-el-mulk, having forded over, was already in full march towards the enemy, before the latter knew any thing of his approach. At last he received intelligence, and marched up to his antagonist, whilst the latter’s Marhatta horse, to be beforehand with what booty might be had, ran forwards, and by scouring the country occasioned a dearth and a scarcity in Nizam-el-mulk’s army. Especially as the heavy rains which were falling daily, had spoiled the roads, and the Marhatta horse were perpetually harassing him on all sides; insomuch that it became difficult to move; and here again Ghö8ss-qhan was of great service. At the head of some thousands of those Marhatta horse that served in Nizam-el-mulk’s army, he cut his way through the other freebooters, and was followed by that General, who found himself obliged to advance through perpetual skirmishes; his intention being to avoid a general action, until he might find a field of battle to his mind. Having found it at last about the town of Balap8r, he prepared for a battle. So soon as the two armies had got sight of each other, Aalem-aaly-qhan prepared to attack the enemy; and this was the fifth of Shevval. He put his first line under the command of Munevver-qhan, and Ghalub-aaly-qhan, the Decanian, and supported their right by several corps commanded Destructive battle of Balap8r, where the army of the two Sëids is almost destroyed. by Aamin-qhan, brother to Qhan-aalem, by Umer-qhan, cousin to the late Da8d-qhan-peni, and by Shimshir-qhan, Eshref-qhan, and Fidvi-qhan, which last was Divan to Muntehi-qhan. That officer, as well as Mahmedi-beg, his brother, were two commanders of consequence, renowned for their valour and military talents. His left he filled with the several corps, commanded by Refaïet-taaleb-qhan, and Qhadja-rahmet-qhan, and by some other officers of character, to whom he added all the Marhatta cavalry, with strict injunction not to mix their ranks. Aalem-aaly-qhan himself took his post in the centre, where he shared his elephant with Ghäiass-qhan. His artillery marched in front surrounded by ten or twelve thousand musqueteers of the Carnatec, supported themselves by a number of war-elephants, that looked like so many mountains cased in iron. The General having reviewed his order of battle, seemed easy in his mind, and he was advancing with a cheerful countenance, pleased to find he was going to an engagement likely to prove decisive. But he was but freshly arrived in those parts, unacquainted with the nature of the country, and totally unexperienced; and although he was informed that Dilaver-aaly-qhan had lost both his life and army by giving way to the ardour of his temper, which had carried him headlong into an ambuscade, of which, with a little more precaution, he might have got timely intelligence, nevertheless, he fell himself headlong in the same snare, where, after exhibiting prodigies of valour and activity, he saw his sweet life cropped up in the very flower of his youth. The truth of the matter is, that he was under the actual impulse of fate, and that

On the morning of the sixth of the month, Aalem-aaly-qhan, surrounded by thirty or forty commanders, all mounted on elephants, marched to the enemy with a blind security, which history can neither conceal nor dissemble.

Nizam-el-mulk, on his side, gave the command of his first line to the brave Merhamet-qhan, and to make a trial of his son, Ghazi-eddin-qhan’s fortune, he joined him to that renowned officer. Abdol-rahim-qhan, Raïet-qhan, Saad-eddin-qhan, Darab-qhan, and Camïab-qhan, and Ynaïet-qhan, all at the head of their troops, were distributed in his right and left wings, together with those corps commanded by Cadyr-dad-qhan, Ahtisass-qhan, and Rohollah-qhan, and Dilir-qhan, and Anver-qhan. To those troops he added all the Radjp8ts commanded by some Radjahs, and all those brought by some commanders, highly discontented with the two brothers, as well as fond of war and battle. Himself took his post in the centre, with Ghö8ss-qhan at his side. As to the troops brought by some Zemindars, as well as some thousands of Marhatta cavalry, he thought it better to leave them in his camp under Renbah, their General, with orders to secure his camp against the enemy’s Marhatta horse. He had a numerous artillery, which had been vastly augmented by what he drew from the fortress of Assîr and B8rhanp8r, but especially by that whole train which he had found after his late victory. All this he placed in his front, in full view of the enemy; but as soon as it became dark, he sent great part of it to the left and right, where it was concealed by a bushy ground from the enemy’s sight, and ranged with skill by men of tried valour and abilities. All these were loaded with churrah or small ball, and intermixed with swivels, wall-pieces and rockets, stationed by his own particular direction. He had hardly done, when Aalem-aaly-qhan’s army was seen in motion; and the action commenced by the forlorn hope, consisting of ten or twelve thousand horse, which under the command of Munevver-qhan pushed for the enemy’s artillery. But upon the first discharge he was slain together with some of the bravest of his men, who were all from Barr, or from Decan. On sight of this, the first line of Nizam-el-mulk’s, which was mostly composed of Moghuls, charged the enemy’s line, which they threw instantly into confusion; and this being reported to Aalem-aaly-qhan, he took a number of choice troops, and marched in haste to repair the disorder which he now perceived in his centre; and here the battle growing warm, Aalem-aaly-qhan, who was the foremost in every attack, overthrew the enemy, confounded their ranks, and made them lose ground. Flushed with this success, he pushed on with ardour, but without the least caution. The enemy was falling back, Aalem-aaly-qhan was pursuing, and both parties were drawing nearer and nearer to that fatal spot, where such an infinity of fire-mouths were concealed. All this artillery was under the management of a body of tried men, personally inimical to the two Seids; and fire being given to it, all those guns loaded with grape, and all those swivels and rockets, went off at one and the same time, and gave an image of the Day of Judgment. The sun’s light was darkened by the smoke, and the day was turned into night. When it cleared up a little, Munevver-qhan, the commander of the van, with Ghalub-qhan, and Shimshir-qhan, and Ashref-qhan, and Qhadja-rahmet-qhan, and Muntehi-qhan, and Mahmedi-beg, with a vast number of the bravest commanders and soldiers were seen dead, or sprawling in their own blood. The best and greatest part of the cavalry was destroyed or disabled. But this did not discourage Aalem-aaly-qhan; although wounded, he made a stand, and rallied round his person a number of veteran soldiers, all accustomed to battle, all ready to part with their blood in his cause, and all capable to face so many lions in a wilderness. With these he kept on advancing, when he was stopped by Yqhtisass-qhan, and by Ynaïet-qhan, who had just been wounded in the eye by an arrow, as well as by numbers who could not help admiring the valour of that young hero. And here commenced a long and bloody contest, which could not be ended but by Yqhtisass-qhan’s joining Aalem-aaly-qhan, and cutting off one of his arms at one blow. This wound having disabled him, he was overpowered by some of the bravest of the enemies, and slain on the spot, together with nineteen other commanders of character, and the greatest part of that brave body that had kept pace with him. The young Sëid cheerfully parted with all his blood, and with a face glowing with victory, he went to join his holy and valiant ancestors.^\(140\) Sancradji, the Marhatta commander, who followed next to Aalem-aaly-qhan with a number of the bravest of his nation, was wounded and taken prisoner, as was his brave troops.

Whilst such a scene of slaughter occupied every one, Omer-qhan, brother to the late Da8d-qhan-peni, and Aamin-qhan, brother to Qhan-aalem, two commanders who had treacherously taken service with Aalem-aaly-qhan, availing themselves of the general confusion, seized on three or four elephants, and on three or four lacs of rupees, and slyly parted with the field of battle, as they thought, but as they really did, with their own honour, and character. Wheeling round with a number of troops as treacherous Aalem-aaly-qhan is slain fighting valiantly. as themselves, they went to surrender to Nizam-el-mulk. That General ordered the enemy’s artillery, military chest, camp-equipage, and whatever belonged to the commanders slain in battle, to be seized on for his use, as much of it at least as could escape a general plunder. It was observed in this second battle, as had been already in the former, that the victor’s troops suffered so little, that not a man of character was slain amongst them, and that he had hardly any wounded. Some citizens and some officers who were of the number, were soon cured with the unguent of his liberality, and the cerate of his encomiums and favours.

