Siyar al-Muta'ahirin - The Seir Mutaqherin, Volume 1

Qhandö8ran by neglecting the narrow passes on the frontiers of Cab8l, puts it in Nadyr-shah’s power to invade Hindostan with ease—The Indians afford countenance and shelter to the Afghans of Candahar—Several embassies and complaints fruitlessly sent from the Court of Iran to that of Delhi—Nadyr-shah sends another embassy to Delhi, and then ten messengers —Cab8l surrenders to Nadyr-shah—His ten messengers massacred by the people of Djelal-abad—Nadyr-shah sacks Djelal-abad —Nassyr-qhan, Viceroy of Cab8l, defeated and taken— Zecariah-qhan, Viceroy of Lahor, is beaten, and surrenders— Mahmed-shah marches out, but very slowly, to oppose the enemy —Amazing supineness of the Indian army—Action at Carnal, which proves decisive—Qhandö8ran slain, and Saadet-qhan taken by the Iranians—Nadyr-shah agrees to return to his dominions on being paid two corors—But this treaty is overset by Court intrigues—Mahmed-shah is sent for to the Iranian camp, and arrested—The Hindostany army being disbanded, disperses —The Iranians enter the city—The Iranians set upon and massacred on a report of Nadyr-shah’s death—Nadyr-shah, incensed, orders a general massacre—He restores the crown of Hindostan to its owner, after having appropriated to himself some territories of it—Mahmed-shah, on that conqueror’s departure, thinks of dismissing the T8ranian party from the administration —Is dissuaded from such a step by the very favourite he wanted to raise on their ruin—Admirable character of Shudjah-qhan, Viceroy of Bengal—He is succeeded by his son, Ser-efraz-qhan —Who is soon dispossessed by Aaly-verdy-qhan—The latter imparts his design to his troops, after having harangued them —Artfully seizes on the pass that opens into Bengal—His artful, insidious management—Battle of Gheriah, in which Ser-efraz-qhan is slain—Heroical death of Ghö8s-qhan and of his two sons—Aaly-verdy-qhan takes possession of M8rsh8dabad— His singular speech to the deceased Prince’s mother—Admirable character of the new Viceroy.

BY this time Qhandö8ran’s power and influence had risen to a height; but such a strange perversity had grown up in his mind, or he was naturally so very unfortunate, that whatever he took in hand or contrived, was sure to miscarry, or to be productive of some mischief, and so soon as he had done any thing, he always had reason to repent of it. Such was his treaty with the Marhattas, mentioned in the foregoing sheets, and this is to be understood as a sample from a quantity, and as a handful from a heap. His connivance at the peculation exercised in the article of public money sent to Cabul, and his neglect in the guard of the narrow passes and defiles of that province are of that number, together with the little attention he paid to the complaints of the troops appointed to guard those inlets of the mountainous province; nor can it be doubted, but that to such a neglect is owing the mighty calamity which Hindostan suffered from Nadyr-shah’s invasion. For had he attended to the payment of the Qhandö8ran by neglecting the narrow passes of the province of Cab8l puts it in the power of Nadyr-shah to invade Hindostan with ease. mountaineers, destined to guard those difficult passes, and had he taken for the conservation of that province, such other precautions as the case required, it is probable that Nadyr-shah would not have thought of invading Hindostan; or if he had, that he would not have found in his passage those unexpected facilities that so much expedited his march. Nassyr-qhan, the Governor of that important province, was a pious man, that spent his whole time either in hunting, or in devotions and in reading the Coran; he had never made the least representation to Qhandö8ran on the latter’s withdrawing, as of no purpose, the pension of twelve lacks a year, which used to be sent for the guards and garrisons of those parts. Hence the valleys and defiles of the province were left unguarded both by the Governor, who did not mind them, and by the Minister who did not think them of so much importance, as to trouble his head with them. Hence the guards being ill-paid, abandoned their posts, and the garrisons being utterly neglected, invited the invaders; and the report of the Minister’s inattention, and of the weakness of Government, being rumoured everywhere, every one without fear of control or examen, thought only of cutting for himself without minding any consequences. The roads and passes being neglected, every one passed and repassed, unobserved; no intelligence was forwarded to Court of what was happening; and neither Emperor nor Minister ever asked why no intelligence of that kind ever reached their ears. But this neglect was followed by another, still more ruinous in its consequence.

It is a singular observation that the Princes of the illustrious race of Sefi^\(278\) never had the least occasion to apply to the Emperors of Hindostan for any service, and on the contrary that Emperors of Hindostan, namely, Sultan Babr and Sultan H8maï8n, took refuge in the Courts of the immortal Shah-ismaïl, and of his virtuous son, Shah-tahmasp, (that precious gem worthy of a place in paradise) and that they were cherished and assisted by those Princes in the recovery of their dominions. Nevertheless, it is certain and notorious that the Emperors of the Sefivian race, although noways influenced by necessity, or any views of their own, kept by embassies and congratulations, a constant intercourse with the Emperors of Hindostan, and thereby exhibited proofs of their good nature and civility; and yet so uncivil was the Court of Shah-djehan-abad under Mahmed-shah, and so inattentive to those marks of amity and friendship, that it seemed entirely insensible to them, or even had assumed opposite sentiments. For on the subsiding of the civil wars in the Empire of Iran, and on Shah-tahmasp the second’s taking possession of the throne of his ancestors, and driving from thence the Afghan invaders, Mahmed-shah, so far from taking any becoming concern in that event by a congratulation or any other mark of attention, on the contrary, had kept a friendly correspondence with the Afghan Pir-vëiss, and had thereby opened a door for messages and letters, although Pir-vëiss’s son had never made any difficulty of invading M8ltan and putting everything to fire and sword in that province, during the little time his family kept possession of Candahar. It is no less certain that Shah-tahmasp, after possessing himself of Ispahan, his capital, and destroying the Afghan power, had sent one of his Lords to the Hindostany Court with an account of these events, and also some letters that insinuated that those ungrateful and perfidious mountaineers having been chastised according to their deserts and driven out of Iran, had now no place left in the world for refuge, against the destroying arm of the Iranian troops, but the Empire of Hindostan. That it was therefore incumbent upon the prudence of the Hindostany Court to refuse admittance to those miscreants within their territories. However, neither the letter nor the embassy were taken notice of, but after a deal of time, and it was only to return an ambiguous, frivolous answer by the same ambassador. On the Imperial Prince Abbass-mirja’s mounting the throne of Iran, another such embassy and another such request was sent from that Court into Hindostan, and this Minister too, after a deal of time, was dismissed with such another letter as the preceding, a letter full of words that said nothing to the purpose. Another envoy came again from the same quarter on Nadyr-shah’s being firmly established on the throne, and it was a Cuzzul-bash^\(279\) of character who brought it; but the ambassador having been plundered by banditties on the road, it was with the utmost difficulty, and not but after many entreaties that he obtained from them to return him his credentials; and these proved to be one letter for Saadet-qhan, who had now become one of the most considerable Lords of Hindostan, and one for Mahmed-shah. With all the pains imaginable, he performed his journey to the capital, and delivered his message and letters, but without having the means of returning home. Nor did Mahmed-shah or any of his Ministers much mind his distress. They were wholly absorbed in wondering at so many envoys and so many messages sent from Iran. But surprised at the same time to hear that Hossëin-qhan, the Afghan, had taken possession of Candahar, where he got himself crowned, and from whence he made incursions into M8ltan, a province of Hindostan, they sent for Nizam-el-mulk from Decan, with intention to avail themselves, in case of need, of the abilities of an old General, who had served with distinction under Aoreng-zib the Conqueror, and passed for a wolf that had seen much bad weather, was much experienced in the ways of the world, and thoroughly apprised of the difference betwixt day and night. They kept him at Court, although he wanted to return to Decan; and they were resolved to put his abilities and his experience to the test, should any untoward emergency come to take place; for about this time Nadyr-shah had advanced as far as Candahar, which he besieged, and from thence he had sent again Mahmed-qhan the Turkman, with a repetition of his former message, and a complaint upon the former subjects. The envoy being arrived at the capital, delivered his letter and message, and was Nadyr-shah sends another embassy to Delhi, and then ten messengers. desired to wait a little, but with no positive answer, although he insisted upon his departure. The Ministers disputed amongst themselves, sometimes about the purport of the answer, and sometimes about what style was to be used, and what title should be given to Nadyr-shah. They went so far as to think it a piece of good policy to delay the Ambassador’s return, and they waited to see whether the Afghan Hussëin-qhan, after having ruined Nadyr-shah’s forces before Candahar, would not so far weaken that Prince, as to reduce him to nothing; after which there would not be any occasion to write an answer at all. Meanwhile the siege of Candahar being converted into a long blockade, and Mahmed-qhan not making his appearance, Nadyr-shah wrote him a letter, and sent it by a few horsemen. The letter inquired about the reasons of so much delay, and it recommended diligence, and a speedy return, with an answer. But all this did not hasten his departure, and he continued to be detained under a variety of pretences, without being able to obtain any answer at all. The blockade of Candahar drawing to a length, Nadyr-shah ordered a town to be built over against it, which he called Nadyr-abad; and from thence the siege was renewed, and assaults given, until at last a body of Cuzzel-bashes escaladed the walls, put the Afghans to the sword everywhere, and took the fortress together with Hussëin-qhan, who was sent to end his days in Mazenderan^\(280\) where he was confined.

It must be observed, that since the signal defeat given the Afghans at Shiraz in Iran, they had led a wandering life without King and without Government; insomuch that most of them, hard pressed by their enemies, had spread all over Hindostan, where they had turned husbandmen in some parts, and soldiers in others, settling themselves in several provinces of that Empire, where they incorporated with the other subjects. Aaly-mahmed-qhan, called Rohilla, was one of them. In the battle against Sëif-eddin-aaly-qhan, he had rendered an important service to Azim-ollah-qhan, that had recommended him to the notice, and also to the favour, of the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan, who gave him in free gift some lands and some Djaghirs dependent on the Qhalissah-office. This man, although only an adoptive son to an Afghan, being originally a Gentoo Ahir or herdsman, found means to approve himself a man of courage and abilities; and having taken into his service, and assembled about his person, those herds of Afghans that were continually flying from Candahar, he formed them into an army, and by their means spread his authority in the countries contiguous to his Djaghiry lands, such as Anö8lah, Sumbul, Morad-abad, Bedahon, Berheïly, and some others, of which he took possession. From this narrative it will appear that the proposal made to Mahmed-shah for shutting the passages of Cab8l, so as to prevent the Afghans from flocking into India, was in fact beyond his power. For the garrisons of those parts having been totally neglected, customary remittances in money from the Capital suppressed, and the guards of the defiles and difficult passes left unpaid and unthought of, whilst the Governor himself was contented with residing at Lahor; where was the man that would mind those troops of freebooters, and those shoals of Afghan banditties, that were continually passing and repassing; and even supposing that any one had such a mind, where was the power to enforce a prohibition? And how probable could it be that a set of Ministers, who, with such a man as Nadyr-shah at their elbows, for years together, had never minded his motions, should ever trouble themselves about other matters of an inferior importance; or that, after having been so careless about Nadyr-shah’s views and schemes, they should think of the motions of some Afghan banditties?

To return again to Nadyr-shah. That Prince, after the capture of Candahar, ordered that fortress to be ruined, and its inhabitants to be transported to Nadyr-abad; and from thence he marched towards Ghaznin and Cab8l. In his way thither he sent this message to the Cutval of the latter place:^\(281\) “Know, that I have no business with Mahmed-shah’s dominious; but as these frontiers are an inexhaustible mine of Afghans, and a number of those runaways have joined him as well as you, I wish only to destroy that race of miscreants. Be, therefore, under no concern or apprehension for yourself, and make every thing ready to receive me as your guest.” After this message, he advanced and encamped under the very walls of the fortress, on the turrets of which the Cab8lians, with the Cutval at their head, appeared in great numbers, ready to defend themselves, without paying any regard to the admonition sent them. A body of Cuzzel-bashes being ordered to escalade the walls and to undermine the fortifications the Burghers, on the first attack, called out for quarter; and quarter being granted, they came out of the gates and surrendered the fortress, and acknowledged themselves his subjects. Intelligence coming at the same time that several bodies of Afghans were skulking about in the mountains, troops were sent after them, and as many of those mountaineers as could be come at, were put to the sword. No news meanwhile coming from Mahmed-qhan-Turkman, the envoy, Nadyr-shah made a choice of a certain number of considerable Cab8lians, and sent them with a message to Mahmed-shah and his Ministers. The envoys making haste, went by Lahor to Shah-djehan-abad, where they delivered their message, but where none would hear it, or if he did, none would comprehend it. It is reported by men of consequence and persons of veracity and credit, that whenever these Cab8lians, or any other persons of understanding that came from those parts, would open their mouths, and mention any thing of Nadyr-shah, Qhandö8ran turned the whole into ridicule, and used to add: That the houses of this Capital had very lofty roofs,^\(282\) from which the citizens were enabled to see Nadyr-shah and his Moghuls from afar. Himself with his friends and favourites looked upon this embassy and message of the Cab8lians as a farce contrived by the Vezir, by Nizam-el-mulk, and by the T8ranians at court, and especially by Zekeriah-qhan, the Viceroy of Cab8l, whom they knew to be a relation of the Vezir’s; and they treated with contempt and with raillery those that pretended there was no contrivance at all, but that the whole was mere matter of fact. In a country where the Prime Minister is actually under such an infatuation of mind, and where the intellects of those about his person extend no farther, it is curious to see how they will manage to curb the aspiring Grandees, and how they shall introduce order and subordination in the affairs of the Empire! Nadyr-shah not tired with the repeated miscarriages of his envoys, dispatched from Cab8l another man under the escort of ten troopers. These being arrived at Djelal-abad no sooner alighted at a house, than they were set upon by a mob that assembled about them, and were all slain, after having been first disarmed. None escaped but the tenth, who found his way back to Cab8l, where he gave an account of what had passed. Nadyr-shah, who had been already full seven months in this province, busy in discovering bodies of Afghans, and in putting them to the sword, hearing of this affair at Djelal-abad, lost all patience; and marching to that place, he surrounded it on all sides, and ordered all the inhabitants to be massacred. It is very strange, but true, that many Qhylaats had been sent from Court to reward those concerned in the murder of those ten men, and nothing prevented their being put on by the perpetrators, but the general massacre that followed soon after. It is no less true, that on the first intelligence of Nadyr-shah’s having entered the province of Cab8l, Qhandö8ran and Nizam-el-mulk had been ordered to march out and to oppose him; but they contented themselves with loitering their time in the city, after spreading several times the report of their marching out: a conduct which they thought to be a piece of refined policy, and a political stroke in the art of government. Nadyr-shah having sacked Djelal-abad, marched to Pishavor, in the environs of which place he was encountered by Nassyr-qhan, Governor of Cab8l, who, having joined to what troops he could muster a multitude of Afghans, which he brought together, resolved to make a stand in a certain defile and a narrow valley, as difficult as that of Qhaïber,^\(283\) and which he imagined to have put beyond insults. Nadyr-shah, hearing of his preparations, sent him this short message: I inform you that I shall be on such a day in such a place, from whence you will do well to retire, until I am passed. The message produced no effect. That very day Nadyr-shah appeared, and having put to the sword every one that attempted to stand before him, whether Indian or Afghan, Nassyr-qhan himself was wounded, and fell in the hands of the Cuzzul-bashes; but on his informing them who he was, they carried him to Nadyr-shah, who in a few days after sent for him and honoured him with a Qhylaat. That Prince from Pishavor, advanced to the Ateck,^\(284\) which he crossed in boats, and he entered the province of M8ltan, the capital of which is Lahor. This unfortunate country exhibited already a scene of confusion and massacre. Several thousands of banditties, availing themselves of the weakness of Government, coalesced into two opposite bodies, and these waging war amongst themselves, had put under contribution and ruined several of the best districts. On the approach of Nadyr-shah, Zekeriah-qhan, proud of the troops he commanded, and of the artillery with which he could support them, came out of the city, and having choosen an advantageous post on the Ravi, the river that washes that city, he prepared for battle. But fools never know anything of either war or peace, but when it is at their own expense. Nadyr-shah, on descrying that multitude Zekeriah-qhan, Viceroy of Lahor, is beaten and defeated. of Indians huddled together, spurred his horse into the water, and, with the few Cuzzel-bashes that were at hand, he pushed on to the opposite side, where he soon put to flight the foremost of those that seemed the best mounted and skilled; the rest, seeing this havoc, fled with the utmost consternation; and the Governor joined them, and took shelter within the city, whilst Nadyr-shah encamped close to the walls. Zekeriah-qhan, sensible now of his error, wrote a supplique to the Monarch to excuse the error of his conduct, and to offer a surrender. The offer being accepted, he came out, paid his respects, and was honoured with a Qhylaat. From Lahor, Nadyr-shah proceeded directly to Shah-djehan-abad, from which city Mahmed-shah had likewise set out with his whole court and a numerous army. But he moved on with so much slowness, that in two months time he had only advanced to Carnal, a town seated at the head of the canal made by Aaly-merdan-qhan, and this was just four days journey from the capital. There he encamped, and having a numerous artillery, he ordered it to be placed round the camp, and the guns to be made fast to each other by chains. Nadyr-shah, on his march from Lahor, had two or three times sent a message to the Indian Emperor, informing him of Mahmed-qhan-Turkman’s embassy to his Court, to all which messages no answers were given, nor was the Ambassador himself dismissed. He was kept in camp, without any one being able to guess what might be the intent of such a strange policy. Qhandö8ran had long ago wrote to Radja Djehi-sing-seväi and to some other powerful Radjas, on the valour and prowess of whole Radjp8ts that Minister reposed the highest confidence, and whose assistance he reckoned as certain; but it failed him, and every Gentoo Prince contented himself with amusing the Minister with frivolous pretences, and far-fetched excuses. Every one kept himself at home, and not one of them did move a foot. The Emperor and his whole Court expected with impatience the arrival of Saadet-qhan, and the eye of hope was fixed on the ground he was to tread on the highway. What looks strange is, that although Nadyr-shah was now so very near, and his army was a numerous one, nevertheless not a man, either public or private, in the Hindostany army, knew for certain where he might be; and the first intelligence received, was from the grass-cutters,^\(285\) and other army men, who going out of camp at about eleven in the morning for the purpose of bringing forage and other necessaries, had advanced about three or four cosses in the plain, where having been set upon by some detached troops of the enemy’s, they returned wounded to camp, which they filled with mighty reports of the heaviness of the blows they had received, and of the prowess of the Moghuls. The camp was in a tumult in an instant, and a general panic seemed to have seized every mind, and eager was every one to see Saadet-qhan arrive. At last news came, that he was at hand, and on a Wednesday, the fifteenth of Zilcaadah, in the year 1150, Qhandö8ran advanced out of camp to meet him, and having embraced him, he brought him to the Emperor, who received that General with distinguished marks of favour and attention, and ordered him to encamp close to Qhandö8ran’s troops. That General repairing to the spot, was waiting for his baggage, when news was brought that his baggage had been set upon by some of Nadyr-shah’s light troops, which were committing much havoc there. Saadet-qhan alarmed by such intelligence, sent Qhandö8ran notice that he could not help going to assist his people, actually engaged with the enemy, and he immediately advanced to the spot. Meanwhile this message having been imparted by Qhandö8ran to the Emperor, and by him to Nizam-el-mulk, the latter answered: “That it was already three in the afternoon, by which time Saadet-qhan’s people must be spent by the length of their march, and that it was unreasonable, therefore, to fight that day. Let His Majesty,” added he, “issue his commands to that General to contain his eagerness for a few hours until tomorrow morning, at which time the army being assembled, and in battle array with that numerous artillery in their front, would march up to the enemy, and, under His Majesty’s auspices, would perform some glorious action.” This answer of Nizam-el-mulk’s having been imparted by a message to Qhandö8ran, the latter ascribed it to some neglect or jealousy in Nizam-el-mulk, and he returned for answer: “That Saadet-qhan was already far off, and must undoubtedly be already engaged with the enemy, and that it would be ungenerous, indeed, and cowardly, to suffer so brave and so faithful a servant to be exposed alone to the enemy. Such neglect,” said he, “is very contrary to rule, and highly dishonourable to the service. Let others do as they please, for my part I must go, and support Saadet-qhan.” He said, and immediately mounting his elephant, which was standing in readiness, he marched forward, being followed by his own troops and by some light artillery; and there remained only two or three hours of daylight, when he arrived on the field of battle, where he took his post on Saadet-qhan’s elbow, at about one mile distance from him. Nadyr-shah, on seeing his van engaged, left part of his army for the guard of his camp, and marching out with the main body, as far as the field of battle, he divided his troops in three parts—kept one with himself, and sent the two others to engage the two Indian Lords—when the brave Cuzzel-bashes spurring their horses, rushed upon the enemy, and fell a wounding, killing, and dismounting, and in a couple of hours, they did so much execution, that the troops of those two Lords were thrown into the utmost disorder and fled, especially those of Qhandö8ran’s, who lost the bravest and most illustrious of his commanders. These with Muzfer-qhan, his brother, at their head, set out in a body for the regions of eternity. Of this number were Qhandö8ran’s eldest son, Aaly-hamed-qhan, Sheh-zad-khan, Yad-gar-qhan, with Mirza-akyl-beg the cuirass-wearer,^\(286\) and most of the men of his corps, as well as Mir-g8l8 son to Mir-mushreff, and Ratun-chund, son to Räy-qhoshall-chund. Qhandö8ran himself being severely wounded, and senseless, was carried away by a few friends who, on the dusk of the evening, arrived at the army, where in consequence of that discipline so conspicuous in the camps of the Emperors of Hindostan, they found nothing of Qhandö8ran’s encampment, but an empty waste, with not even a tree to afford shelter to that Minister’s senseless and expiring body. The whole including treasure, furniture, tents, equipages, horses, and cattle, had been plundered by the Hindostanies and his own people. At last a small tent was sent by some person, and Qhandö8ran was stretched at his length upon the ground; where the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan, and Nizam-el-mulk, together with the principal eunuchs of His Majesty’s seraglio, came to visit him to condole on his misfortune, and to supplicate Heaven for his preservation. Qhandö8ran, who was now come to himself, opened his eyes with difficulty, and finding himself going, he said these words: “As to me, my business is done. Indeed, we have done it ourselves. Now take care of your own concerns. Let me tell you only a few words: Beware of letting the Emperor go to visit Nadyr-shah, and beware of letting Nadyr-shah proceed to the Qhandö8ran slain. city. Better to avert that calamity from hence, and to make him go back. Procure this by every means in your power.” The two Lords, after hearing these words, and conferring a little together, returned to their homes; and Qhandö8ran, on the nineteenth of the same month departed this life, and repaired to the mansions of eternity.