When intelligence of this disaster was brought to the two brothers, it threw them into a state which it would be difficult to describe; especially the younger, who from his deep sense of such a reverse of fortune, was consuming inwardly by grief and impatience; and he really suffered the agonies of death, whenever he reflected that his consort and family were yet in Decan. Fortunately for him, in a few days more, he received intelligence that, before Nizam-el-mulk’s approach to Aorengabad, the Governor of Dö8let-abad,^\(141\) although ill used by the two Sëids, and very dissatisfied with their proceedings, had had the generousity to receive that forlorn family with all their dependants and effects within that strong fortress. What is singular in that Governor is, Generous action of the Governor of Dö8let-abad. that he was actually upon ill terms with the very man to whose consort and children he was affording all the assistance and all the conveniencies in his power. In a word, he took an ample revenge of the two Sëids, by conferring upon them an important benefit at a most critical time.

Hossëin-aaly-qhan, on hearing such a comforting piece of news, recollected his wonted firmness, and became easy in his mind; although he heard at the same time that Mubaruz-qhan, Governor of the kingdom of Haïderabad, as well as Dilaver-aaly-qhan, his brother-in-law, had both quitted his party, and gone over to Nizam-el-mulk, to whom they carried a body of seven or eight thousand horse.

The news from Decan becoming every day more serious, the two brothers held frequent councils together on the subject; and after much examination and debate, it was at last determined that Abdollah-qhan, who was the Emperor’s deputy by his office, should march to the capital, in order to overawe it into submission and quietness; but that Hossëin-aaly-qhan should march with that Prince in Decan at the head of a numerous army. This resolution having been several times examined and confirmed, the Viceroy turned his whole attention towards making great additions to his army and to his artillery. With that view he dispatched Sëid-mahmed-qhan with money and letters of array to the brave inhabitants of Barr, and to the Afghans who lived beyond them, whose bravest commanders he invited over to his service; and he was so well served, that in a little time he saw himself at the head of fifty thousand horse. He had the Imperial guards besides, and a number of Radjas with their Radjp8ts; and he was followed by Hossëin-aaly-qhan,
after many consultations, resolves on marching to Decan in person. an infinity of persons of distinction, who went as volunteers, desirous to signalise themselves under such a commander. His train of artillery was composed of such large cannon, that it seemed intended for shaking the earth on its foundations; and it was under the care of a numerous body of musqueteers formed by himself, whose unerring balls seemed to be so many expresses dispatched by fate. All this army having been reviewed about the end of Shevval, Hossëin-aaly-qhan sent his equipage upon the high road of Decan, and that same day he advanced with the Emperor at two cosses distance from Ecber-abad. But as the last hour which was allowed him by his destiny was at hand, he became guilty of several improper proceedings, which cannot be ascribed to any thing else, but to the imperiousness of fate. He took from Sëid-qhan-djehan the office of Grandmaster of the artillery, and gave it to Haïder-c8ly-qhan, an office of the utmost importance, and which always involved the disposal of the Emperor’s household, family, and even person. Several days more having been spent in that encampment, it was the ninth of the next month of Zilcaad, when the Emperor, quitting the Imperial residence of Ecber-abad, advanced three cosses on the road of Decan,^\(142\) on a spot of ground which he ennobled by his presence. He was attended by the Vezir Abdollah-qhan, who waited only for a proper opportunity to take his leave, and to commence his journey towards the capital; for as the anniversary of the Emperor’s coronation was at hand, and fell on the fifteenth, he wanted to assist at the ceremonies and rejoicings usual on that occasion, and then only to commence his journey.^\(143\) Hossëin-aaly-qhan objected to so much delay, and he engaged the Emperor to dismiss the Vezir more early, after which he decamped himself with the Emperor; and on the fourteenth, he had marched one full stage more, to stop at Fateh-poor, at which town he spent three or four days in rejoicings for the anniversary of the Emperor’s coronation. These being over, he thought only of marching by long stages to Decan. But his brother, Abdollah-qhan, remained in the same spot two or three days more with Hamed-qhan, uncle to Nizam-el-mulk, and some other lords that had neither wings nor feathers, such as, Ghazi-eddin-qhan, Ghalub-qhan, and many others. After this stay, the reason of which no one could guess, he set out for the capital, and in the road was met by Mahmed-qhan-bangash, the Afghan; who not satisfied with some lacks of rupees which he had touched from Hossëin-aaly-qhan, under promise of following him with his body of national troops, protested a want of money, and got fifty thousand rupees more from the Vezir. The latter continued his march to the capital, whilst his brother was intent on marching into Decan.

The Vezir continuing to advance, was at two short journeys from the capital, when he received intelligence that his brother had been killed, together with his younger brother, N8r-eddin-aaly-qhan, and his nephew, Ghaïret-qhan. This intelligence was contained in a short note brought by a dromedary courier, which Ratan-chund had hurried away on the first tumult. And here is a detail of this event.

As the Emperor was a mere cipher in his own dominions, his situation set daggers in the hearts of some nobles and lords of the old court of A8reng-zib’s, such as, Nizam-el-mulk, Mahmed-aamin-qhan, and several others, who beheld with indignation the enormous power of the two brothers, and were perpetually revolving in their minds the various means by which they might be delivered from a boundless influence, so injurious to the Imperial family, and so capable to eclipse them with every one of their party. Mahmed-aamin-qhan, although narrowly watched, had found means to say a few words of Turkish to the Emperor, both to obtain his consent, and to put him upon his guard; and this consent having been imparted to Nizam-el-mulk, it put him upon asserting his own independence and upon wresting all the Decan from the two brothers; and it is to these intrigues at court, and to that General’s exertions in the field, that Dilaver-aaly-qhan and Aalem-aaly-qhan owed their misfortune, although after all, it cannot be denied but that the whole did happen by the immediate impulse of an unavoidable destiny. For Mahmed-aamin-qhan, who saw that the Viceroy was bent on the destruction of of his confederate, Nizam-el-mulk, and who suspected that the latter was not a match for his adversary, concluded that his ruin would be followed by his own downfall and that of all the T8ranians. Impressed with such ideas, he was watching day and night with his confederates for a favourable opportunity of falling at once upon Hossëin-aaly-qhan, and of making an end of him. But it must not be believed that they would have raised their Conspiracy against Hossëin-ally-
qhan. views so high, had they not been assured of a vigorous support by a powerful party; and this they were augmenting every day. The first person they thought of acquiring, was Sëid-mahmed-aamin, better known under the name of Saadet-qhan, an Iranian, born at Nishap8r, in Qhorassan. This man’s first rise in the world was by appearing as Colonel or Hezary in that corps of of Musqueteer guards called Vala-shahies. It was in Feroh-syur’s time. Some time after, he was promoted to the Fojdary of Hendon-biana, one of the principal and most refractory districts of the province of Ecber-abad. It was here he first gave a specimen of his valour and abilities. With a few troops which he obtained from the Vezir Abdollah, and a few more which he added of his own, he found means to bring that whole country under order and control; and this service having produced him an augmentation of five hundred horse to his military grade, he henceforward became known at Court, where he bore the character of a resolute man and an able commander; and he was now come to camp to carry some points of his own. Mahmed-aamin-qhan, finding by his looks that he was exactly cut out for his purpose, insinuated himself so artfully into his mind, that he became henceforward his bosom companion, and the depositary of all his secrets; and as this association had been greatly facilitated by their being both Moghuls,^\(144\) they cast their eyes upon a third Moghul, a man altogether fit for their purpose. This was Mir-haïder-qhan, a Djagatäi Calmuc,^\(145\) of Cashghar, in T8ran, whose family enjoying these many years the office of sword-bearer, or Mir-shimshir, to the Prince of that northern country, had assumed the appellation of Mirs or Miranies. He was sounded by the two confederates; and Mir-haïder, who was a man of an intrepid daring temper, whom no danger could appal, accepted the proposal, not only out of a principle of ambition, but also out of a religious zeal, he being as zealous a Sunny, as the Viceroy was a zealous Shyah. He even took upon himself the task of dispatching him with his own hand, a desperate attempt that had never entered the head of a man in his sober senses. These three resolute men being closely knit together by a conformity of characters and a similarity of views, were examining amongst themselves who should give the first blow, and in what manner; and having for this purpose applied to the Coran, the sort fell on Mir-haïder, that man unworthy of living either in this world or the other. This man without suspecting how near he was to his own end, framed a petition full of complaints against Mahmed-aamin-qhan; and to present it, he took for his partner a countryman of his, who was his particular friend, and whom he knew to be as stout and as daring as himself. It was on a Tuesday, which fell on the sixth of Zilhidj, in the year 1132 of the Hejrah. The army was encamped at fifty cosses south of Ecber-abad, and the Emperor was just alighting to get into his quarters. This moment having been seized by Mahmed-aamin-qhan, to drop a few Turkish words, by which he advised him to be ready and upon his guard, he made his bow, and retired to the quarters of Haïder-c8ly-qhan, who was one of the principal conspirators. As he was retiring, the Viceroy advanced, and having accompanied the Emperor as far as the first entrance of the Ladies enclosure, where he saw him enter, he withdrew, and took the road of his own quarters, which being in the vanguard, could not be at less than one cosse distance. As he was approaching the outlet of the Imperial paling, called Calal-para, Mir-haïder, who had availed himself of a rising ground to shew himself from afar, and to make his bow, raised his petition as high as he could; but the chopdars, and slave-guards having forbidden his approaching nearer, fate, unavoidable fate, put it into the Viceroy’s mind to becon to the man, and to command his people to let him draw nearer. Mir-haïder having augured well of this extraordinary condescendence, drew close, presented his petition, and as the Viceroy’s paleki was going on, he went on likewise, holding, as it is usual on those occasions, the foot of that carriage with one hand,^\(146\) whilst he gesticulated with the other, in explaining the objects of his complaints. But the moment he saw his attention engaged by the contents of the petition, he drew his poniard, and gave that valorous innocent Sëid such a violent stab, as threw him on the opposite side of the paleki, where he expired without a groan, Hossein-aaly-qhan is assassinated. and in an instant put on the crown of martyrdom. But even in falling on the opposite side, he gave his murderer a violent kick in the breast which overset the paleki, but the body fell motionless on the ground. N8r-ollah-qhan, a relation of the Viceroy’s, was likewise marching on foot, and holding the paleki likewise; A furious combat about his body. but on seeing the blow, he drew his sabre, and felled the murderer to the ground, and was himself felled down by the Moghul, or second partner, who was himself collared and killed by Mir-mushref, who although grievously wounded in the scuffle, found means to escape alive. From that moment a promiscuous slaughter took place round the paleki; but numbers of Moghuls arriving one after another, the ground was cleared, and both the heads of Hossëin-aally-qhan, and N8r-ollah-qhan, being severed from their bodies, were carried to the Emperor’s quarters. This sight made so deep an impression on the eunuch Macb8l, superintendent of the Viceroy’s seraglio, that assuming courage from his very despair, he drew his sabre, attacked the Moghuls vigorously, and received several wounds of which he died three or four days after. Whilst so much noble blood was streaming round Hossëin-aaly-qhan’s body, his head-water bearer and head-scavenger, taking to their sabres and buclers, ran with all their might towards the Imperial paling; and throwing themselves headlong amongst the bodyguards, they cut their way towards the Emperor as far as the part called Tesbigh-qhana, where they were hacked to pieces, or, as some others say, hewed down by Saadet-qhan, who barred the passage with his body. A troop of resolute men, attached to Mohcum-sing, Divan of the murdered Viceroy, having, on the very first tumult, run with drawn sabres as far as the Calal-para, through which many of them cut their way as far as the main tent of audience, fought valiantly; and although they were mostly wounded, they cut their way back on hearing that their master could not recover. As for Hossëin-aaly-qhan’s musqueteers, who had already commenced firing, they were soon silenced, or they dispersed of themselves, on hearing that all was over.