Meanwhile Saadet-qhan was still in the field of battle, and Saadet-qhan taken prisoner by the Iranians. those of his men that had escaped the slaughter had formed into a body, and surrounded him on all sides, when the Cuzzel-bashes forming a general attack, one of them, who was a young Turk from those about Nishap8r,^\(287\) and of course, a townsman of Saadet-qhan’s, having forced his passage, stood intrepidly before him, whilst the latter was shooting on all sides with his bow, and having recollected his features he cried out to him: Mahmed-aamin, against whom art thou fighting and on what soldiers dost thou reckon? Art thou mad? Saying this he fixed his spear in the ground, alighted, and making his horse fast to it, he got hold of one of the elephant’s ropes, and mounted into the häodah,^\(288\) where he presented his poniard to the other’s throat. Saadet-qhan, who knew the customs of Iran, made a sign of submission, and surrendering to the man, was seized as prisoner by the claws of destiny and carried to Nadyr-shah. That Prince spoke a few words to him, and used him with much kindness; and it growing dark, he quitted the field of battle, and retired to his camp. Saadet-qhan being now informed of Qhandö8ran’s death, conceived that this was a favourable moment for succeeding to that nobleman’s office of Prince of Princes, which he had always kept in view, and with that intention he made a merit of his opening a negotiation with Nadyr-shah. That Prince agreed to conclude a peace, and to go back to his dominions, on being paid two corors of rupees; and it was stipulated, that as soon as Nizam-el-mulk should come and provide for the payment of that sum, Nadyr-shah’s sabre would be returned into the scabbard. This good piece of news was announced in a note from him to the Emperor, and another to Nizam-el-mulk. The Emperor glad of the turn which his affairs had taken, at a time when both he and his counsellor, Nizam-el-mulk, had hidden their heads within the sleeve of trepidation and despair, and were at a loss what party to take, immediately dispatched Nizam-el-mulk with full powers to conclude. The latter being arrived in Nadyr-shah’s camp, was introduced to that Prince by Saadet-qhan’s mediation, where he promised to pay the two corors; after which, he returned in high spirits to his master, to whom he took care to set in the fairest point of view his own abilities and his zealous conduct throughout this treaty. The Emperor considering that this negotiation had turned out much more favourably than he had reason to expect, loaded his counsellor with encomiums and favours, and heard with patience his requesting, as his reward, the office of Prince of Princes, as well as the Qhylaat of that high dignity. That Monarch who hitherto had all along been agitated with fears for both his life and crown, thought it incumbent upon him to comply with this General’s ambitious demand, and to keep him contented. He therefore sent immediately for a Qhylaat, and invested him with that high office. The next day being the twentieth, that Monarch on a note from Nadyr-shah, set out at day-break for the Iranian camp, with Nizam-el-mulk’s advice and approbation. On his approaching, Nasyr-allah-mirza,^\(289\) son to Nadyr-shah, came out by that conqueror’s order to meet him, and on the young Prince’s being descried at some distance, Mahmed-shah ordered his Taht-revan or moving throne to be set down, and from thence he embraced him as a son; and taking him in his Taht-revan, he proceeded to Nadyr-shah’s quarters. That conqueror on descrying the Indian monarch, got up, advanced to the end of the carpet, and embraced him. After which he took him by the hand, carried him to his own Mesned or Throne, made him sit together with himself, and after having shewn him every mark of honour and distinction, he dismissed him with the utmost regard. As soon as he had set out for his own camp, news came to Saadet-qhan, that he had been supplanted in the dignity of Emir-ul-umrah, and that Nizam-el-mulk had been invested with it. This piece of news threw him into all the agonies of the most violent passion and resentment; and now listening only to his indignation, he waited on Nadyr-shah, to whom he represented “That no one in the Hindostany camp had so much power as Nizam-el-mulk, and none so much abilities to transact business; and what so mighty a matter,” added he, “is a sum of two corors, that your Majesty should think of going back for so small a consideration. The two corors in India are such a sum, as myself, your slave, can afford, and which I will pay out of my own private purse. But immense riches may be had from the Emperor’s camp, from his Palace, from those of his Grandees, and from the bankers and the merchants of the capital, on condition only that you proceed to that city. Nor is it so far off; only at forty cosses from hence. Please to depart immediately.” Nadyr-shah’s eyes being opened by such a speech, and his views enlarged by such a suggestion, he wrote a note Nizam-el-mulk, commanding his attendance. The latter trusting to the treaty concluded, and to Nadyr-shah’s word, set out without hesitation. Being introduced to the presence, he received orders to come back in the evening, and to bring Mahmed-shah with him as to a second interview. Nizam-el-mulk represented that such were not the terms of the treaty, but was answered: “That the treaty was still subsisting. I have,” said that Prince, “no designs against Mahmed-shah’s Empire, nor against his life or his honour; only it is proper that I should see him again.” This order, with Nadyr-shah’s pleasure, was transmitted by Nizam-el-mulk to his master. That Prince actually under the pressure of a set of circumstances which he could not govern, was fain to comply; and taking with him Emir-qhan, and Isaac-qhan, with a few pikemen, and some servants and eunuchs, he set out for the Iranian camp. Finding that his Lords and Monsubdars^\(290\) with his whole household, were absolutely bent on following him, he stopped, and obliged them to go back; after which he hastened his pace, sitting on his moving throne. Being arrived, he was desired to alight at a tent that had been pitched up for him, and a moment after, he received this message: “Send for the veiled ones of your sanctuary, together with your family, and household and camp, equipage and furniture; and likewise for your chancellery, and the officers attending the same. Live easy and satisfied with us in our camp.” This message was followed by an order sent and published in the Hindostany camp, giving leave to every one to remain where he was, or to return to Shah-djehan-abad; and most persons took the latter party. Mahmed-shah having sent for his family and houshold, and for his other officers, an order was brought by a Nissikh-chy^\(291\) to Camer-eddin-qhan, commanding his attendance; and the Vezir complied immediately. A little before this latter transaction, Saadet-qhan in company with Tahmasp the Djeläir, an officer who commanded the corps of that name, had set out for the capital with an order from the conqueror, and another from Mahmed-shah, enjoining L8tf-ollah-qhan-saduc, Deputy-Governor of that city, to open the gates of the castle, and to deliver every thing and every office to those two Lords. After their departure, Nadyr-shah himself set out with Mahmed-shah in his company. As to the Hindostany army most of the men, on hearing of their Monarch’s detention, and of the Vezir’s departure, took fright and dispersed; and they were all killed or plundered by the Iranian parties that were marauding, and many more by the peasants, who rose everywhere upon them. Most of them were slain, and those that were spared, were stripped to their skin. On the eighth of Zilhidj in the year 1159, Mahmed-shah entered the city and went to the castle, where two days after, Nadyr-shah followed and took up his quarters. Mahmed-shah occupied his old apartments attended by all the Lords of his Court and all his household, which took up their abodes in the places and posts to which they were accustomed. On the tenth of the month, which was the day of the Corban^\(292\) or sacrifice, the Qhotbah was recited^\(293\) in the principal mosque for Nadyr-shah. And the next day a report spread everywhere that he was no more. Some said that he had died of a natural death, and some, as if to cover Mahmed-shah, said that he had been killed by a Calmac woman.^\(294\) Be that as it will, this report which ran throughout the city, filled it in an hour’s time, although he was actually full of life in the citadel, and the gates of it were open day and night. Some of his troops were encamped before those gates, many had taken up their lodgings throughout the city, and many had encamped on the strand which is betwixt the city and the river. Hardly had this false rumour spread throughout the city, than armed bodies of Hindostanies made their appearance in the principal streets, putting to the sword as many Cuzzel-bashes as they could lay their hands upon; and as the latter, uninformed of the report, and unacquainted with the country-language, were rambling about by two or more together, without suspecting any harm, they were massacred with ease; and although night came on, and it was expected that the tumult would subside, it took new force on the contrary; and those seditious, without taking a moment of rest, were more eager than ever. Nadyr-shah being informed of these matters, ordered his men to remain every one where he was, but armed and ready to take a revenge, and if attacked to repell force by force. It is observable, that of so many Indian Lords lodged or stationed all over the city, not one of them took the trouble to move about and to appease the tumult. Nay, some of them that had taken from Nadyr-shah a number of Cuzzel-bashes as safeguards to their The Iranians set up and massacred on a report of Nadyr-shah’s death. families and houses, suffered them to be massacred in those very houses, or massacred them themselves; insomuch that although in the engagement at Carnal, there were no more than three men slain and twenty wounded in the Iranian army, this tumult cost Nadyr-shah more than seven hundred men. The day being now dawning, and the sedition raging with greater fury than every, Nadyr-shah mounted his horse, and came out of the citadel with an intention to appease it; but on beholding the slaughter that had been made of his people, he ordered a general massacre to be commenced from that very spot; and as bodies of cavalry and infantry were departing on that errand, he directed them to leave not a soul alive wherever they should discover the body of a murdered Cuzzel-bash. In an instant the soldiers getting upon the tops of the houses, commenced killing, slaughtering and plundering the people’s property, and carrying away their wives and daughters. Nadyr-shah incensed, orders a general massacre of the inhabitants of the city. Numbers of houses were set on fire and ruined. At about noon, when the number of the massacred had exceeded all competition, a general pardon was proclaimed by Nadyr-shah’s order, and the soldier everywhere sheathed his sabre. In a few days the stench arising from so many unburied bodies, which were filling the houses and streets, became so excessive, that the air was infected throughout the whole city, and the passage barred in many places. On information of this, the Cutval received orders to bury the dead, and to cleanse and clear the streets. That Magistrate, having brought all those bodies together in heaps, surrounded them with the beams and rafters of the ruined houses, and setting fire to the wood, the whole was consumed, without any distinction of Mussulman or infidel. A few days after, Saadet-qhan died of a cancer which seized his foot; but the two corors of rupees which he had promised, were paid by his nephew and Deputy, Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, and brought to Nadyr-shah by Sher-djung, who had been sent for that purpose with a body of a thousand Cuzzel-bash horse. That Prince not content with the treasures and wealth found in the Imperial repositories, raised immense contributions on the inhabitants. After which, he drew from the seraglio a virgin Princess from amongst the descendants of the Emperor Shah-djehan, and married her to his younger son, Nasyr-allah-mirza, a young Prince who accompanied him in that expedition; and, as he was in haste to return to his dominions, he contented himself with severing from the Empire of Hindostan, and adding to his own, the whole of the provinces of Sind, and Cab8l, with some districts of Pendjab, that had always been set apart for the pay of the garrisons of Cab8l; but he restored the Empire of Hindostan to its owner. On his departure, he received from Mahmed-shah a sumptuous entertainment, in which this Prince had appointed a number of the Lords of his Court to perform, each, a particular function. That of Emir-qhan-umdet-ul-mulk was to present the coffee.^\(295\) On mixing the coffee in presence of the two monarchs, a sudden thought started in his mind, that if he did not present the first dish to Mahmed-shah, his master and Lord, such a neglect would be construed into a want of zeal and respect, and would create suspicions besides; and if he did, such a preference might give offence to Nadyr-shah, a Prince sanguinary and little scrupulous, and whose resentment no one could incur with safety. At last he filled up a dish, and putting it in the hands of Mahmed-shah, he said: Your servant is too inconsiderable to put a dish of coffee in the hands of the King of Kings; let your Majesty, who are my master and his brother, present it yourself. The two monarchs, pleased with the ingenuity of his expedient, loaded him with encomiums, and his conduct was applauded both by the Hindostanies and the Iranians. And in fact, he was a man of an elegant deportment, as well as exceedingly ingenious, and full of delicate taste in whatever he did. After this entertainment, Mahmed-shah being sent for with all his Grandees, which were formed into a circle, was presented with a Djica^\(296\) by the hands of Nadyr-shah, who gave him also many advices and counsels, and returned him his crown of Hindostan; and that Prince having likewise decorated with a Qhylaat every one of the Hindostany Grandees, he, on the seventh of Sefer, in the year 1152, quitted Shah-djehan-abad, and departed for his own dominions.

After his departure, Mahmed-shah turned his views towards his own affairs. He was assisted by the counsels of the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan, by Nizam-el-mulk, and especially by Ishac-qhan, a nobleman lately come within the circle of administration, but who by his personal attachment, and by the many important services he had rendered in the engagement at Carnal, and throughout the whole war with Nadyr-shah, had greatly endeared himself to the Emperor. He was made Divan of the Qhalissah or Exchequer-office. Emir-qhan was decorated with the title of Umdet-el-mulk or the greatest of the State, and the charge of third Paymaster-General; and that of Sedr was bestowed on Azim-ollah-qhan. On the twenty-ninth of the same month M8rteza-qhan received the Qhylaat of Mir-t8rki, as did Naamet-ollah-qhan, nephew to Nizam-el-mulk, that of Caräol-beghy. On the eighth of the first Reby, the elephant-office was bestowed on Hady-aly-qhan, brother to Emir-qhan, in a Qhylaat of six pieces; and Sëyd-selabet-qhan, son to Saadet-qhan, was made Superintendent of the Ahedian guards, After Nadyr-shah’s departure Mahmed-shah endeavours to dismiss the T8ranian party from the administration. as was Emir-qhan himself of the Ala-shahians. The Post-office and the Gazette-office were bestowed on the Physician, Maasoom-aaly-qhan. On the seventeenth of Shaaban the dignity of Mahi or fish was bestowed on Isaac-qhan, as well as on Selabet-qhan; Saad-eddin-qhan, Mir-ateshy, received the office of the registered favours.

After all these promotions, the Emperor turned his thoughts towards the management of his own affairs. He had long ago harboured suspicions against the zeal and fidelity, not only of Camer-eddin-qhan and Nizam-el-mulk, but against all the T8ranians in general; nor had these suspicions received any alteration by their conduct all along the troubles of Nadyr-shah’s invasion. Resolved, therefore, to weaken their confederacy, he was fearful to act openly; but, as he had given his confidence to Emir-qhan and to Isaac-qhan, he wished to hear their opinion about what line of conduct he ought to pursue. Emir-qhan who joined a deal of courage to the most keen discernment, was for the Emperor’s acting openly, and for his dismissing Camer-eddin-qhan from the Ministry; and in his private conferences with the Emperor, he used to tell him, that should His Majesty vouchsafe to extend the Princely hand of his goodness so as to overshadow the head of his faithful servant, and steadily to persist in that resolution, he entertained no doubts, but that he might bring the affairs of the Empire under whatever regulation he should think proper. The Emperor who now reposed the highest confidence in his zeal and abilities, resolved to dismiss Camer-eddin-qhan, and waited only for the time when Nizam-el-mulk should be gone to his Viceroyalty of Decan. Nor was the latter less desirous of revisiting countries where his authority had suffered from his absence in consequence of the troubles and confusion occasioned everywhere by Nadyr-shah’s invasion, and in consequence of that spirit of insubordination and independence which betrayed itself in the behaviour and conduct of his son, Nasyr-djung, whom he had left in Decan as his Deputy-General. Fearful of some disorders that would overset the tranquillity of those countries, he transferred his office of Prince of Princes to his eldest son, Ghazi-eddin-qhan, who was also son-in-law to Camer-eddin-qhan, obtained the Emperor’s consent for such a transfer, saw the young Lord invested with the Qhylaat of his new office, and then obtained leave to depart; after which he went out of the city and took up his abode in tents. On his departure the Emperor sent secretly the scrutoire of the Vezirship to Emir-qhan; but this nobleman who was somewhat sanguine in his temper, having commenced doing some open acts, and holding about Camer-eddin-qhan some disagreeable discourses, that proved equally unbecoming the dignity and station of the one, as well as the eminent rank of the other, the latter, who was soon informed of these new matters, wrote to Nizam-el-mulk, who still was encamped in the suburbs, and asked what he thought ought to be done in such a conjuncture? The Viceroy answered: “That to resist His Majesty’s will, or to oppose the pleasure of one’s master and Lord, was neither proper nor laudable, and that he had nothing more to do, than to ask His Majesty’s leave, and to come with him in Decan.” On this intimation, the Vezir addressed a supplique to the Emperor in these terms: “Your faithful servant is not conscious of ever having been guilty, and is far from being guilty now; but as a great alteration seems to have taken place in your Imperial mind, possibly on the suggestions of interested men, and your faithful servant is not a man to harbour thoughts of ingratitude or of disobedience, he is going to Decan with Nizam-el-mulk. Let your Majesty confer the direction of the public affairs on whatever zealous subject you shall devise.” Camer-eddin-qhan, having forwarded this supplique, went to Nizam-el-mulk’s encampment and took up his abode under tents. The Emperor, who had little firmness and resolution in his temper, was surprised and confounded at the contents of this petition; and sending for both Emir-qhan and Isaac-qhan, he asked them their opinion on the posture of affairs. The former made the same answer which he had already made some days before, and the Emperor said nothing, but dismissed that nobleman.^\(297\) After his departure he asked Issac-qhan his opinion, and conjured him by everything sacred, as he valued his Emperor’s welfare, and that of the Empire, to say without disguise, and without regard to persons or times, whatever he thought advantageous to the public. Issac-qhan, who owed his preferment to Emir-qhan, and had promised that nobleman that, in whatever circumstances he might chance to be, he would never give an advice contrary to his benefactor’s opinion, declined answering, and remained silent. The Emperor, astonished at his reluctance, urged him with the most soothing entreaties, and the most sacred oaths. The other answered in these terms: “If I speak according to the dictates of my conscience, I commit a breach of a solemn promise, and break a serious agreement; and if I abide by the stipulations of that agreement I become guilty of ingratitude to you, and likewise commit a kind of treason with respect to the public. Better then to say nothing, and your Majesty shall vouchsafe to hold me excused.” The Emperor astonished at these words, became more eager than ever, and made use of so many entreaties and so many sacred oaths, that Issac-qhan, unable to resist any more, delivered himself in this manner: “Although Emir-qhan is undoubtedly a man of merit, and a man of courage and counsel, yet he bears, amongst the Grandees of India, a certain character of preferring a bon-mot to any consideration whatever, and of acting with an unbecoming airiness of language and behaviour; on the other hand, those who, like your humble servant, have been introduced to preferment by his means and owe to his recommendation the honour of kissing the Imperial threshold, of paying their respects personally to Majesty, and of reaching to the highest dignities and honours; those, as well as myself, have not yet acquired any adequate weight in the eyes of the Hindoo Radjas, and of the Grandees of Hindostan, or of the Lords of the Court. In the eyes of all these powerful people, we are still the men of yesterday, and our station, as well as rank, is yet that of yesterday. Those same men look up to Nizam-el-mulk and to Camer-eddin-qhan with the highest respect, and accustomed long-hand to obey their dictates, and to conform to their pleasure, submission is become natural to them, and they think it an honour to be instrumental in putting their commands in execution. To fall out then, with two such Ministers on the bare strength of the abilities of such men as we are, cannot, in the opinion of your servant’s deficient mind, be productive of any good. As to the rest whatever you shall have determined in your Imperial mind, will undoubtedly prove to be the most advantageous party.” The Emperor at these words recovering as from a profound sleep, abandoned his late purpose, and resolved to live upon good terms with both Nizam-el-mulk and Camer-eddin-qhan. The next day Emir-qhan came to Court as usual, and on observing an alteration in the Emperor’s air and appearance, he with much surprise asked the reason of that change. The Emperor answered: “I have reflected on the intended proceeding, and find that to discontent the T8ranian Lords, who are now the main hinge upon which my affairs turn, is not a proper measure; nor can it redound to my honour. It becomes, therefore, important to the welfare of this Empire, that they remain quiet and satisfied; and it is incumbent upon you likewise, as you value your character of a zealous faithful servant, to abstain henceforward from any thing that may raise dissensions, or give them umbrage.” Emir-qhan thoroughly sensible of the great change that had taken place these two days, hastened out of town, and going to Nizam-el-mulk, he made him as well as Camer-eddin-qhan every apology in his power, and he desired them both to explain their intentions, as he was resolved to act in conformity to their pleasure. Nizam-el-mulk, after having passed many encomiums on Emir-qhan, added, that as some coolness had of late taken place between him and Camer-eddin-qhan, he thought it expedient that he (Emir-qhan) should repair for sometime to Ilah-abad, which, after all, added he, is your Government and office. Emir-qhan promised to comply with their advice, and took his leave from them; and having likewise obtained the Emperor’s consent, he set out of the capital, and encamped in the environs, where having spent some time in providing a field-equipage, putting his affairs in order, and appointing proper Agents to act for him in his absence, he continued his voyage; whilst Issac-qhan, who remained at Court, acquired the highest ascendant over the Emperor’s mind, was held in the highest esteem, and became extremely respected by both Nizam-el-mulk and Camer-eddin-qhan. After this departure, there were some other changes at Court. Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, son-in-law to Saadet-qhan, who had been honoured with the Government of A8d, repaired to that capital, and applied himself to all the arts that could support and increase the power of his Government. Zekeriah-qhan was suffered to remain in his Government of Lahor and M8ltan, in which he had been continued by Nadyr-shah himself, and that Governor’s youngest son, who bore a character for courage and resolution, and who on his having accompanied Nadyr-shah and served him as guide in his expedition against the Afghan, N8r-mahomed-qhan-lëili, had been honoured by the conqueror with the surname of Shah-nevaz-qhani,^\(298\) was suffered to continue in Pendjab, where he seemed to have no business but that of quieting the districts bestowed on him, and of enjoying their revenues.

After Nadyr-shah’s departure, the scene that had been dull for sometime in the capital as well as in all the provinces, now became interesting in Bengal. Shudjah-qhan, whom we have seen Viceroy of Bengal, and Azim-abad, and Oressa, departed this life and repaired to the mansions of divine mercy about the time when Nadyr-shah arrived at Shah-djehan-abad. It would be difficult to mention all the good qualities of that worthy man, Admirable character of Shudjah-qhan Viceroy of Bengal. and still more difficult to describe even a few of them in this book. For there was not a man in his service whom he had not essentially obliged by some personal favours, and finding his dissolution at hand, he made a present of two month’s wages to every nobleman, every man, Civil and Military, and to every soldier or trooper in his service, without excepting the servants of his household, or even the women that attended as menial servants in his seraglio; and a few days before his decease he sent to ask pardon from every one of them, entreating their forgiveness. His benevolence was such, that whoever had once chanced to have been of his acquaintance, was sure of receiving some favour, and even the old women he had seen at Burhan-poor, the place of his nativity, or which he remembered to have heard of, did not fail to experience his munificence, every one of them receiving a fruitable pension. He was so impartial an observer of justice, and a judge of so much benignity, that the poorest suitor was sure of being in his presence upon a footing with his very son; and the fearful sparrow, certain of finding in his bosom a shelter against the hawk’s pursuit, flew towards him with a perfect reliance on his goodness. So that people acquainted with history, thought they lived in Nö8-shirvan’s reign.^\(299\) He was of so beneficent a temper, that whenever any person endowed with some little capacity, or even with the air and language of a gentleman, appeared in Moorshoodabad, he immediately received information of his arrival and of the subject of his coming, and he in general waited three or four days until he heard of the man’s having some friend in his capital, upon whose application, he always granted the whole or part of the stranger’s demand; else, if he observed that the man had neither acquaintances nor friends, he assembled his Court, and after having mentioned the man’s arrival and his errand, he would observe: “That to all appearance not one man of the company knew any thing of the stranger; otherwise,” added he, “I suppose I should have received some application on his behalf already.” After these few words he would pause a little to give time to some one present to take shame to himself, and to apply, in which case he always gave a favourable answer; else, he sent to enquire of the man himself, and to inform him that, since he had come from so far, he ought to have given him some notice of his circumstances, and also have paid him a visit. After this he sent him underhand a supply of money. Nor was any of his servants daring enough to impose upon him in these matters; nor was such a custom in his household, as has taken so deep a root^\(300\) and is practised everywhere and upon all occasions. I mean that the servants or chopdars, on carrying a thing from their masters to any one, should plague him for a gratuity, and in case of refusal, should very cavalierly right themselves: a vile practice which from becoming natural to such low-minded people, has spread amongst some others of the better sort, who are not ashamed to imitate them. Such exactions, if at any time put in practice, never failed to come to his knowledge, and the guilty was sure of being dismissed the service; whilst the informer received a further bounty. Hence such shameful practices were unknown in his household and Government. It is true that the people of his household itself were so generously used, that they never cast the eye of covetousness upon what was bestowed on others, and that living contented and in ease, they were little inclined to descend to supplications. Sometimes having got information of the stranger’s necessities, he used to send for him, and if he perceived that he intended to take service with him, he admitted him with condescension and honour; and on his going home, he would immediately send him a sum of money with an apology in these few words: “In so very cheap a country as this, even so small a matter may suffice; but God, in case of need, can do a great deal more for you.” To every one of the persons in his service, whom he knew personally, he used to send Qhoans or trays full of a variety of exquisite victuals—to some every day, to others every other day, and to some twice a week—and whoever had once been complimented with such a piece of liberality, was certain of it for ever; nor is there an instance of its having ever been discontinued so much as once. Of all the persons personally known to him, whether gentlemen or others, he kept a note in a certain memorandum-book of his, made up of ivory-leaves, and it was his custom every night on his going to bed, to peruse it and to set down under some names such a sum of money, as he thought proper (and this was sometimes a large one); after which he sent for a Zemindar dilatory in his rents, or for his Agent, and he informed him that having appointed such an one to be Sezavul or enforcer of payment over him, he wished that such a sum might be his perquisite. This request was always complied with, and often with some addition from the Zemindar himself, who made it a point of honour to oblige a person so recommended. After sometime he always asked the Sezavul about what reception he had met with, and on a fair confession of his benefits, he used to hold the man in esteem and to increase his inclination to him; else, if he prevaricated, or concealed any thing, he from that moment ceased to repose any confidence in him. After having in this manner promoted the benefit of a certain number of persons, he effaced their names, and noted down another set; and this sacred practice of his he kept on foot during the whole course of his life. May God’s forgiveness rest upon him, and may His goodness assign him a place amongst his elects! Amen.

That excellent man, after his decease, was succeeded by his son, Ala-eddö8lah-ser-efraz-qhan^\(301\), who mounted the Mesned^\(302\) and took possession of the three S8bahs; and it was he that received Nadyr-shah’s letter which had been originally written to Shudjah-qhan. But Aaly-verdy-qhan who had been promoted to the Deputyship of Azim-abad by the latter, and did not much trust his son, whilst he saw distinctly the distractions that would follow in the Empire after Nadyr-shah’s departure, paid little deference to his new master, being entirely engrossed by the thoughts of securing himself in his office. And with that view he was actually encamped on the frontiers of his new Government, not that he had much to fear from the new Viceroy of the three provinces. This proved to be only a pious man addicted to the practices of devotion, and extremely regular in his stated prayers. He fasted three full months besides the blessed month of the He is succeeded by his son Ser-efraz-qhan. Ramazan, and was scrupulous in the discharge of the several duties prescribed throughout the year; but at the same time he proved greatly deficient in that keenness of discernment, and that extent of mind, so indespensably necessary in a Sovereign Prince. His soul wholly engrossed by those little practices of religion, did not pay a sufficient attention to the affairs of State, and did not reach to those niceties and those qualifications so necessary in a man of his station and rank. It is true, he did not offer any injury to the Räy-räyan, Alum-chund, Divan to his father; nor did he molest either Djagat-seat or Hadji Ahmed, two men of great abilities and influence, who with the Räy-räyan had had the absolute direction of affairs in the late administration; but he had resigned his heart and the helm of Government into the hands of some men who had personal wrongs to revenge. These were Hadji L8tf-8llah, and Merdan-aaly-qhan, and Mir-m8rteza, and some others, who incensed from long-hand against Hadji Ahmed, depreciated him everywhere, and teased him with taunting expressions that would have exasperated^\(303\) any man. These incensed noblemen, intent on giving vent to their enmity and hatred against Hadji Ahmed, were every day busy in drawing his portrait in the most odious colours, and they went so far as to have produced in Ser-efraz-qhan’s mind a total alteration on his account. This Prince took from him the seat of the Divanship, an office which the Hadji had enjoyed ever since Shudjah-qhan’s accession, and he bestowed it on Mir-m8rteza. He wanted also to deprive Ata-ollah-qhan, son-in-law to the Hadji, of the Fodjdary of Rajmahl, in order to give it to his own son-in-law, Hassen-mahmed-qhan. Hadji Ahmed intimidated by the influence Is soon dispossessed b Aaly-verdy-qhan. of his numerous enemies, and finding himself aimed at on all sides, used to write every thing to his brother Aaly-verdy-qhan, and always with such exaggerations as magnified every unity into a thousand; and as he had already formed his design, he, under the cloak of zeal and attachment, persuaded the new Viceroy to disband great part of his forces, and to contract his expenses: an advice which the other had the weakness to accept; whilst at the same time through a natural indolence, and probably out of mistrust and fear, he listened to the counsel given him by Manocher-qhan, who proposed to arrest and confine Hadji Ahmed’s two sons, namely, Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, who was coming from Azim-abad, and Sëyd-ahmed-qhan, who was arrived from his Fodjdary of Rungpore. But what strongly characterises the Viceroy’s inconsistency of mind is that, after having listened to such an advice, he had the weakness to disclose it himself to Hadji Ahmed, and to pretend to make a merit of this confidence, in order to dispel the old man’s apprehensions, and to regain his heart. But there was another strange absurdity in his management. After making such a confidence, he affronted him again in the most glaring manner. Hearing that Ata-ollah-qhan’s daughter, that is, Hadji Ahmed’s grand-daughter, had been betrothed to Mirza-mehmed,^\(304\) grandson to the latter, who had been adopted by Aaly-verdy-qhan, he wanted to break the compact, and to marry the young bride to his own son; and not content with forming himself in his court a party against his own interests, he contrived to procure it strength and support. He set on foot an inquiry into the management of the public money at Azim-abad, and he recalled the troops that had been given by his father to Aaly-verdy-qhan, and which these many years had conceived an attachment for the latter; and on their seeming to hesitate about coming back, he set up a resumption of all the grants and favours which Shudjah-qhan had bestowed on them, and took care to discontent them thoroughly. All these matters were minutely recorded by Hadji Ahmed, and carefully transmitted to his brother, Aaly-verdy-qhan, with the usual exaggerations and additions of his own; and to give more credit to his assertions, he used to superadd the sanction of Sëyd-ahmed-qhan’s testimony and seal, who on that occasion submitted to the weight of paternal injunction. It was after such proceedings as these, that Ser-efraz-qhan expected to gain the hearts of Hadji Ahmed and of his sons.

Aaly-verdy-qhan, thoroughly informed of these manœuvres, and sensible that his affairs had come to such a pass as hardly to be susceptible of any mending by the arts of dissimulation and forbearance, resolved to avail himself of his acquaintance and old connections with his friend, Issac-qhan, a nobleman who was now in complete possession of the Emperor’s ear; and he wrote him a secret letter, in which he requested to have the patents of the three provinces transferred to himself, under promise of sending to Court a present of a coror of rupees, over and above the confiscation of Ser-efraz-qhan’s wealth and estate, and over and above the yearly usual tribute of a coror. To this he added another request. He wanted an Imperial order directed to himself, with injunctions to fight Ser-efraz-qhan, and to recover the three provinces from his hands. After having dispatched these two letters, he published that he had intentions of marching against the Zemindars of Bodjp8r, a set of men famous in those parts both for their number and depredations, as well as for their refractory temper; and under that pretence he mustered and completed his troops which he always kept in constant readiness. At the same time he had the finesse of giving to Ser-efraz-qhan public notice of that pretended design of his, and meanwhile he stood up ready to avail himself of the first opportunity that should offer to promote his real views. At last, ten months after Nadyr-shah’s departure for Iran, and just thirteen months after Shudjah-qhan’s decease, he received the Imperial command, drawn up in the style he had requested; and being now resolved on marching against Ser-efraz-qhan, he had procured the day of his departure to be fixed by an eminent astrologer, on whose predictions he reposed an unlimited confidence. Meanwhile he laid such obstructions on the roads, that no traveller could advance towards Moorshoodabad, and he secretly wrote to the Djagat-seat,^\(305\) Feteh-chund, his friend, that by such a day he would commence his march. The letter was dispatched by a trusty man who had orders to deliver it on such a day which was pointed out to him. All things being thus prepared Aaly-verdy-qhan, on the latter end of Zilhidj, in the year 1152, set out on his expedition to Bodjp8r, and he encamped about Varis-qhan’s reservoir, which is at some distance from the city of Azim-abad. On his departure, he appointed for his Deputy and Lieutenant, Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, his youngest nephew and son-in-law, and he sent Sëyd-hedaïet-aaly-qhan-Assed-djung, the poorman’s father,^\(306\) to command in the districts of Seress and Cootombah, where the people were from a long time accustomed to respect his orders. Two days after that nobleman’s departure, he wrote him a short note, informing him that, having taken the resolution of marching to Moorshoodabad, he recommended both him and Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan to the Almighty God, and I hope, added he, “that you shall manage so, as to live always upon good terms with him, and that you shall act as emergencies require.” The eve of his departure, he gave orders to assemble all the principal officers of his army, whether Mussulmen or Hindoos; and on seeing them together in large numbers, he produced two men in the middle of the assembly—one a venerable Mussulman of a known piety, with the glorious word of God in his hand, and the other, a Brahmin, who held a vase full of Ganga-water in his right and a twig of T8lsy or black-Rehihan in the other,^\(307\) these two emblems being held in the highest veneration by men of that persuation, and the most sacred oaths being always taken on them. After a moment of silence, he requested the Mussulmen to swear by the glorious Coran, and the Gentoos to lay their hands on those emblems, and then he addressed the assembly in these words: “I am now going to fight my personal enemies, and as I know you for my old companions, on whose hands I must trust, and from whose valour I must expect success, I request that, if you intend to stand by me and to follow my fortunes, you please every one of you, to take the most solemn oath that you shall not abandon me whether I rush into the water or into the fire, whether my adversary be an Afrasiab or a Roostem.^\(308\) Swear then, that you shall be friends to my friends, and enemies to my enemies; and that be my fate what it will, you shall stand by me inviolably with your lives and fortunes.” Such an unexpected speech produced its full effect. Those old warriors who had been bred in his camp and were long ago attached to him as having received numberless favours at his hands, soon gave the example of taking a solemn oath, and of contracting the most solemn engagement. All of them swore, the Mussulmen, by carrying the glorious word of God to their foreheads and eyes, and the Gentoos, by touching the Brahman’s feet, and the twig of T8lsy, and then drinking of the Ganga-water. They all joined in prayers for his prosperity, and with one voice, they promised to follow him, whithersoever he would lead. All this was done by the old officers who were already fashioned to his mind, and attached to his person; and their example was followed without hesitation by the new ones. Aaly-verdy-qhan being now satisfied as to that important article, disclosed to them the secret of his expedition, and he informed them that, “forced by the injuries offered to himself, to his brother, and to every individual in their families, he was marching against their oppressor, Ser-efraz-qhan, rosolved to put an end to that tyranny.” These words startled some of them; but as they had taken an unconditional oath, and they were now too far engaged, they saw that there remained no other party for them, but that of abiding by their engagement, and of following his fortunes. It being already night, the assembly was dismissed, and the next morning, being the favourable day, he at day-break turned eastwards, and resolutely marched towards Moorshoodabad. He had a numerous well-appointed army of old troops, and a good artillery furnished with every necessary for action. By continual marches, without halting anywhere, he soon arrived at Shah-abad, which town has a fortification that shuts up the passage entirely from the hill to the bank of the Ganga. There he concealed his army in a valley of the neighbourhood, and pitching upon Mustapha-qhan the Afghan, an officer of approved zeal, and tried courage and conduct, he gave him a hundred horse, and put in his hands an order and pass of Ser-efraz-qhan’s, originally destined for another commander, but which Aaly-verdy-qhan had found means to intercept. That officer had orders to advance in presenting his pass to the garrison, which being only of a couple hundred Musqueteers, were not upon their guard, and he was then to turn about and to overpower them, so as to render himself master of the passage. After which success, he was to strike up his Nagara, as a signal for the army to advance. Mustapha-qhan, advancing with his small troop within the valley, was hailed from the walls according to the custom, asked who he was, and what for he came, and ordered to stand still. The officer sent one of his men with the pass and the written order, which being perused by a writer, the latter ordered the gate to be set open, and the troop to be admitted. Mustapha-qhan marched in, and ordered his Nagara or kettle-drum to strike up, to which signal were added some shouts by his people. This signal being soon understood by the vanguard, concealed behind the hill, they marched round, and suddenly made their appearance, advancing in battle array with ensigns displayed, and music playing. The garrison alarmed at such a sight, shut up the gate, and wanted to stand upon their defence, when Mustapha-qhan called out to them that, if they made the least motion, he would fall upon them directly and put them to sword. This threat having intimidated them, they all stood motionless, and suffered Mustapha qhan’s people to set open the gate. After which, the troops of the vanguard passed without difficulty, took possession of all the posts, and this being the day in which the man entrusted with the letter to Djagat-seat, had received orders to present it, the latter on perusing the contents, and comparing the dates, concluded that Aaly-verdy-qhan, his friend, must be by this time on this side of the pass of Taliagary; and that in four or five days more he would be in the territory of Moorshoodabad. With an air seemingly alarmed, he immediately mounted, and with much consternation in his features, he presented to Ser-efraz-qhan the letter which he had just received from Aaly-verdy-qhan, whom he suspected, said he, to be now at Radjemahl; at the same time he produced another letter from Aaly-verdy-qhan to that Prince himself. The purport was this: “Since, after the many affronts received by my brother, Hadji Ahmed, attempts have been made upon the honour and chastity of our family, your servant in order to save that family from further disgrace, has been obliged to come so far, but with no other sentiments than those of fidelity and submission. Your servant hopes, therefore, that Hadji Ahmed shall receive leave to come to me with his family and dependants.” Ser-efraz-Qhan, surprised and confounded at the intelligence, vented his resentment in fruitless reproaches, and then called a general assembly of his Ministers and general officers, where Hadji Ahmed having been likewise sent for, the hall of public audience was set open,—and he gave Hadji Ahmed a severe reprimand, mixed with threats. The latter sensible of his danger, assumed a soothing tone of voice, and in his endeavours to pacify him, he advanced so far, as to promise that the moment he would be in camp, he would engage Aaly-verdy-qhan to return to his Government. This proposal was variously received by the assembly; some objecting to Hadji Ahmed’s being dismissed to his brother’s camp, and some thinking that he ought to be trusted, and his promise put to the test. The matter remaining in suspense, Mahmed-ghóuss-qhan, an officer of character and reputation, who had been these many years attached to Shudjah-qhan, and thought he owed the same attachment to Ser-efraz-qhan, his son, opened an opinion that differed from them all. That officer prided in his sentiments of fidelity, as much as upon his personal prowess. “I do not see,” said he, “raising his voice, what benefit can result from confining and imprisoning this old man; nor is it at all probable that Aaly-verdy-qhan, on his brother’s being arrested, shall discontinue his operations, or alter his mind. It becomes then a matter of small moment, whether Hadji Ahmed be dismissed with full leave to repair to his brother or not. If he proves as good as his word, it is very well; if he does not, I do not see what harm he has done us thereby. If we are ready and willing to encounter Aaly-verdy-qhan in the field, we little care whether he is joined by his brother or not. Hadji Ahmed is but a single individual, and nothing more. By his being in his brother’s camp, I do not see he can either add to, or detract anything from, the enemy’s strength.” Mahmed-ghóuss-qhan’s opinion having been unanimously approved, Hadji Ahmed received his dismission, and he instantly set out for his brother’s camp. Whilst on his march thither he repeatedly wrote, and he insinuated by the means of his friends, that Mahmed-aaly-verdy-qhan (for such was his style) was in his heart as faithful and as zealous a servant, as ever. “Let not my master think of marching with arms in his hands against a servant powerful, but full of sentiments of attachment and respect. Let not your Highness be at the trouble of moving from your palace. For he wants only to enjoy the honour of kissing your Princely threshold, that he may have an opportunity of explaining his complaints, of preferring his supplications, and of approving himself a respectful, dutiful servant. This is his only aim. But should your Highness, at the instigation of some interested men, despise the counsel offered by me, your servant, and march out against him, I fear the man in his despair, and in the necessity of securing his life and his honour, will venture upon some steps that will prove his shame both in this world and in the other.”

As very little effect was expected from dismissing Hadji Ahmed, there arose in the assembly a variety of opinions about the expediency of marching out, or of not marching, against the enemies. It was at last resolved to march out, and by the exertions of Merdan-aaly-qhan, who was greatly incensed both against Hadji Ahmed and Aaly-verdy-qhan, the army, with Ser-efraz-qhan at its head, marched out, and in three or four days arrived at Comrah. It was the twenty-second of Muharrem, in the year 1153 of the Hedjrah. At that town it halted a little, it being necessary to hear the report brought by two persons of note which had been sent by Ser-efraz-qhan to examine Aaly-verdy-qhan’s views and designs. These were Sunnet, an eunuch, and Shudjah-cooly-qhan, a Fodjdar of Hoogly. They were on their return from the enemy’s camp, and had brought with them another Deputy, who came on the part of Aaly-verdy-qhan himself; and this was the Physician Mahmed-aaly-qhan. Their report amounted to this. That he was still a submissive, dutiful servant, and to this testimony they added this message, as from his own mouth: “When people of Princely, generous dispositions vouchsafe to raise any one to high stations and dignities, they look upon him, from that moment, to be their pupil and ward, and think it incumbent upon themselves to take care of his honour and character in the eyes of the world. Now it is notorious that I, your dutiful servant, owe my well-being to your illustrious family, which vouchsafed to raise me from the humility of dust to the His artful, insidious management. splendour of high preferment (an obligation which I am proud to remember); and as I wish to inform the public, and to gain credit to my attachment (which I conceive to be equalled by no one but your most zealous servants), I supplicate that you please to grant me two requests. The first, that you condescend to turn away from your presence, and to dismiss from your councils, some persons, who, having conceived a jealousy at the elevation of our family, are ever busy in filling your Princely mind with new suggestions, like those that have already given rise to the present troubles. These are Merdan-aaly-qhan, Mir-morteza-qhan, Hadji Lootf-aaly-qhan, and Mahmed-ghóuss-qhan. After their departure, your servant, thinking his person safe, shall make it a duty to pay you his respects. The second request is, that should you think this favour to be of a nature not to be granted, then that you please to retire to your palace, and from thence to issue your commands to them to march into the field, and to fight me, your servant. If victory favours them, let them avail themselves of its rights; they have gained their point. If they are vanquished, let them retire, and I shall then come myself, and lay my head at your feet. In token of my sincerity, I herewith send you the volume of the glorious Coran, on which I have taken the most sacred oaths.”

The glorious volume was accordingly produced by the Physician Mahmed-aaly-qhan;^\(309\) but as the noblemen in question were in possession of the highest influence both over Ser-efraz-qhan’s mind and over his Court, and their minds were ulcerated against Hadji Ahmed, as well as against his brother and their children, the proposal for peace did not take root. But yet no proper preparatives were made for an immediate engagement, as the best officers suggested. Meanwhile, Hadji Ahmed being arrived at Radje-mahl, was received with open arms by his brother, who directly took him upon his elephant, being then upon his march. Hadji Ahmed, as if to fulfil the promise he had made at his departure, prevailed upon his brother to have his elephant turned about for some hundred yards, after which he returned to the road again. Ser-efraz-qhan hearing of the enemy’s march, advanced to a village called Gheri or Gheriah, a noted spot upon the banks of the Bagraty, whilst Mahmed-ghóuss-qhan pushed forward as far as the spot where the enemy was encamped on the water-side at Sooty; by which means, the river, which was everywhere fordable and about one arrow’s throw over, intervened between himself and Ser-efraz-qhan. Nor was the distance between him and Aaly-verdy-qhan’s camp of more than five or six cosses. Meanwhile messages and messengers were continually passing and repassing betwixt the two camps; Ser-efraz-qhan offering to receive Aaly-verdy-qhan into favour again, and wishing to see him, and the other answering in the strain he had already done. “In grateful remembrance of the favours received from your father,” said he, “once, I will never form any designs against you; but it is under condition only that you dismiss from your service those enemies of our family, who by their rancorous suggestions have brought matters to that state of diffidence and disunion that draws to a crisis. Else, deliver them over to me; and if you are averse to this also, then stand off, pitch your tent upon that eminence yonder, and from thence look at our fighting against each other. If I am victorious, I will certainly come to pay you my duty, and if I am vanquished, you shall do with me whatever you shall think proper.” As both parties seemed equally liable to difficulties, the interview did not take place. But although such friendly messages were daily exchanged, Djagat-seat was nevertheless busily employed in writing to every one of Aaly-verdy-qhan’s commanders, and in conveying to them, every one according to his station, promissory notes, called Tips, usual amongst bankers, under the only condition of seizing his person and delivering it to Ser-efraz-qhan.^\(310\) Some of these notes were received that very evening by many, and amongst others, by Mustapha-qhan. That officer, in company with some others, as zealously attached to Aaly-verdy-qhan as himself, carried them to him, and exposed the contents to his view. “If fighting is the matter, said that officer, let us fight tomorrow morning, without loss of time; for the next day, matters may take a very different turn from what they are to-day. Aaly-verdy-qhan having reflected on the advice, gave his approbation, and that very moment he ordered powder and ball to be distributed to the troops, being resolved to fight the next day. His army he divided in three bodies. One part under the command of Nandoolal, a Gentoo officer of character, who was also entrusted with Aaly-verdy-qhan’s standard, was opposed to Ghóuss-qhan, and he gave him orders to engage the troops on this side of the river. With the two other bodies, he forded the river, and sent one of them in the rear of Ser-efraz-qhan’s troops, with orders to fall upon them as soon as they should see him engaged with his front, for which purpose he now advanced on Ser-efraz-khan, without quitting the river’s bank. The body that had been sent forwards, had orders to keep themselves concealed, until they should hear the report of a gun, at which signal they were to fall at once both upon Ser-efraz-qhan’s rear and camp. This body commenced its march in the darkness of the night at one in the morning, and was commanded by Nevazish-mahmed-qhan, Aaly-verdy-qhan’s eldest son-in-law, who had under his command Abdol-aaly-qhan with Mustapha-qhan and Shimshir-qhan and some other Afghan commanders. Aaly-verdy-qhan with his corps followed, but at some distance; whilst Nandoolal in compliance with orders, marched slowly and silently opposite to Ghóuss-qhan. The engagement commenced at the dawn of the day, by which time Aaly-verdy-qhan being near Ser-efraz-qhan’s front, fired one of his guns. On the report of which the body that had preceded, attacked Ser-efraz-qhan’s troops, whilst Nandoolal engaged Ghouss-qhan. Ser-efraz-qhan who was then at his devotions, got up immediately, mounted his elephant, and marched straight to Aaly-verdy-qhan, at the very time when some of the enemies getting at his rear, had penetrated to the middle of his camp, where much plunder was acquired, and much slaughter made; Mirza-iredj-qhan’s son being slain amongst others. Meanwhile Ser-efraz-qhan kept advancing, and was already passed his Nagar-qhana or band of music, and the head of his army, when a bullet sent him to the mansions of eternity. He was accompanied by a number of men of distinction, amongst which were Mir-camal, Mir-ghádai, Mir-ahmed, Mir-seradj-eddin, Hadji Lootf-aaly-qhan, and Corban-aaly-qhan; and all these having in that game of hazard lost the capital of their existence, made haste to retreat into eternity. The Rāy-räyan-aalem-chund being wounded, as well as Mirza-iredj-qhan, returned into the city. On the other hand, Ghóuss-qhan, who was engaged on the other side of the river with Nandoolal, gave him a complete defeat, in which that Hindoo commander was slain. Whilst the enemy was flying on that side of the river, Ser-efraz-qhan’s elephant, which his driver had now turned about, was described stepping towards the city; and Ghóuss-qhan ascribing this flight to his master’s want of courage, sent him a swift horseman with orders to bring the elephant back at any rate, and to inform his master that he Ghóuss-qhan had defeated and slaughtered the enemies, and that now was the time to join him and to fall together upon those that yet stood their ground. All this while Aaly-verdy-qhan, sensible at what critical point matters had come, was repressing the ardour of his people, and endeavouring to keep them together. He knew for certain that Ser-efraz-qhan had been slain, but he knew likewise that Nandoolal had been defeated and killed, and that Ghóuss-qhan, of whose valour and abilities he entertained no doubt, was at the head of a body that kept a firm countenance, at the very time when he had the mortification to see that the troops he had sent forwards to fall on Ser-efraz-qhan’s camp, were actually plundering and sacking those tents replenished with a rich booty, and had dispersed everywhere without leaving to their commander a possibility of his rallying them again. Things were in that doubtful state, when the horseman dispatched by Ghóuss-qhan came and informed him that his Lord was no more. Astonished to the highest degree, he plunged into a sea of amazement and despair, and sensible that Aaly-verdy-qhan, to whom his hatred to his family was known long ago, would now carry every thing before him, and that he had nothing to hope for at his hands, he resolved to perish in the field. Calling for his two sons, Mahmed-c8t8b and Mahmed-pir, he commanded them to loosen his cuirass and coat of arms from behind, and then Heroical death of Ghóuss-qhan, and his two sons. turning to them, he said these very words: “Children, nothing remains now for us, but to be slain in the field. Our lives are now as well as gone. We must wash our hands on that article, and rush upon that body that surrounds Aaly-verdy-qhan to try if we can come at his person.” That Commander and his sons were in fact the overthrowing Lions of the field, and the irresistible Herculeses of their age.^\(311\) With the few that chose to stand by them, they advanced on the enemy with the greatest intrepidity; for the rest of Ghóuss-qhan’s troops, that is, the greatest part of them, already apprised of Ser-efraz-qhan’s death, had turned about, had quitted the field, and were retreating towards the city; and but a very few of them chose to stand by a man resolved not to survive a defeat. With these few, he kept advancing, and was already close upon the enemy, when he received a wound from a musquet-ball. Still he continued to advance, and calling for his horse, with a firm resolution to single out Aaly-verdy-qhan, he was alighting from his elephant when he was hitted again by two musquet-balls, which laid him dead on the field of battle. His two sons seeing their father dead, dismounted, let their horses loose, and taking to their sabre and buckler, they rushed on foot on the enemy, when on closing with them, they were shot at on all sides, and fell dead, weltering in blood and dust. Mahmed-c8t8b, the eldest, who bore a high character for prowess and bodily strength, finding himself going, sat on the field, without quitting either buckler or sword, and in that warlike posture, he breathed his last. He was afterwards buried in that very spot. Mir-dilir-aaly hearing of Ser-efraz-qhan’s death, refused to survive his good master and friend, and with sixteen men that stood by him, he rushed on the enemy, was slain fighting valiantly, and took his journey towards the gates of eternity. In fact, few soldiers and few friends in Hindostan ever proved so zealous as those of Ser-efraz-qhan’s. Mir-sherf-eddin, who, with the corps under his command, had bravely encountered Aaly-verdy-qhan in person, and hitted him with two arrows, finding that the day was lost, retreated and quitted the field. One of those arrows hitted the bow he held in his hand, and the other made a slight wound on his right shoulder. In a word, every one of Ser-efraz-qhan’s men exhibited proofs of attachment and valour. Some fell in the field of battle, and some despairing of their fortune retreated towards the city; and victory having now declared for Aaly-verdy-qhan, he immediately dispatched his brother, Hadji Ahmed, to Moorshoodabad, with orders to soothe and tranquillize the inhabitants of that great city, and to place guards on all the offices of the Government, and all the apartments of Ser-efraz-qhan’s palace, with strict injunctions to establish order and safety throughout every quarter. Hadji Ahmed, in compliance with his orders, advanced with the swiftness of wind, and the rapidity of lightning; and being arrived early, he proclaimed everywhere the new Prince, and thereby put an end to the tumults that had already risen.

Two days after the battle, being about the middle of Sefer, Aaly-verdy-qhan takes possession of Moorshood-abad. in the year 1153 of the Hedjra, Aaly-verdy-qhan marched slowly and leisurely into the city, but with the utmost pomp and magnificence. On his advancing to the palace, and before his taking his seat on the Mesned, he struck to the right, and went to the apartments where lived the Princess Nefisa-begum, daughter of Djaafer-khan, and mother to the late Ser-efraz-qhan. Stopping at the gate, he assumed a respectful posture, took a moving tone of voice, and having made a profound bow, in which he inclined his body to the ground, he supplicated the Princess’s forgiveness, and sent in the following message: “Whatever was predetermined His singular speech to Ser-efraz-qhan’s
mother. in the books of Fate, has come to take place, and the ingratitude of this worthless servant of yours is now registered in the unfading records of history. But I swear, that so long as life shall exist in this blackened face of mine, I shall never swerve from the path of respect, and the duties of the most complete submission. I hope that the vileness and misdeed of this poor humbled and afflicted slave of yours, shall in time be effaced from the mirror of your forgiving mind, and that you shall, at some distant period of time, condescend to accept in extenuation of my crime those demonstrations of perfect submission, and those tokens of dutiful attachment which I am resolved to exhibit.”

After this speech in which he seemed greatly affected, and to which not a word of answer was returned, he continued his route to the Chehel S8t8n or Forty Pillars, a palace built by Shudjah-khan for public ceremonies, as well as for his residence; and being got within the hall of general audience, he took his seat in the Mesned of command, ordered the music to strike up,^\(312\) and received the Nuzurs of the Crown officers, of the military men, and of the principal citizens of Moorshoodabad, who hastend to pay him that token of acknowledgment. But all this was mere exterior. His person, on account of the black ingratitude he had been guilty of towards his Lord and benefactor’s son, was viewed with sentiments of horror and detestation; nor was all his merit known at that early period. But in time he Admirable character of the new Viceroy. displayed such a virtuous conduct, and so moral a character, treated the nobility and the Grandees with so much deference and respect, spread so indiscriminately the carpet of condescension and benignity for both stranger and friend, applied himself so earnestly in gaining the hearts of both the powerful and defenceless, exhibited such a quick feeling for the services rendered him by those attached to his person, so much regard for the rights of distant consanguinity or old acquaintance, so much commiseration for the poor, and so much attention for the oppressed, with such a turn of mind for forgiveness of personal injuries, in one word, he shewed himself so invaluable a man, that a total alteration took place in every heart, and those who at first could not bear to look on him, became in time so enamoured with his amiable deportment, and so attached to his person, that few instances have been observed in his time or in any other of so zealous an attachment and so much fidelity or love. Upon the whole, although the slaying his Lord and benefactor’s son was unquestionably one of the blackest actions that could be committed, and one of the most abominable events that could happen, yet it cannot be denied that Ser-efraz-qhan had no talents for government, and no capacity for business, and that, had his Government lasted but sometime more, such a train of evils, and such a series of endless confusions would have been the consequence of his incapacity, that disorders without number, and disturbances without end, would have arisen insensibly, and would have brought ruin and desolation on these countries and their inhabitants. The Marhattas had already cast their eyes upon these rich provinces. Shortly after, they attacked and invaded them on all sides, and lucky did it prove for the inhabitants of these countries that those merciless freebooters had to deal with such a man as Aaly-verdy-qhan, who by his talents for both war and government, and by the exertions of a keen sabre become indefatigable, as well as by the resources of his policy, found means to repress those ravagers, and at last to expell them entirely out of Bengal, as we shall succinctly mention in a short time in the course of these written leaves. Such exertions were not of a nature to be expected from Ser-efraz-qhan and his Ministers, nor were they men to oppose such a torrent with any effect; whereas his rival, to such a modesty of behaviour, and to so much purity of morals, joined political and military talents, and all the renown and power which victory and success could confer, the whole forming a character, which far from being equalled by any of his contemporaries or any of his successors, would hardly find a comparison in the records of past time. By a felicity peculiar to his government, his three nephews proved men of merit, and such as deserved to have such an uncle. Every one of them, decorated with the military rank of seven thousand horse, and raised to the highest dignities and offices of the State, seemed to have taken him for their pattern, and to have had nothing in view but the welfare of those entrusted to their care. But of every one of these, as well as of Aaly-verdy-khan’s children and family, mention shall be made particularly, whenever the thread of history shall come to reach their time.

Grand distribution of rewards at the Court of M8rsh8dabad —About a Coror of rupees sent to Court as the whole of Ser-efraz-qhan’s estate—Aaly-verdy-qhan resolves on an expedition against the Oressa or Catec—The Oressa conquered—Strange escape of its Viceroy—Singular generosity of a Gentoo Prince towards him —Aaly-verdy-qhan leaves his grandson in the Government of Oressa—Great respect paid by Aaly-verdy-qhan and his family to Ser-efraz-qhan’s mother—The new Governor of Orèssa manages unworthily—His enormous oppressions—The ancient Governor’s son-in-law recovers possession of Catec—Where he seizes and confines the new Governor—Aaly-verdy-qhan marches into Oressa—Where he defeats Bakyr-aaly-qhan—Settles the Oressa anew—Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, Viceroy of Azim-abad, acquires a character for valour and conduct—Orders Roshen-qhan-terahi to be put to death—The Marhattas invade Bengal—Aaly-verdy-qhan resolves to fight them—Some of his Commanders lag behind—The Afghans in the army incline to a general defection —He disdains to pay a ransom to the Marhattas—He recovers the affection of his Afghans—He fights his way through the enemy —Memorable retreat of the Bengal Army to Cutwa—Two elephants save it from destruction—The Marhattas plunder part of M8rsh8dabad—Get possession of H8gli—Ravage all Bengal, south of the Ganga—The Governor of Azim-abad marches to his uncle’s assistance—Ingenious meeting of Aaly-verdy-qhan’s with a relation of his—The Emperor sends Ab8l-mans8r-qhan and Baladjiräo to succour Bengal—A bridge of boats breaks down, and occasions a great loss—The Marhattas severely chastised— Overbearing behaviour of Ab8l-mans8r-qhan—The author’s father is misrepresented—Baladjiräo under pretence of succouring Aaly-verdy-qhan, ravages Bengal—Azim-abad saved by an accident from imminent danger—Singular resolution of a lady who attempts to defend her house and quarter against the Marhattas—Ambiguous meeting between Aaly-verdy-qhan and Baladjiräo—Hussëin-c8ly-qhan loses his office, but is reinstated by Gahasity-begum, daughter of the Viceroy—Ill offices rendered to the author’s father—Who parts with Aaly-verdy-qhan’s family —City of Azim-abad secured by a wall—High credit of Mustapha-qhan with the Viceroy—Aaly-verdy-qhan resolves to entrap the Marhatta Commanders—Most of them massacred—The Marhattas slaughtered everywhere, evacuate Bengal—Strange character of the Afghan nation—Mustapha-qhan, from a General of the Viceroy’s, becomes his rival—He comes to an open war with him—He attacks the Governor of Azim-abad—Who opposes him vigorously—Deputation sent him—Ingenious and artful message of his to Mustapha-qhan—Bold, open answer of the latter—The Afghans attack and carry the entrenchments of Azim-abad, and yet are worsted—The victory is snatched a second time from the hands of Mustapha-qhan, who is shot through the head—Aaly-verdy-qhan marches to succour his nephew—The Afghans victorious a third time, are worsted again, and Mustapha-qhan is slain —The body of that hero unworthily used.