The news of Hossëin-aaly-qhan’s death was directly carried to Ghaïret-qhan, his nephew, who was actually in camp. That valorous young man, without calling up his troops, or bringing up his artillery, or even giving himself time to assemble his friends about his person, without sending word, or waiting until they should come, directly quitted the meal he was taking, and having wiped his mouth and hands with a handkerchief,^\(147\) he mounted his elephant, and without uttering a word, he advanced to fight himself against the Emperor and all the murderers of his uncle. With about three thousand horse and foot that joined him troop by troop by the way, he rushed on the enemy with a fury which can be compared to nothing but to the rapidity of lightning, or to the fury of a storm. Whilst he was advancing, Saadet-qhan, and Mahmed-aamin-qhan with Haïder-c8ly-qhan, sensible of the Emperor’s danger, had rushed headlong amongst a number of enemies that had penetrated as far as the women’s enceinte, and were thronging and barring the very entrance; and having cleared the passage by mere bodily strength and a vigorous execution, they called on the Emperor to shew himself. But the Emperor was actually held body to body by his mother, and entangled amongst a crowd of women that had seized on his person. Saadet-qhan, sensible of the importance of the moment, and how little rules of etiquette deserved then his attention, had the boldness to rush beyond the door, and having entreated the Emperor to shew himself at the head of a number of faithful servants ready to shed their blood in his cause, seized his hand, and having by mere strength of body disengaged him from the women, he brought him out to Mahmed-aamin-qhan, who mounted him upon his elephant, and took his post in the qhavvas behind, to protect his person. As it was customary for the Emperor’s guards and for some other corps to assemble early at the entrance of the Imperial enceinte; and they had hastened thither that day earlier than usual, whilst some troops of Moghuls were hastening towards Saadet-qhan, and some others were joining Mahmed-aamin-qhan by detached bands; the Emperor at once appeared surrounded by a respectable body of men. But still his danger had been great, but for Haïder-c8li-qhan’s activity, who sensible that some such emergency was at hand, had had the foresight to exercise every day the troops of the artillery, whose hearts he had been gaining all this while by his liberality; insomuch that on the first report of the tumult, he had marched up to the Emperor’s quarters; and whilst Ghaïret-qhan was advncing on one hand with a confused disorderly body of men, he was marching up on the other with a steady pace, and a numerous troop marshalled in order, with which he surrounded the Emperor’s person, forming without his own circle another circle of field-pieces and war-elephants. A bloody battle betwixt the Emperor’s party and that of the Viceroy’s, in which Ghaïret, who commanded for the latter, loses his life with the victory. This once done, he went up to a body of his own horse, and advanced to the charge, himself the foremost. It was high time. A battle, as terrible as the Day of Judgment, had already commenced. Ghaïret-qhan, who had come with all the fury of a hungry lion, or a famished tiger, was broiling like incense upon the fire of impatience. His eagerness did not give him time to take breath, so little was he apprehensive that all his eagerness would only serve to precipitate him into the abyss of eternity. He had resigned his own life, and was ready to part with it, if he could but revenge his uncle’s murder, and close with the Emperor’s person, or those of Mahmed-aamin-qhan, and Haïder-c8li-qhan. The cannon and musquetry of this General accustomed long ago to order, were already firing with a steady hand, and already balls were raining as thick as it had been a storm of hail. The two adverse parties were engaging with so much fury, that nothing was heard but the groans of the dying, and the cries of—have at you. For by this time the Lords of the Emperor’s party were flocking from all parts round his person; and Ghaïret-qhan’s troops were likewise hastening to their Lord’s assistance. So that the two parties, which had now assumed the appearance of complete armies, were already come to hand-blows, and engaging body to body. In a little time Ghaïret-qhan had advanced so near Haïder-c8li-qhan that he had shot an arrow at him, which sunk with so much violence in the latter’s bow, that it required afterwards a great force to extract it. This was no sooner seen by Saadet-qhan, and Camer-eddin-qhan, than they ran to his assistance, and performed exploits worthy of their attachment to the Emperor. This Prince himself was incessantly filling his bow, and shooting arrows on all sides. Whilst the two parties were solely intent on each other’s destruction, the sharpers and robbers of both sides, availing themselves of the confusion, fell on Hossëin-aaly-qhan’s quarters, set them on fire as well as all the tents of his body of Sëids; and whilst the servants were busy in putting out the fire, they plundered out of the Viceroy’s tents, money, and jewels to the amount of several corores. It was at such a time that Qhandö8ran arrived to the Emperor’s assistance. The action seemed then inclining to one side. Ghaïret-qhan, enfeebled already by two wounds, now received a third. He was shot dead with a musquet-ball by an Habeshinian who sat in the qhavvas behind Haïder-c8li-qhan; and the young Sëid, without uttering a groan, went to sit close to, and to wait upon, his glorious ancestor, the Doctor Aaly, the Prince of the pious, (on whom be grace and mercy for ever!) All this while the Viceroy’s baggage had been plundered leisurely, and there remained but little of it to be secured for the Emperor’s use.