AALY-VERDY-QHAN having rendered himself master of these eastern kingdoms, and taken possession of those riches accumulated by Shudjah-qhan and Ser-efraz-qhan, which were reckoned by Corors only, turned his attention towards tranquillising the country, and establishing his own Government. At the same time he received from the presence the titles of Shudjah-el-mulc and Hessam-ed-döulah, i.e. The Valorous of the State, and The Sword of the Empire; was honoured with the brevet of seven thousand horse, and decorated with the insignia of the Mahi; and the Court seemingly with a view to humour his tenderness for his family, bestowed high honours upon every individual of it. For his younger nephew and son-in-law, Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, whom he had left at Azim-abad, as his Lieutenant, and whom he had now rendered absolute in that province, was honoured with the brevet of seven thousand horse, and the titles of Valiant, The Honour of the Empire, and The terrible in War, together with the Mahi, the fringed Paleky, the kettle-drum and the standard. His eldest nephew and son-in-law, Nevazish-mahmed-qhan, whom he had appointed Governor of the province of Djehanghir-nagar-Dacca, with the annexes of Silhat and Islam-abad-chatgam, was now honoured with the office of Divan of Bengal, and decorated with the insignia of the Mahi, and distinguished with the surnames and titles of The Valiant and of Grand distribution of rewards at the Court of M8rsh8dabad. The Magnificent of the State, always Valorous in War. His middling nephew Sëyd-ahmed-qhan, who so early as the times of Shudjah-qhan and Ser-efraz-qhan, had enjoyed the Fodjdary of Rangpoor, where he had acquired great riches, was decorated with the same rank and dignities as his brothers, with the surnames and titles of Performer of the Empire, and The Impetuous in War; to all which was added a promise of the reversion of the province of Oressa, whenever it might be recovered from M8rsh8d-c8ly-qhan, son-in-law to Shudjah-qhan by a half-sister of Ser-efraz-qhan’s, a nobleman who to the reputation of a man of sense and wit, joined the talents of an ingenious Poet, and gloried as much in the titles of The Enthusiasmed and The Unfettered, which he bore as a Poet, as in that of Rostem-djung,^\(1\) which he had received as a nobleman of rank and a Governor of a great province. Mirza-mehmed, eldest son of Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, he adopted for his son, and he took care to have him bred near his person, after having bestowed upon him the title and surname of Seradj-eddöulah-shah-c8ly-qhan-bahadyr,^\(2\) with the office of Admiral of Djehanghir-nagar-Dacca, which he had obtained for him from the presence. And as Nevazish-mahmed-qhan, his eldest son-in-law and nephew had no child of his own, he made him adopt Mirza-mehmed’s younger brother, for whom he procured the surname of Badshah-c8ly-qhan, with the title of Ecram-eddöulah.^\(3\) These two brothers were honoured, each of them, with the rank of seven thousand horse, decorated with the dignities and insignia annexed to so high a degree of elevation, and became high and mighty Lords from their very childhood. Ata-ollah-qhan, younger son-in-law to Hadji Ahmed, a nobleman who on Aaly-verdy-qhan’s being appointed to the Lieutenancy of Azim-abad, had succeeded him in the Fodjdary of Acbar-nagar-Radje-mahl, so early as the times of Shudjah-qhan and Ser-efraz-qhan, was now advanced to the Fodjdary of Bagal-p8r, promoted to a Brigade of three thousand horse and foot, honoured with the degree of seven thousand horse, and decorated with several insignia, as well as the pompous titles and sounding surnames of The Honoured of the Empire, The Immovable in a Day of Battle. Hussëin-c8ly-qhan, Nàib or Deputy to Nevazish-mahmed-qhan, was honoured with the rank of three thousand horse, to which was added the distinction of a standard and a kettle-drum, and the surname of Bahadyr or valiant. Ataa-yar-qhan, half-brother to Aaly-verdy-qhan, and Fakyr-ollah-qhan, as well as N8r-8llah-beg-qhan and Mir-djaafer-qhan, and Mustapha-qhan, with several other persons, whether relations, friends, or officers of consequence, were every one of them honoured with distinctions, advanced to dignities and offices, or promoted to commands. Chéin-räy, Agent to the Räy-räyan-Aalem-chund, Divan or Minister to the late Shudjah-qhan, was himself honoured with the title of Räy-räyan, and appointed Divan to Aaly-verdy-qhan, and Radja Djankiram, who was an ancient Divan of his, was appointed Divan of the bodies or musters, and Comptroller of the Registers. It was in contemplation to bestow the rank of three thousand horse, and the title of Bahadyr with the Paymastership-General, on Abdal-aaly-qhan, my uncle, who was also a cousin-german to Aaly-verdy-qhan, in the same manner as they had been enjoyed by that officer’s father, Sëyd-zin-el-aabedin, my maternal grandfather, who was son to Aaly-verdy-qhan’s aunt. But that nobleman, who expected to be promoted on an equal footing with the other nephews of Aaly-verdy-qhan, being displeased at the superiority given them, quitted the Court in disgust, and obtained leave to repair to Azim-abad where in fact he returned. Zin-eddin-ahmed qhan, who governed there, thinking himself honoured by his arrival, gave him the Government of Turhut, in addition to to the Collectorship of Bahar and Besoc, which he enjoyed already, desiring him moreover to live at his court as his friend. Abdol-aaly-qhan having absented himself for reasons of his own from the Court of M8rsh8dabad, the office of Paymaster-General which was intended for that nobleman, was bestowed on my aunt’s husband, Nusret-aaly-qhan, and the second Paymastership was bestowed on Fakir-ollah-beg-qhan-bahadyr, who was one of the persons most attached to Aaly-verdy-qhan. This Prince having now disposed of those many offices and honours according to the dictates of his gratitude and wisdom sent the Coror of Rupees and the Pish-kush, or present in money which he had promised to the Emperor. It consisted of money and precious goods, and was accepted by the mediation of Issac-qhan, Minister of State. As to the confiscated property of Ser-efraz-qhan’s, he set apart as much of it as he thought proper for the Emperor’s use; but hearing that M8rid-qhan, the Valiant, a Lord of the second rank in the Emperor’s Court, had been sent from the capital for the double purpose of taking the possession of Ser-efraz-qhan’s estate, and receiving the revenue of Bengal which had been arreared since that Viceroy’s sitting upon the Mesned, he wrote him a respectful letter to request his taking some repose at Azim-abad, as he was himself setting out for Radje-mahl with intention to meet him at Sacry-gally,^\(4\) where he would not fail to deliver into His Excellency’s hands, both Ser-efraz-qhan’s estate and the balance due on the revenue. As this request was calculated to prevent that nobleman from obtaining entrance into Bengal, Aaly-verdy-qhan in the month of Redjeb, set out for Acber-nagar-Radje-mahl, where after waiting many days he was met by M8rid-qhan to whom he delivered some Lacks of rupees in money, and Seventy Lacks in jewels, with much gold and silver furniture, a quantity of precious stuffs, and a number of elephants and horses; all which having passed for the whole of the confiscation, he put a written account of it in that nobleman’s hands, made him a present every way suitable to his rank and to the occasion, and dismissed him with great honours and many civilities. After which he reviewed his army, being then intent on an expedition against Catec, the capital of the Oressa, a province which he intended to recover from M8rsh8d-c8ly-qhan, its actual owner.

For Aaly-verdy-qhan was now firmly seated in his Government, he had arranged and settled every branch of the administration; and being now easy on that head, he had prepared an army of victorious troops, and a train of artillery furnished with everything requisite for conquests, after having all this time made it his business to obtain a previous knowledge of the talents and turn of mind of his intended adversary. But M8rsh8d-c8ly-qhan who did not think himself a match for such an enemy, sent one Aga-mahmed-taky, of Surat, to probe Aaly-verdy-qhan’s designs, and to manage a treaty with him; and this end was soon obtained, both from a regard to the acquaintance that had once subsisted between the two contractants, and also out of compliment to the envoy’s talent, who behaved with great abilities, and was dismissed with honour and distinction. However, these good beginnings were soon marred by the intrigues of Mirza-bakyr-qhan, a nobleman who drew his pedigree from the Royal race of the Sefis of Iran^\(5\), and was now son-in-law to M8rsh8d-c8ly-qhan, whose consort also joined her son-in-law in pointing out to him the rich prize of Bengal (a conquest, indeed, to which he was far from being equal) and the propriety of shewing a becoming resentment against Ser-efraz-qhan’s murderer. These two incensed persons leagued together, found means to manage so well, that the treaty now almost concluded, was put an end to, although M8rsh8d-c8ly-qhan himself had set his heart upon it. Aaly-verdy-qhan being informed of this alteration in his mind, wrote him word that “he had not in his heart any inclination to offer that illustrious Governor any injury or to bring him to any harm; but however, that his staying any longer at Catec would be far from conducing to the quiet of either party. He therefore hoped, that His Excellency would find it expedient to withdraw his person, family, and effects, and to repair with them into Hindostan, by taking his journey through M8rsh8dabad, unless indeed he would find it more eligible to go at once from Catec to the neighbouring country of Decan.” Such a message with any other man might have brought on an immediate rupture; but the Viceroy of Catec who dreaded the military talents as well as the superior forces, of his adversary, was inclined to put an end to all his uneasiness by giving up the contest, and he had probably effected his purpose, had not his spirits been raised, and his self-love interested, by the repeated suggestions of his son-in-law, who being high spirited, would not bear such haughty language, and was besides spurred on by the prospect of once commanding in such a country as Bengal. These sentiments of resentment and ambition were strongly supported by the Viceroy’s consort, a high spirited Princess, who joining reproaches to entreaties, was eternally teasing him on the infamy of suffering her brother’s murderer to enjoy quietly both impunity and dominion. This Princess, who was much more respected in the province than her husband himself, proceeded from entreaties to threats, and she talked of no less than of abandoning so tame a husband, and making over her riches, influence, and pretensions, to her son-in-law, together with the province itself, a young man of a temper equally ardent and intriguing, whom she found perfectly fitted by nature for seconding her hatred to Aaly-verdy-qhan. The Viceroy overcome by the animated instigations of those two persons, altered his mind, and he sent word to his neighbour in Bengal, that he disavowed the preliminaries consented to, against his will, by his Agent; and that the sword only would determine their respective pretensions. The latter fully sensible that nothing was now to be obtained but by war, took his measures accordingly. He recommended the Government of Bengal, and the care of the city to both his brother, Hadji Ahmed, and to his Aaly-verdy-qhan marches to the conquest of the Oressa. nephew, and having reviewed his army, which amounted to ten or twelve thousand picked troops, he spied in the Stars a favourable moment for quitting the city, and set out for the Oressa.

Such a piece of intelligence was soon conveyed to the Court of Catec, and M8rsh8d-c8ly-qhan, now resolved on war, thought it proper to cound the minds of those about his person. Having assembled his friends and the principal officers of his army, he made his appearance in the hall, and remained silent for a while; taking then his sabre from his own side, he laid it in the middle of the assembly, and after having represented in lively colours, the crime committed by Aaly-verdy-qhan, he reflected on that insatiable ambition of his, which not contented with impunity, aspired also to despoil the murdered Prince’s sister of what little she had left, and talked of nothing but war and of sacrificing every one to his own views. “My cause being as just, as my case is critical,” added he, “there remains nothing for me now, but to know your own minds on this iniquitous contest. If you are for standing by me, let us set out together and fight together; but if you are of another mind, then for God’s sake explain yourselves early and betimes, that I may act accordingly, and provide betimes for my own safety.” This short address having seemed to be received with approbation, the principal officer of his army, Abed-aaly-qhan by name, assured him in the name of the assembly, “that he might rely on their fidelity and on their detestation of the murderer;” and having pronounced these few words, he stood up with all those present, and taking up the sabre lying on the ground, he girt it round the Viceroy’s loins, and assured him of their attachment and zeal. Such a scene having tranquillised the Governor’s mind, he thought only of preparing himself for the contests. Having mustered his army, and taken his son-in-law with him, he quitted Catec, and advanced towards the frontiers of his country. For this purpose he pushed beyond Balliser-bender (Balassor), crossed the river that flows by that town, and having advanced some miles beyond it, he took post in a spot which he judged capable of great defence. This was almost surrounded by a small river with steep lofty banks, that had within sight a country covered with woods and brambles. Not content with the natural strength of his post, he threw up some intrenchments in the least difficult parts, lined the whole with three hundred pieces of artillery, great and small, and gave his encampment such a menacing posture, that it became very dangerous to dislodge him. Such was the state of things, when Aaly-verdy-qhan moved from Midnapore, and having advanced towards Balliser-bender, he got a full view of a formidable post, of which he had only some idea from report. His natural daringness was at stand; to attack an enemy so incensed and so well intrenched, was impracticable. To entice him out of that strong post was the surest party; but his situation was now become critical. The Zemindars of the frontiers of Bengal became remiss in forwarding convoys to camp, and the few that would approach it, never failed to be intercepted by the Zemindars or great landholders of the Oressa, who seemed to dislike his person, and to look upon his camp as an inimical ground. Some provisions sent by the Governor of Naràin-gur were intercepted likewise, and his sutlers being at a loss how to supply themselves, provisions became very dear, and at last scarce and bad. Such a state of things required only patience in the Governor of Oressa, and it was his intention to let the enemy consume himself. But such a delay was more than could be brooked by his son-in-law, who inflamed by the sight of the enemy, and informed of his distress, wanted absolutely to sally forth and to fall upon him. The Governor made many objections, but he was overborne at last by the impetuosity of Mirza-bakyr; and about the end of Zilcaad in the same year, he quitted his strong post, and advanced towards the enemy. This was precisely what Aaly-verdy-qhan had wished, and a blunder having been this very moment committed by the enemy, he availed himself of it to the utmost. Mirza-bakyr, in pushing blindly forwards, had unfurnished that part of his retrenchment, where was posted the greatest part of his artillery, and this having been soon perceived by the enemy, Aaly-verdy-qhan sent a party Battle of Balassor. of troops, who pushed on a gallop, and seized the whole of it. The engagement commenced, of course, and it was continued with musquetry and rockets. Vast numbers of brave men were falling on both sides, and yet the action bore a doubtful aspect, M8rsh8d-c8li-qhan standing his ground bravely. In this critical moment that same Abed-qhan, who had cut so conspicuous a figure in the assembly at Catec, and owed his fortune to his Governor, but had too much Afghan blood in his veins not to long after some signal perfidy; Abed-qhan, I say, was seen to move from his post. He had already made his bargain with the famous Mustapha-qhan, who was his countryman, and a favourite General of the enemy’s. The perfide Abed-qhan having advanced, as to an attack, with his whole corps, struck to the left where he perceived the signal agreed to, and having ranged his whole brigade close to Mustapha-qhan, he stood stock-still, like one that should have come to see the fight as a common spectator. But even this defection did not appal M8rsh8d-c8li-qhan; his troops stood their ground, and he seemed to be everywhere, being followed by a body of Sëids of Barr, long ago attached to his person, and who being desirous to shew their zeal, as well as jealous of their national character,^\(6\) advanced the feet of daringness and made so vigorous an attack, that the enemy unable to stand their impetuosity, commenced giving way, and even some of the Bengal troops fled openly. The moment was come when Aaly-verdy-qhan was to forfeit his character^\(7\) and to be covered with eternal disgrace. Luckily for him that Mirza-bakyr, having just quitted his post at the right, and attacked the left wing of the enemies, which he threw into so much disorder that the troops were actually giving way, was himself disordered by his very attack. This wing was composed of the flower of the enemy’s army. Mir-djaafer-qhan, who commanded there, seeing how matters went, jumped down from his horse, and putting himself at the head of a strong body, he advanced to the assistance of the discomfited troops, where Musahab-qhan, as well as Dilir-qhan and Assalet-qhan, both Afghans, and both intrepid sons of the valorous Umer-qhan, were making a stand. Mir-djaafer exerted himself so manfully in that trying moment, that he on that day acquired high character for military conduct and soldier-like prowess. The combat became warm and bloody, and Mir-muhabbet-aaly, with Mir-acber-aaly, the two Commanders of the Sëids, having received several mortal wounds, which made them drink to the dregs the cup of bitter potion presented them by inexorable fate, whilst Mirza-bakyr himself was receiving several dangerous wounds on the neck, head and breast, their troops were appalled and gave way. Mirza-bakyr, unable to support himself, was carried out of the field, and the troops being deprived of such valorous Commanders, took fright, dispersed, and fought only how to escape the slaughter. M8rsh8d-c8ly-qhan, finding now that fortune had turned her back upon him, thought only how to secure a retreat, and taking his wounded son-in-law in a Paleky he turned towards Balisser-bender, in which he took shelter with about three thousand men that still stood by him; not that he expected any thing from that handful, he was only intent on giving them the slip. Under pretence that he intended to intrench himself there, he marched them out of the town, where he threw up some earth on the outskirts of it, and turning at the same time towards the river, he alighted from his elephant, as if intending to take some refreshment. There happened to be then in the river, but close to the shore, a ship ready to sail, which belonged to an ancient friend, and ancient companion of his, being a native of S8ret-bender (Surat) as well as himself. This friend had this long while enriched himself by fitting out vessels for several parts of India, and he was just close by him; and the ship full of goods and grain, was unfurling her sails. Hadji-mahsen had fought by his side, and had his full share of the perils of the day. Now it must be observed that ships have always a vessel called feness (Pinnace), this is the young one of a ship and this serves for the purpose of going ashore; so that the people in the ship seeing on land a great concourse of people, sent their feness to inquire after M8rsh8d-cl8y-qhan’s affairs, without suspecting all this while that their owner had been in the battle. This sight of the feness entirely altered the ideas of both the Governor, and the ship’s owner. The latter pointed to the vessel with the finger, and after a pause, he observed, that the sending down such a vessel looked very much like a special interposition of Providence in their behalf. In an instant the Governor was of his opinion, and without consulting any one, or giving the smallest hint of his design to any one of the by-standers, he proposed to go on board as on a party of pleasure, and only to see a ship; and without taking any thing with him, he carried M8rshood-c8ly-qhan
vanquished, flies to Masulipatam. his son-in-law, and a few of the most necessary servants, and getting into the feness, he reached the ship, which immediately drew up her anchor and made sail. In six days more she reached Machli-bender (Masulipatam).

But the Governor’s anxieties soon returned upon him. He had left behind his whole family, his consort, and his riches, which last had been hoarded from long hand, and now amounted to a vast sum; and this thought, but especially that of his consort and children, were enough to distract his mind. He, therefore, sent his son-in-law towards Sicacol and Ganjam, which are on the frontiers of the Oressa, to try what could be done, as those towns have a great intercourse with Catec. But Providence which watched over that forlorn family, had already suscitated a saviour for it, and this was the Radja or Prince of Ratip8r, who is also Lord of Djagennat, a famous place of resort and pilgrimages from all India, and where the diversity of clans so remarkable amongst Gentoos, and the shyness from each other which it produces, ceases at once by an ancient law, to make place for a mutual intercourse deemed obligatory in a sacred place held in the highest veneration.^\(8\) This Gentoo Prince, who was a particular friend of M8rsh8d-c8ly-qhan, seemed to be an exception to the general run of mankind, as if he had gloried in being one of those few, who in the adverse fortunes of their benefactors, and friends, remember of former benefits and of former connections and act accordingly. Hearing of the late defeat, and concluding that the victorious would soon become masters of Catec, he sent a number of carriages, and a strong escort, with orders to bring every thing belonging to his friend out of that city. The whole was under the command of Sheh-morad, a trusty officer of his household, who arriving at the nick of time, took with him not only the forlorn family, and the treasures, but even the whole furniture, and every person or servant belonging to the Governor. Setting out without loss of time, he traversed the whole Oressa, and carried his charge safe to Inchap8r, which is a town and district dependant on Sicacol and Ganjam; and moreover he remained there on his master’s part to execute the Prince’s commands. By a further good luck, the Governor of the country happened to be Anver-eddin-qhan, who was an acquaintance of M8rsh8d-c8ly-qhan, and who received that forlorn family as his guests, and took care to furnish it with every necessary and every conveniency in his power. Bakyr-aaly-qhan arriving a few days after, and finding his consort and wealth unexpectedly arrived and freed from every danger, returned thanks to God Almighty for so signal a delivery. Fromthence he sent his mother-in-law to her husband, together with her funiture and treasures, and after tarrying a few days to hear from Catec, he returned to his father-in-law; who finding himself in a country that belonged to Nizam-el-mulk, Viceroy of Decan, thought himself happy to have obtained shelter in his dominions, and he made a stay there to recover of his fatigues. But Aaly-verdy-qhan did not think of repose.

Intent on availing himself of his success, he pushed on to Catec, where he stayed about a month to bring that country under control; and this was not a difficult task, as he had lived a long while on those parts in the time of Shudjah-qhan and had had connections with every one of the Zemindars. He now sent for them, and after having spoken kindly to them all, and conferred upon each in particular such favours as he seemed to deserve, he dismissed them contented. Sending at the same time for his second son-in-law, Sëid-ahmed-qhan, he appointed him Governor-General of the province, after having made him sit on the Mesned of command in his presence, and put on his shoulders the Qhylaat of that investiture. But as he did not trust altogether to the young officers which Sëid-ahmed-qhan had put at the head of his own brigade, he gave the command of it to one of his own veteran officers, called Godjur-qhan, with permission to raise as many more troops as his Governor might think convenable. After Aaly-verdy-qhan leaves his grandson in the Government of the Oressa. all these arrangements, he quitted the Oressa, and took the road of M8rsh8d-abad, the capital of his dominions, where he graced again by his presence, the Mesned of command and sovereignty.

This time of recess he employed constantly in determining revenue matters, in disciplining and stationing his army, in easing the husbandmen, and obliging every noble, and every plebeian, that had access to his person. He kept under his eyes his nephew, Mirza-mahmed, whom he had adopted, as well as his brother, yet a child, which he had got adopted by his nephew, Nevazish-mahmed-qhan; and he made it a point to have at his Court all Great respect paid by Aaly-verdy-qhan to Ser-efraj-qhan’s
mother and family. the principal nobles and the chief men of the country, as well as their principal relations and friends. As to the family of Ser-efraz-qhan, it was recommended to his elder son-in-law, who having obtained Nefissa-begum’s consent, carried her to his palace, where he adopted her for his mother, as she did him for her son. He gave her the whole management of his seraglio, with the absolute command of his inner household. But what is extraordinary, this adoption did not extend to her ever appearing in his presence, or to her ever been so much as seen by him. There always intervened a veil or a curtain between them, even whilst she was rendering him an account of his family, and whilst the expressions of mother and son were continually interchanging. The Princess had even an inspection over his consort, who was daughter to Aaly-verdy-qhan, and her orders were executed without reference to him. She likewise conserved the Qhas-taaloock, or personal demesnes of Djaafer-qhan, her father, (a tract of ground that yielded a large revenue) with every land or house that had been bought by that Prince in his private capacity. To these Nevazish-mahmed-qhan never offered to touch, and she continued to enjoy them totally, being to the very last used with the utmost respect and deference both by him and by Aaly-verdy-qhan himself, neither of whom ever approached her without a profound bow, or ever offered to sit in her presence, without being bid. It happened that one of Ser-efraz-qhan’s concubines was delivered of a son, the very day on which he was slain; and he was adopted by Nefissa-begum for her son, soon became an object of much regard for even Nevazish-mahmed-qhan, and care was taken to have him bred with as much attention as if he had been his own son. But as Ser-efraz-qhan had no married consort of his own rank, but only concubines, some of whom had been occasionally admitted to his bed, those that had any children by him were honourably dismissed to Djehanghir-nagar-Dacca, where he settled upon them such noble pensions, as put it in their power not only to live up to their rank, but also to assist others. In short, he declared himself the protector of all that had belonged to that unfortunate Prince, to every one of whom he allowed honourable salaries, whether they lived by themselves, or chose to take service with him, making it a point to render every one of them easy in his circumstances, and satisfied with his lot. And really Nevazish-mahmed-qhan’s liberality was boundless. For I have heard it from people well informed and worthy of credit, that he spent Thirty Thousand Rupees per month in supporting secretly poor widows, and old decrepit people, exclusively of those that had their names borne on the Divani-registers, and received pensions publicly. The bounties to all these people were every month put in bags in his presence, and respectively forwarded by trusty eunuchs and old women of his household. He was, as we have said, Governor of the province of Dacca, with its annexes, to wit, the Fodjdaries of Silhut and Islam-abad, but he lived at Court, as well as his Nàib or Lieutenant, Hussëin-c8ly-qhan. So that the immediate management of those countries devolved on a Divan of Hussëin-c8ly-qhan’s, who was called Räy-gocul-chund, a man of merit, who discharged that trust much to his credit and honour. At this same time Cassem-aaly-qhan, brother to Aaly-verdy-qhan’s consort, was appointed to the Fodjdary of Rungp8r, where he acquired both credit and riches.^\(9\)

Whilst such an important revolution was taking place in Bengal, Sëif-eddin-aali-qhan was Fodjdar or rather hereditary Governor of Paraniah, to which charge he had been appointed from the presence, so early as the times of Djaafer-qhan. This Lord, misled by appearances, had for some time taken Aaly-verdy-qhan for a rebel, and in expectation of being supported by armies and Generals from the capital, he had given out that he was going to march against him, and to punish his rebellion; but finding that he had greatly mistaken the case, and that no notice was taken of his intention, he concluded that such a rumour and such an intention had done him no good. To give, therefore, the best colouring to his behaviour, he counterfeited the mad man, and it was lucky for him that Aaly-verdy-qhan, who paid a great regard to his connections at Court, and to Emir-qhan, his brother, in particular, did not think it expedient to resent his conduct.

We have left Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan in the possession of the Government of Azim-abad. This new Governor, who was a young man of great merit, and equal in every sense to the honours and the high office he enjoyed, having heard much of my father, Sëyd-hedäiet-aaly-qhan, who commanded these many years in several districts of his Government, requested his attendance; and after having shewn him every mark of regard and esteem, he offered him the office of Paymaster of the province. “Providence,” said he, “having bestowed this country and this power, on this your brother (meaning himself), it becomes us to join our efforts in disciplining the army, and in adjusting the arrangement of this country together; and it is incumbent upon us to manage in such a manner, as that we may become an object of envy to our jealous, and of approbation and exultation to our friends and patrons.” To these he added many other expressions of kindness, calculated to promote affection and zeal, and he acted up to his expressions, loading my father with honours and favours; so that their union became every day closer and closer. That young prince who sought merit wherever it could M8rsh8d-c8ly-qhan vanquished, flies to Masulipatam. be found, applied also to Aaly-verdy-qhan, his uncle, for an able Minister, who had been formerly Divan to himself. It was Räy-chintaman-doss; and as soon as he had him, he conferred on him the management of the finances of the whole province. Nor is so much discernment to surprise in so young a man. Although in the prime of life, he was endowed with many valuable qualifications; resolute and courageous, very sensible in his deportment, very regular in his transacting business, and very modest and decent in his way of life, firm in his command, yet civil, and of so engaging a behaviour as seemed calculated to acquire every one’s love and affection. When his uncle quitted Azim-abad on his expedition to Bengal, he had been followed out of affection by several Zemindars of the province, for instance, by Radja Sunder-sing, the Brahman Zemindar of the District of Mog, and by the two Zemindars of Turhut-semái, who were originally of the Bety clan, and had lately become converts to Mussulmanism. All these, after performing their part in the expedition, now returned to their home, loaded with favours, and rich presents in jewels, horses, and elephants; but so soon as they were arrived, they were taken in the Governor’s service, where they became objects of his favour and attention, in proportion to the services they had rendered his uncle. And indeed gratitude, as well as a civility without bounds, seemed to be hereditary virtues in that family. For although both the uncle and the nephew had been suddenly raised to the summit of power and honours, they possessed this last qualification, as well as that of benevolence to so high a degree, that not one of the noblemen, their contemporaries, and not one of the middling sovereigns of those times can be compared to them. A complete remembrance of every one’s service, and a sincere regard to every one’s merits, formed a leading feature in their character; nor do I remember to have seen, or to have heard, that they had been equalled by any one in my time, or by any one that I could hear mentioned of former times. This young Governor in particular was fond of shewig his gratitude; and as his mother and the poor man’s mother were daughters of the same maternal uncle, and my mother in some fits of tenderness had often given him of her milk, he made it a point to shew his remembrance of that favour, by shewing me, the poorman, so much regard and attention, as hardly could have been expected from an affectionate real brother. In the middle of so much pomp and power, he was pleased to remember of it, so far, as to associate the poor man’s whole family Valuable character of the members of Aaly-verdy-qhan’s family. in the cares of Government, i.e., in easing the husbandman’s burthens, rendering justice attentively, and in obliging every one according to his rank. My father, his two brothers, the poor man’s unworthy self, and all our relations, partook of his attention and power, and were we or any other, as historian, to launch out in the laudable qualifications, which nature had bestowed on Aaly-verdy-qhan, and his three grandsons and nephews, or to hint at the many encomiums which they so richly deserve, our mention would swell into the size of a book, and our sincerity, although so well grounded, would incur suspicion, or be ascribed to interested motives. We shall, therefore, leave the reader to make his own mind on that subject, by kindly attending to our narrative of the principal events of their administration.

We have left Aaly-verdy-qhan, conqueror of the Oressa, but anxious to return to his capital, and leaving in his new conquest, a young, unexperienced grandson and nephew, to whom he thought he had formed a council of administration. Strange to say, the young Governor listened to counsels of parsimony and frugality. He undertook to diminish the pay of the troops, and to curtail the salaries and emoluments of all those that had been left near his person, on purpose to insure his personal security, and the welfare of his Government. But such schemes of parsimony could find no favour, and even no acquiescence, with men who had quitted their friends and homes, in hopes of bettering their fortunes, and thought themselves entitled to more regard, as being ancient servants of the family. On the other hand, the natives of the new conquered province, who offered their services in their stead, could not but relish a scheme that added a salary from Government to all the conveniencies of living at home. No wonder after that, if most of the officers and soldiers, that had come over with the young Governor’s uncle, and had been left with him, quitted the service one after another, and saw their places successively filled by people living in the province. To this error in politics was added another equally pernicious. A number of officers and commanders, who had made their fortunes with the dispossessed Governor, were suffered to remain in the city of Catec, where they lived quietly, but where they secretly cherished an attachment to their old master, and especially to Mirza-bakyr, his son-in-law; nor was the conduct of the young Prince in other respects calculated to diminish their disaffections. There came at that very time to Catec, a certain Fakir, or vagabond friar, called Shah Yahya, a man who having once been in the same school with the young Prince, at Shah-djehan-abad, had of course acquired an intimacy with him. This man after running all over the Decan, now made his appearance at Catec, where he soon became a favourite, and a bosom friend with his old acquaintance. This Fakir was far from being either a virtuous man or a good natured one, and as the young Governor was then in the fervour of youth, and surrounded by every allurement that could intoxicate with the fumes of power and sovereignty, he was the readier to catch the infection infused by his new favourite. This man instilled into his youthful mind certain notions of inventing accusations against rich men, as if guilty of concealing money or wealth belonging to the dispossessed Governor. Such accusations afforded pretences, not only for confining and ill-using their persons, but also for sending garrisons into their Enormous oppressions at Catec. houses, and carrying women from thence, for the pretended purpose of hearing confessions, and extracting inquiries. This manege went so far that a rich man was sure of being reputed to have an inimical hoard at home, and a woman, reported to have a beautiful face, or an elegant shape, or even a skin particularly satined, never failed to be sent for. The Fakir had, besides, a skill at ferreting out such beautiful women, wherever they could be heard of; and by such and the like arts, he ingratiated himself so deeply in his master’s favour, that his orders came to be universally obeyed. His house had become a tribunal of inquisition, where the business of scourging and torturing went on regularly. So that the cries of the oppressed reached the cupola of heaven. Matters went so far, that numbers of men of station and character, who after having once been concerned in the management of the old Governor’s finances, had been forgiven certain balances said to be due by them, were now taken to task, and obliged to pay those balances to the treasury of the new Government. So many violences excited a general indignation. The Government became detested, conspiracies were formed, and the citizens of the conquered capital, resolving to rid themselves of so much oppression, joined together unanimously; and one would have taken them to have had amongst themselves but one head, one tongue, one heart, and one arm. Nor was this union difficult, or the execution of such a project dangerous. By this time very few of the old servants had remained with the new Governor; even G8djur-qhan’s troops did not amount to above three hundred horsemen. His new servants had filled all the departments, and the few musqueteers and troops kept on foot, were mostly composed of natives, i.e., of old servants of M8rsh8d-c8ly-qhan’s; and to crown all that, both military and citizens were in their hearts idolising Mirza-bakyr’s character and person. The conspirators, therefore, found it no difficult matter to concert their measures, especially as the young Governor, who had Produce a strong conspiracy. already lived a whole year in the country without hearing of any commotions, thought himself perfectly secure. It was at this last moment of slumber that the heavens that seemed hitherto so serene, were overcast at once, and produced that storm which we are going to mention in detail.

Mirza-bakyr, refugied in Decan, had not given himself up to resignation and rest. Instigated by his own fiery temper, he was eternally instigating his father-in-law. The recovery of his Government, the conquest of Bengal, and a full retribution for Ser-efraz-qhan’s murder, were points dear to his heart, and objects on which he was continually brooding. But M8rsh8d-c8ly-qhan, more experienced, and more mistrustful of the times, did not think either his own power, or even his talents, equal to such mighty schemes; and wrapping his feet within the quilt of resignation, he disapproved of all those ambitious views. The young man repulsed here, resolved to try his fortune on his own private account, and he exerted himself with so much skill as well as warmth, that he found means to attach to his cause a number of persons of all sorts in those southern countries, and even to establish a regular correspondence between himself and the city of Catec. As there were several Zemindaries and several Lordships, that bordered on the Oressa, he came and settled in those parts; and he found means to ingratiate himself so well with the courtiers, merchants, bankers, and commanders of those frontiers, that he was daily informed of what was going on at Catec. Finding that both the military corps, as well as all the departments of the State, and even the young Prince’s household, were composed mostly of natives, he established a regular correspondence with them, and by their means soon found out how much the new Government was detested, and how much the old one, and his own person, were regretted. All these matters having been thoroughly investigated, and all the concerned ones having been confirmed in their views by promises and a variety of incentives, he one day informed them, that the business in question would never be brought to perfection, unless a way was found to fall upon G8djur-qhan and his troops; or they contrived some other method to rid themselves of them, by rising suddenly upon them, as well as upon some others that were not of their mind. The hint was approved, and one day they raised a sedition. The people assembled everywhere, crying against oppression. The tumult grew considerable, and the new Governor being awakened from his lethargy, sent G8djur-qhan, with orders to inquire into the subject, and to appease the tumult by fair words if possible. But the tumult had risen to a height; cries were heard in every street, and the sedition blazing out in every place, seemed to threaten a revolution. It was too late to think of remedying such evils. A general detestation of tyranny, with an indignation, universal, had pervaded all ranks, and this, nothing could equal, but the universal desire of returning to their old masters, and of having again Mirza-bakyr. Among the conspirators, none cut so capital a figure, as that same Sheh-morad, who had saved M8rsh8d-c8ly-qhan’s family at the very nick of time. From a simple equery to Ser-efraz-qhan, he had worked himself into so much consideration all over the country, that he was now one of the most considerable men in the province, and he headed a party very inimical to the new Government. In short, Heaven itself seemed to favourise the revolution, and this seemed to have been deferred only by one day. For the next morning, as G8djur-qhan was going to the Governor’s palace, with his ordinary retinue, he was set upon by the seditious, and torn to pieces in the middle of a street. In an instant, the seditious spread a rumour thoughout the city that Mirza-bakyr was in town. By this time the sedition became general, and proper persons having been dispatched to that young nobleman, who had been always upon the wing, and who possibly was even within the province, he soon made his appearance in the outskirts of the city. From thence he sent word to his confederates, that as the gates were in the possession of some old soldiers of the enemy’s, they must manage so, as to frighten them into a surrender of the keys; or, if possible, so as to gain them to their party, as this would prove conducive to the scheme of seizing Sëyd-ahmed-qhan’s person. Instantly the citizens, and the people about this young man, who were all of the complot, sent word to the few musqueteers that held the gates for him, “That if they set them open directly, quarter would be given them; else, if they waited until Mirza-bakyr should force them open, then they might depend upon receiving the treatment they deserved.” The poor people, sensible of their small number, and intimidated by the threats of the multitude that surrounded them, paid no attention to the entreaties and promises of their young master, and they opened the gates; after which most of them mixed with the insurgents. Mirza-bakyr, who was at hand, and very active in his motions, immediately entered the city; and going to the palace, he seized and confined Sëyd-ahmed-qhan. After which Mirza-bakyr seizes the new Governor. he sat on the latter’s Mesned, received the respects of the principal men of the city, ordered his prisoner to be close confined to his apartment, and then took possession of his treasures and furniture. He likewise sent the prisoner’s consort, children and family into confinement at the fortress of Bara-baty. Some time before the revolution, notice had been taken of the alteration in the countenance of the new troops, as well as of Mirza-bakyr’s approach; and the whole, as well as G8djur-qhan’s death, had been imparted to Aaly-verdy-qhan, who on the first intelligence received, had quitted the city and encamped in the outskirts; from whence he was going to depart in haste, with what troops were at hand, in order to support his nephew, when a rumour spread that he was a prisoner; and this intelligence being confirmed by spies, it made him suspend his departure. He had doubts in his mind, and could not understand how such a mighty revolution could have been compassed without its being secretly supported by Nizam-el-mulk, Viceroy of Decan, who possibly might be still at the bottom of this affair. Such an interference rendered the matter of the utmost consequence, and required to be maturely weighed, and vigorously provided against. Being, therefore, uncertain in his own mind, he held consultations with his Ministers of State, and his principal relations, amongst which last the young Governor’s mother held a very high rank in Aaly-verdy-qhan’s opinion, who paid her as much respect as if she had been his own mother. The young man was the most beloved of her three sons, and had engrossed her affections so far, that she had totally set her heart upon him. The Princess being joined by her husband, Hadji Ahmed, spoke much of the revolution, exaggerated its consequence, and at last she entreated the Viceroy to leave the Government of Oressa to Mirza-bakyr, as a compensation for his releasing his prisoner, with his whole family; and they both contended that this was the best party. Aaly-verdy-qhan was by no means of such an opinion. He firmly believed, that to yield to Mirza-bakyr would affect his honour, and shake the columns of his power and administration; and on the other hand, Mustapha-qhan who was his principal Commander, and a man strongly attached to him, was of the same opinion, and urged him to come forth, and to avenge his cause by main force, and with sabre in hand. Aaly-verdy-qhan having taken some days to perpend the matter in his own mind, preferred war to peace, and gave his orders accordingly.

As there was a suspicion that Mirza-bakyr was underhand supported by Nizam-el-mulk, and the releasing the young Governor was thought a difficult object, which enhanced the importance of the expedition, the greatest efforts were made in raising and assembling troops, and in providing stores. The Viceroy enjoined to his ancient Commanders to assemble such corps as were at hand, without waiting for those new troops that might be forthcoming, in hopes of getting service; as they might join by the way. Accordingly, Mustapha-qhan was ordered to augment his brigade to five thousand horse, Shimshir-qhan to three thousand, Serdar-qhan to two thousand, Umer-qhan to three, Ataollah-qhan to two, Haïder-c8ly-qhan, Fakir-ollah-beg-qhan, and Mir-djaaffer-qhan, to a thousand each, Mir-sherf-eddin, and Shah-mahmed-maas8m to five hundred each, and Amanet-qhan, of Narnöul, to a thousand and five hundred, Mir-cazem-qhan to two hundred, and Bahadyr-aaly-qhan, Inspector of the heavy artillery, to five hundred. Fateh-räo the Paymaster, and Chehidun, with some other Gentoo officers, were ordered to raise fifty thousand musqueteers. All these preparatives being made, Aaly-verdy-qhan took his leave of his brother, Hadji Ahmed, as well as of his consort. He seemed deeply affected, and at parting he was heard to say: That if he ever returned at all from that expedition, it would be with their son; else, he would never shew them his face again. He left his eldest nephew, Nevazish-mahmed-qhan, in the city at the head of five thousand horse and ten thousand foot, with orders to take care of the Government in his absence; and after having spied a favourable moment in the stars, he departed at the head of twenty thousand horse, old troops, and Aaly-verdy-qhan marches into Oressa. he advanced by continual marches, dragging along his light and heavy artillery. On approaching the frontier, he published that he would give One Lac of Rupees to whosover would rescue his nephew, and bring him to camp, and if it should happen to be a Commander of a corps, he would, over and above that sum, present each of his men, with two months’ pay. Such mighty preparatives could not long remain concealed from Mirza-bakyr. The enemy’s superior power had intimidated him; he seemed to have abated much of confidence, and was at a loss how to manage. However, as he was now thoroughly embarked in the enterprise, he resolved to stand it out. For this purpose, he drew out of the city of Catec what forces he could muster, and choosing a post beyond the Maha-nudda, at a small distance from the city, he intrenched himself there with his back to the river, whilst his front was surrounded by his lines and defended by small and large artillery. His camp and baggage he left at about three or four cosses behind, together with his prisoner. The latter was in a Rutt, or four-wheeled carriage, covered all over with a white cloth, which was surmounted by a network of strong cord, that embraced the whole coach. Two T8ranian Moghuls were placed with the prisoner within the coach, with orders to fall upon him with their poniards, and put him to death, the moment they should see any of the enemy’s troops at hand. Five hundred Decanian troopers were likewise placed round the coach, with orders, the moment they should see the enemy draw near, to run each his spear through the coach, and then make the best of his way to their main, if they could; else, they were to provide for their own safety, in what manner soever they should think fit. Aaly-verdy-qhan being informed of all these particulars, set apart some trusty officers and troops with orders, the moment they should perceive a fluctuation and a disorder in the enemy’s ranks, to run full speed, wheel round their rear, and fall upon that part of the camp where they would spy the white coach; after which it would become easy to rescue the prisoner. Having said so much, he set out himself after midnight, and by the dawn of the day, he found himself close to the enemy’s intrenchment. This sight surprised the intrenched troops, and their spirits were daunted at the enemy’s numbers and military array. The dismay was so great, that hardly a few cannon-balls and rockets had been sent amongst them, than they fell into confusion, and thought only of saving themselves. The enemy emboldened by this trepidation, rushed into the river, attacked the intrenchment by its rear (and this was covered only by the stream) and broke into it in shoals. The intrenched troops daunted at so much daringness, thought only of retreating and flying. Bakyr-aaly-qhan defeated. By this time Mustapha-qhan and Mir-djaaffer-qhan, who had been appointed for rescuing the prisoner, had already advanced on the rear of the enemy, and were now at half an hour’s distance from the wished for spot. But here Mahmed-aamir-qhan, brother of Mir-djaaffer-qhan’s consort, parted company with them, and with two officers, called Assalet-qhan and Dilir-qhan, both sons to Omer-qhan, and a few others, who to the number of ten men, resolved to share his danger, he advanced some hundred paces before the rest; and he was the very first who broke into the enemy’s camp in search of the white coach. This was pointed out to him by a young man, whom he found there, and who happened to be son to a person in the prisoner’s service; and to that part this daring troop turned directly. This was no sooner observed by the five hundred Marhatta troopers, than they came close to the coach, and each of them ran his spear through, and turning about, put spurs to his horse immediately and fled with all his might. These numerous spears run through the coach, had no other effect, than that of killing one of the two Moghuls, who were sitting with the prisoner, with orders to dispatch him, and wounding the other. The wounded man seeing no end to the repeated strokes, and finding that spears were endlessly run through the coach, stretched himself at whole length, and covered his body with the corpse of his companion. By one of those good lucks, for which there is no accounting, it happened that the prisoner himself squatted likewise as low as he could, and received no harm at all. At this critical moment those twelve heroes arrived, and cutting through the network, they lifted up the curtain, and were immediately recollected by the prisoner, who thanked them for their timely interposition, and loaded them with encomiums. Mahmed-aamin-qhan, who thought the moment precious, jumped down from his horse, and taking the prisoner by the hand, he bid him mount instantly; but whilst they were exchanging a few words, with their backs turned, the wounded The young Prince,against all probability, is found alive and safe. Moghul jumped out at the opposite door, and nimbly vaulting upon the horse, he fled with the rapidity of lightning, and soon had joined the Marhattas, leaving the twelve men much surprised and confounded at the man’s alertness. The surprise was followed by a peel of laughter, and even by the sense of admiration, at the man’s presence of mind. However, as another horse was wanting, Dilir-qhan alighted, and made the prisoner mount; and as the Bengal detachment was now in sight, Mir-djaaffer pushed forward, and having been reconnoitred by Mahmed-aamin-qhan and his troops, they felicitated him on the recovery of his kinsman, and brought him to the coach. That General no sooner fixed the prisoner, than he alighted instantly, made the prisoner mount on the elephant, and mounted himself behind to protect his person. It was thus that by a singular dispensation of Providence, a youth devoted to death long ago, and which waited only for the fatal stroke, is the next hour seated on an elephant, carried in pomp and ceremony, viewed with awe and admiration, and held up as a Lord over mankind. People who came to hear of so strange a delivery, thronged in shoals to have only a sight of him; and as soon as they could descry him from afar, they would incline their heads to the ground in token of respect, and kiss their thumbs to express their wonder and attachment. Admirable are Thine ways, Oh Almighty Lord, owner of all the kingdoms on earth!^\(10\) He bestows dominion on whom He pleases, takes it from whom He pleases, raises to honour whom He chooses, and depresses to the ground whom He chooses. Every one is in His hand, and truly His power is capable of everything. Instantly some swift horsemen were dispatched to Aaly-verdy-qhan with the tidings that his beloved grandson was safe, and the young man making his appearance a few moments after, alighted and made a profound bow to his grandfather and uncle. The Viceroy, on his drawing nearer, drew him to his bosom, embraced him tenderly but in silence, and he filled brimful the measure of his wishes, by keeping the youth for some minutes close to his breast; after which giving reins to his satisfaction, he ordered his tent to be pitched on that very spot, commanded the military music to strike up, and sent the young Prince to the bath, where he was to be dressed in a clean apparel. As soon as he saw him come out of that place, he got him dressed in a Princely Qhylaat, and after adorning his person with a variety of jewels of immense value, such as a Serpich, a Djica, a Calghi, and a Chaplet of large pearls, he took him by the hand, conducted him to the Mesned of command and dominion, made him sit thereon, and ordered the principal persons of his Court and army to offer him their Nuzurs, and to pay him their homages. This ceremony having produced a large sum of money, the whole of it was distributed to a number of needy persons, who were requested to look upon it as a charity of good omen; and as soon as they were retired, some accommodations and carpets were spread for those present, and all joined in offering up a thanksgiving prayer for so signal a delivery. Immediately a number of carriages were dispatched under a strong escort to Bara-bati, for bringing from thence the young Prince’s consort, with his children and family; but this, however, could not be effected without much difficulty. The garrison left in that fortress by Mirza-bakyr, was divided in two parties. Those that had ill used, and even insulted their ptisoners, and feared a return in kind from the conquerors, were for keeping their gates shut up; those, on the contrary, who had used them kindly, were for setting them open, in hopes of being rewarded on both accounts. This party, however, prevailed at last; the gates were set open, and the prisoners delivered to the escort. These were the young Prince’s consort, with his family and dependants; and these being put upon veiled carriages, were brought to the camp of the victorious, where a set of convenable tents had been pitched within an enclosure for their use; and it was then that those parched hearts, that had wandered so long in the dreary desert of absence, and sobbed in the wilderness of separation, now quenched their thirst by gulping down in long draughts the cooling sherbet of a completion of wishes. A few days after, the Viceroy presented his nephew with such articles as he stood in need of, and were necessary to a person of his exalted rank, such as elephants and horses, arms and accoutrements, saddles and trappings, a wardrobe, complete, a set of jewels of various sorts, and a great number of other conveniencies; and when he saw him convenably equipped, he dismissed him with a deal of distinction, wishing him a happy journey to M8rsh8d-abad, where he was to pay his respects to his parents, to overwhelm their hearts with a flood of joy, and above all, to rescue from the pangs of separation and the agonies of deep-felt woe, a disconsolate mother who since his captivity had abstained from the light of the day, and had reckoned herself as one in the grave. The unfortunate Princess did not know as yet, that Providence, in compassion to her sufferings, had by ways of his own, brought about an opportunity of lighting the taper of content and joy to the wick of his long-wished arrival, and to illuminate by the beams of his presence, that night of darkness that had surrounded her existence. As soon as the young Prince was departed, he was followed by part of the army and by the Viceroy’s heavy baggage, who thought proper to tarry in the country with a body of five thousand horse, and his best officers; his intention being to see the country entirely quieted, and its revenues and finances upon a proper footing. As soon as this end was obtained, he conferred the Lieutenancy of the country on an officer of distinction, called Moqhless-aaly-qhan, whom he appointed Deputy to the young Prince, gave him a body of troops, and took his departure for Bengal. However, a few days after, he altered his mind, and on the recommendation of Mustapha-qhan, an Afghan General, for whom he had the highest regard, he recalled the Deputy of his own nomination, and gave his office to Sheh-mahmed-maas8m of Panip8t, a friend of the Viceroy’s and a Commander of eminence, who bore a great character for both valour and conduct. The new Deputy-Governor followed for some days the Viceroy in his journey to receive his instructions, and also his Qhylaat of investiture; and as soon as this end was accomplished, he returned to Catec with such a body of veteran troops, as were thought adequate to his exigencies. The Viceroy,after having dismissed this Commander with distinction and honour, continued his journey, shortening his distance every day. He had with him his consort, with his grandson and nephew, Mirza-mehmed, since Seradj-ed-döula; and he turned his journey into a continual sporting, shooting and hunting, being exceedingly fond of that amusement.

Whilst Aaly-verdy-qhan was occupied in conquering the Oressa, and in rescuing his grandson and nephew from the bonds of captivity, Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, his other grandson and nephew, Viceroy of Azim-abad, was undertaking an expedition against those restless refractory inhabitants of the Bodjp8r, in the province of Shah-abad, where Radja Gorut-sing, and Bab8-advent-sing, two powerful Zemindars or Princes, had been committing this longwhile the most enormous excesses, acting entirely, as if they had been independent. So much guilt, and so much contempt of authority deserved to be chastised in an examplary manner. But as my honoured father, the illustrious and valiant Hedaïet-aaly-qhan, had great possessions in that country, and these as well as his high character, added to the authority which always attends a command of long standing, had given him a victorious sway in that province, it was expected that he would not fail to cut an eminent figure in that expedition. But it was for these very advantages he had become an eyesore to Chintamen-das, ancient Divan and servant of the young Viceroy, a Gentoo, whose pride was wounded besides by the high influence which that nobleman had likewise acquired over the whole army as well as over the young Viceroy, in virtue of his office of Paymaster-General (Major-General) of the forces. So many advantages, and so much lustre in a single man, was that the cankered heart of the Gentoo could not bear, and he made use of his ascendant over his master’s mind, to thwart my father’s views of illustration and fame, and to bring him under the lash of some well-managed mortification. As he had his master’s ear at command, he gave him to understand “That Sëyd-hedaïet-aaly-qhan was so much respected by all the Zemindars of that country, and likewise so much considered by his master, that these people had very naturally turned the eye of hope towards that nobleman; and that the latter having from a length of time connections with them, he would to all appearance become a powerful intercessor in their behalf, so soon as he should see them in some danger; in which case His Highness would find that, after spending a deal of money, and undergoing much bodily labour, in a campaign likely to be very fatiguing, he would be obliged to grant those people a full pardon, and to reinstate them in their possessions, without reaping any other fruit from all his toiling but a few concessions on their part, and some barren submissions. That such would prove the end of his campaign, no man in his senses would deny, who knew that how ready soever Zemindars might be to shake the yoke and to assume an independence on the slightest, it was a standing rule with them to submit on the slightest reverse which they experienced, and to spend rather immense sums to procure a protector, than to pay to their master a small sum as his due. It is then expedient,” added he, “that Hedaïet-aaly-qhan, who certainly shall interfere, were it but to raise his character, and to whose solicitations you shall not be willing to resist, should take his residence at some greater distance from you; and this you may easily compass, by making use of soft expressions.” Such insinuations operated their full effect on the young Viceroy’s mind, and as he had already thoughts of sending that nobleman into the country of Narhut-semái, to accustom those people to order, and to insure the revenue, he requested his repairing thither as soon as possible; and he invested him for that purpose with full command. He added, “That as his mind was not easy on those districts, as well as that of Mug, where Radja Sunder-sing, a powerful Zemindar, was possessed of a great extent of ground at the foot of the hills, and had but too many connections with the powers on the other side of that chain, he wished to have there a person of character and abilities, accustomed to manage Zemindars. That he requested, therefore, his repairing to that command immediately, and his keeping a watchful eye on that spot, as this would prove the only expedient for easing his mind, and letting him depart satisfied on his own expedition about Shah-abad and Rhotass. But that as on the other hand, his absence would cause many inconveniencies to him, he had contrived to lessen them, by requesting that meanwhile his younger brother, Mehdi-nessar-qhan, might exercise, as Deputy to his elder, his office of Paymaster-General of the army.” Such a speech from a master and Lord implied a full command, and Hedaïet-aaly-qhan, although fully apprised from whence came the shaft, smiled consent, and appointed his younger brother to act as his Deputy in his absence; after which he departed to the spot allotted to his care. Meanwhile the Governor having set out on his expedition with a good army and a train of artillery, soon found means to humble entirely the refractory Zemindars of that country, who really deserved all the ruin that befell them. Few of the merchants of that district, few of its inhabitants, had not felt their exactions, and hardly any traveller could venture to pass through their lands, without being stripped, and in case of resistance, murdered. It would require a volume to enumerate the many violences, and the many extortions they were perpetually putting in practice against all mankind. At last after two Successful expedition of the young Viceroy of Azim-abad, against the Zemindars of Shah-abad. engagements, that cost much blood, and two sieges that consumed much time, the refractory Zemindars were driven from their strongholds, their castles and habitations were destroyed, and the country was freed from their incursions and eternal violences. The young Viceroy having rid himself of these troublesome oppressors, turned his views towards quieting the country, tranquillising the minds of the husbandmen, establishing a revenue, and resuscitating the finances.