The victory being now secured, Haïder-c8li-qhan sent word to Mohcum-sing, Prime Minister or Divan to Hossëin-aaly-qhan, that he advised him to pay his homage to the Emperor, as that Prince had ordered that his life and property should be spared. He came, and on his making his bow, the Emperor forgave the errors of his past conduct, and augmented his military grade to six thousand horse. Word was also sent to Ratan-chund, but as from that General himself, that he might come and be safe. But Ratan-chund, who knew how much he was detested, made haste to dispatch a dromedary courier to Abdollah-qhan, as we have already said, and getting into his paleki, he was hastening to his own quarters. But he was soon stopped by some Moghuls as well as by crowds of mob, who, incensed this long while at his violent behaviour and at his oppressions, flew at him, and having torn him from his paleki, they gave him a severe beating, and dragged him stark naked to Mahmed-aamin-qhan’s quarters, who immediately ordered him some clothes, but sent him into confinement with a chain at his feet. Raï-seromendass, agent-general to Abdollah-qhan, was more lucky. Observing how matters went, he shaved his beard and whiskers, changed his apparel, and whilst his baggage was pillaging, he went like a thief into his own tent took some jewels, and retired successively to the quarters of some trusty friends, who successively found means to conceal him. At last he made his escape good to Abdollah-qhan, his master. But Mir-aaly-qhan did not meet with so much good luck. He was a servant attached this long while to Hossëin-aaly-qhan, who set so much value upon his services, that he had raised him to some offices equally lucrative and honourable, such as that of Dagh-tessuya;^\(148\) and he in acknowledgment for those favours had now approved himself a worthy brave companion of Ghaïret-qhan’s. He was now plundered as well as others, and sent into confinement, after having been respected for three days together by that same populace, that had proved so licentious with others. Mir-mushreff who had cut so conspicuous a figure, when Hossëin-aaly-qhan was murdered, was now offered offices, and even money. But he thought it incumbent upon him to decline both, and he retired to his house, where he lived for a long while unthought of and in obscurity; when the Emperor, of his own motion, sent for him and took him in his own service.

As to the three corpses of Hossëin-aaly-qhan, N8r-eddin-aaly-qhan, and Ghaïret-qhan, they were wrapped up in cloth of gold by Mahmed-aamin-qhan’s order, and decently put into coffins, that nobleman intending thereby to screen himself from the reproaches of the public. He even went to the place where they lay in state, made his devotions at the foot of them, performed the usual rites, and said aloud: Here lies three valorous Lions asleep. After this he ordered the three coffins to be taken up and carried to the family monument at Adjmir, where lies buried the great Abdollah-qhan, alias Mïa-qhan, the founder of that family. Doubtless, the intention of the gold cloth and other costly ornaments was to excite by the way the cupidity of the banditti and highwaymen, who by plundering the whole, and committing a variety of indecencies, might render the procession ridiculous; but if such was his idea, he was disappointed. Wherever the coffins were descried from afar, people of all ranks would flock to them, and out of a respectful regard, would accompany them a great way; and it was with such a cortege they arrived at Adjmir, where they were deposed in the family monument.

Thanks be to God Almighty, that these two qualifications have confessedly shined in Hossëin-aaly-qhan’s character; and it appears from authentic memoirs and unquestionable testimonies that what befell Feroh-syur and some others of his enemies, was of his and their own seeking, and had never taken place but in his own defence. And, indeed, where is the man that would not strive for the conservation of his life and honour? It is unheard of to this day that any man of the world should have ever parted with either, whilst he had power to defend them. It may even be said that few men have been found of a standard so free from alloy, as to have laid down their lives and honour in the cause of God and of his Messenger, although a total dereliction of either or of both is in such a mighty case, of divine obligation, and never fails to produce in the other world the highest degree of happiness and glory. Whereas the like dereliction in the cause of our own species, is far from producing such a glorious return. And how shall it be believed that it can whilst the many important services rendered Feroh-syur by these two brothers at the expense of so much blood and property, were no better rewarded than by his perpetually endeavouring to make them fall a sacrifice to such vile reprobate men as an Emir-djemlah and an Yticad-qhan —the most contemptible and most profligate wretches that ever disgraced a Court.

The victor’s lenity was never so conspicuous as in his condescendence towards those persons attached to the Sëids. Assed-ollah-qhan, The Emperor’s lenity to the vanquished. better known under the name of Navvab Evliah, a son to Hossëin-ally-qhan’s aunt, having lost all his effects in this general confusion, as well as his credit and influence, obtained leave to quit the Court, and he went in pilgrimage to the house of God in the glorious Mecca. Gholam-aaly-qhan, who had the merit of having been one of those that went to fetch the young Emperor from Selimgur-castle, and on that account had been spared both in his honour and property, no sooner saw himself at full liberty, than he made his escape to Abdollah-qhan. Nusret-yar-qhan, one of the principal Sëids of Barr, who although much dissatisfied with Abdollah-qhan, had had the generosity to march to his brother’s assistance at the head of his body of horse, and was already at three cosses distance, finding on his arrival that all was over, applied to Qhandö8ran with whom he had an intercourse of friendship and civilities; and he was sent for by that nobleman who presented him to the Emperor. On his paying his obeisance, he was raised to the grade of five thousand horse, with an addition of two thousand more, to his command. This favour seemed to serve as a signal for bringing forwards a variety of promotion. Mahmed-aamin-qhan, who enjoyed already the grade of eight thousand horse, was complimented with the effectual command of so many troopers at two horses each, presented with a donative of two corors and-a-half of Dams,^\(150\) and decorated with the dignity of Supreme Minister, under the title and style of Vezir-el-memalic, Zaafer-djung.^\(151\) The office of Paymaster-General was given to Qhandö8ran, together with the grade of eight thousand horse, and the title of Emir-ul-umera, that is, Prince of Princes. Camer-eddin-khan, son to the actual Vezir, was invested with the second Paymastership, and the superintendence of the Bathing-place, which implies the private apartments. He was also complimented with some other offices, and promoted to the command of five thousand horse, with the grade of seven. Haïder-c8ly-qhan, who had cut so conspicuous a figure, was promoted to the same grade, with the effectual command of six thousand troopers at one and two horses each; and he received besides the title of Nasser-djung, that is, Succourer in battles. Saadet-qhan was promoted to the grade and command of five thousand horse, and complimented with the title of Bahadyr or Valiant, and with a nagarah or a large kettle-drum of command. Zaafer-qhan had also a share in the Imperial favour. In one word, no one of the Emperor’s friends, ancient or recent, were forgotten, and every one was rewarded in offices, dignities, and employments, as his merits pointed out, or as he had interest at Court.

Abdollah-qhan had advanced about forty cosses, and he was already at two short journeys from the capital, when he received that note which Ratan-chund had hurried away on the very first tumult—that mournful note which darkened the light of the day for him, blinded his eye-balls, and rendered his existence a burthen. With eyes brimful with tears, and a mountain-load of grief on his breast, he thought it unsafe to stop, and was for marching on to the capital. Some of his friends objected to this notion, and were of opinion that, as the Emperor was not yet joined by the troops of the provinces, and had not had time to practise upon the inclinations of many thousands of old soldiers attached to his late brother, it was expedient to return to Ecber-abad, and to fall at once upon the Emperor, before he should find leisure to fortify his party. This advice did not please Abdollah-qhan, who observed: “That there was no success to be expected by attacking with dispirited, diminished troops, on a Prince firmly seated upon the throne, and surrounded by an infinity of Lords and Generals closely linked together. That for his part, he firmly believed that in such a case the match would prove too unequal, and quite inauspicious, unless he shewed to his party a Prince of Aoreng-zib’s blood, whose person might attract the eyes of the multitude, and conciliate the hearts of so many Lords of the old court, who were now living in the capital, and who by forming a court to the new Prince might afford him time to assemble troops and artillery.” This advice of the Vezir’s having been approved, he continued his journey to the capital. But matters were already much altered in that territory.

For as soon as the news of the revolution had spread far and near, the peasants had joined the highwaymen and banditties, and made it a practice to plunder every one of those that chanced to lag behind, or even any baggage that happened to be at some distance from the main; and although they were more than once chastised, there was no weaning them from such practices. One day a body of foot, with their officers at their head, was cut off near Abdollah-qhan’s quarters, and almost within his sight. Another day they surrounded a convoy that came from the capital with a vast quantity of effects for Hossëin-aaly-qhan; and plundered it entirely, stripping all those that composed it; and this at only two cosses from Abdollah-qhan’s camp. On the other hand, all the lands, and Djaghirs, that belonged to the two brothers, or to their adherents, had been laid hold of by the Zemindars, who took possession of the revenues, until, said they, they might know to whom they were to remain. All these, however, being but inconsiderable objects, Abdollah-qhan dispatched Shudjahat-ollah-qhan and M8rteza-qhan, two noblemen of importance, to the capital, with orders to bring from thence one of the Princes of the Imperial blood; and he wrote to his younger brother, Nedjm-eddin-aaly-qhan, Governor-General of the province of Delhi, in which the capital is seated, to raise as many men as he could, and to provide a camp-equipage with every thing requisite for taking the field.

The letter arrived in the evening of the eighth of Zilhidj, that is, sometime before any certain intelligence could arrive at the city. But as some rumour had already found its way thither, the Governor had sent a number of armed men, with the city Cutval at their head,^\(152\) to take possession of Mahmed-aamin-qhan’s palace, which they had kept encircled for the greatest part of the night, whilst the people within shewed a resolution to defend themselves; but in the morning the Governor, whether from his own notion, or in consequence of an order from Abdollah-qhan, recalled the Cutval, and desisted from a proceeding so hazarded. His attention was besides so diverted to objects of much greater importance; for two days after, that is, on the tenth of Zilhidj, which is always the day of Corban or sacrifice, he went out of the city to make his devotions in the fields, as is the custom, with a vast multitude of people, and on returning to town, he repaired directly to the castle, where are guarded the Princes of the Imperial blood. He was accompanied by Abdollah-qhan’s two envoys, and it was with them he presented himself at the door of the apartment where lived the Princes, sons of Muëzzeddin-djehandar-shah, whom he requested to come out. But so far were they from complying with such a request, that they all refused to a man, and even one of them, Nico-syur by name, stole away, and hid himself. The envoys confounded at such a refuse, repaired to Soltan Hibrahim’s apartment, a young Prince, who was son to Refi-al-cadr, and cousin-german to Bahadyr-shah, and having prevailed upon him to accept their proffer, they brought him out; and on the next day, they placed him on the throne under the name and style of Abdol-fetuh—Zehir-eddin—Mahmed-hebrahim.^\(153\) Abdollah-qhan being arrived two days after, went immediately to pay his homage to the new Prince, from whom he obtained for Ghazi-eddin-qhan the office of first Paymaster-General, with the grade of eight thousand horse, and the title of Abdollah-qhan places on the throne a rival to Mahmed-shah Emir-ul-umerah. Nedjmeddin-ally-qhan was made second Paymaster; Selabet-qhan, third; and Bäyram-qhan, fourth. Favours and promotions were likewise granted to their relations and friends; and then the Minister turned his attention towards many ancient Lords, who having been of the court of Refi-ed-derdjat, now lived at home, without office and without employment, utterly neglected and forgotten. These were now sent for, received with respect, accommodated with offices and employments, and assisted with sums of money, adequate to all their wants, from fifty thousand down to a lac each. Some who had served with distinction, were proposed to the command of several new bodies of horse, which they were to raise at the rate of eighty rupees per month for each trooper. Hamed-qhan, uncle to Nizam-el-mulk, but upon bad terms with him, was complimented with a new Djaghir over and above that which he enjoyed already, and with a large sum of money. Several Nobles and Lords attached to Feroh-syur, such, for instance, as Yticad-qhan, Shahista-qhan, Sefi-qhan, and Islam-qhan, with many others more, who lived neglected this long while, and moreover uncertain of their fate, were now requested to attend, and promised honours and dignities, if they would attach themselves to the young Prince. Some of them, like Islam-qhan, and Mahmed-yar-qhan, and Sefi-qhan, who did not like the complexion of the times, excused themselves upon their bad health, and absolutely refused to meddle with honours, or dignities, or offices. But Yticad-qhan and Sëif-qhan agreed to the proposals, and accepted a sum of money for their necessities, but without having really any sincere intention; for both these Lords, as well as several others that had commanded in the guards called Vala-shahies, returned home after having followed Abdollah-qhan for form’s sake during one or two days march. The dignitaries or Mansobdars, of lesser note, such as those from five hundred to a thousand horse, proved more sincere in their attachment, and were therefore preferred according to their merits. As to the common troopers, their pay was carried from fifty rupees a month to full eighty. But as men and horses were The Vezir acquires partisans, and in a little time raises within the city an incredible army. promiscuously admitted, without giving a due preference to old soldiers, these as well as those that were advantageously mounted and armed, took offence at an undistinguishing inattention, that confounded them with inadequate new levies, and they became discontented. Nevertheless, the necessities of the times not allowing the rulers to pay to their discontent all the attention it deserved, the levies went on without much minding the distinctions of old or new soldiers, and still less that of the tribe and race; insomuch that whoever brought a horse, was enlisted, of course, without much inquiry about what nation or tribe he might be. In this manner an army of ninety thousand horse was in a little time levied in the capital, at the expense of one coror of rupees for levy-money.^\(154\)

The seventeenth of Zilhidj, that is, five days after the coronation, Abdollah-qhan brought the new Emperor out of the citadel, in the middle of as much cortege and as much royal pomp as could be put together on so short notice, and he marched with him to the Yid-gah,^\(155\) out of the city, where he encamped, and where he was joined by several persons of consequence, who quitted the Imperial army and joined him with their troops. At the same time Gh8lam-aaly-qhan and Nedjabet-aaly-qhan (the latter was cousin-german to Abdollah-qhan and only fourteen years old) were sent back to the city, with commission to keep it quiet and free from tumults. And as the news he now received assured him that Mahmed-shah was advancing by the Djatt country, he took to the road of Saint Cö8t8b-eddin’s Monument in order to be on his passage; but on being better informed, he struck to the left and encamped at Ferid-p8r, whilst Mahmed-shah was coming through Ecber-abad. There he made some stay, in expectation of being joined by his younger brothers, Sëif-eddin-aaly-qhan, and Sëid-mahmed-qhan, as well as by some other Lords and Commanders, who were to bring a body of Sëids of Barr with their own troops. This short stay proved of service to him, as every day he was joined by some body of troops, as well as by the bravest amongst the Afghans; besides several considerable Zemindars who flocked amongst the Afghans; besides several considerable Zemindars, who flocked to him from the environs at the head of their men. Shoals of Hossëin-aaly-qhan’s veteran soldiers, who had been prevailed upon to enlist with Mahmed-shah, and to touch one month of his pay, now made it a practice to steal away, and to come by hundreds and two hundreds at a time, all mounted and armed. Abdollah-qhan thus strengthened, moved to Pel8l, where he was joined by his two brothers, and by some other commanders, who besides their own troops, had brought one hundred and sixty cart-loads of Sëids of Barr, every one of whom thought himself equal to a Rustem and an Afrassiab. These were ordered to form a circle round Abdollah-qhan’s elephant, a post for which they had shewn much eagerness, not only in hopes of preferment, but also to exhibit their regard for that Minister with whom, as Sëids, they claimed the rights of kindred and brotherhood. As to the veterans brought by his two brothers, they amounted at least to ten thousand effective troopers, and hardly were they in camp, when they were followed by Churamon the Djatt, (father to Bedun-sing and grandfather to Barchund) a powerful Zemindar of the province of Ecber-abad, and owner of the very ground whereon Mahmed-shah was treading. Immediately after, arrived Radja Mocum-sing, late Divan to Hossëin-aaly-qhan, the same who had been so kindly used by Mahmed-shah. But his inclination overbalancing those new ties, he fled from that camp and came to Abdollah-qhan, bringing with him a good body of troops with several veteran officers and commanders. All these several successive bodies were in addition to that numerous army brought out of the capital, and they formed so immense a surface, that the The Ve?? army is al?? doubled by succours ?? flock to camp. soil undertrodden by so much cavalry and infantry disappeared at once, and could not be seen, but after some search. All these forces were in such high spirits, that Churamon having gone a skirmishing the very day of his arrival, he brought away three or four elephants and a large number of camels, belonging to the enemy, all which he presented to Abdollah-qhan, as an auspicious beginning; but which that General requested him to accept at his hand, as an earnest of future victory. The two adverse armies had advanced so near, that Mahmed-shah was encamped in the neighbourhood of Shah-p8r, and the distance would have been reduced to nothing, had not that Prince stopped there, to wait for the famous Abdol-semed-qhan, Governor of M8ltan, and the Radja Dehiradj-djehi-sing, who, however, did not appear, either through the badness of the roads, or for some other reason. It was then the ninth of Moharrem; but in that interval Mahmed-qhan-bangash joined him with three thousand horse, as did Ghaïret-qhan the Rohilah, and Bayazid-qhan the Mevati, with their respective corps; and in a little time more, four thousand effective troopers arrived from Radja Djehi-sing’s country.