These had been this longwhile entirely governed by an officer of consequence, called Roshen-qhan-terahi, an Afghan, who bore a character amongst his countrymen for valour and conduct, and had acquired a great renown in the contiguous provinces of Ilah-abad and Azim-abad, where he had great connections with all their Zemindars, being a complete master of the art of always seeming to be of their opinion, and of uniting with them, whenever he could not subdue them by main force. This man had objections to the extirpation of the Zemindars of Shah-abad on his own private account, and he thought it inexpedient besides, and dangerous, if not impossible, as to their unbounded influence in their own extensive possessions, they joined connections of long-standing with the independent Zemindars and Princes on the other side of the mountainous country. He, therefore, made several visits to the young Viceroy, to whom he urged strong representations on the subject. He enlarged upon the many inconveniencies that would attend the expedition, or necessarily result from it, and made it a request that a full pardon should be granted them, and that they might be reinstated in their principalities. The request was not of a nature to be suddenly granted, the more so, as meanwhile letters and messages were perpetually passing and repassing between the Zemindars and him. But independently of that, his requests were urged with so much forwardness, and uttered with such a tone of voice, as could not but give offence to a young man naturally haughty and imperious, both from actual possession of power, and from a consciousness of adequate abilities. His displeasure becoming the more sensible, as the representations became more importunate, his sense of them was soon perceived by some others who took care to envenom matters. One day the dialogue between the Viceroy and the Afghan becoming much warmer than usual, the Afghan who looked only on the Viceroy’s years, without stretching his apprehension further, made use of such expressions as the other neither could nor would bear. The man, accustomed to live in the country, had the rustic boldness to express himself in these very terms: You are yet a child, and have not seen the world; nor have you any idea of the revolutions so common in it; nor do you yet know of all the difference between day and night. Believe me, listen to my requests to-day; else, a time may come when you shall wish to have done it. Such expressions, delivered with so much rusticity and freedom, could not but shock the Viceroy; his very independence took the alarm, and he resolved to make an example of that ferocious insolent man. For that purpose, he made use of an officer who had always commanded with honour, and this was Mir-codret-ollah, son to Shah-shukur-ollah, the Cadyri Fakir; and to him he joined another resolute man, Hassen-beg, who had been Governor of the Castle of Mongher. The opportunity soon presented Roshen-qhan, an Afghan of importance, murdered. itself. The Afghan having come in the evening to pay his court to the Viceroy, and waiting with some impatience the moment of his appearing in the tent of audience, he was suddenly set upon by those two men, who dispatched him in an instant. He was become so very corpulent that he could not get up from his seat, but was overthrown at once; and it was in that situation he plunged at one dip into endless eternity.

It was in that expedition that the Viceroy, after exhibiting himself proofs of valour and conduct, thought proper to remember my paternal uncle, Mehdi-nessar-qhan, who had rendered considerable services in it, and had so much recommended himself to his notice that, with the consent of my father, he was invested with the high office of Paymaster-General of the forces. Not content with giving him that investiture, with the usual ceremonies of a Qhylaat, or dress of honour, an elephant, a sabre, a horse, and some other presents, he took care to distinguish him by the richness and elegance of the dress, to which he added, in Admirable character of Mehdi-nassar-qhan. full audience, a request to live with him as his friend, and to be of his family. The offer was received with becoming respect, and he was henceforward treated with a consideration which soon distinguished him from all his friends. And indeed, he richly deserved that distinction, and should we attempt to dwell on the encomiums due to that honoured uncle of mine, we would swell this work by a whole section, and our attention, meanwhile, might incur the reproach of a family partiality, or of some other interested motives. Although a resolute soldier, he was remarkable for the modesty of his deportment, and although little inclined to ask a favour, he made it a point to support not only his friends, but also his countrymen and relations, for whom he always approved himself equally grateful and zealous. Nothing could equal his generosity and munificence, but his readiness to do a good office, unasked. On the other hand, the purity of his private life, and the decency of his public conduct, as well as his fidelity to his word, and his liberality to his friends, could be equalled by nothing but his bravery and his military talents. To so many endearing qualifications, he added a facility of utterance, and a flow of elegant expression which commanded attention and captivated every heart; and although remarkably alive on the point of honour in his public conduct, in his private life he was as remarkable for patience and forbearance. May God Almighty’s mercy and forgiveness repose upon him for ever!

We have left my honoured father employed in subduing the Princes of the hilly country. As he sought to raise his character and to acquire a renown, the Radja of Ramgur became, of course, the object of his attention. This Radja was the most powerful Gentoo Zemindar of the hills, and so considerable and warlike, that the Viceroys of the province had hardly any control over him. He was joined in that design by Radja Sunder-sing, and by Radja Djái-kishen-ray, both Zemindars of the Palamow country, as well as by some other Zemindars of Seress-cotombah and Shirgáoti. My father, supported by such a confederacy, laid siege to the fortress of Ramgur, and at last took it. After which he advanced some journeys more into the hilly country, and after having settled it, he was taking some rest from the fatigues of that expedition, when on a sudden, intelligence was brought by some trusty persons, that Ragodji-bhosla-pandet^\(11\) had sent his own Pardhan at the head of forty thousand horse to conquer Bengal, and that in a few days they would pass close to him through the hills in their way to that country. This intelligence, such as it seemed to be, was with a scrupulous exactitude transmitted to the Governor-General of Bahar, who forwarded it with letters of his own to Aaly-verdy-qhan. This Prince not trusting the intelligencer, paid little attention to the letter, and he answered his nephew, by desiring him to be easy in his mind, and to apply himself to his business; adding, that whenever the Marhattas The Marhattas invade Bengal. should make their appearance, care would be taken to give them a good reception. This answer of the Viceroy’s having been forwarded to my forgiven father, he held consultations with his friends, as the forces he had with him were by no means equal to the task of barring the passage to such invaders. They all advised him to quit the hilly country, and he accordingly descended and encamped at the foot of that chain. In a few days the Marhattas rushed through it, and turning towards Pacháet and Mohor-bendj, they fell upon the Midnip8r country, before any intelligence had reached Bengal of their approach. The Viceroy at that time was advancing towards M8rsh8d-abad with about five or six thousand men, spending his time in hunting, sporting, and seeing the country; and he had reached that day an excellent spot near Midnip8r, when one of the Crown-collectors of those parts, a man of trust and much sense, having requested to be introduced, gave him notice, “That the Marhattas were not at twenty cosses from thence; that Baha-sukur-pandet, at the head of forty thousand horse, was advancing rapidly; and than to-morrow in the evening, or the day after at day-break, he would probably be at the very spot.” He added, “that the intelligence being so important, he had quitted his post to bring it himself.” The Viceroy happened to be then at his noon prayers. Without being intimidated by the smallness of his own numbers, without betraying the least trepidation, without seeming to be much affected, he was heard to answer the intelligencer by these very words: “Where are those infidels and where is the spot where I could not chastise them?” This singular circumstance of the Viceroy’s intrepidity is what I hold from the very man who gave the information, and who even then could not help expressing his amazement at so undismayed a coolness; and he used to add, that he could not discover in his looks the least perturbation, nor the least alteration in his complexion or features: an instance of fearlessness, that even then excited his amazement after so much lapse of time. The particulars of this invasion are as follows:—Ragodji-bhosla was a Prince nearly related to the Radja Sah8, and one of the most renowned Commanders in the Marhatta Empire, where he possessed the country of Barar, of which the Great-Naigp8r is the capital. This Prince either instigated by Nizam-el-mulk, or prompted by what he knew of the weakness of the Empire, undertook to make an irruption into the kingdom of Bengal. His views were either to make a conquest of it, or at least to establish in it contributions to the full amount of the Chöut, i.e., one-quarter of the revenues, an odious yoke that had become established in many countries of Hindostan and Decan, but from which Bengal had yet remained entirely free. For this purpose he made choice of his own Prime Minister, Bhasukur-pandet, and gave him the command of an army of twenty-five thousand horse, which renommee had swelled to forty-thousand; and that army had passed with ease through the mountainous country and difficult passes, which like so many gates, shut up the entrance of Bengal, but where, as we have already observed, no body had thought of opposing their passage. For this General having been disappointed in looking out for a convenient passage through the mountains of Oressa, had turned to his left, and sought one through those valleys that stretch at eight days’ journey to the west of M8rsh8d-abad. This intelligence was brought to Aaly-verdy-qhan, whilst he was encamped at about Sahcra, being close to a spot called the fortunate stage, and there he was told for certain that the Marhattas had already passed through the valleys of Pacháet, and were going to fall on the Bardevan. It was difficult to be more unprovided than he was against so unexpected an irruption. As he had already given orders for disbanding part of his army, and great part of the disbanded forces as well as many other troops were gone to M8rsh8d-abad on the assurance that the expedition was at an end, and that all was peace, it happened that at the moment the intelligence was ascertained, he was found to have no more than three or four thousand horse, and about five thousand musqueteers about his person. Instantly he took the resolution of advancing into the Bardevan, a country, for populousness and plenty of provisions, superior to most in Bengal; his intention being to encamp with his back to this capital, and his front to the enemies. Full of this notion, he quitted the Mubarec-menzil, or the fortunate stage, and the second day he arrived on this side of the city of Bardevan, whilst the Marhattas were arrived on the other, to which they set fire directly, so that the greatest part of it was consumed. Here some skirmishes happened between the two armies and each party in the evening returned to its camp. Bha-sukur finding by the countenance of the enemy, and by the daringness of their General, that he had not been misinformed as to the bravery of his troops, and the personal conduct and valour of their Lord, he conceived that it would be better to get something from him without fighting, than to put everything to the hazard of a battle; and he had thoughts of returning back to his country after having secured his honour by that contribution. He therefore sent the enemy word, “That as the Marhattas had come from afar, and were fatigued and jaded with their long marches, they would be glad to return to their own country, if he would but present them with so much as ten lacs, which small sum would be just enough to entertain them as his guests.” This proposal was far from producing the desired effect. The Viceroy found his honour wounded by it, and it shocked Mustapha-qhan likewise, who was always for fighting and killing, as the only way in which he knew how to support a character, and the only one which could raise the importance of the military in general, and his own in particular. Aaly-verdy-qhan resolves to fight the Marhattas. The Viceroy conscious of personal abilities and valour, and instigated also by his General, rejected the proposal with disdain, and he bid the enemy advance, if they dared. This answer having animated both parties, both parties for some days fell a skirmishing; but as such small engagements did not suit Aaly-verdy-qhan’s temper or interests, he resolved to leave his baggage, such as carts, wheel carriages, large tents and other such articles, in his camp, and with his troops thus disencumbered to rush upon the Marhatta horse and try what they could do in a day of battle. At day-break he mounted, after having published under severe penalties, that no one of the camp-followers or of the baggagemen should presume to mingle with the troops on their march; but his injunctions availed nothing, and hardly were the troops marched, when the camp-followers, afraid of the enemy, flung themselves amongst the troops and encumbered them exceedingly. This was the opportunity which the enemy wished. In an instant the Marhattas made their appearance on all sides and attacked everywhere; but the Bengal army standing then ground, the business of killing and wounding went on briskly, and brave actions were performed on both sides. In this conflict Musaheb-qhan, eldest son to Umer-qhan, was surrounded and slain. This was a young man who joined to the bravery of his family, an heroical prowess of his own. He was already an officer of renown and character, and wanted to signalise himself in that trying day but having advanced too far through the thickest of the enemy, he succumbed under repeated wounds, and fell speechless, after having performed actions worthy of himself. Still the army was gaining ground on the enemy; when the day commencing to decline towards the evening, the Viceroy who conceived his rear to be Some of his Commanders lag behind. covered by Mustapha-qhan and Shimsher-qhan and Serdar-qhan, with their troops, observed with surprise that they lagged behind. As such a behaviour was so very different from their usual conduct, he concluded that they must be dissatisfied with him, and from that moment he suspected that the battle was going to put on a strange appearance; but as he was already far from his own camp, and still farther from the Marhatta main, and night was coming on, he perceived that he could not, for want of followers, either fall upon the enemy’s camp, nor indeed recover his own. Sensible of his impotence, but not dismayed, he stopped where he was, and it proved to be a bad spot, consisting of stiff clay, that had been rendered miry by a preceding rain; so that there was no fixing one’s foot anywhere, and unfortunately no conveniency was at hand, but three or four Palekies, and a small tent which was immediately pitched upon a higher plat of ground. It was at about six or seven cosses from Bardevan. That day the whole baggage with all the riches it contained, was seized and plundered by the Marhattas, who cut or wounded every one of the laggers; nor did any escape the massacre but such as found means to abscond in the neighbouring fields. As for the troops that remained yet with him, after the defection of the Afghans, they were surrounded in every direction by the Marhatta horse, who continued repeatedly their attacks until the dusk of the evening, at which time the two parties remained where they were. That night the people about the Viceroy were in such a confusion, and the cries of the distressed were so confused and afflicting, that these scenes seemed to give an image of the Day of Judgment. As for Mustapha-qhan, Shimshir-qhan, Serdar-qhan, and all the other Afghan Commanders, they seemed to herd together more than usual, had retired by themselves with downcast looks, and had shewn in these repeated engagements very little inclination to expose their persons or even to run any risk at all. The truth is, that they had several reasons for being discontented, and seemed evidently to hold councils amongst themselves. The principal of their subjects of discontent was this: That the levies made for the last two or three expeditions, had been disbanded as soon as the expedition, however short, had been over: an iniquitous practice that ruined many Commanders, discouraged every officer, and discontented the whole army. For it is observable that in the last expedition, which ended by delivering the Governor of Oressa from confinement, Mustapha-qhan had represented, “That His Highness had already more than once ordered new levies to be made under mighty promises, and so soon as the time of danger was over, had suddenly dismissed them again without the least regard to the wrong done to so many deserving officers, as well as to their men; and he added openly that as he spoke not only for himself, but also for others, he requested that at this time no infraction of agreement, nor breach of promise should take place.” Such a heavy complaint at the beginning of such a campaign had appeared ominous. Aaly-verdy-qhan had thought it expedient to stop their murmurs, and to regain Mustapha-qhan’s good will, as well as that of the others, by giving him his word that the subject of their complaint would not happen again; and nevertheless, so soon as the last expedition to Catec had been over, and the young Governor was rescued from his danger, all the new levies had been disbanded to a man: a proceeding which did not fail to break the hearts of the whole army, and highly discontented Mustapha-qhan and all the Afghans. Nor can it be denied, but that such a duplicity of behaviour, and such a glaring breach of promise, highly disparaged the Viceroy’s character, and shockingly tarnished the lustre of all his good qualities; nothing being uglier in a man of command, than to sophisticate his word, and nothing more dangerous in a Sovereign, than to let it transpire that there is no truth and no fidelity in his promises. An attachment to his word will at all times gain the hearts of his dependants and even of all mankind, will enforce his authority, and inspire the world with a respectful awe for his person. But this breach of promise in the Viceroy, odious as it was, was not the only grievance of which the Afghans had to complain; they also complained of the death of the Afghan Commander, Roshen-qhan, who for a very unadequate misdemeanour of his had been precipitately put to death by the young Viceroy of Azim-abad, although he was a military Commander of eminence, and a Fodjdar or military ruler of the province of Shah-abad, and of the whole country of Bodjp8r. So unjust, so hasty an execution had been resented by all the Afghans in the service, and the general cry had been, that it was an ugly action that needed no commentary. But as if all these subjects of discontent had not sufficiently operated on their minds, the Viceroy had added another of late, which gave general offence, and in particular sunk deep in Mustapha-qhan’s mind. It was this: As the army in its late expedition to Oressa was passing through the possessions of the Radja of Mohur bendj, it had been exceedingly harassed by that Prince, who had vowed a personal attachment to Mirza-bakyr, and seemed ambitious to give proofs of it at this particular conjuncture. He had even been guilty, they say, of some excesses. A conduct so characterised could not fail to render him an object of wrath for the Viceroy, who on his side, resolved to make an example of him on his return from the expedition. The Radja sensible now of his danger, had thrown himself into the arms of Mustapha-qhan, who interceded vigorously for him. But this intercession of his had been taken so ill, that it had even produced some very severe looks, with a severe reprimand. A few moments after an order was given to Mir-djaafer to dispatch the man, the moment he should make his appearance in the hall of the audience; for the Radja finding his application to the General had produced nothing but further tokens of wrath, had resolved to risk a visit on his own bottom; and he came without a safe conduct. But the hall being already taken possession of by Mir-djaafer-qhan, who filled it with armed men, the Gentoo no sooner made his appearance, than he was set upon instantly, and hacked to pieces; whilst all his attendants were sought out and knocked down, as if it had been a hunting match. After this execution, his country had been thoroughly plundered and sacked to the great regret of the General, who conceived his honour deeply wounded in this whole management. All these transactions having taken place a few days before the arrival of All the Afghans in the army inclined to a defection. the Marhattas had discontented not only the General himself, but every one of the Afghan Commanders, who as well as their soldiers, looked out for a favourable moment for quitting the service, nor did they make any secret of their intentions; so that the Viceroy was soon informed of it, and he now accounted for their backwardness in the late engagements. He was appalled and confounded by such a general air of defection at so dangerous a crisis. The General was not only his best friend, but also the boldest and most forward of his Commanders, and his personal influence over all his countrymen (which constituted one full half of his troops) was boundless. Such a general discontent was not of a nature to be remedied suddenly or with ease, and his situation was become so critical, that he was now pent up within a narrow circle from whence there was no coming out without being hacked to pieces by the enemy, and to which there was no coming near with anything like victuals or provisions. Become now fully sensible of the extreme danger of his situation, he resolved to leave no means untried for extricating himself, and, first of all, he sent underhand to the Marhatta camp an officer of character, called Mir-qhair-ollah-qhan, who was himself a Decani, or born in Decan, and now enjoyed the office of Paymaster to the Radja of Bardevan’s forces. He was entrusted, as from the Radja himself, with a message which advised the Marhatta General to give his preference to ways of pacification. This was Bha-sukur the Pandet, who had just plundered the whole baggage of the Bengal army, and of course knew all the extremities to which it must have been reduced. He received the message with much indifference, and he answered in these words:—Tell your master from me, that the Viceroy of Bengal is now stripped totally of his baggage, and totally surrounded by my troops; nor is there a possibility of his escaping. How then can you talk of a treaty and agreement? Still, as he is one of the greatest Sovereigns of India, I consent to spare him for the sake of his station. But let him pay down one corror directly, and surrender all his elephants; and then we shall open all our ranks, and allow him to pursue his journey to his capital. Such a message was highly disgraceful; but the Viceroy’s circumstances were full as critical. Out of about three thousand five hundred horse that remained to him from the last engagement, most of them, on finding to what extremities he was reduced, were inclined to desert to the enemy, or at least to come to some terms with him; and it was after receiving such an intelligence, that the enemy’s answer came to hand. It was in the presence of Djankiram, a man of merit, who kept the accounts of the army, figured amongst the trustiest and most zealous of the Viceroy’s friends, and acted as his Prime Minister. On observing the Viceroy’s silence, he took upon himself to speak first. He observed: “That the few men that remained to His Highness, were disheartened with their losses, and so surrounded by the enemy, that there was no possibility of any man’s escaping with life, or of anyone’s obtaining a single day’s subsistence; that the times required a compliance with the demands of the enemy; that elephants were no mighty objects in Bengal; that there were many better ones in His Highness’s offices at the capital, and as many more in the stables of his officers and servants; and after all, that there came yearly a whole herd of them from his own dominions. As to the coror of rupees, that the treasury could muster forty lacs instantly, and that he took upon himself to find the sixty others.” Aaly-verdy-qhan was highly shocked with the tenor of this advice. However, he contented himself with Aaly-verdy-qhan refuses toransom himself out of the hands of the Marhattas. answering: That so long as his soul should stick to his body, he would never submit to such an infamy, and that he still hoped with the handful of men, now under his command, to give a good account of those freebooters, and to retrieve the honour of his arms. And why should he pay so much money to his enemy, and strengthen his hands by such an access of power? Would it not be much better to bestow it on those that had accompanied him in that expedition, and had at all times been ready to shed their blood in his cause? Here he paused awhile, and then turning to the Minister, he added, I am glad, sir, to hear that you have so many lacs by you. Then set apart ten of them; for I intend to distribute every rupee of them to my faithful officers, and to the bravest of my soldiers. Having said this with a deal of composure, he dismissed the Minister.

By this time the day was quite spent, and a night pitchy dark, had overspread the ground; so that numbers of the camp-followers, especially those that had lost their all or their master, availed themselves of the darkness to mix with the Marhattas, and none remained but noblemen, officers, men of known faces, and soldiers of character; and as Mir-qhàir-ollah was passing from one army to another, and a report had spread of an approaching treaty, most of these also were looking out for an opportunity of making their private agreements. Amongst these was Mir-habib, a man of distinction, who being highly discontented with Aaly-verdy-qhan, had already commenced a connection with the enemy, and waited only for a favourable opportunity to desert. For about the close of the night, the Marhattas had pitched a pair of colours in a conspicuous part, as a sign of quarter and forgiveness; from whence they were calling out, that whoever wanted to be safe in his life and property, had only to repair to it. At sight of the colours, those that had not a spark of honour in their constitution, and were not ashamed of themselves, commenced under a variety of pretences, to steal off by whole bands; and this was enough to demolish the Viceroy without a single blow. Luckily that the Marhattas themselves provided against so general a desertion; for on observing that none of those deserters came, but with their hands full, they fell a plundering and a stipping them, and by such a proceeding effectually put a stop to any farther defection. The Viceroy finding it impossible to stop the torrent, or to contrive an expedient to retrieve his affairs, quitted his tent in the middle of the night; and without any attendant, or any taper-bearer, he took Seradj-eddöulah by the hand, and went on foot to Mustapha-qhan’s tent, where he desired him to get up, as he had something to tell him. The General, astonished at what he saw, and amazed at what he heard, got up in an instant, and going into one of the two recesses of his tent, he sat himself down, and asked what were his commands. The Viceroy answered: “Hear me, friend Mustapha-qhan. Nothing is dearer to man than his life; but my situation is such now, that the easiest and the foremost business I have to do, is to die. Needless it is for you, then, to contrive far-fetched expedients for the purpose of getting rid of me. Are you dissatisfied with my person on account of some matters that have come to pass? Here I am, ready at your hands with Seradj-eddöulah, who is dearer to me than my ownself. We are alone; dispatch us immediately. Do your business at one stroke, and rid yourself at once of all your incertitudes. But if some remembrance of a friendship of long standing, and some gratitude for benefits received, have yet a place in your heart, and you can afford to forgive some transgressions of mine, that are now past; if you are inclined to stand by me in this desperate moment, then renew your engagements with me, and do swear anew that you shall not forsake me: this being the only way to make me easy on that head, and to leave me at liberty to think of what is to be done with the Marhattas; as I am firmly resolved to leave nothing unattempted rather than to submit.” The General cofounded at the suddenness of the address, and moved by the importance of its purport, anwered: “That he could not speak alone on those heads, but must consult the other officers, his countrymen; and that then he would report their answer.” The Viceroy, without being disconcerted by so much coldness, answered: Then do; I have no objections. Upon which the General sent to Shimshir-qhan, to Serdar-qhan, and to the other Afghan Commanders, desiring their immediate attendance. As soon as they were assembled, he turned towards the Viceroy, and addressed him in these words: “Let your Highness say to these officers what you have just said to your soldier;” and this being complied with, the assembly heard in silence, but said not one word. Upon this the General addressing himself to them all, spoke in these very words: “Brethren, why do you not answer? Say what you have in your minds.” To this both Shimshir-qhan and Serdar-qhan, in the Aaly-verdy-qhan recovers the affection of the Afghans. name of all the others, answered: “That he, Mustapha-qhan, being their chief Commander, and the principal man of their nation, whatever he should answer, would be reputed their own answer.” Upon this the General said: “Friends, since you want to hear my particular sense of this scene, I shall tell you frankly, whatever I had hitherto in my mind, I have only had, and it is past. At present, my head, and life, and that of my family, and of whosoever belongs to me, I have thrown at the feet of that my master and cherisher, and so long as this head shall stick to this body, I have made a legacy and gift of it to Aaly-verdy-qhan, to his children, and to his family. Nay, so long as Mustapha-qhan is alive, he shall acknowledge that his head is made fast to the horse-shoe of the least of His Highness’s slaves,^\(12\) I tell you so myself. But our case is not desperate; nor need you, my friends, to be informed anew of that adage so well known amongst us: that if forty sabres should come to agree together, they might bestow a kingdom. We are still more than three thousand horse, and of course, we can fight; for to look so dismayed, and with such an air of despair, is the heighth of cowardice. I hope, by the blessing of God, that we shall thresh those infidels, and that victory shall be ours, after all. Now, Gentlemen, I have told you my mind. Do take your own party, and act as you shall think best.” This speech having been listened to with attention, they all came into Mustapha-qhan’s opinion, and the party of standing by the Viceroy prevailed. Upon which the General having by a sign^\(13\) offered to pronounce a short prayer on the resolution just taken, they all stood up, and joined him. The Viceroy pleased with what he had seen, returned to his tent, and slept a hearty nap. In the morning he dispatched a particular friend of his, called Gholaam-aaly-qhan, with orders to visit the General, to examine by himself the looks of the Afghans, and to report his observations on that subject. Gholaam-aaly-qhan was a nobleman of character and distinction, who had for some time acted as Divan of the province of Azim-abad, and his son, Y8ss8f-aaly-qhan, had espoused a daughter of Ser-efraz-qhan’s, and was intimately connected with the Afghan General. This nobleman having repaired to Mustapha-qhan’s tent, spent some hours in conversation with him, and he was getting up, when a man sent by Shimshir-qhan announced “That the ensigns and standards they had asked from the Marhattas in the agreement of yesterday, would be coming to-day; and that he wished to know what he intended to do now.” The General answered, by repeating the whole transaction of last night, and he ended by these words: Whoever is the son of an Afghan will stand by the agreement of yesternight. The envoy having heard so much, returned to Aaly-verdy-qhan, to whom he reported punctually every thing he had heard, to the great satisfaction of the Viceroy, who being now easy in his mind, resolved to fight the enemy. And truly to hear such expressions at so critical a moment from a powerful and zealous friend never fails to inspire with fresh courage, and to afford an additional degree of daringness. The Viceroy then after a short consultation, resolved to cut his way through the enemy, and to effect a retreat to M8rsh8d-abad; from whence he expected that, after having dried his wings, and trimmed his feathers, he would be able to come out again and to oppose a front to the enemy. By this time the evening was come again, and the Marhattas having planted upon a tree a field-piece that had fallen in their hands in the first plunder of the Bengal camp, were incessantly showering balls throughout the enemy’s ranks, as well as throwing an infinity of rockets; so that nothing was heard throughout the army for the whole night, but cries and screams. Insomuch that Manic-chund, Divan to the Radja of Bardevan, having taken fright at such a scene of slaughter and confusion, thought proper to disappear at day-break, and to make the best of his way to his master. At that very time, and in the darkest part of the night, the Marhattas fell again upon the Bengal army, and attacked it on all sides; so that the Viceroy had hardly time to mount his elephant, and face the enemy. As the attack was so sudden, and every one had run to The Viceroy fights his way through the enemy. arms in confusion, there remained no possibility of arraying ranks, or of recovering from the disorder into which the troops had fallen, for the Marhattas had already penetrated to the very centre; and there Mir-habib, who had not been as alert as the others, was surrounded, wounded in three places, and felled to the ground, where he was taken prisoner; after which he joined the Marhattas and took service with them. In this extremity, Haïder-aaly-qhan, who managed the field-artillery in the Viceroy’s service, proved exceedingly useful, by sweeping down vast numbers of the enemy. On the other hand, Mustapha-qhan, and Shimshir-qhan, and Umer-qhan, and Serdar-qhan, and Rahem-qhan, although fighting pell-mell, were performing such feats of prowess, and killing and wounding so many of the enemies, especially of the bravest and most forward amongst them, as effectually damped their ardour, and their Commanders intimidated by so much valour, ceased to surround them on all sides, and forming themselves into one body afresh, they wheeled round and fell upon the army’s flank. This movement having afforded the Bengal troops time to take breath, they formed into a compact body, and continued their march to Catwa, fighting their way through the enemy’s ranks. But now the remainder of the baggage was gone, and no clothes, no accommodation whatever, no victuals remaining at all, two or three thousand men, mounted on famished horses, and five or six thousand musqueteers, fainting with hunger and fatigue, were in full march, fighting all the way, and all the way starving. The Marhattas were every way round them, and every way harassing them with continual attacks, and eternal skirmishes that endlessly succeeded each other. But these did not dismay the Bengal troops. Encouraged by the firmness of their General, and animated by the prowess of their Commanders, they faced about every way, and constantly repulsed the enemy; and they went on fighting and advancing, and always intimidating the enemy by the brave actions they were continually performing. But these brave troops suffered as much for want of accommodations, as for want of victuals. Luckily that there is in the high road of Bengal to Djagennat, an infinite number of reservoirs of water and artificial ponds, which the Gentoos are at much expense in digging, as they reckon such works to be of the most meritorious kind; and luckily that every one of these ponds is always surrounded by a mound whereon grows a multitude of trees. As soon as night was coming on, after every day’s march, one of these ponds served the whole army for their quarters. Every one, whether soldier or officer, sat himself down on the bare ground, and after having stuffed his bowels with a repast of tree-leaves and field-grass, every one stretched himself at length, and took some rest, without having all this while any other carpet than the bare ground, or any other covering than a rainy sky. Nor did any nobleman, or General in the army, fare much better than the common soldier; for every night the Marhattas were wonted to surround the enemy, as they did by day, but without approaching so near as to be hitted by a wall-piece; and as every tent, and every piece of baggage, and every ustencile, as well as every sort of provision, had been plundered by them, and they made it a practice every morning to send scouring parties on every side, and to burn and sackage every village at ten or twelve cosses round, the Bengal army found it impossible to procure any thing eatable; and the men commenced despairing not only of victory, but of their very existence. Jaded by daily marches and famished by daily abstinence, they could no more support themselves under their arms, and still less move with any vigour. Nor did the Generals and mighty Commanders prove to be in better circumstances themselves with all their gold, being barely able to support nature, and no more; the rest of the army crammed themselves with leaves and barks of trees, with ants, and with such other food; particulars incredible, but which have been carefully recorded by that same Y8ss8f-aaly-qhan, who has left us memoirs of his campaigns, and in particular, of that hazardous retreat. He mentions that in their three days’ march to reach Catwa, all he could do was only to procure once about three quarts of a seer of kichery,^\(14\) and that this fare was shared between seven noblemen accustomed to all the delicacies of a plentiful table. Another day they were supported by seven pieces of Sheker-para,^\(15\) a kind of confectionary. Another day the same men could procure only half a seer of carrion amongst themselves; and whilst it was broiling, several others came in for a single mouthful, which could not be refused. It was in such misery as this, that the Bengal army was advancing on its march. All the artillery, small and great, being lost, and the enemies constantly hovering about them, only at so much distance as could insure their not being hitted by a wall-piece, nothing eatable could be procured on any terms. Such a state of things threw several Commanders into a kind of frenzy; and once in particular, Mustapha-qhan, angry and shocked at their cautious backwardness, said to those about him (and it was already dark): “What a shame to the Mussulman religion, and what a disgrace to the Afghan name, that the vilest of those Decanians should surround and press you on all sides every day and every night! And that instead of advancing upon those infidels, and seeking for a prompt delivery amongst them, you should suffer yourselves to be consumed by famine and by a lingering death!” Such a speech had its effect; and those about him, being most of them men of tried valour, they answered: “That he was their Commander, and that if he would but lead them on, they would follow.” Mustapha-qhan finding them in this mood, took up his sabre and bucler; and he advanced at their head little by little, dispersing his troops in small parties, as if they had been only so many spectators. Over against them was a body of Marhattas, who far from expecting such an attack from famished wretches, were all naked, had actually laid their arms and clothes on the ground, and were preparing for their devotions and their victuals, little inclined to mind those that were drawing so near. Mustapha-qhan and his people availing themselves of this security, drew their sabres, and rushing at once upon those proud infidels, they killed so many of them, that the others fled with all their might, leaving their kettles upon the fire, victuals ready-dressed just by them, and bags full of grain and provisions. Mustapha-qhan’s people seeing now the field free, loaded themselves with as much provision as they could carry, and returned to their camp; and this having been observed by others, they took the hint, and all returned loaded with grain and victuals. So that the famished ones, that had been fasting these three days, ate their full that day, and recovered from their feebleness. This adventure, however, served to put the enemies upon their guard. Having felt the blows of Mustapha-qhan’s people, they became more cautious and did not press so close as before, but nevertheless they kept still at a distance; and it is through so much wretchedness, that the army was pressing its march to reach Catwa. In one of these marches the Bengal troops were suddenly attacked at the dawn of the day, and before the men had time to fall into their ranks, or the Viceroy to mount his elephant, the Marhattas making suddenly a vigorous attack, at once penetrated everywhere; and it being impossible to form or to join in one body, every one fought by himself just where he chanced to be; and surrounded by the enemies, every one thought only of extricating his ownself without minding how to succour his neighbour, or to come their Lord’s assistance. This Prince was himself under the same predicament, and fought alone, and surrounded. He was undone, unless a miracle was wrought instantly, and a miracle was wrought. Providence came that day to the assistance of the distressed by a memorable interposition. It was customary for two elephants loaded with standards and insignia, to march always precisely Two elephants save the Bengal army. before the Viceroy’s elephant; and their tusks were always loaded with a thick chain, with the jingling of which they seemed to amuse themselves.^\(16\) These animals seeing close to them so many strangers of an unusual appearance and smell, at once listened to the word of command given them by Providence; and skil-fully managing their chain, they dealt it around at so dreadful a rate, that every stroke of theirs carried destruction to either man or horse. The Marhattas surprised at the strangeness of the sight, and not daring to approach, ceased to press so close; they retired at some distance, and gave time to a number of people to run to their master’s assistance, and to surround his elephant. Other troops availing themselves of this moment of respite, hastened to the Viceroy’s relief, and having now formed in great numbers, they fell upon the Marhattas that surrounded other corps, and extricated them likewise; and now the army having recovered from its disorder, the troops went on with their march; and the enemy that had broke amongst them and had penetrated everywhere, was driven out again with much slaughter. It was through such scenes of misery, slaughter, and wretchedness, that the army had to advance on a road strewed with mighty dangers, and infested by endless difficulties and unforeseen perils, but still repelling the enemy, and facing about everywhere. At last by the Divine assistance they arrived at Catwa, a town and castle at two days south of M8rsh8d-abad.

As they were approaching, every one who had a beast to spare or a bag to muster, made haste to repair thither in expectation of finding, as usual, that town full of grain and all kinds of provisions, but the enemy had been beforehand with them, and had a little before fallen upon that town, and sacked and plundered it, setting fire to such grain and provisions as could not be carried away. This was the resource found in that populous town, and the half-burnt and half-parched grain feasted the eyes of those famished wretches, like a table spread with a quantity of unexpected victuals. Aaly-verdy-qhan having taken up his quarters at Catwa, wrote to Hadji Ahmed and to Nevazish-mahmed-qhan, Governors of the city, to inform them of his situation, and to request their taking care of the city and country, but above all, their sending his second nephew, Sëyd-ahmed-qhan, to join the army immediately with a supply of provisions and everything necessary. The news of this arrival filled that family with joy. At first they had entirely lost every track of Aaly-verdy-qhan, as they had received no intelligence at all from him this longwhile; so that they had given him up for lost. When therefore letters came from him, and they heard of his being so near the city, they prostrated themselves before that Supreme one who finds means to bring together the parted and distant, and to save those that seem without resource; and they returned thanks to that Providence, that had brought him back safe and in health, after so long a campaign. After which they dispatched Sëyd-ahmed-qhan with a train of artillery, and a convoy of provisions, followed by all kinds of tents and every other necessary; and he in a few days joined his uncle with a reinforcement of old troops and his convoy of provisions. This sight overjoyed every one, and these famished men on beholding plenty succeed to hunger and distress, returned thanks to the Almighty disposer of events, and reposed themselves after so many toils and dangers. And now sutlers and merchants with provisions of all kinds flocked to camp from all parts, to the great amusement of the soldiers, who after having suffered so much from famine and hunger, now crowded to see the cart-loads of grain and victuals pass by, as if it had been some unusual sight, and some uncommon spectacle capable to excite curiosity.

So glorious a retreat could not fail to raise Aaly-verdy-qhan’s character; it overjoyed the hearts of his subjects, and intimidated his enemies. The Marhatta General was alarmed. Matters were now greatly altered. The Viceroy had before him a country abound ing with everything that could be wished; and it became problematical even with the enemy, whether an army that had withstood him when struggling through so many difficulties, would not prove now an overmatch for his men? Concluding therefore, that it would be highly difficult now for him to keep his footing in Bengal, especially as the rainy season was set in, he had thoughts of returning home through the country of Birbohom. But this was opposed by Mir-habib, who by rendering continual services, and exposing continually his person, had found means to render it respectable, and to speak with authority. That man who had come a simple pedlar from Iran, his country, and was so low bred, as to be unable either to write or read, had now by dint of merit and services rendered himself considerabe; he had found means to figure as a man fertile in expedients, and a General of much resolution. His animosity against Aaly-verdy-qhan would not allow of his parting with Bengal on so easy terms; and he went so far as to tell the Marhatta General, that if money was his object, he (Mir-habib) would undertake to find a great deal of it for him, and that he requested only the disposal of some thousand Cavalry, with which force he would so far avail himself of Aaly-verdy-qhan’s lying at Catwa, as to advance suddenly to M8rsh8d-abad, which is a city without walls, and without any defence, where by plundering only Djaget-seat’s house,^\(17\) he would bring him money enough to satisfy all his wishes. This advice having been supported by a strong reasoning, Mir-habib was furnished with some thousand picked horse, and he departed immediately on his expedition. But this could not be done so secretly, as that the Viceroy should not have intelligence of it; and as he knew the circumstances of his Capital, and did not trust to the talents of either his brother or nephew for the defence of it, he determined to advance himself to its relief; and he set out directly with much expedition. But Mir-habib having already performed the journey in a single day,^\(18\) was beforehand with The Marhattas commanded by Mir-habib plunders one part of M8rsh8d-abad. him, and he had already plundered Djagat-seat’s house, from whence he carried full two Corors away, and also a quantity of other goods. Some other parts of the city were also plundered; and Mir-habib having advanced as far as his own lodgings, took away his own brother, Mir-sherif, but did not venture farther. For the Viceroy’s palace, and also the quarter where lived his nephew, who was Deputy Governor, and likewise the quarter of Ata-ollah-qhan, a general officer, were filled with too many troops to be liable to insult; and meanwhile the enemy hearing that the Viceroy was at hand, instantly departed the city. It was about the middle of the day, and in the evening, the Viceroy arrived himself, to the universal joy of his friends, of his whole Court and of all his subjects. All these events happened in the month of Sefer of the year 1155 of the Hedjra.

It is remarkable that whilst the Viceroy was advancing to the relief of his Capital, the Marhatta General, intimidated by the violence of the rainy season in Bengal, was retreating towards his own country; and he was already arrived in the Birbohom, when Mir-habib overtook him, bringing with him his two Corors, his booty, and much good advice. He reproached the General for his quitting Bengal on so earsy terms; and he even threatened to informe the Court of Nagp8r of his precipitation and backwardness should he persist in a retreat. Mir-habib spoke with a deal of warmth, but yet with so much reason, that the General convinced by his reasons, and overcome by his reproaches, retrograded at once, and in a few days encamped at Catwa, where Mir-habib who had pledged himself for the success of his expedition, undertook to procure provisions for the army. He had even the art to open a correspondence both with the Zemindars of the country, and with the inhabitants of H8gly, who after many letters and messages had passed between them and the Marhatta General, at laft made use of Mir-habib’s mediation to come to terms. The principal of those were Mir-abol-hassen and Mir-abol-cassem, two eminent merchants, who were intimates with Mahmed-yar-qhan, He gets possession of H8gly. half-brother to the Viceroy, and Governor of H8gly. These having taken care, by Mir-habib’s advice, to arrive at H8gly in the night time, when the gates of the castle were shut up, sent in a forged story as if they had some matter of importance to impart to the Governor; and the credulous man having ordered the gate to be opened, about fifteen men got in with Mir-habib at their head, and as the Governor was alone, they seized his person, and put it under confinement. The conspirators had already applied to the Marhatta General, and had obtained from him an officer of consequence, named Siss-räo, with a body of troops, that had concealed themselves close to H8gly to him they immediately sent notice of their having seized the Governor and the Marhatta officer making haste, arrived early in that city, and sat on the Mesned of command, where he received the compliments of the citizens, after having contracted a close connection with the conjured. Their example was proposed by Mir-habib to many other Moghul merchants, who all followed it; so that the city was tranquillised. But this expedition having produced much money, which arose from contributions or from the revenues of the country, or from the port duties of so celebrated a mart, the Marhatta General commenced perpending all the consequences and all the value of his sojourning in Bengal, and he resolved to make Catwa his head-quarters, from that time Mir-habib became his Prime Minister; and that transfuge who was a very active man, used to transact business sometimes at Catwa, and sometimes H8gly.

Whilst all this was passing in the southern parts of Bengal, the Viceroy, whose forces had been greatly reduced both by a campaign of twelve months and by labour, sickness and famine, concluded that as the rainy season was at hand, it would be too late to think of driving the Marhattas out of his country; and that the only party left for him was to content himself with conserving the city and its territory. He therefore came out and posted himself at some distance from it, in a suburb called Amany-gundj and Tarracp8r. But by this time the rainy weather had set in; and the river of Bhagraty ceasing to be fordable, Catwa remained on the other side, and the country on the M8rsh8d-abad side was become safe from the enemy’s incursions. But then, the same circumstance afforded them a full opportunity of extending their ravages all over the Bardevan, and the Midnip8r, pushing their contributions as far as Balisser-bender, and even this port fell in their hands. However, all this did not intimidate hither Mir-calender, the Fodjdar of Midnip8r, who founnd means The Marhattas ravage all Bengal, south of the Ganga. to secure his fort, or Mir-maasom, the Deputy-governor of the Oressa. The latter seeing the province attacked by numbers that were four times superior to his own, retired in the mountains, where he provided for hin safety, but left his country defenceless. In this manner the Oressa, the Midnip8r, the Bardevan, and part of the Radj-shahy, and even the town and district of Acbar-nagur-radj-mahal, became possessed by the enemy; and nothing remained to Aaly-verdy-qhan, but the city of M8rsh8d-abad, and the countries on the other side of the Ganga. The peaceful inhabitants of this great capital, who far from having ever seen such devastations, had uot so much as heard of any such things, and whose city had not so much as the cover of a wall, became exceedingly fearful for their properties and families; and they availed themselves of the rainy season to cross over to the countries on the other side of the Ganga, such as Djehan-ghir-nugur, Malda, and Ramp8r-bó8lia, where most of them built themselves houses, and where they passed their lives. Even the Deputy-Governor himself, Nevazish-mahmed-qhan, crossed over with his family, furniture and wealth, and lived at Godagary, which is at one day’s distance from the city, and where he laid the foundation of an habitation for himself and family. Aaly-verdy-qhan’s furniture and effects were likewise sent over; from w?? ever, the Deputy-Governor returned to the city, where ?? to live with his uncle, Aaly-verdy-qhan. This Prince ?? now to gain the heart of his troops, and to reward the ?? fidelity, made them a present of the ten lacs of r?? had promised, and by such a well timed liberality, he sowed in their hearts the seeds of love and gratitude.

It must be observed that on his arrival at M8rsh8d-abad, the Viceroy had wrote to his nephew, the Governor of Azim-abad, and also to the poor man’s grand-uncle, Abdol-aaly-qhan, who was a cousin-german of Aaly-verdy-qhan’s, to represent the state of things, and the necessity of their coming to his assistance with whatever forces and artillery they could muster, adding: that the safety of them all depended on his being enabled to repell the invaders. In the margin of the letter directed to Abdol-aaly-qhan, he wrote with his own hand these words: If you take any concern in your old uncle’s welfare, this is the time to shew it. The young Governor was confounded and displeased at the command of repairing to Bengal, as he had spent a deal of time and all his money in his expedition against the Bodjp8r country, had compassed his end, driven the Zemindars away, taken possession of their home; and he was going to reap by proper arrangements all the benefits of so much toil and labour. Just at this time came the order from Bengal. He was now obliged to leave all that work, unfinished, and to return to his capital, not a little embarrssed how to satisfy his troops for the arrears, and how to provide necessaries for the intended campaign. After a few days’ repose, he quitted the city in his expedition to Bengal, and encamped in the eastern suburb at Djaafer-qhan’s garden. There he sent for the poor man’s father, Hedaïet-aaly-qhan the valiant, and for some other friends; and he held consultations with them about the means of getting rid of the army’s arrears, and of providing for his future expedition. But nothing could be concluded on that subject for want of money. Such a state of things having put the Governor upon looking out for expedients, he once took Hedaïet-aaly-qhan into a closet, and there he represented to him that it was incumbent upon him (the Governor) “to repair by all means to the assistance of an uncle who was the author of the fortune of his family; that his character depended on his making haste to Bengal; but that he was at a loss how to satisfy the army for their arrears, and uneasy at his being obliged to leave behind a country lately conquered, and after all unsettled; he was also embarrassed on the dispositions necessary after his departure, and was at a loss on whom to entrust the important task of governing the country in his absence, of collecting the revenues, and of keeping the inhabitants quiet.” He added: “I reckon upon your wisdom and abilities. Should you be able to open some expedient, and to extricate me out of my difficulties, you would lay me under the greatest obligations; as unless I satisfy the troops, they will neither follow me on my expedition, nor let me depart the cit; and on the other hand, you know that my honour, as a soldier, and my character, as a dutiful nephew, depend, in the eyes of the world, and in the eyes of my relations and kinsmen, on my repairing in all haste and with a proper number of troops and necessaries, to the assistance of a man, who is at once my master, my superior in command, and moreover the founder and author of the welfare of our whole family and race. Hedáiet-aaly-qhan answered: That he reckoned himself to be one of the men most attached to his family and person; and that he would be ready to execute to the best of his abilities, such commands as he would lay upon him, as he felt the importance of the occasion, and would pride himself in his being able to lighten in that crisis, such part of his burthen, as would be allotted to him.” The Governor pleased with this glimpse of hope answered: “That at present there were but two articles that galled him exceedingly. The first was the discharging such arrears as were due to the troops; a piece of justice, without which they would not suffer him to depart, and without which nothing could go forward. The second was the propriety of his leaving the Government in such able, trusty hands, as would put it in his power to appear before the Viceroy, his uncle, with such a number of troops and such a quantity of artillery, as would prove adequate to his station and rank; in one word, with such a force as might ensure the exertions expected from him, as a soldier, a General, and a worthy nephew of such an uncle.” Such an unexpected proposal being liable to many difficulties, Hedáiet-aaly-qhan answered: “That he (the Governor) could not be ignorant how circumscribed were his means, and how unadequate were his finances to the business of discharging the arrears due to the troops. That nevertheless, being zealously attached to his person, he was ready to go all lengths to serve him; but that however the utmost could do, would be to refer one part of those arrears to the principal receivers of the finances, and to borrow the other upon his own private credit from bankers and money-lenders; taking upon his own account the balance that would still remain due, and undertaking to come to an agreement on that subject with the army agents, to whom he would pay it at such times as might be agreed between them.” He added, “That as to the tranquillity of the country, and the peaceable behaviour of the inhabitants, he would take that article totally upon himself, and would answer for anyone’s presuming to excite troubles, or turning refractory.” Such a speech could not but please the Governor. It tranquillised his mind, and he answered by returning his acknowledgments, and by assuring him that “this was what had always been uppermost in his thoughts: to satisfy the soldier, and to keep the country quiet; and that now, that such a point was secured, he felt himself perfectly at ease, and as he was thoroughly convinced that none but himself could discharge that important trust with honour, so he would not cast his eyes upon any other for bestowing it, being sensible that no one but himself could render an important service in a delicate conjuncture.” Hedáiet-aali-qhan having answered according to the propriety of the case, and the dignity of the two speakers, went home; and sending for his younger brother, Mehdi-nessar-qhan, Paymaster-General of the forces, and for the several Commanders with all the army-agents, he took upon himself the payment of their arrears; but obtained their promises that they would stand by their Governor in these times of difficulty, and would follow him in his expedition to Bengal. After this, he engaged them to leave their agents with him, that they might receive their respective balances, and furnish their respective receipts. This difficult business having been brought to an end, and the Governor being now easy in his mind, he made choice of a fortunate day, and set out for Bengal with five thousand cavalry, and about six or seven thousand infantry; carrying with him all his friends and favorites, and leaving the government of the province to Hedáiet-aaly-qhan, to whom he gave the investiture of that office in a rich Qhylaat. He took with him my paternal uncle, Mehdi-nessar-qhan, and also my maternal grand-uncle, Abdol-aaly-qhan, who having stretched every nerve to satisfy out of his private fortune all the men in his brigade, had engaged them by that effort to follow him to Bengal. It will not prove disagreeable to the reader to be told that a little before his departure, this nobleman had received another letter from Aaly-verdy-qhan, his kinsman, which contained the same invitation as the former, but where that Viceroy had wrote with his own hand in the margin this verse of the poet:

And here he had stopped short, without adding the second verse which would have closed the distich; but when the two noblemen arrived at M8rsh8d-abad with such numerous troops, and they went to pay their respects to their uncle, the latter on embracing Abdol-aaly-qhan, closed the distich, and added:

Notwithstanding such a reinforcement, the Viceroy thought it prudent to assemble more forces; and he made additions to the several corps commanded by his Generals, taking care, however, to proportion the new levies to their respective merits. Mustapha-qhan’s brigade, which was of five thousand men, was carried to eight thousand; his military degree was raised to five thousand horse, and his name received the epithet or title of the Tiger in battle;^\(18\) and to that distinction was added a fringed Paleki and a kettle-drum. The title of Bahadyr or valiant was also conferred on Fakyr-ollah-beg-qhan and on N8rollah-beg-qhan, as well as on Mir-djaafer-qhan, who was allied to the Viceroy, and on Háider-aaly-qhan, who was brother to Husséin-c8ly-qhan; and to this distinction, was added the more substantial one of an augmentation on the numbers of their respective brigades. This latter favour, together with a higher pay, and several marks of honour and distinction, was likewise bestowed on Bahadyr-aaly-qhan, who commanded the artillery; and on Omer-qhan, Shimshir-qhan, and Serdar-qhan, who were Afghan officers. To these precautions was added that of repairing thoroughly the artillery both light and heavy, and of making some augmentations in it; and at the same time, some war-elephants were trained to march close to the Viceroy’s elephant and on his front. In short, no preparative that could be thought of having been omitted, Aaly-verdy-qhan waited with impatience the end of the rainy season.