Meanwhile the neighbourhood of the two armies had occasioned several skirmishes, in which the two parties were essaying each other; and at one time Churamon, directed by Abdollah-qhan, had been very near setting fire to the park of the enemy’s artillery; and at another he had been very near decoying and bringing away all the bullocks belonging to their train. Nevertheless it was the tenth of Moharrem before the armies could face each other, and they were ranged in battle immediately. Häider-c8li-qhan, Grandmaster of the artillery, who had been so instrumental in saving it from Churamon’s attack, was put at the head of the first line; Saadet-qhan, with Mahmed-qhan-bangash, commanded the right wing; and Qhandö8ran with Nusret-yar-qhan and some other commanders of distinction, commanded at the left, in the centre of which appeared Azzem-qhan with a body of veteran troops. Mahmed-aamin-qhan, the Vezir, with Haddy-qhan, and Cammer-eddin-qhan, and Aazim-ollah-qhan, and some other commanders of the first rank, were in the centre of the whole, where Mahmed-shah took his post, surrounded by the troops commanded by Shir-esken-qhan and Terbiet-qhan, besides a numerous troop of persons of the highest rank, who fought as volunteers, being personally attached to the Imperial person. Mir-djemlah, and some other commanders, amongst which were Radja Gopal-sing-bohd8dia, were ordered to cover the flanks; and Assed-ollah-qhan with Sëif-qhan and Radja Dehiradj, were placed so as to serve as a corps de reserve, and to watch over the Emperor’s female household. The war elephants, like so many mountains, cased in iron, were stationed in front of all, but behind the artillery, and mixed with a number of light horse, that fought singly, on in detached parties.

Abdollah-qhan, on his side, who on the twelfth of Moharrem was arrived at Hossëin-p8r, three cosses short of the enemy’s encampment, ranged his army in battle array. But the troops as well as officer of the Barr, who on account of the kindred which they claimed, pretended to a kind of equality with him, proved exceedingly troublesome, and unruly; and they took up so much time in being brought to some order, that it became necessary to marshal them three several times. At last they were prevailed upon to remain in front of Abdollah-qhan’s elephant, under command of their three Generals, Sëif-eddin-aaly-qhan, Sëid-Mahmed-qhan, and Shahamet-qhan, every one of whom proved full as headstrong as any of their men, which as well as they were Sëids of Barr, but all so full of themselves as to pretend to an equality with the Rostems and the Afrassiabs of old.^\(156\) Hamed-qhan and Sëif-qhan, and Bäyram-qhan and Yqhlass-qhan the Rohilah, with Omer-qhan the Afghan, and several other commanders of Afghan and Rohilahs, amongst which were Shudjah-qhan-peloly and Abdollah-qhan-tirin, all of them Zemindars, and all of them mounted on elephants, to the number of seventy, were placed with their troops in the right and left wings. But Abol-mohsen-qhan, the Paymaster-General, and Sëid-aaly-qhan, Paymaster to the regular corps, and Hiramon, Paymaster of the troops from Barr, with twenty-five thousand horse, all in Abdollah-qhan’s private pay, and all his veteran troops, were placed before his elephant, which was already encircled by a body of men, all Sëids of Barr, and all infantry, who considered themselves rather as the countrymen and kinsmen of Abdollah-qhan’s than as soldiers in his pay. The army being marshalled in that order, passed that whole night, which was that of the thirteenth, under arms. That very night Radja Mohcum-sing, who although Divan to the late Hossëin-aaly-qhan, had been used with so much lenity by Mahmed-shah, and even taken into favour, and promoted to the grade of five thousand horse, having found a favourable opportunity, came over and presented himself to Abdollah-qhan, to whom he brought a body of eight hundred horse with Qhoda-dad-mirza and Qhan-mirza, two officers of distinction, at their head. At the dawn of the day, as soon as the trumpets sounded, and the heralds had published three times, as usual, That courage was always safer than cowardice, the foremost on both sides saluted each other,^\(157\) and made use of the whistling of arrows and the whizzing of musquet-balls to compliment each other, and to ask about each other’s health. This was the moment which Mahmed-shah, then in the centre of his army, had appointed for Ratan-chund’s supplice. The head of that odious man was presented to him, and fastened to the foot of his elephant, on which he sat in his Imperial attire. Upon this, as upon a signal, that numerous Battle of Shah-poor which lasts thirty hours. army which moved like the waves of a sea, or like an inundation that has covered the whole plain, advanced shouting, and with a firm resolution, to wring the souls of its enemies out of their inimical bodies; and those that beheld the animosity of the combatants, and heard the confused noise of trumpets and kettle-drums, concluded that no quarter would be asked or given that day by either party. The artillery was already sweeping whole ranks; and so many fire-mouths opening their jaws at once, carried terror into the heart of the bravest, like so many messengers dispatched by inevitable fate; whilst the incessant flashing of rockets in fire put an end to the boasts of the most courageous. Nor can it be denied but that the artillery directed by so active a man as Haïder-c8li-qhan, who had under his orders a body of expert men accustomed to fire with steadiness, performed wonders that day. But this did hardly intimidate the opposite army, where thousands of brave men, animated by a spirit of party, and carrying the hearts of so many dragons, threw themselves fearlessly before those infernal mouths that vomited fire and death; and although numbers were swept away every moment, thousands were pressing forward, and were advancing with a steady step. So that the faint-hearted of Mahmed-shah’s artillery were loosing ground, and at last had betaken to an open flight, especially after Nedjmeddin-aaly-qhan had given a turn to the day by a manœuvre judiciously conceived and as bravely executed. With twelve thousand horse and foot he had detached himself from his main, to take possession of a grove that lined a village; and from such a cover he made so hot and so incessant a fire, that imagination itself had its wings and feathers burned. If his ambition was to give a turn to the fortune of the day, his wish was accomplished; for his fire proved so galling, that the field became too dangerous for the Imperial troops. The roses on the cheeks of the bravest lost their hue; even a sense of shame disappeared; and their trepidation being such that they could no more distinguish their feet from their heads, they confounded their ranks, and were ready for an open flight. Such a state of things having been observed by Häider-c8ly-qhan and Qhandö8ran, they took with them Nusret-yar-qhan and Sabut-qhan with some other valorous commanders, and detatching themselves from the main, they advanced boldly on that breast-work from which Nedjmeddin-aaly-qhan was pouring so much destruction. By dint of canon-balls they made a breach, and rushing upon it with shouts as to an assault, they carried every thing before them, reducing the enemies to a skulking fire from behind broken walls and fallen trees, from which they were finally driven; insomuch that Haïder-c8ly-qhan remained master of that important post. In this state of things, and the two parties remaining on their field of battle after a bloody, undecisive day, Abdollah-qhan, at sunset, ordered a small tent to be pitched for him on the spot where he was; but on recollecting his loss, he sobbed, observed that no rest remained for him now in this world, and countermanded the tent.

As soon as it grew dark, Haïder-c8ly-qhan who commanded the Imperial artillery, found means to put it in motion. He advanced firing and gaining ground, until he had taken an advantageous post, from whence he kept such an incessant firing the whole night, as killed and wounded an infinity of men. No heart could stand so destructive a cannonade; and whole bodies not being able to bear its violence, returned to camp, where being still exposed to a rain of balls, they fled farther. So that most of those valiant commanders, that had cut such a conspicuous figure on their elephants in the day-time, now sought their safety in a shameful flight; but were intercepted, in their retreat from camp, by armed bodies of peasants who stripped them of every thing. About the dawn of the day, a ball of a canon having broke the häodah on which sat Mohcum-sing, he jumped down in a fright, and took horse, and fled with so much earnestness, that a long time elapsed before any tidings could be had of his being dead or alive. The day broke out by this time, which was the fourteenth of Moharrem, 1133; and it appeared that out of fifteen or sixteen thousand horse that had stood during the night that terrible cannonade, not one had eaten any thing these twenty-four hours, or even drank any water, that element being too far off, and moeover in the possession of a body of Djatts. Such was the sense of honour, and such the sense of zeal amongst them, that not one of that whole multitude shrunk from his post. They were mostly Sëids of Barr, commanded by their own countrymen, and equally with them jealous of their honour, as well as zealously attached to Abdollah-qhan’s person.

Equal steadiness was exhibited on the opposite side. Mahmed-shah, mounted on his favourite elephant, called Shah-pesend,^\(158\) was gracing by his person all that host of officers, commanders, and illustrious volunteers that surrounded his throne. It was remarked that he had remained sitting the whole night as well as the whole preceding day. At day-break the enemy was already in motion; and Nedjmeddin-aaly-qhan, at the head of a body of Sëids of Barr, and another body of trusty soldiers, advanced again to the charge with the resolution of one resolved to carry the day, or to perish in the attempt. Setting at nought the thundering of that destructive artillery that had done so much havoc the whole night, he made a furious attack, that gave an image of the Day of Judgment, being resolved to recover that important post. He was opposed by Haïder-c8ly-khan and Qhandö8ran, who, sensible of the importance of example in such circumstances, came out of their breast-work to encounter the enemy; and they were supported by valorous troops and valiant commanders, amongst which last was Nusret-yar-qhan, a Sëid of Barr, who although priding himself in his being related to both Nedjmeddin-aaly-qhan and Abdollah-qhan, wished to signalise himself against them. And here again the contest became bloody and obstinate. The valorous commanders on both sides, having made so many targets of their breasts, exerted themselves heroically, as if emulous only of washing away with the waves,^\(159\) flowing from their sabres, the doubts which might have remained in their minds about each other’s bravery. Both sides were rushing forward like so many crocodiles emerging from out of an inundation, or like famished lions from out a howling wilderness; and such screams and such an uproar rose everywhere as would have drowned those at the Day of Judgment. From the repeated conflict of so many steely sabres against the flinty firmness of so many intrepid commanders, a fire was struck out which, blazing like lightning, consumed those brave men by shoals, and ruined their forlorn families by thousands.

Saadet-qhan, who saw this dangerous conflict, and wished to acquire honour, advanced several times like an elephant in rut, to the assistance of those that were shedding their blood in the Emperor’s cause, and he made several vigorous charges; and Shir-eken-qhan, who marched to their assistance by the Emperor’s express commands, threw himself on the enemy’s pointed spears and threatening lances, like a famished tiger that sets the hunters at nought. Nevertheless, the Imperialists seemed to lose ground; and Dervish-aaly-qhan, commander of Qhandö8ran’s artillery, Abdol-ghani-qhan, who commanded that of Haïder-c8li-qhan’s, with Meïaram, his secretary, and Mahmed-djaafer, nephew to Hossëin-qhan, with an infinity of others, were already slain, and lay stretched on the ground. Nusret-yar-qhan had two arrows fixed in his body; and Dost-aaly-qhan, with a multitude of others, was wounded and disabled. On the part of Abdollah-qhan, Shahamet-qhan, a commander of great renown, with one of his sons, was slain, together with Abdol-cadyr-qhan, brother to the Cazi, Mir Bahadyr-shahi, and his brother Fateh-yar-qhan, and Tahover-aaly-qhan; and this was the fate of Abdol-ghani-qhan, son to Abdol-rahim-qhan Aoreng-zebi,^\(160\) and Gholam-muhi-eddin-qhan, and Sabqhat-ollah-qhan, surnamed Sheika, and Gholam-aaly-qhan, the illustrious warrior, all three brothers and all three commanders of importance in Abdollah-qhan’s army, as well as Shudjah-qhan, son to Beloli. They were all slain in that trying occasion, where none but the bravest could shew their faces. All of them, after exhibiting feats of prowess and attachment that astonished the beholders, submitted cheerfully to their fate, and without hesitation drank to the dregs the bitter potion presented them by death, after they had exerted themselves to their last breath in wrenching out the souls of their enemies. Vast numbers of their men, who had gamed away the capital of their lives in that scene of slaughter and blood-drinking match, quitted the world in haste, and like so many bankrupts that had lost their all, they plunged at one dip into the abyss of eternity. The valorous Nedjmeddin-aaly-qhan, who had hitherto been the highest bidder in that market of death and slaughter, after having received several wounds by hand-blows, was at last hitted by an arrow, which sticking into his eye, deprived him of the delightful garment of sight, to the unspeakable sorrow of his brother, Abdollah-qhan; who observing how matters went, marched up to his assistance with all the braves of Barr that remained about his person. At this very time, and whilst every one’s attention was taken up with the critical situation of things, Churamon the Djatt, who was the best partisan in Abdollah-qhan’s service, wheeled round and fell upon the Emperor’s rear which he filled with confusion and screams. He seized on a thousand spare bullocks belonging to the Imperial artillery, with a number of camels laden with the chancellery and kitchen offices, all which were grazing on the banks of the Djumna, and pushing his point, he went as far as the Imperial camp, where he found at last people ready to receive him. The Emperor himself shot an arrow at him; and Mahmed-aamin-qhan and Haddi-qhan marched against him with the infantry which was round the Imperial elephant. Abdollah-qhan occupied only with what was passing on his front, was marching to the assistance of his people, when his flank was attacked by Saadet-qhan, Haïder-c8li-qhan, and Mahmed-qhan-bangash; and this motion being observed by Abdollah-qhan, he wheeled round and marched up to them. But his people were exceedingly galled by Haïder-c8li-qhan who had always his bow in action, and by that body of expert musqueteers whom he had trained himself. Abdollah-qhan lost two officers of merit by this attack—Sheh-habilah, commander of his artillery, and Sëid-aaly-qhan, brother to his Paymaster-General, Abol-mohsen-qhan. This attack having somewhat disordered the ranks of Haïder-c8li-qhan’s men, he formed them again, and being joined by a good body brought by Qhandö8ran, he renewed his attack with so much vigour, that Abdollah-qhan lost his usual presence of mind. It had been a standing rule with him in the many battles which he had seen, and in which he had often been reduced to extremities, never to be guilty of the thoughtlessness of the Hindostany Generals, who on a moment of danger, used to quit their elephant, and to combat on feet, mixed with the crowd. Abdollah-qhan, on the contrary, had always conserved his presence of mind on such occasions, and had made it a point to oppose firmness and steadiness to forwardness and impetuosity. Like a lion lying in wait for the moment of falling on his prey, he kept displayed the standard of ascendant and superiority, (which, after all, ought to be the intent of prowess) and looked upon firmness and perseverance as more instrumental in the gain of a battle than ardour and impetuosity. Nevertheless, his store of good luck being now spent by this time, and fortune having turned her back upon him, he forgot his own maxims, and jumping without any necessity down his elephant, he took to his sabre and bucler, and mixed with the crowd, without once minding that he had stillt hree thousand Sëids of Barr about his person, who seemed likely to stand by him to the very last. But as fortune, after having quitted his party, seemed now bent on counteracting all his schemes, he was hardly down, when most of his officers and men, taking it for granted that he was slain or disabled, or that he had despaired of victory, abandoned their posts, far and near, and betook themselves to flight. Some other accounts say that Sëif-eddin-aaly-qhan, his very nephew, and one Abdollah-qhan totally defeated and then taken prisoner. of his best Generals, had already quitted his station, before Abdollah-qhan had thought of jumping down; and that his example had been followed by all the others. Be it as it will, Abdollah-qhan, although astonished at his desertion, kept his footing vigorously; but being now surrounded on all sides, and the weight of his armour obstructing his activity, he received an arrow in his forehead, and then two successive cuts on his neck and hand; and being pressed close and overcome with fatigue, he was seized on by the claws of fate, and made a prisoner. It was at the very moment his younger brother, Nedjmeddin-aaly-qhan, was closing with him, resolved to share his fate; and they were both going to be slain, when Abdollah-qhan was recollected by Haïder-c8li-qhan, who rescued them both from the hands of the soldiery. The destiny of those two noble persons affected the feelings of an infinity of men, and people thought they saw them designed in these verses which were then handed about:—