It was in this critical conjuncture that a mobleman from the Imperial Court announced his arrival in Bengal. It was M8rid-qhan, who came on purpose for enforcing payment of the revenue of that country, which of late had proved much arreared. The Viceroy who had objections both to his errand, and to his entrance into Bengal, requested his stopping at Azim-abad, where he was to wait until the Marhatta invasion could be brought to a conclusion. Meanwhile, he wrote to the Emperor (and this was Mahmed-shah), “That at present his faithful servant had it not in his power to forward, as usual, the Imperial revenue, being totally disabled by the Marhatta’s invasion; which also had obliged him to dismiss the Valiant M8rid-qhan, from M8rsh8d-abad (a city now become the theatre of war), and to desire him to tranquillise himself at Azim-abad, until an end was put to the Marhatta ravages; but that with God’s blessing, he hoped that, under the fortunate auspices of His Majesty, he would give a good account of those freebooters, especially if at such a critical time as this, it should be his Imperial pleasure to send some nobleman of the presence, or any other General to assist his own efforts; as it was feared that should any accident happen to him in this warfare, the enemy would not fail to possess himself of the country, and to occasion thereby a heavy loss to the Imperial treasury and wardrobe, which both were chiefly supplied from the revenue and manufactures of Bengal. So that to assist his faithful servant, and to pay a proper attention to the state of things, were considerations highly important, and highly deserving the care of the Imperial mind; being in their nature such as would prove highly conducive to the welfare of the whole Empire.” The petition having been perused by the Emperor, and the truth of what it contained, ascertained beyond dispute, Mahmed-shah became apprehensive of the consequences; and he not only held consultations with his Ministers, but he also asked Emir-qhan’s advice, although that nobleman was now far off at his Government of Ilah-abad. Such being the opinion entertained of his attachment and abilities, that the Emperor wrote him a letter with his own hand. Emir-qhan, in his answer, agreed with all the Ministers on the propriety and necessity of succouring Aaly-verdy-qhan, whose merits were unquestionable. The Emperor, therefore, wrote a letter in his own hand to Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, son-in-law and successor to Saadet-qhan in the province of A8d. That General commanded in a The Emperor sends Ab8l-mans8r-qhan
and Baladji-räo to snccour Bengal. country contiguous to those governed by the Viceroy of Bengal; and he was known to be master of a good army and a good artillery. The Emperor commanded his marching immediately to Aaly-verdy-qhan’s assistance; and he wrote also to Emir-qhan, to urge Ab8l-mans8r-qhan’s departure, and to afford him every assistance in his power. He also wrote to Baladji-räo, who was Commander-in-Chief of all the Marhatta forces, and he laid his commands upon him to this purport: “That as great sums accrued to his benefit from the payments made him by the Imperial treasury on account of the Chöut, and those payments were likely to suffer greatly from the ravages made in Bengal by the insolent freebooters, sent thither by Rago-dji-bhoslah, under the command of Bha-suker-pandet; it was proper he should repair thither to inflict such a chastisement on those plunderers as might deter them from ever renewing their insolencies again.”

Whilst the Emperor was writing to the Viceroy, and exorting the Marhatta General, Aaly-verdy-qhan was assembling a numerous army with a great train of artillery; and having invoked the assistance of the Omnipotent succourer, he quitted the city, accompanied by his two sons-in-law, by his kinsman, Abdol-aaly-qhan, and by a great number of persons of distinction, attached to his person. Nevazish-mahmed-qhan, his elder nephew, was left in the city with his brigade and a sufficient number of troops for the protection of that Capital, in which he was appointed Deputy Governor. So that the Viceroy quitted the suburbs on the decline of the rainy season, indeed, but whilst the ground was yet miry and intersected by an infinity of waters; such being his eagerness to fight Bha-sukur, and his settled resolution to drive those ravagers out of Bengal. In a few days’ march he arrived at the wished for spot which was over against Catwa, from which he was parted only by the Bagrawty, the river that flows at M8rsh8d-abad. For eight days together, the two armies cannonaded each other across the river, Bha-sukur being encamped on the other side; but he had also troops on this side the river which fronted Aaly-verdy-qhan. The main of his army was on the other side with the Bagrawty on his flank, and the lesser river of Adji on his front; and so well was he served by Mir-habib, that he had also a sloop anchored on the middle of the river, the artillery of which played on the flank of the Bengal army, and proved a great bar to their crossing the river. So that Aaly-verdy-qhan ordered his troops to cross over in a dark night upon a bridge of boats; after which they were to cross the Adji also, upon another such a bridge, and then to fall immediately on the Marhatta camp. As the country extending from the Adji on both sides of the Bagrawty was free from Marhattas, the Viceroy found means to form a bridge with large boats, and to carry his whole army over with a great deal of ease and in one night; after which the boats of the middle of the bridge being let down the stream, by one and two at a time, were ranged at the mouth of the Adji. It happened that the Marhattas were fast asleep, (and so was their fortune) and that no body did hail the boats, or if any did, the boatmen would give them an answer, and then would continue to slide down. By such a manœuvre a number of boats were assembled in the Adji, where they served to make a bridge over it, and it was completed a little before day-break at about half a cosse above the Marhatta camp; nor did the Marhattas get any intelligence of this double manœuvre, or even suspect anything of either, and therefore they made no kind of opposition. The second bridge then being finished, Aaly-verdy-qhan ordered his best Commanders with their brigades to pass on foot and in silence. These were Mutapha-qhan, and Shimshir-qhan, and Umer-qhan, and Rehem-qhan, and Djaafer-qhan. He was himself at the head of the bridge, and recommended to them to cross over briskly, and to fall at once upon the enemy, without giving them time to recover from their surprise, assuring them at the same time that, whilst they should be engaged, himself with the main of the army would cross the river, and support them betimes, without giving the enemy time to form and to remedy the disorder. The scheme was well laid; and the bravest and most forward of the army, resolved to gain honour, were A bridge breaks and occasions a great loss of men to the Viceroy. already passing over the bridge, when by an unforeseen accident, one or two of the boats in the middle of the bridge gave way, and sunk. The night being dark and those on the bridge making haste to advance, whilst those behind were heedlessly pushing forwards, vast numbers of men fell in the water, and were swallowed up in the eddies of an unexpected death. It is credibly reported that fifteen hundred brave men lost their lives by that accident, and some say much more. It was after losing such a number of men, that the breach at the bridge became known, and people stopped short where they were, in expectation of seeing it repaired. But Aaly-verdy-qhan was so well served, that the breach was made up instantly by other boats; and the foremost and bravest passed on eagerly. The day was going to dawn, and hardly two or three thousand men had passed, when these having consulted together, concluded that if they gave time to the enemy to take a view of their numbers, the affair might take a bad turn; but that if they should fall to immediately, everything might be expected from the surprise. The valorous chiefs, after a short consultation, took to their sabres and bucklers; and making a short prayer, they pushed on at full speed, and in an instant broke through the enemy’s encampment. Cries arose immediately that Aaly-verdy-qhan was arrived, and that mighty army of Marhattas, without further inquiry and without further intelligence, mounted immediately and fled on all sides; whilst the braves that pursued them, with sabres as destructive and as sudden as lightning, were slaughtering them by shoals, and strewing the ground with their dead. Aaly-verdy-qhan having crossed the river in his boats of pleasure, sent them back to ferry the people over; and in a little time elephants and cannon, and heavy artillery, and numbers of troops were already on this side, and eager to engage the enemies. Their General having ranged them in order, departed immediately, overtook his vanguard, and continued the pursuit, making a great slaughter of the enemies. The Marhattas with all their boasts and all their power, having just taken up what any one could carry upon his horse, left the remainder where it was, and continued flying incessantly, without ever looking behind, or taking notice of the small number and disorder of their enemies. After having run over a deal of ground and distanced their pursuers, some of them took time to breathe, The Marhattas severely handled. and on looking behind, they observed the small number of their pursuers; upon which they turned about and skirmished in advancing about one mile; when having discovered that Aaly-verdy-qhan was in full march with his whole army and artillery, ready to chastise them, they made no stand, but turned about and continued their flight.

Aaly-verdy-qhan was the more inclined to ascribe this victory to the particular care of Providence, as the accident happened to those unfortunate men at the bridge, might have been of the utmost consequence, his vanguard being composed wholly of their friends and relations. He therefore gave his troops some rest, and for that day encamped in the Marhatta camp. The dead bodies were fished up, disengaged from their arms and clothes, and washed and purified, according to law, and committed to the earth. It was observed that they had a bluish appearance. Doubtless it was because the weather was so very hot, it being the end of the rains; and because the unfortunate people being straightened by their arms and clothes, had undergone a kind of strangulation and choking. This remarkable victory was obtained in the month of Shaaban of the year 1155 of the Hedjrah; and Bha-sukur sensible that he had done as much as could be done, took to the valleys of the Pachaet country; his troops in the utmost fear and confusion, evacuating the districts of H8gly, Bardevan and Midnip8r, and all the other countries, which they had taken possession of. They were flying everywhere, and everywhere pursued by Aaly-verdy-qhan, who intent on their destruction, did not take a day’s rest. Bha-sukur intimidated by the enemy’s eagerness, struck into a tract full of brambles and thorny broken grounds, where the pursuers and the pursued were hardly differenced by a distance of six or seven cosses. In a few days they both arrived in a woody tract full of snakes and large red ants, but so incredibly beset with tall trees and underwood, that in no part of the forest could two horsemen pass abreast. Insomuch that it became impossible for the officers to know where their own men were. So far from being able to hear of the enemy, Bha-sukur unable to open his way to his own frontiers, through such a difficult country, and at a loss how to manage with such an enemy at his heels, found himself obliged to leave the management of the march to Mir-habib; and that able General found means to bring him back to the woods of Bishenp8r, from whence he proceeded through the plain of Chendracona, and at last emerged about Midnip8r. From thence he sent troops to oppose Sheh-maas8m, in Oressa, a Commander who encamped at Hariarp8r with a handful of men. The Marhattas informed of the feebleness of his force, fell upon him, after having several times offered him terms, which he has often refused; so that the brave officer listening only to his sense of honour and fidelity, came out of his lines with his handful of men, and after a furious engagement which cost much blood, he fell like a brave man, selling his life to the highest bidder.

Meanwhile Aaly-verdy-qhan informed that the Marhattas having given him the slip, had shown themselves in the Midnip8r, marched back from that difficult country; and having crossed the whole Bardevan, he advanced with a resolution to attack them. So much expedition and perseverance could not but add to the fears of the Marhatta General, who far from being recovered from his panic of Catwa, fled again from Midnip8r, and then to Balisser-bender (Balassor), all this while without being able to get rid of his pursuers, as the Viceroy was continuing the pursuit without giving himself any rest. The Marhattas tired with so much obstinacy, faced about and resolved to try his chance again. The action was warm, and cost the lives of a number of brave men on both sides; but still with a greater loss on the side of Bha-sukur, who finding that his difficulties increased upon him, fled again, and was still pursued by the bravest and best mounted of the Bengal army; whilst the Viceroy followed with the main and an artillery of such large cannon, as would have shaken the globe. Matters came to such a pass that the Marhattas often cut down, and then endlessly pursued, and often experiencing the heavy blows of the enemies, at last lost courage, and could not be brought to face about, or to stand their ground for half an hour; and their General eternally pursued, fled again, until he reached the last boundaries of Oressa, and even through the frontiers of Decan; so that the Viceroy continued the pursuit as far as the Chilca Lake, where finding no enemy before him, and even no traces of their laggers, he returned crowned with glory to Catec, where hearing how bravely and faithfully he had been served by Sheh-Maas8m, he sent for his family, condoled with it, and took care of its well-being. The post of that brave man was given to Abdol-nebi-qhan, uncle to Mustapha-qhan, on whose recommendation his military degree was raised up to three thousand horse, to which distinction was added an augmentation in the effective men of his regiment, a kettle-drum, a fringed Paleky, and the title of Bahadyr or Valiant. A number of other troops were commanded to attend him, and he received strict orders to keep a watchful eye over the enemy’s motions. This officer, on his nephew’s invitation, had quitted Samana, the place of his nativity and that of his ancestors; and with a choice body of men, composed entirely of his own nation, and officered by his own family, he had joined the army a little after the battle of Bardevan, where he had offered his services to the Viceroy. His brigade, which was of no less than five thousand men, was ordered to remain with him; and to this was added a body of musqueteers, and as much artillery and necessaries as the time and place seemed to require. But as the man, being a rough soldier, understood very little of administration, the son of the first Minister, Djankiram, was ordered to attend to that business under the title of his Pishcar or agent. This was Radja D8l8bram.

It was after those arrangements had already been taken, that news came of Ab8l-mans8r-qhan’s arrival at Azim-abad, and also of some disobliging actions of his, which rendered it necessary to find a remedy, unless he came to some concessions. Such an intelligence having hastened the Viceroy’s departure from Catec, he recommended the country and inhabitants to the care of the new Governor, hung at his ear two pendants of wholesome advice, and set out on his return to M8rsh8d-abad, carrying with him his two sons-in-law, his friends, and the rest of his troops. He traversed the Midnip8r and Bardevan; and it was in this last place he received intelligence that Ab8l-mans8r-qhan had returned to his own country. This was at the very time when Aaly-verdy-qhan was taking measures to drive him away. The singular behaviour of that pretended succourer had made such an impression on his mind, that some days before, he had put this question to Mustapha-qhan: “General,” said he, “you hear that the Viceroy of A8d acts very much like an enemy. He disposes of everything in my country, with as little ceremony as if he were at home. Should it become necessary to make him change his manners, how are we to manage? For the Marhattas find me work enough.” The General, without hesitation, answered, that he did not see there any matter that should require much deliberation; let your Highness tear this man to pieces, added he, and let me scamper after the other; and rest assured that a good account shall be given of him. Whilst the Viceroy was musing on this answer, news came that Baladji-räo, the Marhatta Generalissimo, having set out by the Emperor’s order for succouring Bengal, was arrived at a few days from M8rsh8d-abad; so that the Viceroy hastened his march, sensible that he would hardly have landed in his palace, before he should have been obliged to leave it again.

By this time the news of the victories over the Marhattas had reached the Imperial Court, and the Emperor, perfectly satisfied with the Viceroy’s conduct, wrote him with his own hand a letter full of encomiums, bestowed on him the title of Hessam-el-mulk, or Sword of the Kingdom, and added to that favour that of a rich Sabre and Poniard, with a Serpich or circlet, and Djica or Aigrette, and a chaplet of large pearl; and not content with those honours, he sent him a whole dress of his own wearing. He at the same time complied with the petition he had sent up, and conferred new titles and new honours on the principal persons of his family. Nevazish-mahmed-qhan, who enjoyed already the title of the Valorous in Wars, was decorated with that of the Respectable of the Empire; Säyd-ahmed-qhan, already the Impetuous in Battles, was proclaimed the Important of the Empire, and Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, already the Imposing in Battles, became the Honour of the State. At the same time the epithet of the Honoured of the Empire was bestowed on Ata-ollah-qhan, and those of Qhan or Lord, and Bahadyr or Valiant, on Mustapha-qhan, who also received the patents of a command of three thousand horse.

But as we have only been hinting at the extreme impropriety of Ab8l-mans8r-qhan’s conduct at Azim-abad, it becomes our duty to explain that subject more fully. His arrival at that city happened about the beginning of Shevval, 1155, and his departure about the end of the next month, precisely about the time when Aaly-verdy-qhan finding no enemies to contend with, gave the pursuit over at the lake of Chilca, and returned victorious to Catec, where he received those letters from Azim-abad that excited his indignation. But he was already in the neighbourhood of M8rsh8d-abad, when there appeared on the opposite neighbourhood of that city, two Marhatta armies, full as dangerous the one as the other, although Rago-dji-bhosslah, who commanded the one was come to ravage Bengal, and the Generalissimo Baladji-räo, who was at the head of the other, had orders to protect and succour that country. This was in the year 1156. It was at such a conjuncture, that those whom the prosperity of our family had rendered jealous found means to throw a very invidious light on the nature of the connection between my honoured father and Ab8l-mans8r-qhan. So slight an acquaintance, which had been forced upon him by the necessity of the times, was converted into a crime within Aaly-verdy-qhan’s hearing, and especially in the presence of his nephew, who was Governor-General of Bahar. Such an imputation drew consequences after it, which did not fail to put an end to the intimacy that had hitherto subsisted between those illustrious persons, and to turn sentiments of love and attachment into mutual disgust and heart burnings. This misunderstanding happened in the following manner: As soon as the rainy season was over, and the miry roads were already drying up, Ab8l-mans8r-qhan set out of A8d, his capital, and advanced towards Azim-abad. He was at the head of a very respectable force, consisting of about ten thousand Hindostanies, all stout men, well mounted, and well accoutred; and seven thousand Moghuls, all well armed, and all mounted on horses of their own country. These were mostly deserters from the army of Nadyr shah; all old soldiers, accustomed to long marches and frequent successes. He had besides a numerous artillery well served; and it was followed by a camp amply furnished with everything that could be desired.^\(19\) On his setting out he wrote in these terms to Emir-qhan, Viceroy of Ilah-abad, who was his friend and patron: “Your respectful friend on His Majesty’s special command, backed by your own advice and request, is going to succour the Viceroy of Bengal, who is hard pressed by the Marhattas. But as such an expedition shall to all appearance be liable to a variety of difficulties and obstacles; and on the other hand, it is well known that my own Government is a continual scene of insurrections and troubles, and full of Zemindars, accustomed to insubordination and independence, whose refractory necks, of course, require continually a curbing hand; my situation at the very setting out becomes perilous. I can neither leave my consort and family amongst them, nor carry them decently along with me; nor do I possess, or see about me, any such place of shelter where I might leave them with safety. Your humble servant supplicates, therefore, that you vouchsafe him the fortress of Chennar; after which favour your respectful suitor having his heart set at ease about these two delicate articles, shall proceed with peace of mind on his expedition.” Emir-qhan on perusing that letter, complied with the request, and sending Ab8l-mans8r-qhan the patent of Governor of Chennar, he ordered his own Governor to evacuate the place, and to deliver it to him. Ab8l-mans8r-qhan furnished with such credentials, threw a bridge of boats on the Ganga, at Banares; and having crossed over, he went with his whole family to see and admire the fortress of Chennar;^\(20\) after which he placed in it a garrison and a Governor of his own, and continued his route to Azim-abad, together with his consort and family, his design being to send them back immediately to Chennar, should there be a necessity of fighting the enemy at Azim-abad. He marched with Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, marches to succour the Viceroy of Bengal. a pomp equally warlike and imposing. The poorman’s father, Sëid Hedáiet-aaly-qhan, Bahadyr, was at that time Deputy Governor of the province of Azim-abad, where he soon received from his master, Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, a letter in these terms: “Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, the Impetuous in Wars, is commanded by the Imperial Court to come to the assistance of His Sublime Highness, the Formidable in Battles, who is the Intrepid of the State, and the Sword of the Empire. Whenever that General shall have come near the city, you are to go out to meet him, and to do everything which you shall deem proper for receiving, entertaining, welcoming, and obliging him; and let there not happen anything that may give him displeasure.”

As Ab8l-mans8r-qhan was approaching, a panic seized all the inhabitants of Azim-abad, who dreaded the character which those deserters from Nadyr-shah’s army bore all over those parts for their insubordination and their ferocity. This character of theirs was so well known, that the citizens were as consterned, as if they had been called up for the last judgment. They had heard of the cruelties exercised at the general massacre of Shah-djehan-abad, and knew that their Deputy Governor, although furnished with a body of troops suitable to his office and station, was by no means equal to a contest with so formidable a guest, who was followed by an unbridled soldiery, of whose fury and resoluteness they had conceived the highest opinion. Nor was the Deputy-Governor himself without his apprehensions on that account, as he had not the least connection with that General; and the necessity of providing for his own honour, dictated the propriety of seeking out some mediator. Luckily for him, he now recollected that M8rid-qhan, the nobleman sent from Court, and relegated by Aaly-verdy-qhan at Azim-abad, was a Sëyd of the race of the Tebatebas, as well as my honoured father himself; and as this circumstance had soon produced an acquaintance which had occasioned much intercourse, and then a strict intimacy, he was thought by my father the fittest person for the office of introductor and mediator with Ab8l-mans8r-qhan: for he was himself a Lord of the presence, and had been at Delhi a great friend of Ab8l-mans8r-qhan’s. To M8rid-qhan, therefore, he disclosed his apprehensions in a distant indirect manner; and this nobleman having quieted his mind on that head, took upon himself the task of introducing him to that General. With that view he quitted the city, and went to meet that new comer, from whose camp he in a few days wrote to my father to inform him “that he might come by all means, without any fear and without giving himself the least uneasines on what he had so much apprehended.” This letter was accompanied by one from the General himself, which was conceived in terms full of kindness and expressed a desire to see him. The Deputy Governor, encourged by these letters, advanced as far as Monir, where he paid his respects to the General as he was passing, by whom he was received and spoke to with much kindness and affability; after which he came with his retinue to Azim-abad, where one of Ab8l-mans8r-qhan’s first order was, to clear the castle of every thing and person belonging to the Governor-General, Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan. He had already sent a guard of MoghuIs to take possession of the gates; so that it became impossible to bring anything out of the Governor’s lodgings. However, when night came on, my father sent me with a number of trusty men, who found means to bring together in one place the furniture and things belonging to his master; from whence they were carried with silence and precaution out of the castle to a house that had been appropriated to that service, but from whence it became necessary to carry them farther again into a house close to our own lodgings, where they remained safe. The next day Ab8l-mans8r-qhan made a pompous entry into Azim-abad; and without stopping anywhere, he repaired to the castle, where he placed a number of his own men, after having taken a slight survey of it; from thence he went to perform his devotions at the mausoleum of his maternal-uncle, (monument that goes by the name of Saadet-qhan’s father) and after having religiously visited the place, and pronounced a short prayer, he returned to his camp, which had been pitched at Baky-poor. Thither he was followed by every one of the Crown-officers, by the heads of office, by all the Mansubdars, and Zemindars, and Djaghirdars, and by all the men of distinction in Overbearing behaviour of Ab8l-mans8r-qhan’s. the city, who made it a point to figure amongst the foremost of those that presented him their Nuzurs and respects. But as he was exceedingly proud, and assuming, he barely received their homages, without paying any more attention to the highest than he did to the lowest of them: a disdainful behaviour that made every one of the visitors return home very much dissatisfied with the success of this visit; nor did he use the Governor-General less cavalierly. There were then at Azim-abad some war-elephants, perfectly well trained, which the Governor-General had left there as a resource against the Marhattas; but Ab8l-mans8r-qhan no sooner heard of them, than he sent for my honoured father, and desired his making those animals over to him on what price he chose to fix upon them. Hedáiet-aaly-qhan answered in these very words: “My Lord, neither my master is a merchant, nor is your servant his shopkeeper. You are a mighty Lord and Commander, and so is my Lord and Commander; moreover there intervenes between you and him so much intercourse and union, that it would be injurious to think that two such illustrious personages can become strangers to each other. Of course whatever belongs to him, belongs also to his friend; your Excellency, therefore, may take whatever you please; but I, as his servant, cannot give any thing, without an express order from him.” To this speech no regard was paid; and Ab8l-mans8r-qhan having cast the eye of covetousness upon so small an object, as threé or four elephants and three or four pieces of cannon, sent for them by his own people, and kept them in his camp. Such proceedings having been reported at M8rsh8d-abad, displeased Aaly-verdy-qhan so much, that he wrote him a letter in a proper style, where he desired him to forbear coming to M8rsh8d-abad, as it would be better for him to return to his own Government. He also sent ap a petition to the Emperor purporting, “that he did not stand in need of such assisters, as by God’s blessing, and under His Majesty’s auspices, his servant would shew what he could perform; and that as no cordiality could ever take place between such a succourer and himself, his faithful subject, he hoped that Ab8l-mans8r-qhan would be ordered back to his own Government.” The Emperor, informed of the matter, wrote to Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, commanding his returning to his post; and in giving the letter to that General’s agent, he intimated his pleasure that his master should depart immediately on the receipt of it. But before this order could arrive from the capital, Ab8l-mans8r-qhan was already informed of its contents, as well as of the effect which Aaly-verdy-qhan’s representation had made on the Emperor’s mind. He had likewise received intelligence by the same channel that Baladji-räo was by the Emperor’s own command putting himself in motion, and that he would soon be expected at Azim-abad in his march to Bengal, where he was directed to succour Aaly-verdy-qhan. Now as there subsisted much enmity between that General and Baladji-räo on account of the bloody defeat given to Baladji-räo’s father by Saadet-qhan, and of the many Marhatta Commanders which had fallen in the victor’s hands, and were still kept confined by his son-in law, Ab8l-mans8r-qhan; the latter who suspected every one of Baladji-räos motions, thought it best to be arrived betimes at A8d, his own capital. Quitting, therefore, Azim-abad without loss of time, he advanced to Monir, where he crossed the Ganga on a bridge of boats, which he threw on that river; from whence he by long marches proceeded to his own country; and it was from Monir he dismissed the Deputy Governor, who out of respect had accompanied him so far.

This visit of his to Ab8l-mans8r-qhan, although dictated by The author’s father is misrepresented. necessity, was represented by envy and detraction in a very bad light. It was varnished likewise with an imputation of such sinister purposes, as had never so much as entered into that wothy man’s mind; and as on the other hand both Aaly-verdy-qhan and his nephew had already suspicions against M8rid-qhan’s journey and errand, and they were much displeased at some vile actions and some very improper behaviour of Ab8l-mans8r-qhan’s; the accusations against the Deputy sunk the deeper in their minds as being seemingly founded on facts uncontroverted. Both therefore were incensed against him, and the young Governor-General more than any other; but this, however, he kept concealed in his mind, reserving it for a proper opportunity, which he hoped would arise whenever his uncle should have defeated and expelled the Marhattas; at which time he would be freed from the necessity of foreign assistance. However, notwithstanding so much dissimulation he at once substituted Räy-Chintamundass, his Divan, to Hedáiet-aaly-qhan in the office of Nàib or Deputy Governor of Azim-abad; but this Minister falling sick after his arrival at that city, where he died after a short illness, the city remained for some time without ruler or a man in power. It was at this critical moment that news came of Baladji-räo’s approach with no less than forty of fifty thousand horse. And what added to the terror of the inhabitants was, that by this time it became known that all along his passage he had exacted contributions; and that whoever had paid with a good grace, had had his person, lands, and country, spared; but that whoever had pretended to stand upon his defence, had not failed of having his person plundered, his country ruined, and his tenants put to the sword.^\(21\) Such was the fate which availed a nobleman called Ahmed-qhan, who was grandson to Dà8d-qhan, Coreishy, and held in fief the two districts of Incha and Gow in the province of Azim-abad, where he lived in Dà8d-nugur, a town which had been founded and peopled by his grandfather. This man thinking that the Marhatta General, intent on going to Aaly-verdy-qhan’s assistance, would not lose any time in forming sieges, took shelter in Ghò8ss-gur, a fort which he had built and fortified himself, close to Dà8d-nugur, and where he retired with his family, troops, and all the merchants and moneyed men of the country, resolved to stand upon his defence, and to pay no contributionBaladji-räo, informed of this, sent troops to chastise the man, and to destroy his fort. The troops advancing first against Dà8d-nugur, sacked and burned it to the ground; and then made use of the bricks and other materials to fill up the ditch of the Fort of Ghò8ss-gur, which was close to it, and which they besieged immediately. This fight having put an end to Ahmed-qhan’s pride, and also to his presence of mind, he made his escape through one of the gates; and now convinced of his impotence, he availed himself of the mediation of some merchants within the fort, to make his peace with the Marhattas, and to ransom his life for fifty thousand rupees.