Haïder-c8li-qhan, having mounted the two wounded noblemen upon the same elephant, carried them to the Emperor; and this Prince, who had a great deal of benignity in his nature, cast a look of compassion at them, and then consigned them both to Haïder-c8li-qhan’s custody; after which he ordered the Imperial music to strike up for so signal a victory. As to the vanquished army, some bodies of it fled; some mixed with the victorious; and Ghazi-eddin-qhan availing himself of this moment of suspense, returned to camp, and packing up as much of Abdollah-qhan’s baggage as had not been yet plundered, he fled towards Delhi, at the very time when the commanders and officers of the victorious party were presenting their Nuzurs, and congratulating each other, and returning thanks to God for so important a victory. As to the enemy’s camp and his baggage, immense, whatever was of a nature to escape a general pillage, was secured for the Emperor’s use.

A singular anecdote, which then became a general topic, is A singular prediction on the fate of the war. reported by men of authority and credit. On the very beginning of the divisions between the Sëids and the T8ranian party, a person attached to Abdollah-qhan repaired to the lodgings of a learned man, renowned for his skill in astrological predictions, and put to him a variety of questions about the future event of these dissensions, as well as about the success of the expedition. The philosopher without erecting any scheme, extracted his answer from the very words made use of by the propounder, and they proved to be these letters:—Ghain, Lam, Be, Aïn, Dal, Vow and Caf; which on being assembled in the usual manner, formed the Arabic words: Ghalub Ad8ca, that is, Thine enemy shall prevail; and on being inverted, signified, Thine end is come. And, in fact, these words were not belied by the succeeding event, and few predictions have proved so fortunate. For Soltan Hibrahim who had fled from the field of battle, had been pursued, and sent back to his former apartment; and a complete victory had been gained after a bloody contest of thirty hours.

The news of so decisive an engagement reached the capital in the evening of the fourteenth of Moharrem, being a Friday, and they transported an infinity of people with joy, whilst they afflicted an infinity of others with all the pangs of surprise and consternation. Those that were attached to the throne, ordered the Imperial music of the citadel to announce that happy event to the public; but the family and household of the three Sëids slain, recommenced their mournful rites.^\(161\) The women especially belonging personally to Abdolloh-qhan’s three brothers, exhibited the most affecting picture of dismay and unutterable woe; whilst some of them, but of the inferior sort, availed themselves of the confusion and opportunity so far, as to lay their hands upon whatever precious came in their way, and stole away under the disguise of dirty clothes and the cover of homely veils. They disappeared sometime before the Police thought of taking possession of the house. Some of these women fell with their booty in the hands of the Police officers; but some made good their escape. As to the ladies of Abdollah-qhan’s race or bed, so far from stirring out of the house, they retreated within their own chastity; and covering themselves from head to foot with the veil of decency and modesty, they sat weeping in a circle, without any one offering to move, or to avail herself of the dismal scene which now was taking place. For Abdollah-qhan-cashy, whom Abdollah-qhan, his old friend and benevolent master, had entrusted with the care of his consorts, ladies and seraglio, no sooner heard of the disaster that had befallen his benefactor, Abominable treachery of Abdollah-qhan-cashi to his master and friend. than forgetful of all that was expected from him, even as an honest man and a gentleman, he carried the daringness so far as to put a sacrilegious foot within those sacred precincts, and to give vent at one and the same time both to his infamous lust and to his treacherous cupidity. He soon came to an understanding with the Hindoo who commanded the guard,^\(162\) and getting within the sanctuary of the women, those two wretches seized and carried away whatever persons and effects they could fix their claws upon. So that this villain has ever been from that moment pointed out with the finger of detestation, as a renegade to his God, a traitor to his master and friend, and an invader of the most sacred rights of mankind. Fortune that had now turned her back on that forlorn family, seemed bent on rendering abortive every attempt made by any of its members; and Gholam-aaly-qhan and Nedjabet-aaly-qhan, two nephews of Abdollah-qhan’s, who by changing their apparel, and altering their faces, had endeavoured to make good their retreat to Djansita, a town where they were born as well as himself, were intercepted by the way and carried to the Emperor.

This Prince, now fixed irrevocably on his throne, and freed from all anxiety and solicitude, turned his thoughts towards the means of rewarding that number of Generals and Lords, who had so well deserved of his cause. Those whose golden nature and undebased fidelity had been tried in the fiery crucible of the late bloody battle, and found to be of a pure standard, were now exposed to the sunshine of distinction and favour, honoured with a variety of titles and offices, and rewarded with high preferment. The sixteenth of Moharrem having been fixed on for the Emperor’s auspicious departure from that memorable spot, he mounted the palfry of achievement and victory, and turned its reins towards the capital of his Empire, shortening his distance and hastening his march with so much expedition, that on the nineteenth, he was already at the Monument of Saint Nizam-eddin-evliah, in which venerable spot he performed his devotions, and bestowed favours and liberalities on every one of the attendants. Here he spent two days in expectation of a lucky moment; in which time he raised Haïder-c8ly-qhan’s grade by a thousand horse, so as to make him a Mansobdar of eight thousand troopers, with the effectual command of seven. Saadet-qhan was honoured with the title of Bahadyr-djung or Valiant in battle, and decorated with the insignia of the Mahi or fish,^\(163\) whilst a variety of favours and offices were pouring on every one of their friends and dependants; but Nedjabet-aaly-qhan having been brought in whilst the Emperor was bestowing preferments and distinctions, that nobleman was received with a look of compassion, and consigned over to Haïder-c8ly-qhan’s custody.

All these matters being over, and the ceremonial of the Emperor’s entry into his capital being adjusted, he now thought it high time to shew himself to his people. This auspicious event happened on a Saturday, being the twenty-second of Moharrem, in the year 1133 of the Hedjrah, in the middle of a pomp and an eclat that dazzled the eyes of all the beholders in the very sunshine of a fine day, whilst the regions of the air were rent, as high as the sphere of the moon and sun, with the mingled sounds of an infinity of trumpets and kettle-drums. The Emperor’s Pompous entry of Mahmed-shah’s in the capital. cortege was followed and preceded by lofty elephants, resplendent with gold and silver trappings; by beautiful slave-boys and young men in gold-cloth; by thrones and Imperial chairs of gold and by sedans of jewel-work; by embroidered ensigns and streamers equally superb and elegant; and by crowds of servants shining in gold and silver tissue, that shed such a lustre, as rendered the sun’s rays of small value in comparison. All these were interspersed amongst bodies of troops that marched in battle array, and in ranks differenced by rows of commanders and noblemen, all advantageously mounted, and all conspicuous by the brightness of their arms, as well as by the richness of their apparel. Already a number of the most beautiful horses with enamelled saddles of gold and jewel-work, were announcing from afar the Emperor’s approach; and now this Prince, adorned by all the graces of youth and beauty, was making his appearance mounted on a mountain-like elephant, and seated upon a throne that blazed with a profusion of jewels and elegant ornaments. He directed his march through the Adjmir-gate, sprinkling his way with handfuls of gold, and enriching by such a long forgotten liberality, a multitude of needy people, that had this long while fixed the eyes of expectation on such an auspicious moment. In the victorious Singular ceremony at his introduction into the Imperial seraglio. moment of the fifth hour of the day, he arrived at the Imperial castle, and landed at his august habitation, where the Empress Cadessiah, his mother, with a cortege of chaste Princesses and Ladies of the highest distinction, was waiting for him at the inner door of the sacred apartment. The Empress-mother holding a large plate of gold and silver, filled with gold and silver coins of several denominations, as well as with a variety of gems and precious jewels, poured the whole as a libation over his head, and after wishing him a long and prosperous reign, she introduced him by the hand within the Imperial sanctuary.